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"content": "\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IS5Yankf1GY&feature=youtu.be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was a simple one: Create a summer camp where \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/06/09/day-camp-for-transgender-youth-allows-kids-to-be-themselves/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">transgender kids can go to feel safe\u003c/a>, welcome and empowered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://rainbowdaycamp.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bay Area Rainbow Day Camp\u003c/a> has now wrapped up its third summer. The camp was the brainchild of Sandra Collins, who got the idea after her daughter, Scarlett, had a run-in at her previous camp. Scarlett's friend, in anger, had revealed to other kids that Scarlett had been born a biological boy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Rainbow Camp, run out of a school in El Cerrito, is a place \"where gender-diverse youth can come together, have fun, and feel a sense of gender-identity pride and resilience, and feel safe and belonging in a community,\" Collins says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be in this space where there are lots and lots of [transgender] kids is actually really unique,” says Sara Kaplan, whose son, James, attended the camp this summer. \"Because most of the time they’re in experiences where they’re the only child who is transgender.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James says being surrounded by other transgender kids has definitely been a positive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very amazing to be with people that are also transgender,” James says. “The camp has helped me in life experience and being less shy about who I am.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watch the video, above.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/IS5Yankf1GY'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/IS5Yankf1GY'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The idea was a simple one: Create a summer camp where \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/06/09/day-camp-for-transgender-youth-allows-kids-to-be-themselves/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">transgender kids can go to feel safe\u003c/a>, welcome and empowered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://rainbowdaycamp.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bay Area Rainbow Day Camp\u003c/a> has now wrapped up its third summer. The camp was the brainchild of Sandra Collins, who got the idea after her daughter, Scarlett, had a run-in at her previous camp. Scarlett's friend, in anger, had revealed to other kids that Scarlett had been born a biological boy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Rainbow Camp, run out of a school in El Cerrito, is a place \"where gender-diverse youth can come together, have fun, and feel a sense of gender-identity pride and resilience, and feel safe and belonging in a community,\" Collins says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be in this space where there are lots and lots of [transgender] kids is actually really unique,” says Sara Kaplan, whose son, James, attended the camp this summer. \"Because most of the time they’re in experiences where they’re the only child who is transgender.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Shortly after President Trump posted a link for tickets to a rally in Phoenix, the city’s mayor issued a statement asking the president not to come, saying, “our nation is still healing from the tragic events in Charlottesville.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Greg Stanton \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MayorStanton/status/897963549514911744\">continued\u003c/a>, “If President Trump is coming to Phoenix to announce a pardon for former Sheriff Joe Arpaio, then it will be clear that his true intent is to enflame emotions and further divide our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanton, a Democrat, is in his second term as Phoenix’s mayor, having won re-election last November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s announcement of an Aug. 22 rally at the Phoenix Convention Center didn’t mention Arpaio, but it immediately renewed speculation that he might use the event to pardon the controversial former sheriff who became famous for his tough stance on illegal immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s responses to the violence at a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, have been widely criticized. After a deadly attack led to a murder charge and prompted his fellow Republicans to decry domestic terrorism, the president said there was “blame on both sides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By planning a rally and \u003ca href=\"http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2017/08/14/trump-seriously-considering-pardon-for-sheriff-joe-arpaio.html\">reportedly stating\u003c/a> that he is “seriously considering” a pardon for Arpaio, Trump is seen as attempting to change the subject — and perhaps to further unite his base of support — in the face of criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the rally, Trump is also expected to speak in favor of a candidate he’s backing in the upcoming midterm elections; on Thursday, he tweeted his support for Kelli Ward, the challenger to Republican Sen. Jeff Flake. In recent interviews and in his new book, Flake, who refused to vote for Trump, said Republicans \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/08/08/542069448/jeff-flake-has-taken-on-trump-and-the-gop-but-will-it-matter\">made a “Faustian bargain”\u003c/a> by backing him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arpaio, 85, was voted out of the Maricopa County office in November; last month, he was found \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/07/31/540629884/ex-sheriff-joe-arpaio-convicted-of-criminal-contempt\">guilty of criminal contempt\u003c/a> by a federal judge in Arizona over his refusal to stop targeting Latinos for more than a year after a court order barred his deputies from detaining immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arpaio is facing a potential six-month prison term; he’s not scheduled to be sentenced until Oct. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump and Arpaio have often spoken of their support for each another; the former sheriff backed Trump’s presidential campaign and spoke at events on his behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News of the Phoenix rally \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/897974118959783937\">came via Twitter\u003c/a> on Wednesday night, when Trump posted a link to his campaign’s site where prospective attendees could register for tickets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement about the planned Trump rally, Stanton said, “It is my hope that more sound judgment prevails and that he delays his visit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that his city will prepare to protect First Amendment rights — and the public’s safety — if the rally goes ahead as planned.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Shortly after President Trump posted a link for tickets to a rally in Phoenix, the city’s mayor issued a statement asking the president not to come, saying, “our nation is still healing from the tragic events in Charlottesville.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Greg Stanton \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MayorStanton/status/897963549514911744\">continued\u003c/a>, “If President Trump is coming to Phoenix to announce a pardon for former Sheriff Joe Arpaio, then it will be clear that his true intent is to enflame emotions and further divide our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanton, a Democrat, is in his second term as Phoenix’s mayor, having won re-election last November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s announcement of an Aug. 22 rally at the Phoenix Convention Center didn’t mention Arpaio, but it immediately renewed speculation that he might use the event to pardon the controversial former sheriff who became famous for his tough stance on illegal immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s responses to the violence at a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, have been widely criticized. After a deadly attack led to a murder charge and prompted his fellow Republicans to decry domestic terrorism, the president said there was “blame on both sides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By planning a rally and \u003ca href=\"http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2017/08/14/trump-seriously-considering-pardon-for-sheriff-joe-arpaio.html\">reportedly stating\u003c/a> that he is “seriously considering” a pardon for Arpaio, Trump is seen as attempting to change the subject — and perhaps to further unite his base of support — in the face of criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the rally, Trump is also expected to speak in favor of a candidate he’s backing in the upcoming midterm elections; on Thursday, he tweeted his support for Kelli Ward, the challenger to Republican Sen. Jeff Flake. In recent interviews and in his new book, Flake, who refused to vote for Trump, said Republicans \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/08/08/542069448/jeff-flake-has-taken-on-trump-and-the-gop-but-will-it-matter\">made a “Faustian bargain”\u003c/a> by backing him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arpaio, 85, was voted out of the Maricopa County office in November; last month, he was found \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/07/31/540629884/ex-sheriff-joe-arpaio-convicted-of-criminal-contempt\">guilty of criminal contempt\u003c/a> by a federal judge in Arizona over his refusal to stop targeting Latinos for more than a year after a court order barred his deputies from detaining immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arpaio is facing a potential six-month prison term; he’s not scheduled to be sentenced until Oct. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump and Arpaio have often spoken of their support for each another; the former sheriff backed Trump’s presidential campaign and spoke at events on his behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News of the Phoenix rally \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/897974118959783937\">came via Twitter\u003c/a> on Wednesday night, when Trump posted a link to his campaign’s site where prospective attendees could register for tickets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement about the planned Trump rally, Stanton said, “It is my hope that more sound judgment prevails and that he delays his visit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that his city will prepare to protect First Amendment rights — and the public’s safety — if the rally goes ahead as planned.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Prison Psychologist Sues State for Retaliation After Reporting Mistreatment of LGBTQ Prisoners",
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"content": "\u003cp>A prison psychologist says she was locked in a unit alone with a convicted rapist because she reported repeated cases of mistreatment and abuse of gay and transgender prisoners at a state prison facility in Vacaville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"#complaint\">federal lawsuit\u003c/a> filed in California's Eastern District this week, Dr. Lori Jespersen says she lodged dozens of complaints with her superiors starting in July 2014 detailing numerous instances of abuse, humiliation and intimidation of LGBTQ prisoners at the hands of employees and other prisoners at the Central Medical Facility, a prison medical facility run by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"CDCR employees still frequently make homophobic and transphobic comments expressing their hatred for members of the LGBTQ community, which includes CDCR employees like Dr. Jespersen,\" the suit says. Jespersen is a genderqueer lesbian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that CDCR staff and administrators created and allowed a hostile work environment and retaliated against Jespersen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman said in an email that the CDCR does not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison employees outed an inmate as transgender on social media, forced transgender prisoners to strip, prevented inmates from attending an LGBTQ support group and \"assisted prisoners in beating and otherwise abusing gay prisoners on the basis of their sexual orientation and perceived gender nonconformity,\" the lawsuit alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Over the years of seeing this, she's come to the place where she really wants people to be held accountable,\" said Jennifer Orthwein, one of the attorneys representing Jespersen. \"She wants to see a culture change, and she wants to be a part of that culture change.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reports of abuse and mistreatment were ignored by Jespersen's supervisors, according to the suit, and Jespersen was retaliated against for raising them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that one correctional officer repeatedly encouraged prisoners to attack Jespersen and otherwise put her in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officer Tia McDaniels locked Jespersen in a unit alone with a convicted rapist in late 2015, the lawsuit says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three months later, McDaniels again locked Jespersen in the unit without correctional officers or access to an alarm, the lawsuit says, \"this time with two prisoners.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Jespersen says she overheard McDaniels telling a group of prisoners that \"she needs to be reminded where she's at,\" allegedly referring to Jespersen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to McDaniels, the lawsuit names as defendants CDCR Secretary Scott Kernan, California Medical Facility Warden Robert Fox, associate wardens Steve Pryor and Dan Cueva, Jespersen's supervisors in prison mental health, two prison investigations officers and a CDCR captain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jespersen says she experienced \"emotional, mental and physical distress\" because of this retaliation and took a doctor-ordered medical leave in June 2016, according to the lawsuit. She says she was pressured to return early from that leave, and that when she returned she was demoted to a desk job without direct patient contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This case really has the potential to shine a spotlight on what is the key barrier to making progress to protecting vulnerable inmates in these facilities,\" said Shannon Minter, the legal director of the National Center for Lesbian Rights, \"and that is this prison culture of silence and retaliation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2009 study by researchers at UC Irvine found that transgender prisoners are more than \u003ca href=\"http://ucicorrections.seweb.uci.edu/files/2013/06/Transgender-Inmates-in-CAs-Prisons-An-Empirical-Study-of-a-Vulnerable-Population.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">13 times\u003c/a> more likely to be sexually assaulted than the general population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a systemic problem that California has been slow to address,\" Orthwein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Bureau of Prisons released a \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/policy/progstat/5200.04.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Transgender Offender Manual\u003c/a>\" in the waning days of the Obama administration outlining how facilities should work with transgender prisoners and requiring additional training for prison staff. Jespersen's lawyers say one thing they would like to see come out of this suit is additional training requirements for state prisons and an independent oversight body to ensure the fair and accurate reporting of mistreatment against LGBTQ prisoners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"One of the things CDCR has failed to do is really train and hold accountable correctional staff for colluding with other prisoners to act violently towards LGBT folks, as well as act violently towards them themselves,\" Orthwein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minter, of the National Center for Lesbian Rights, says because of the culture of silence and the threat of potential retaliation against whistleblowers, cases like Jespersen's are exceedingly rare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It almost never happens that a prison staffer is willing to put themselves out the way that this woman is doing,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This suit comes a week after Minter's organization helped \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/09/5-transgender-troops-sue-to-stop-trump-plan-to-ban-them/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">five transgender service members\u003c/a> file a lawsuit against President Trump over his tweet saying that transgender people would not be allowed to serve in the U.S. military.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca name=\"complaint\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Read the complaint below.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3933866-Jespersen-v-CDCR-et-al\" notes=\"true\" text=\"true\" search=\"true\" sidebar=\"true\" pdf=\"true\" responsive=\"true\" page=\"1\"]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A prison psychologist says she was locked in a unit alone with a convicted rapist because she reported repeated cases of mistreatment and abuse of gay and transgender prisoners at a state prison facility in Vacaville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"#complaint\">federal lawsuit\u003c/a> filed in California's Eastern District this week, Dr. Lori Jespersen says she lodged dozens of complaints with her superiors starting in July 2014 detailing numerous instances of abuse, humiliation and intimidation of LGBTQ prisoners at the hands of employees and other prisoners at the Central Medical Facility, a prison medical facility run by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"CDCR employees still frequently make homophobic and transphobic comments expressing their hatred for members of the LGBTQ community, which includes CDCR employees like Dr. Jespersen,\" the suit says. Jespersen is a genderqueer lesbian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that CDCR staff and administrators created and allowed a hostile work environment and retaliated against Jespersen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman said in an email that the CDCR does not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison employees outed an inmate as transgender on social media, forced transgender prisoners to strip, prevented inmates from attending an LGBTQ support group and \"assisted prisoners in beating and otherwise abusing gay prisoners on the basis of their sexual orientation and perceived gender nonconformity,\" the lawsuit alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Over the years of seeing this, she's come to the place where she really wants people to be held accountable,\" said Jennifer Orthwein, one of the attorneys representing Jespersen. \"She wants to see a culture change, and she wants to be a part of that culture change.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reports of abuse and mistreatment were ignored by Jespersen's supervisors, according to the suit, and Jespersen was retaliated against for raising them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that one correctional officer repeatedly encouraged prisoners to attack Jespersen and otherwise put her in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officer Tia McDaniels locked Jespersen in a unit alone with a convicted rapist in late 2015, the lawsuit says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three months later, McDaniels again locked Jespersen in the unit without correctional officers or access to an alarm, the lawsuit says, \"this time with two prisoners.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Jespersen says she overheard McDaniels telling a group of prisoners that \"she needs to be reminded where she's at,\" allegedly referring to Jespersen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to McDaniels, the lawsuit names as defendants CDCR Secretary Scott Kernan, California Medical Facility Warden Robert Fox, associate wardens Steve Pryor and Dan Cueva, Jespersen's supervisors in prison mental health, two prison investigations officers and a CDCR captain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jespersen says she experienced \"emotional, mental and physical distress\" because of this retaliation and took a doctor-ordered medical leave in June 2016, according to the lawsuit. She says she was pressured to return early from that leave, and that when she returned she was demoted to a desk job without direct patient contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This case really has the potential to shine a spotlight on what is the key barrier to making progress to protecting vulnerable inmates in these facilities,\" said Shannon Minter, the legal director of the National Center for Lesbian Rights, \"and that is this prison culture of silence and retaliation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2009 study by researchers at UC Irvine found that transgender prisoners are more than \u003ca href=\"http://ucicorrections.seweb.uci.edu/files/2013/06/Transgender-Inmates-in-CAs-Prisons-An-Empirical-Study-of-a-Vulnerable-Population.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">13 times\u003c/a> more likely to be sexually assaulted than the general population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a systemic problem that California has been slow to address,\" Orthwein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Bureau of Prisons released a \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/policy/progstat/5200.04.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Transgender Offender Manual\u003c/a>\" in the waning days of the Obama administration outlining how facilities should work with transgender prisoners and requiring additional training for prison staff. Jespersen's lawyers say one thing they would like to see come out of this suit is additional training requirements for state prisons and an independent oversight body to ensure the fair and accurate reporting of mistreatment against LGBTQ prisoners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"One of the things CDCR has failed to do is really train and hold accountable correctional staff for colluding with other prisoners to act violently towards LGBT folks, as well as act violently towards them themselves,\" Orthwein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minter, of the National Center for Lesbian Rights, says because of the culture of silence and the threat of potential retaliation against whistleblowers, cases like Jespersen's are exceedingly rare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It almost never happens that a prison staffer is willing to put themselves out the way that this woman is doing,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This suit comes a week after Minter's organization helped \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/09/5-transgender-troops-sue-to-stop-trump-plan-to-ban-them/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">five transgender service members\u003c/a> file a lawsuit against President Trump over his tweet saying that transgender people would not be allowed to serve in the U.S. military.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca name=\"complaint\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Read the complaint below.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Rusty Navy: The Bay Area's 'Mothball Fleet' Enters a New Era",
"headTitle": "Rusty Navy: The Bay Area’s ‘Mothball Fleet’ Enters a New Era | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>UPDATED on Nov. 21, 2017\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve driven on I-680, across the Benicia–Martinez Bridge, you’ve probably seen them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clusters of old military ships are anchored side by side in Suisun Bay. Most of them are decades old. Their gray hulls are spotted with rust. Much of their paint has faded, or flaked away. Their decks are eerily deserted — no modern equipment, no sailors. They look abandoned, and on a foggy day, maybe even haunted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people call this the Ghost Fleet, or Mothball Fleet — but its official name is the Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious listener Steve Yeager has been wondering about the fleet since he was a kid. He still passes the ships on his weekly commute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are they there? And what is it doing to the environment?” he wants to know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612545\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11612545 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet in 2005, when there were more than 70 ships anchored there, including the legendary WWII battleship Iowa (foreground), now a floating museum in San Pedro.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet in 2005, when there were more than 70 ships anchored there, including the legendary WWII battleship Iowa (foreground), now a floating museum in San Pedro. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>A Wartime Surplus\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet is a place for the Navy, Coast Guard and Merchant Marine to park ships that are taken out of service, but \u003cem>might\u003c/em> one day be needed again — kind of like putting those sweaters into the cedar chest every spring. Hence the name “Mothball Fleet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suisun Bay was first used for this purpose in 1946. World War II had just ended and the Navy had a huge surplus of vessels. Benicia was one of eight places around the country where rows of mothballed ships were anchored. At its peak, Suisun Bay had 340 ships lined up in neat rows. It was a forest of steel and wires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612437\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11612437 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A view of the Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet in 1962. At its peak, the “ghost fleet” had 340 vessels at anchor. Ten remain, including the barge used as the fleet's offices and maintenance base.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet in 1962. At its peak, the “ghost fleet” had 340 vessels at anchor. Ten remain, including the barge used as the fleet’s offices and maintenance base. \u003ccite>(MARAD)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Joe Pecoraro has been managing the Mothball Fleet for nearly 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had just about every kind of Navy ship here except for an aircraft carrier,” Pecoraro says. “We had guided-missile cruisers, frigates. We had a battleship for 10 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The WWII battleship Iowa was a favorite of Pecoraro’s, before it was renovated into a floating museum and moved down to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612493\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11612493\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joe Pecoraro manages the reserve fleet. He’s been tending the ships since 1991. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not all ships have such a glamorous afterlife as the Iowa. Many of them once anchored there were beyond redemption, and were stripped of their parts. Few were ever put back into action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad used to call it Joe’s rusty navy,” says Pecoraro. “We had a lotta rust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11612485 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-800x600.jpg\" alt='A 2009 study found that 20 tons of contaminants had drained or sloughed off of vessels in the \"mothball fleet\" anchored in Suisun Bay. Measures have since been put in place to protect the bay. ' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2009 study found that 20 tons of contaminants had drained or sloughed off of vessels in the “mothball fleet” anchored in Suisun Bay. Measures have since been put in place to protect the bay. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Environmental Concerns Surface\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some ships in the fleet fell into such disrepair that environmentalists took notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could hear the crunch of the paint chips or the metal under your feet as you were walking across the decks of the ships,” says Sejal Choksi-Chugh, executive director of San Francisco Baykeeper. “That was just really horrifying because the minute it rained or the minute it got windy, all of that pollution just went right into the bay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it wasn’t just rust. Harmful chemicals, lead, hazardous paint and asbestos were all coming off the vessels. Researchers found 20 tons of it had washed off the ships and into the water over the years. It’s an especially big problem because just next to the fleet sits Suisun Marsh — the largest salt marsh in the western United States, and an environmentally sensitive area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612499\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11612499\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"This 2005 photo shows the proximity of the reserve fleet to environmentally-sensitive Suisun Marsh.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This 2005 photo shows the proximity of the reserve fleet to environmentally sensitive Suisun Marsh. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2009, \u003ca href=\"https://baykeeper.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Baykeeper\u003c/a>, along with other environmental groups and local water quality regulators, sued in federal court under various environmental laws. They won a settlement to get 57 creaky old ships out of Suisun and off to the scrapyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving each ship cost about $1 million and involved a 45-day trip behind a seagoing tug. In August, the last of the scrapped ships were hauled away to Brownsville, Texas, where they are broken down and recycled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even the top brass at the U.S. Maritime Administration, known as MARAD, which manages the fleet, agrees it was overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first ships that left, the first two dozen — someone said we should’ve put them out of their misery years ago. We couldn’t have reactivated them ever if we needed to,” says MARAD executive director Joel Szabat. “We needed to find a way to get rid of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole project cost about $57 million, but a MARAD official says they recouped about $30 million by selling the scrap metal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11632569\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11632569\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1.jpg\" alt='The Petersburg (foreground) is the newest addition to the Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet. The Navy tanker is part of the \"Ready Reserve,\" meaning it can deploy quickly if needed.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1396\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-160x112.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-800x558.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-1020x712.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-1920x1340.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-1180x824.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-960x670.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-240x168.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-375x262.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-520x363.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Petersburg (foreground) is the newest addition to the Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet. The Navy tanker is part of the “Ready Reserve,” meaning it can deploy quickly if needed. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Today’s Fleet\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Though much smaller than it once was, the Ghost Fleet isn’t going away entirely. Today, only nine ships remain, plus the barge used as an office and maintenance base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it seems highly unlikely that we’ll ever see hundreds — or even the dozens of ships that reposed here less than 10 years ago — new ships can be added to the fleet. MARAD recently added a Navy tanker that’s part of the “Ready Reserve.” The Petersburg could be turned around in a few days if called back to duty, and a skeleton crew lives on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining ships are outfitted with screens and filters to keep pollutants out of the bay, and MARAD now regularly tests the water quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612543\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11612543\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-800x450.jpeg\" alt=\"A satellite view of the fleet in 2009 (left) and 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-800x450.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-160x90.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-1020x574.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-1180x664.jpeg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-960x540.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-240x135.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-375x211.jpeg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-520x293.jpeg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare.jpeg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A satellite view of the fleet in 2009 (left) and 2017. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://www.planet.com\" target=\"_blank\">Planet\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So what did Steve Yeager, the listener who asked us about the fleet, think of our answer? He’s glad the environmental issues have been addressed, and doesn’t mind that a few ships are hanging around for the next generation to see out of the car window on trips up Interstate 680.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My kids will ask me the same questions, but I’ll have a little more information now that I can tell them,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch this KQED video segment from 2008, when there were still more than 70 ships in Suisun Bay:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/1BHfiaPb5UI\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Clusters of old military ships are anchored side by side in Suisun Bay. Most of them are decades old.",
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"title": "Rusty Navy: The Bay Area's 'Mothball Fleet' Enters a New Era | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>UPDATED on Nov. 21, 2017\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve driven on I-680, across the Benicia–Martinez Bridge, you’ve probably seen them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clusters of old military ships are anchored side by side in Suisun Bay. Most of them are decades old. Their gray hulls are spotted with rust. Much of their paint has faded, or flaked away. Their decks are eerily deserted — no modern equipment, no sailors. They look abandoned, and on a foggy day, maybe even haunted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people call this the Ghost Fleet, or Mothball Fleet — but its official name is the Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious listener Steve Yeager has been wondering about the fleet since he was a kid. He still passes the ships on his weekly commute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are they there? And what is it doing to the environment?” he wants to know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612545\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11612545 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet in 2005, when there were more than 70 ships anchored there, including the legendary WWII battleship Iowa (foreground), now a floating museum in San Pedro.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0665.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet in 2005, when there were more than 70 ships anchored there, including the legendary WWII battleship Iowa (foreground), now a floating museum in San Pedro. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>A Wartime Surplus\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet is a place for the Navy, Coast Guard and Merchant Marine to park ships that are taken out of service, but \u003cem>might\u003c/em> one day be needed again — kind of like putting those sweaters into the cedar chest every spring. Hence the name “Mothball Fleet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suisun Bay was first used for this purpose in 1946. World War II had just ended and the Navy had a huge surplus of vessels. Benicia was one of eight places around the country where rows of mothballed ships were anchored. At its peak, Suisun Bay had 340 ships lined up in neat rows. It was a forest of steel and wires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612437\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11612437 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A view of the Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet in 1962. At its peak, the “ghost fleet” had 340 vessels at anchor. Ten remain, including the barge used as the fleet's offices and maintenance base.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7800.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet in 1962. At its peak, the “ghost fleet” had 340 vessels at anchor. Ten remain, including the barge used as the fleet’s offices and maintenance base. \u003ccite>(MARAD)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Joe Pecoraro has been managing the Mothball Fleet for nearly 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had just about every kind of Navy ship here except for an aircraft carrier,” Pecoraro says. “We had guided-missile cruisers, frigates. We had a battleship for 10 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The WWII battleship Iowa was a favorite of Pecoraro’s, before it was renovated into a floating museum and moved down to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612493\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11612493\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7783-1-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joe Pecoraro manages the reserve fleet. He’s been tending the ships since 1991. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not all ships have such a glamorous afterlife as the Iowa. Many of them once anchored there were beyond redemption, and were stripped of their parts. Few were ever put back into action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad used to call it Joe’s rusty navy,” says Pecoraro. “We had a lotta rust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11612485 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-800x600.jpg\" alt='A 2009 study found that 20 tons of contaminants had drained or sloughed off of vessels in the \"mothball fleet\" anchored in Suisun Bay. Measures have since been put in place to protect the bay. ' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0662.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2009 study found that 20 tons of contaminants had drained or sloughed off of vessels in the “mothball fleet” anchored in Suisun Bay. Measures have since been put in place to protect the bay. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Environmental Concerns Surface\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some ships in the fleet fell into such disrepair that environmentalists took notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could hear the crunch of the paint chips or the metal under your feet as you were walking across the decks of the ships,” says Sejal Choksi-Chugh, executive director of San Francisco Baykeeper. “That was just really horrifying because the minute it rained or the minute it got windy, all of that pollution just went right into the bay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it wasn’t just rust. Harmful chemicals, lead, hazardous paint and asbestos were all coming off the vessels. Researchers found 20 tons of it had washed off the ships and into the water over the years. It’s an especially big problem because just next to the fleet sits Suisun Marsh — the largest salt marsh in the western United States, and an environmentally sensitive area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612499\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11612499\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"This 2005 photo shows the proximity of the reserve fleet to environmentally-sensitive Suisun Marsh.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_0693.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This 2005 photo shows the proximity of the reserve fleet to environmentally sensitive Suisun Marsh. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2009, \u003ca href=\"https://baykeeper.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Baykeeper\u003c/a>, along with other environmental groups and local water quality regulators, sued in federal court under various environmental laws. They won a settlement to get 57 creaky old ships out of Suisun and off to the scrapyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving each ship cost about $1 million and involved a 45-day trip behind a seagoing tug. In August, the last of the scrapped ships were hauled away to Brownsville, Texas, where they are broken down and recycled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even the top brass at the U.S. Maritime Administration, known as MARAD, which manages the fleet, agrees it was overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first ships that left, the first two dozen — someone said we should’ve put them out of their misery years ago. We couldn’t have reactivated them ever if we needed to,” says MARAD executive director Joel Szabat. “We needed to find a way to get rid of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole project cost about $57 million, but a MARAD official says they recouped about $30 million by selling the scrap metal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11632569\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11632569\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1.jpg\" alt='The Petersburg (foreground) is the newest addition to the Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet. The Navy tanker is part of the \"Ready Reserve,\" meaning it can deploy quickly if needed.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1396\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-160x112.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-800x558.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-1020x712.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-1920x1340.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-1180x824.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-960x670.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-240x168.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-375x262.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_7787-1-520x363.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Petersburg (foreground) is the newest addition to the Suisun Bay Reserve Fleet. The Navy tanker is part of the “Ready Reserve,” meaning it can deploy quickly if needed. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Today’s Fleet\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Though much smaller than it once was, the Ghost Fleet isn’t going away entirely. Today, only nine ships remain, plus the barge used as an office and maintenance base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it seems highly unlikely that we’ll ever see hundreds — or even the dozens of ships that reposed here less than 10 years ago — new ships can be added to the fleet. MARAD recently added a Navy tanker that’s part of the “Ready Reserve.” The Petersburg could be turned around in a few days if called back to duty, and a skeleton crew lives on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining ships are outfitted with screens and filters to keep pollutants out of the bay, and MARAD now regularly tests the water quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612543\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11612543\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-800x450.jpeg\" alt=\"A satellite view of the fleet in 2009 (left) and 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-800x450.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-160x90.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-1020x574.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-1180x664.jpeg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-960x540.jpeg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-240x135.jpeg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-375x211.jpeg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare-520x293.jpeg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/compare.jpeg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A satellite view of the fleet in 2009 (left) and 2017. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://www.planet.com\" target=\"_blank\">Planet\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So what did Steve Yeager, the listener who asked us about the fleet, think of our answer? He’s glad the environmental issues have been addressed, and doesn’t mind that a few ships are hanging around for the next generation to see out of the car window on trips up Interstate 680.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My kids will ask me the same questions, but I’ll have a little more information now that I can tell them,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch this KQED video segment from 2008, when there were still more than 70 ships in Suisun Bay:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Virtual Reality Unlocks New Tools for Facing Your Worst Fears",
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"content": "\u003cp>Imagine you’re terrified of dogs. The anxiety has gotten so bad you can’t even enter your best friend’s apartment for fear of his pet chihuahua.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now imagine being stranded alone in a forest with a pack of wild canines charging you from all directions. You're paralyzed by fear -- only it's not real. It just feels that way, because of a virtual reality headset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A therapist walks you through the scenario. After some counseling, the idea of facing your friend’s lapdog may begin to seem more manageable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New software and the rise of low-cost portable headsets have enabled therapists to start treating phobias and other anxiety-based disorders using virtual reality exposure therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are here at the doorstep of a virtual reality revolution in health care,” said Sean Sullivan, a San Francisco-based psychologist. \"Therapists are leading the way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sullivan \u003ca href=\"https://blog.limbix.com/vr-is-enriching-my-therapy-practice-e907bdb57d03\">uses VR in his private practice\u003c/a>, and helped develop the software for \u003ca href=\"https://www.limbix.com/vr\">Limbix\u003c/a>, a Silicon Valley startup, where he is the director of psychology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By stepping patients through a series of immersive experiences that gradually exposes them to their phobias -- be it snakes or public speaking -- they can learn to overcome their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612529\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-800x491.jpg\" alt=\"Psychologist Sean Sullivan uses VR in his private practice and helped develop the software for Limbix.\" width=\"800\" height=\"491\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11612529\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-800x491.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-160x98.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-1020x626.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-1180x724.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-960x589.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-240x147.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-375x230.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-520x319.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Psychologist Sean Sullivan uses VR in his private practice and helped develop the software for Limbix. \u003ccite>(Peter Arcuni/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the case of dogs, Sullivan says the first step could be walking into a house where a dog lives, but is locked up outside. For many patients, just spending enough time in the virtual environment causes the physiological signs of stress to dissipate. Once they get comfortable in one scenario, they move on to the next challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This type of guided exposure also allows therapists to help patients work through the root cause of their fear or anxiety, which is often the memory of a traumatic experience that has spread to everyday situations that pose little objective threat. Over time, exposure therapy can change both the emotional and psychological responses to anxiety-inducing triggers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the principles of exposure therapy have been around for decades, virtual reality offers unprecedented accessibility. Before VR, a therapist might have to go with a patient on a plane, for example, to help them face a fear of flying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To me as a therapist, it’s incredible that now with a four-inch headset that’s comfortable, you can deliver incredible treatments,\" Sullivan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"y2701HqhGJOSEPhIcGeKM7bihSW94NpV\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A May 2017 article in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.e-mence.org/sites/default/files/domain-39/Maples-Keller%20Use%20VR%20in%20disorders%202017.pdf\">Harvard Review of Psychiatry\u003c/a> shows 20 years of research supporting the use of exposure-based VR interventions for anxiety disorders. A meta-analysis of existing studies showed that results were long-lasting and translated to real world situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The application of VR-based therapy extends beyond the treatment of phobias to interventions for generalized anxiety, substance abuse and acute pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Sullivan, the power of Limbix’s tools is how present patients feel in the environments, which the company films with 360-degree video cameras. It can also pull any 360-degree video from \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCzuqhhs6NWbgTzMuM09WKDQ\">YouTube\u003c/a> or tap into Google Maps’ street view feature to transport patients to any number of places, including a busy intersection or childhood home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first scene, an intersection, could be used to help a patient process a car wreck. And the latter scenario, Sullivan says, could allow therapists to help patients work through early-life trauma. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the unexpected benefits Sullivan has seen from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/30/technology/virtual-reality-limbix-mental-health.html?_r=1\">increasing public awareness\u003c/a> about VR-based therapies, is that more people are reaching out for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people think it’s only about depression or anxiety,” Sullivan said. “But there’s really a whole range of challenges that people face in great numbers, and they’re struggling with it alone, not knowing that there’s help out there.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Imagine you’re terrified of dogs. The anxiety has gotten so bad you can’t even enter your best friend’s apartment for fear of his pet chihuahua.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now imagine being stranded alone in a forest with a pack of wild canines charging you from all directions. You're paralyzed by fear -- only it's not real. It just feels that way, because of a virtual reality headset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A therapist walks you through the scenario. After some counseling, the idea of facing your friend’s lapdog may begin to seem more manageable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New software and the rise of low-cost portable headsets have enabled therapists to start treating phobias and other anxiety-based disorders using virtual reality exposure therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are here at the doorstep of a virtual reality revolution in health care,” said Sean Sullivan, a San Francisco-based psychologist. \"Therapists are leading the way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sullivan \u003ca href=\"https://blog.limbix.com/vr-is-enriching-my-therapy-practice-e907bdb57d03\">uses VR in his private practice\u003c/a>, and helped develop the software for \u003ca href=\"https://www.limbix.com/vr\">Limbix\u003c/a>, a Silicon Valley startup, where he is the director of psychology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By stepping patients through a series of immersive experiences that gradually exposes them to their phobias -- be it snakes or public speaking -- they can learn to overcome their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612529\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-800x491.jpg\" alt=\"Psychologist Sean Sullivan uses VR in his private practice and helped develop the software for Limbix.\" width=\"800\" height=\"491\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11612529\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-800x491.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-160x98.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-1020x626.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-1180x724.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-960x589.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-240x147.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-375x230.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/SeanSullivan-520x319.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Psychologist Sean Sullivan uses VR in his private practice and helped develop the software for Limbix. \u003ccite>(Peter Arcuni/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the case of dogs, Sullivan says the first step could be walking into a house where a dog lives, but is locked up outside. For many patients, just spending enough time in the virtual environment causes the physiological signs of stress to dissipate. Once they get comfortable in one scenario, they move on to the next challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This type of guided exposure also allows therapists to help patients work through the root cause of their fear or anxiety, which is often the memory of a traumatic experience that has spread to everyday situations that pose little objective threat. Over time, exposure therapy can change both the emotional and psychological responses to anxiety-inducing triggers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the principles of exposure therapy have been around for decades, virtual reality offers unprecedented accessibility. Before VR, a therapist might have to go with a patient on a plane, for example, to help them face a fear of flying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To me as a therapist, it’s incredible that now with a four-inch headset that’s comfortable, you can deliver incredible treatments,\" Sullivan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A May 2017 article in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.e-mence.org/sites/default/files/domain-39/Maples-Keller%20Use%20VR%20in%20disorders%202017.pdf\">Harvard Review of Psychiatry\u003c/a> shows 20 years of research supporting the use of exposure-based VR interventions for anxiety disorders. A meta-analysis of existing studies showed that results were long-lasting and translated to real world situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The application of VR-based therapy extends beyond the treatment of phobias to interventions for generalized anxiety, substance abuse and acute pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Sullivan, the power of Limbix’s tools is how present patients feel in the environments, which the company films with 360-degree video cameras. It can also pull any 360-degree video from \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCzuqhhs6NWbgTzMuM09WKDQ\">YouTube\u003c/a> or tap into Google Maps’ street view feature to transport patients to any number of places, including a busy intersection or childhood home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first scene, an intersection, could be used to help a patient process a car wreck. And the latter scenario, Sullivan says, could allow therapists to help patients work through early-life trauma. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the unexpected benefits Sullivan has seen from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/30/technology/virtual-reality-limbix-mental-health.html?_r=1\">increasing public awareness\u003c/a> about VR-based therapies, is that more people are reaching out for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people think it’s only about depression or anxiety,” Sullivan said. “But there’s really a whole range of challenges that people face in great numbers, and they’re struggling with it alone, not knowing that there’s help out there.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "S.F. Leaders Vow Fight to Stop Far-Right Rally, National Park Service Solicits Opinions",
"title": "S.F. Leaders Vow Fight to Stop Far-Right Rally, National Park Service Solicits Opinions",
"headTitle": "News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 6:30 p.m. Wednesday, Aug. 15:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Park service is soliciting opinions on a right-wing group's planned rally on federal land in San Francisco later this month, according to a statement Wednesday evening from the Golden Gate National Recreation Area's acting superintendent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility that federal officials would allow the group Patriot Prayer to host a rally likely to draw armed militias and white nationalist groups alarmed San Francisco city leaders -- as well as state and national representatives -- in the wake of a deadly attack Saturday in Charlottesville, Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee sent a letter to Golden Gate National Recreation Area Acting Director Cicely Muldoon on Tuesday criticizing what he believed to be the National Park Service's decision to permit the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muldoon said in a statement Wednesday that a final determination on the permit would be made by the end of next week, one day before the planned Aug. 26 rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Golden Gate National Recreation Area and the U.S. Park Police are closely coordinating with other federal, state and local agencies to ensure a robust plan is in place before we issue a final permit,\" Muldoon's statement says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement appears to indicate what some legal experts said about the event: Denying or revoking the permit might be illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our highest priority is to ensure public safety, while honoring our obligation to uphold one of our nation's most cherished Constitutional rights, the First Amendment right to freedom of speech,\" Muldoon's statement says. \"We are guided by the Constitution, the law, longstanding court precedent, and National Park Service policy, which tells us we must be deliberative and not preemptive in our decisions related to First Amendment gatherings.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one usual champion of even disturbing or repugnant demonstrations of free speech said in a statement Wednesday that \"white supremacist violence is not free speech.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three branches of the American Civil Liberties Union, constituting the national civil rights organization's representation in California, condemned some common tactics of white nationalist and white supremacist groups masked in the guise of \"free speech.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[T]he ACLU of California fully supports the freedom of speech and expression, as well as the freedom to peacefully assemble,\" the statement from directors ACLU's Northern California, Southern California and San Diego chapters says. \"If white supremacists march into our towns armed to the teeth and with the intent to harm people, they are not engaging in activity protected by the United States Constitution. The First Amendment should never be used as a shield or sword to justify violence.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU of California is reviewing requests for help \"on a case-by-case basis, but take the clear position that the First Amendment does not protect people who incite or engage in violence.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Park Service directs \"anyone interested in expressing their opinion\" to send an email to goga_1st_amendment@nps.gov.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Post, Tuesday, Aug. 14:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco city officials are united in their opposition to a right-wing rally planned on federal land near the Golden Gate Bridge later this month, and they're hurling criticism at the National Park Service for reportedly issuing a permit to the event's organizers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Portland-based \"Patriot Prayer,\" which is promoting an Aug. 26 \"Freedom Rally\" at Crissy Field, says it's not a white supremacist or white nationalist organization. But the group has often rallied with militias and unequivocal white nationalists at other events around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are not welcoming this group into San Francisco to promote hate,\" Mayor Ed Lee said at a press conference Tuesday announcing the city's opposition to the rally. \"We think that the National Park Service, without adequate evaluation and conditions, would do just that and would then, I think, increase opportunities for violence in our city and on the shores of federal property.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"tgwmLulwRHhr0RpqET0cxfNvAXvKi3pG\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi and San Francisco representatives in the state Legislature on Tuesday also announced their opposition to the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Park Service, which oversees the Golden Gate National Recreation Area that includes Crissy Field, did not respond to request for comment. It's unclear whether the service was aware of a letter Lee and other city leaders sent Tuesday afternoon that says San Francisco officials are \"outraged with the Golden Gate National Recreation Area's (GGNRA) decision to grant an event permit to Patriot Prayer on August 26 without proper planning and resources, given the public safety concerns.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To say that we are outraged is an understatement,\" Board of Supervisors President London Breed said. \"We will do everything that we can to stop you from being in San Francisco. We don’t want to see our city torn apart because of the hate and the violence that you continue to promote all over the country.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the strong rhetoric, opponents of the rally are likely on shaky legal ground, according to Eugene Volokh, a UCLA law professor specializing in First Amendment issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In places presumed to be public forums, like the park where Patriot Prayer plans to rally, the government can impose only \"content-neutral restrictions, such as requiring some notice in advance so they can provide adequate protection,\" Volokh said in an interview. \"But those have to be content neutral. You can’t have one rule for Black Lives Matter protesters, one rule for animal rights protesters and another rule for white supremacist protesters.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"2wWu878Ku3oaTwkrBiq1wCL4KVswInQF\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But though they're stopping short of a legal threat at this point, San Francisco officials opposed to the rally are using the language of a legal argument. They're saying Patriot Prayer and affiliated groups are likely to \u003cem>incite\u003c/em> violence -- and incitement is a well-established legal exception to the First Amendment's guarantee of free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are a city of tolerance. We do enjoy free speech, but I suggest to you there is a difference between free speech and hate speech with the intent of causing violence,\" Lee said. \"People are coming here to commit violence, not to have an academic dialogue, not to have a fire[side] chat on differences of opinion. They’re coming here to promote violence. They’re aiming their guns at our people, and we’re going to stop them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law professor Volokh said it would likely be more difficult for the National Park Service to revoke a permit, rather than reject or impose conditions before it was issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Generally speaking, once the government issues a permit and then cancels it, there’s a pretty strong inference that it’s canceling it because of the viewpoint of the speakers,\" he said. \"That is unconstitutional.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police Chief William Scott said he is trying to coordinate a law enforcement response with the National Park Service. He said SFPD is unlikely to set up a perimeter and allow far-right and far-left protesters to brawl -- an approach taken in other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our message is clear: Violence will not be tolerated in any form,\" Scott said. But he acknowledged that SFPD won't be able to do anything about the event at Crissy Field unless the National Park Service asks the department for help -- a process called \"mutual aid.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This permit has been granted without the necessary contingencies to protect the safety of the public and with the expectation that the City and County of San Francisco will expend our resources to diffuse the situation,\" the city's letter to the National Park Service says. \"Furthermore, the permit was granted without adequate time to prepare the multi-agency response that will be required.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee used another legalism in describing the threat of the protest -- this one from a 1919 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that helped to define when free speech edges too close to triggering harm and loses its protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe that without these conditions it’ll be like yelling fire in a crowded theater, that people will be placed in danger, and we don’t want that to happen in our city,\" Lee said. \"Unless they [the National Park Service] are totally ignorant of the kinds of things that have happened recently across the country, and particularly in Charlottesville, then they’re playing with fire.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Vinnee Tong and Tara Siler of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "'There is a difference between free speech and hate speech with the intent of causing violence,' Mayor Ed Lee said of the rally planned for Aug. 26. 'People are coming here to commit violence.'",
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"description": "'There is a difference between free speech and hate speech with the intent of causing violence,' Mayor Ed Lee said of the rally planned for Aug. 26. 'People are coming here to commit violence.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 6:30 p.m. Wednesday, Aug. 15:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Park service is soliciting opinions on a right-wing group's planned rally on federal land in San Francisco later this month, according to a statement Wednesday evening from the Golden Gate National Recreation Area's acting superintendent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility that federal officials would allow the group Patriot Prayer to host a rally likely to draw armed militias and white nationalist groups alarmed San Francisco city leaders -- as well as state and national representatives -- in the wake of a deadly attack Saturday in Charlottesville, Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee sent a letter to Golden Gate National Recreation Area Acting Director Cicely Muldoon on Tuesday criticizing what he believed to be the National Park Service's decision to permit the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muldoon said in a statement Wednesday that a final determination on the permit would be made by the end of next week, one day before the planned Aug. 26 rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Golden Gate National Recreation Area and the U.S. Park Police are closely coordinating with other federal, state and local agencies to ensure a robust plan is in place before we issue a final permit,\" Muldoon's statement says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement appears to indicate what some legal experts said about the event: Denying or revoking the permit might be illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our highest priority is to ensure public safety, while honoring our obligation to uphold one of our nation's most cherished Constitutional rights, the First Amendment right to freedom of speech,\" Muldoon's statement says. \"We are guided by the Constitution, the law, longstanding court precedent, and National Park Service policy, which tells us we must be deliberative and not preemptive in our decisions related to First Amendment gatherings.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one usual champion of even disturbing or repugnant demonstrations of free speech said in a statement Wednesday that \"white supremacist violence is not free speech.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three branches of the American Civil Liberties Union, constituting the national civil rights organization's representation in California, condemned some common tactics of white nationalist and white supremacist groups masked in the guise of \"free speech.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[T]he ACLU of California fully supports the freedom of speech and expression, as well as the freedom to peacefully assemble,\" the statement from directors ACLU's Northern California, Southern California and San Diego chapters says. \"If white supremacists march into our towns armed to the teeth and with the intent to harm people, they are not engaging in activity protected by the United States Constitution. The First Amendment should never be used as a shield or sword to justify violence.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU of California is reviewing requests for help \"on a case-by-case basis, but take the clear position that the First Amendment does not protect people who incite or engage in violence.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Park Service directs \"anyone interested in expressing their opinion\" to send an email to goga_1st_amendment@nps.gov.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Post, Tuesday, Aug. 14:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco city officials are united in their opposition to a right-wing rally planned on federal land near the Golden Gate Bridge later this month, and they're hurling criticism at the National Park Service for reportedly issuing a permit to the event's organizers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Portland-based \"Patriot Prayer,\" which is promoting an Aug. 26 \"Freedom Rally\" at Crissy Field, says it's not a white supremacist or white nationalist organization. But the group has often rallied with militias and unequivocal white nationalists at other events around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are not welcoming this group into San Francisco to promote hate,\" Mayor Ed Lee said at a press conference Tuesday announcing the city's opposition to the rally. \"We think that the National Park Service, without adequate evaluation and conditions, would do just that and would then, I think, increase opportunities for violence in our city and on the shores of federal property.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi and San Francisco representatives in the state Legislature on Tuesday also announced their opposition to the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Park Service, which oversees the Golden Gate National Recreation Area that includes Crissy Field, did not respond to request for comment. It's unclear whether the service was aware of a letter Lee and other city leaders sent Tuesday afternoon that says San Francisco officials are \"outraged with the Golden Gate National Recreation Area's (GGNRA) decision to grant an event permit to Patriot Prayer on August 26 without proper planning and resources, given the public safety concerns.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To say that we are outraged is an understatement,\" Board of Supervisors President London Breed said. \"We will do everything that we can to stop you from being in San Francisco. We don’t want to see our city torn apart because of the hate and the violence that you continue to promote all over the country.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the strong rhetoric, opponents of the rally are likely on shaky legal ground, according to Eugene Volokh, a UCLA law professor specializing in First Amendment issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In places presumed to be public forums, like the park where Patriot Prayer plans to rally, the government can impose only \"content-neutral restrictions, such as requiring some notice in advance so they can provide adequate protection,\" Volokh said in an interview. \"But those have to be content neutral. You can’t have one rule for Black Lives Matter protesters, one rule for animal rights protesters and another rule for white supremacist protesters.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But though they're stopping short of a legal threat at this point, San Francisco officials opposed to the rally are using the language of a legal argument. They're saying Patriot Prayer and affiliated groups are likely to \u003cem>incite\u003c/em> violence -- and incitement is a well-established legal exception to the First Amendment's guarantee of free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are a city of tolerance. We do enjoy free speech, but I suggest to you there is a difference between free speech and hate speech with the intent of causing violence,\" Lee said. \"People are coming here to commit violence, not to have an academic dialogue, not to have a fire[side] chat on differences of opinion. They’re coming here to promote violence. They’re aiming their guns at our people, and we’re going to stop them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law professor Volokh said it would likely be more difficult for the National Park Service to revoke a permit, rather than reject or impose conditions before it was issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Generally speaking, once the government issues a permit and then cancels it, there’s a pretty strong inference that it’s canceling it because of the viewpoint of the speakers,\" he said. \"That is unconstitutional.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police Chief William Scott said he is trying to coordinate a law enforcement response with the National Park Service. He said SFPD is unlikely to set up a perimeter and allow far-right and far-left protesters to brawl -- an approach taken in other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our message is clear: Violence will not be tolerated in any form,\" Scott said. But he acknowledged that SFPD won't be able to do anything about the event at Crissy Field unless the National Park Service asks the department for help -- a process called \"mutual aid.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This permit has been granted without the necessary contingencies to protect the safety of the public and with the expectation that the City and County of San Francisco will expend our resources to diffuse the situation,\" the city's letter to the National Park Service says. \"Furthermore, the permit was granted without adequate time to prepare the multi-agency response that will be required.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee used another legalism in describing the threat of the protest -- this one from a 1919 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that helped to define when free speech edges too close to triggering harm and loses its protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe that without these conditions it’ll be like yelling fire in a crowded theater, that people will be placed in danger, and we don’t want that to happen in our city,\" Lee said. \"Unless they [the National Park Service] are totally ignorant of the kinds of things that have happened recently across the country, and particularly in Charlottesville, then they’re playing with fire.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Vinnee Tong and Tara Siler of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Fate Of San Francisco’s Ban On Flavored Tobacco Products Is Now Up To Voters",
"title": "Fate Of San Francisco’s Ban On Flavored Tobacco Products Is Now Up To Voters",
"headTitle": "California Healthline | State of Health | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A coalition of local business owners financed by the tobacco industry has blocked San Francisco’s new ban on menthol cigarettes and flavored tobacco products until voters decide whether to uphold or overturn it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban, adopted unanimously by the Board of Supervisors in June, would have kicked in next year. But the city’s \u003ca href=\"http://sfgov.org/elections/measures\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Office of Elections\u003c/a> determined earlier this month that the opposition group \u003ca href=\"http://www.letsberealsf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Let’s Be Real, San Francisco\u003c/a> has gathered enough signatures for a ballot referendum, putting the ban on hold until voters decide next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a freedom-of-choice issue for responsible adults,” said Jaime Rojas, a spokesman for the coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe that local government officials have overreached and the referendum will allow the voters of San Francisco to make the final decision,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors will vote next month whether to overturn the ordinance themselves — which is unlikely — or put it before voters, probably in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=5274235&GUID=86C18253-BA63-4C0F-A6A0-E881211D2CB7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tobacco ordinance \u003c/a>would prohibit the sale of menthol cigarettes and other flavored tobacco, including hookah tobacco and small cigars, as well as most vaping products and e-cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco made history when it passed this ordinance, the strongest restrictions on flavored tobacco products in the nation,” said Stanton Glantz, professor of medicine and director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.tobacco.ucsf.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education\u003c/a> at the University of California-San Francisco (UCSF).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According \u003ca href=\"http://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/170441_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">to a report\u003c/a> from the City Controller’s Office of Economic Analysis, 35 percent of the cigarettes sold in San Francisco are menthol and would be subject to the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rojas said he believes retailers would lose about $50 million in local tobacco sales annually under the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivian New, co-owner of SF Smoke N’ Vape Shop on Fisherman’s Wharf, estimated that the ban would drive down her profits by 30 to 40 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New, 22, said she has “never laid my lips on a cigarette.” Nonetheless, she opposes restrictions on the kinds of tobacco products her customers can buy because “it’s part of [their] rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s Be Real, San Francisco describes itself as a coalition of “concerned citizens supporting freedom of choice, adult consumers, community leaders and neighborhood small businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But campaign filing statements for the last half of July \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.files.wordpress.com/2017/08/document6.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">show only one donor\u003c/a>: R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. of Winston-Salem, N.C., which gave more than $685,000 to the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Howard, a spokesman for R.J. Reynolds, said the company is proud to be a part of the coalition and sees the referendum campaign “as an opportunity to educate the citizens of San Francisco on the negative impacts that this [ordinance] can have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry giant manufactures Newport, the nation’s leading menthol brand, which would be banned under the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a complete hoax,” Glantz said. “This organization that’s putting itself out as a bunch of free-thinking concerned local citizens is actually just a front for the tobacco companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Malia Cohen, who sponsored the tobacco measure, called the opposition referendum “a ridiculous attempt to put profit over people’s health.” She said R.J. Reynolds is attacking the legislation “because they know it is strong and that people will stop smoking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flavored tobacco and menthol cigarettes, including Newport, the No. 2 cigarette brand in the nation, are popular with young people and minorities, \u003ca href=\"http://californiahealthline.org/news/sf-seeks-to-ban-sale-of-menthol-cigarettes-and-flavored-tobacco-products/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">especially African-Americans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Menthol is an especially pernicious additive,” Glantz said, since it interacts with nicotine to make cigarettes easier to smoke and all tobacco products more addictive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miriam Zouzounis, a board member with the Arab American Grocers Association and member of the coalition, insisted that the campaign against the tobacco ordinance started as a grass-roots effort by working-class shop owners and their customers. She said the tobacco industry stepped in only after the ban was approved unanimously by the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zouzounis believes the ordinance is a burden for small merchants like her family of immigrants who own Ted’s Market, a corner grocery and sandwich shop south of Market Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically it is a redundant policy. There’s laws already on the books to keep tobacco out of the hands of kids,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520162SB7\">law\u003c/a> signed last year by Gov. Jerry Brown that raised the legal smoking age in California from 18 to 21. Under the new rules, anyone caught giving or selling tobacco products to people under 21 could face misdemeanor charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of nonsense,” said Jiries Totah, an auto mechanic who buys Grizzly wintergreen-flavored chewing tobacco from Ted’s Market. “I’m 27. I pay my taxes and I do what I’m supposed to do as a citizen. How can someone tell me I can’t purchase a legal product?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zouzounis and other business owners say city officials failed to consult with them or consider amendments that addressed their concerns. The ordinance also gives out-of-state businesses that sell online an advantage over brick-and-mortar shops in the city, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can buy these products they’re trying to ban online and get them delivered straight to your address in SF, and we know that an online check of an ID is not fail-proof,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates of the ban say these arguments are diversions from the real point, which is to reduce tobacco consumption and improve health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They vow to fight to keep the ordinance in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen this group pop up out of nowhere,” said Valerie Yerger, an associate professor of health policy at UCSF. “Obviously it’s a concerted effort that’s getting a lot of support from R.J. Reynolds to confuse the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"http://californiahealthline.org/news/author/elaine-korry/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cstrong>Elaine Korry\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> \u003c/span>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A coalition of local business owners financed by the tobacco industry has blocked San Francisco’s new ban on menthol cigarettes and flavored tobacco products until voters decide whether to uphold or overturn it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban, adopted unanimously by the Board of Supervisors in June, would have kicked in next year. But the city’s \u003ca href=\"http://sfgov.org/elections/measures\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Office of Elections\u003c/a> determined earlier this month that the opposition group \u003ca href=\"http://www.letsberealsf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Let’s Be Real, San Francisco\u003c/a> has gathered enough signatures for a ballot referendum, putting the ban on hold until voters decide next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a freedom-of-choice issue for responsible adults,” said Jaime Rojas, a spokesman for the coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe that local government officials have overreached and the referendum will allow the voters of San Francisco to make the final decision,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors will vote next month whether to overturn the ordinance themselves — which is unlikely — or put it before voters, probably in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=5274235&GUID=86C18253-BA63-4C0F-A6A0-E881211D2CB7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">tobacco ordinance \u003c/a>would prohibit the sale of menthol cigarettes and other flavored tobacco, including hookah tobacco and small cigars, as well as most vaping products and e-cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco made history when it passed this ordinance, the strongest restrictions on flavored tobacco products in the nation,” said Stanton Glantz, professor of medicine and director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.tobacco.ucsf.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education\u003c/a> at the University of California-San Francisco (UCSF).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According \u003ca href=\"http://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/170441_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">to a report\u003c/a> from the City Controller’s Office of Economic Analysis, 35 percent of the cigarettes sold in San Francisco are menthol and would be subject to the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rojas said he believes retailers would lose about $50 million in local tobacco sales annually under the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivian New, co-owner of SF Smoke N’ Vape Shop on Fisherman’s Wharf, estimated that the ban would drive down her profits by 30 to 40 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New, 22, said she has “never laid my lips on a cigarette.” Nonetheless, she opposes restrictions on the kinds of tobacco products her customers can buy because “it’s part of [their] rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s Be Real, San Francisco describes itself as a coalition of “concerned citizens supporting freedom of choice, adult consumers, community leaders and neighborhood small businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But campaign filing statements for the last half of July \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.files.wordpress.com/2017/08/document6.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">show only one donor\u003c/a>: R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. of Winston-Salem, N.C., which gave more than $685,000 to the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Howard, a spokesman for R.J. Reynolds, said the company is proud to be a part of the coalition and sees the referendum campaign “as an opportunity to educate the citizens of San Francisco on the negative impacts that this [ordinance] can have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry giant manufactures Newport, the nation’s leading menthol brand, which would be banned under the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a complete hoax,” Glantz said. “This organization that’s putting itself out as a bunch of free-thinking concerned local citizens is actually just a front for the tobacco companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Malia Cohen, who sponsored the tobacco measure, called the opposition referendum “a ridiculous attempt to put profit over people’s health.” She said R.J. Reynolds is attacking the legislation “because they know it is strong and that people will stop smoking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flavored tobacco and menthol cigarettes, including Newport, the No. 2 cigarette brand in the nation, are popular with young people and minorities, \u003ca href=\"http://californiahealthline.org/news/sf-seeks-to-ban-sale-of-menthol-cigarettes-and-flavored-tobacco-products/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">especially African-Americans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Menthol is an especially pernicious additive,” Glantz said, since it interacts with nicotine to make cigarettes easier to smoke and all tobacco products more addictive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miriam Zouzounis, a board member with the Arab American Grocers Association and member of the coalition, insisted that the campaign against the tobacco ordinance started as a grass-roots effort by working-class shop owners and their customers. She said the tobacco industry stepped in only after the ban was approved unanimously by the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zouzounis believes the ordinance is a burden for small merchants like her family of immigrants who own Ted’s Market, a corner grocery and sandwich shop south of Market Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically it is a redundant policy. There’s laws already on the books to keep tobacco out of the hands of kids,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520162SB7\">law\u003c/a> signed last year by Gov. Jerry Brown that raised the legal smoking age in California from 18 to 21. Under the new rules, anyone caught giving or selling tobacco products to people under 21 could face misdemeanor charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of nonsense,” said Jiries Totah, an auto mechanic who buys Grizzly wintergreen-flavored chewing tobacco from Ted’s Market. “I’m 27. I pay my taxes and I do what I’m supposed to do as a citizen. How can someone tell me I can’t purchase a legal product?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zouzounis and other business owners say city officials failed to consult with them or consider amendments that addressed their concerns. The ordinance also gives out-of-state businesses that sell online an advantage over brick-and-mortar shops in the city, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can buy these products they’re trying to ban online and get them delivered straight to your address in SF, and we know that an online check of an ID is not fail-proof,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates of the ban say these arguments are diversions from the real point, which is to reduce tobacco consumption and improve health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They vow to fight to keep the ordinance in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen this group pop up out of nowhere,” said Valerie Yerger, an associate professor of health policy at UCSF. “Obviously it’s a concerted effort that’s getting a lot of support from R.J. Reynolds to confuse the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Do Police Allow Safe Spaces for White Nationalist Violence?",
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"content": "\u003cp>In Charlottesville, Virginia, police stood by as white supremacists fought counterprotesters and onlookers this past weekend, according to video footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar scenes played out earlier this year in Berkeley, San Bernardino and Portland, with police at times refusing to intervene to stop right-wing activists and white nationalists from openly fighting with extreme leftist activists and other counterprotesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police, militia groups and white nationalists aren’t unknown to each other. Before the rallies even begin, they’ve already been in contact. Police departments, for example, speak with the militia groups that protect white nationalists and other hard-right speakers at assemblies ahead of the events.\u003cbr>\n[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2017/08/WhiteSup3way.mp3\" image=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2017/08/17/RS13639460085990qut.jpg\" title=\"Do Police Allow Safe Spaces for White Nationalist Violence?\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These interactions between the police and such groups are an example of the line police have to walk at these events: balancing public safety with the right to free speech. But they have also raised questions about how much coordination goes on between the authorities and participants, some of whom may engage in violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, the Berkeley Police Department consulted with militia members who attended a pro-Trump rally on April 15 before and during the riot between white nationalists and members of antifa, the loose-knit, far-left-leaning militant groups that resist neo-Nazis and white supremacists at protests and other events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A member of the Oath Keepers — a group of ex-military and police officers who often show up legally armed, they claim, to protect speakers at right-wing events — told KQED that they spoke extensively with a lieutenant in the Berkeley Police Department about the group’s logistics and planning of the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clyde Massengale of the California State Militia, who worked alongside the Oath Keepers in Berkeley, said both groups had coordinated with the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley Police Department Sgt. Andrew Frankel confirmed the department was in contact with the Oath Keepers during the rioting, as well as with “people from a number of different organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frankel wouldn’t elaborate about the nature of the conversations, but Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguin defended the police outreach. He noted it’s common for police to coordinate with event leaders, regardless of politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As with any event, our police reach out to people who are identified as organizers,” Arreguin said. “Often times, most groups do cooperate with the police department and events go smoothly. These groups had no intention to cooperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The paramilitary protesters often dress like armed officers and many of them are veterans of the military, so the line between cooperation and coordination can seem to blur. For example, in Portland, \u003ca href=\"http://www.opb.org/news/article/portland-police-chief-citizen-assisted-arrests/\">right-wing militia members aided U.S. Homeland Security officers\u003c/a> in arresting leftist protesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Charlottesville, the white supremacists who helped organize the march said they were in constant contact with police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had been coordinating with police for two months, including the day of,” Eli Mosley of the California-based white nationalist group Identity Evropa told KQED. “They had my phone number and I had theirs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612257\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11612257 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A UC Berkeley police officer watches as a large and sometimes violent crowd protests against the scheduled appearance of Milo Yiannopoulos on campus on Feb. 1, 2017. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>These interactions come just as the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"http://thehill.com/policy/national-security/346552-trump-cut-funds-to-fight-anti-right-wing-violence\">halts federal funds for\u003c/a> investigating far-right organizations. Some of that money was previously used by local police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Violence and White Nationalist Recruitment \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state law enforcement officers watched the violence unfold in Charlottesville from behind barricades, white nationalists were filming the fights to be used in later propaganda efforts, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/police-stood-by-as-mayhem-mounted-in-charlottesville\">according to ProPublica\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to white nationalist leaders who spoke to KQED, such riots and street fights help recruit new followers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Political violence has returned,” white nationalist leader Richard Spencer told KQED. “I think it probably has ultimately helped us. If someone is caught in a melee, well look … all rules are off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal justice experts say police have little choice but to let these fights happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes intervention by police will result in everyone attacking the police,” said CSU San Bernardino professor Brian Levin. “If there’s one thing that can unify rival protesters, it’s the presence of the police. They’re making a tactical judgment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levin has studied violence on the extremes for more than two decades. He said these so-called free speech rallies have “really become roving street fights” that are growing in size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the last couple years, we’ve seen mega-rallies,” Levin said. “The number of people has gone up exponentially. There have been 24 violent political rallies in California since December 2015. We’re going to see more of this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for police consulting with right-wing militias and white supremacists, Levin said, “the optics are horrible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But they’re not as horrible as someone getting shot to death,” he continued. “Sometimes, all you have is a bunch of lousy options. What police will generally try to do is keep thoroughfares and roads open, and do the best they can to protect the general public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, white nationalists like Identity Evropa’s Nathan Damigo use the space that is void of police to fight — for the moment, and for future recruits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo told KQED that even the video from Charlottesville showing a driver running over a crowd of counterprotesters — in which a woman was killed and many others injured — will help his cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time there is a major incident like this, people will look to the media,” Damigo said. “And then a handful of them will go online and see what they weren’t being told by the media. And they’ll say, ‘Wait a minute, why is the media trying to manipulate my perception on this?’ And they realize they’re being lied to.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In Charlottesville, Virginia, police stood by as white supremacists fought counterprotesters and onlookers this past weekend, according to video footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar scenes played out earlier this year in Berkeley, San Bernardino and Portland, with police at times refusing to intervene to stop right-wing activists and white nationalists from openly fighting with extreme leftist activists and other counterprotesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police, militia groups and white nationalists aren’t unknown to each other. Before the rallies even begin, they’ve already been in contact. Police departments, for example, speak with the militia groups that protect white nationalists and other hard-right speakers at assemblies ahead of the events.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A member of the Oath Keepers — a group of ex-military and police officers who often show up legally armed, they claim, to protect speakers at right-wing events — told KQED that they spoke extensively with a lieutenant in the Berkeley Police Department about the group’s logistics and planning of the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clyde Massengale of the California State Militia, who worked alongside the Oath Keepers in Berkeley, said both groups had coordinated with the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley Police Department Sgt. Andrew Frankel confirmed the department was in contact with the Oath Keepers during the rioting, as well as with “people from a number of different organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frankel wouldn’t elaborate about the nature of the conversations, but Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguin defended the police outreach. He noted it’s common for police to coordinate with event leaders, regardless of politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As with any event, our police reach out to people who are identified as organizers,” Arreguin said. “Often times, most groups do cooperate with the police department and events go smoothly. These groups had no intention to cooperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The paramilitary protesters often dress like armed officers and many of them are veterans of the military, so the line between cooperation and coordination can seem to blur. For example, in Portland, \u003ca href=\"http://www.opb.org/news/article/portland-police-chief-citizen-assisted-arrests/\">right-wing militia members aided U.S. Homeland Security officers\u003c/a> in arresting leftist protesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Charlottesville, the white supremacists who helped organize the march said they were in constant contact with police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had been coordinating with police for two months, including the day of,” Eli Mosley of the California-based white nationalist group Identity Evropa told KQED. “They had my phone number and I had theirs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11612257\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11612257 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS26231_20170815_PoliceExport_Credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A UC Berkeley police officer watches as a large and sometimes violent crowd protests against the scheduled appearance of Milo Yiannopoulos on campus on Feb. 1, 2017. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>These interactions come just as the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"http://thehill.com/policy/national-security/346552-trump-cut-funds-to-fight-anti-right-wing-violence\">halts federal funds for\u003c/a> investigating far-right organizations. Some of that money was previously used by local police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Violence and White Nationalist Recruitment \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state law enforcement officers watched the violence unfold in Charlottesville from behind barricades, white nationalists were filming the fights to be used in later propaganda efforts, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/police-stood-by-as-mayhem-mounted-in-charlottesville\">according to ProPublica\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to white nationalist leaders who spoke to KQED, such riots and street fights help recruit new followers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Political violence has returned,” white nationalist leader Richard Spencer told KQED. “I think it probably has ultimately helped us. If someone is caught in a melee, well look … all rules are off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal justice experts say police have little choice but to let these fights happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes intervention by police will result in everyone attacking the police,” said CSU San Bernardino professor Brian Levin. “If there’s one thing that can unify rival protesters, it’s the presence of the police. They’re making a tactical judgment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levin has studied violence on the extremes for more than two decades. He said these so-called free speech rallies have “really become roving street fights” that are growing in size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the last couple years, we’ve seen mega-rallies,” Levin said. “The number of people has gone up exponentially. There have been 24 violent political rallies in California since December 2015. We’re going to see more of this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for police consulting with right-wing militias and white supremacists, Levin said, “the optics are horrible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But they’re not as horrible as someone getting shot to death,” he continued. “Sometimes, all you have is a bunch of lousy options. What police will generally try to do is keep thoroughfares and roads open, and do the best they can to protect the general public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, white nationalists like Identity Evropa’s Nathan Damigo use the space that is void of police to fight — for the moment, and for future recruits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo told KQED that even the video from Charlottesville showing a driver running over a crowd of counterprotesters — in which a woman was killed and many others injured — will help his cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time there is a major incident like this, people will look to the media,” Damigo said. “And then a handful of them will go online and see what they weren’t being told by the media. And they’ll say, ‘Wait a minute, why is the media trying to manipulate my perception on this?’ And they realize they’re being lied to.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you’re a public school parent in San Francisco or Oakland, your child’s education is now in the hands of a new leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyla Johnson-Trammell is the new schools chief in the Oakland Unified School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vincent Matthews now heads up San Francisco Unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While their districts are very different, these leaders have one thing in common: They attended and worked in the schools they now lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also join a \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2017/oakland-is-the-latest-big-district-turning-to-insider-to-head-schools/582833\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">growing list\u003c/a> of “homegrown superintendents” in California. The trend comes after years of large urban school districts bringing in outsiders who often divided school communities with their ambitious agendas and short tenures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland and San Francisco, the hope is that Johnson-Trammell and Mathews will stay longer, easily win trust among families and community members, and stabilize their districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vincent Matthews: ‘This Is My Home’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A prominent African-American school administrator, Matthews led \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/forum/2015/08/25/california-bay-area-school-districts-scramble-to-hire-teachers/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Jose Unified\u003c/a> for more than five years. Before that, he was the state-appointed administrator for Oakland Unified, helping the district get out of its financial mess in 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until recently, he was overseeing the troubled Inglewood Unified School District near Los Angeles, also as a state-appointed administrator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve loved every place that I’ve had the opportunity to be a part of. But San Francisco is where I was raised. This is my home,” Matthews said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He grew up in the Haight-Ashbury District in the 1970s. His mom and siblings lived in a Victorian with two other families. He attended public schools in the neighborhood, went to San Francisco State University and returned to the district as a teacher and then a principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His deep connection to San Francisco — combined with his 30 years of experience as a successful school leader — helped him land his new job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My job is to be the chief collaborator around getting students in this city a high-quality education,” he said. “I will scream that from the mountaintops, and I will talk to each and every person who wants to hear it. Even people who don’t want to hear it. They will hear it from me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthews demonstrated his unique ability to connect with local educators at a recent meet-and-greet at one of Google’s downtown offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“Your ZIP code should not determine the quality of the education you receive.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Vincent Matthews, Superintendent San Francisco Unified Schools\u003cbr>\n\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote\">\u003c/aside>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote\">\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Teachers from the city’s Bayview District were invited to attend, and Matthews told the crowd it felt like a reunion. He said that even though he went to school in the Haight, he spent a lot of time in the Bayview, where many African-American families lived. He has fond memories of attending church in the neighborhood, going to choir practice and hanging out with friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Matthews said that even as a kid he noticed the educational inequities within district schools, which he believes remain today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is key for me. Your ZIP code should not determine the quality of the education you receive,” he told the roomful of teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthews said to expect an even greater emphasis on making sure all schools are offering a high-quality education – especially at schools that he believes have not gotten the attention they deserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Above all, when it comes to learning in a city that’s the epicenter of all things tech, Matthews said he wants district students to master the skill of creativity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It assists them in becoming much more flexible. Being able not to just see two years down the road, but to begin to see five years, 10 years, 20 years down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthews’ flexibility will be tested on Day One – jumping into district contract negotiations with teachers and figuring out affordable housing solutions for all its educators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also expected to face some skepticism around his stance on charter schools. Matthews spent five years promoting and running charter schools during this career and he believes they play a role in offering families more options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11611968\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11611968\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kyla Johnson-Trammell looks on during a leadership event at La Escuelita Elementary School before the 2017-2018 school year. \u003ccite>(Devin Katayama/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kyla Johnson-Trammell: The Insider\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyla Johnson-Trammell has spent her entire professional career — more than 18 years — in the Oakland Unified School District. The 41-year-old mother of two has been an elementary school teacher and principal and has held administrative positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent morning, Johnson-Trammell introduced her leadership style to a crowded gym of Oakland principals and educators, most of whom she knew, saying she wants to be less of a “hero” who would offer silver-bullet solutions to solve the district’s problems and more of a “host,” who creates a culture of innovation and collaboration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe from my gut that it is not about one individual to help us become the organization we want to be,” she said. “It’s about the collective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Unified’s turmoil over recent years has, in large part, been caused by leadership turnover, Johnson-Trammell told KQED. OUSD has had four superintendents in the last five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Antwan Wilson departed earlier this year to lead the Washington, D.C., school district, he announced Oakland Unified would be forced to make millions of dollars in cuts, while ultimately impacted the central office that Johnson-Trammell would soon inherit.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“It is not about one individual to help us become the organization we want to be.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Kyla Johnson-Trammell, Superintendent of the Oakland Unified School District\u003cbr>\n\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The East Oakland native knows the task of improving the district is “daunting.” OUSD has a graduation rate that has increased slowly over the last few years, but remains low at 66 percent. Charter school enrollment continues to climb, while district school enrollment is expected to remain around 37,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson-Trammell expects more budget cuts in the future caused, in part, by cost-of-living increases, pensions and more students with special needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have to think very conservatively,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson-Trammell wants to remain superintendent as long as she can create a culture that allows teachers, principals, families and schools to find creative solutions to problems they face, she said. As to whether she’ll stay for the long run, she says she’d like to, but “I can’t make that promise.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you’re a public school parent in San Francisco or Oakland, your child’s education is now in the hands of a new leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyla Johnson-Trammell is the new schools chief in the Oakland Unified School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vincent Matthews now heads up San Francisco Unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While their districts are very different, these leaders have one thing in common: They attended and worked in the schools they now lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also join a \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2017/oakland-is-the-latest-big-district-turning-to-insider-to-head-schools/582833\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">growing list\u003c/a> of “homegrown superintendents” in California. The trend comes after years of large urban school districts bringing in outsiders who often divided school communities with their ambitious agendas and short tenures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland and San Francisco, the hope is that Johnson-Trammell and Mathews will stay longer, easily win trust among families and community members, and stabilize their districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vincent Matthews: ‘This Is My Home’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A prominent African-American school administrator, Matthews led \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/forum/2015/08/25/california-bay-area-school-districts-scramble-to-hire-teachers/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Jose Unified\u003c/a> for more than five years. Before that, he was the state-appointed administrator for Oakland Unified, helping the district get out of its financial mess in 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until recently, he was overseeing the troubled Inglewood Unified School District near Los Angeles, also as a state-appointed administrator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve loved every place that I’ve had the opportunity to be a part of. But San Francisco is where I was raised. This is my home,” Matthews said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He grew up in the Haight-Ashbury District in the 1970s. His mom and siblings lived in a Victorian with two other families. He attended public schools in the neighborhood, went to San Francisco State University and returned to the district as a teacher and then a principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His deep connection to San Francisco — combined with his 30 years of experience as a successful school leader — helped him land his new job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My job is to be the chief collaborator around getting students in this city a high-quality education,” he said. “I will scream that from the mountaintops, and I will talk to each and every person who wants to hear it. Even people who don’t want to hear it. They will hear it from me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthews demonstrated his unique ability to connect with local educators at a recent meet-and-greet at one of Google’s downtown offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“Your ZIP code should not determine the quality of the education you receive.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Vincent Matthews, Superintendent San Francisco Unified Schools\u003cbr>\n\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote\">\u003c/aside>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote\">\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Teachers from the city’s Bayview District were invited to attend, and Matthews told the crowd it felt like a reunion. He said that even though he went to school in the Haight, he spent a lot of time in the Bayview, where many African-American families lived. He has fond memories of attending church in the neighborhood, going to choir practice and hanging out with friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Matthews said that even as a kid he noticed the educational inequities within district schools, which he believes remain today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is key for me. Your ZIP code should not determine the quality of the education you receive,” he told the roomful of teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthews said to expect an even greater emphasis on making sure all schools are offering a high-quality education – especially at schools that he believes have not gotten the attention they deserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Above all, when it comes to learning in a city that’s the epicenter of all things tech, Matthews said he wants district students to master the skill of creativity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It assists them in becoming much more flexible. Being able not to just see two years down the road, but to begin to see five years, 10 years, 20 years down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthews’ flexibility will be tested on Day One – jumping into district contract negotiations with teachers and figuring out affordable housing solutions for all its educators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also expected to face some skepticism around his stance on charter schools. Matthews spent five years promoting and running charter schools during this career and he believes they play a role in offering families more options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11611968\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11611968\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/IMG_2877-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kyla Johnson-Trammell looks on during a leadership event at La Escuelita Elementary School before the 2017-2018 school year. \u003ccite>(Devin Katayama/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kyla Johnson-Trammell: The Insider\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyla Johnson-Trammell has spent her entire professional career — more than 18 years — in the Oakland Unified School District. The 41-year-old mother of two has been an elementary school teacher and principal and has held administrative positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent morning, Johnson-Trammell introduced her leadership style to a crowded gym of Oakland principals and educators, most of whom she knew, saying she wants to be less of a “hero” who would offer silver-bullet solutions to solve the district’s problems and more of a “host,” who creates a culture of innovation and collaboration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe from my gut that it is not about one individual to help us become the organization we want to be,” she said. “It’s about the collective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Unified’s turmoil over recent years has, in large part, been caused by leadership turnover, Johnson-Trammell told KQED. OUSD has had four superintendents in the last five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Antwan Wilson departed earlier this year to lead the Washington, D.C., school district, he announced Oakland Unified would be forced to make millions of dollars in cuts, while ultimately impacted the central office that Johnson-Trammell would soon inherit.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“It is not about one individual to help us become the organization we want to be.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Kyla Johnson-Trammell, Superintendent of the Oakland Unified School District\u003cbr>\n\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The East Oakland native knows the task of improving the district is “daunting.” OUSD has a graduation rate that has increased slowly over the last few years, but remains low at 66 percent. Charter school enrollment continues to climb, while district school enrollment is expected to remain around 37,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson-Trammell expects more budget cuts in the future caused, in part, by cost-of-living increases, pensions and more students with special needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have to think very conservatively,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson-Trammell wants to remain superintendent as long as she can create a culture that allows teachers, principals, families and schools to find creative solutions to problems they face, she said. As to whether she’ll stay for the long run, she says she’d like to, but “I can’t make that promise.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "A Long And Winding Road: Kicking Heroin In An Opioid ‘Treatment Desert’",
"title": "A Long And Winding Road: Kicking Heroin In An Opioid ‘Treatment Desert’",
"headTitle": "Kaiser Health News | State of Health | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Heather Menzel squirmed in her seat, unable to sleep on the Greyhound bus as it rolled through the early morning darkness toward Bakersfield, in California’s Central Valley. She’d been trapped in transit for three miserable days, stewing in a horrific sickness only a heroin addict can understand. Again, and again, she stumbled down the aisle to the bathroom to vomit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She hadn’t used since Chicago. She told herself that if she could just get through this self-prescribed detox, if she could get to her mother’s house in her hometown of Lake Isabella, Calif., all her problems would be solved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been through a lot of horrible, crazy stuff,” said Menzel, now 34. “I’ve been raped. I’ve been beaten up. I’ve been in prison. But trying to kick heroin on the Greyhound on the way home was the worst experience of my entire life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Menzel finally arrived at the Bakersfield bus station at 6 a.m. that day in February 2014, her mother and stepfather were there waiting. The two women hadn’t seen each other in years, not since Menzel stole her mom’s jewelry and fled the area. They didn’t talk much as they drove east though the twisty canyon on State Route 178 toward Lake Isabella, a two-stoplight town with a population of 3,500, nestled in the golden Sierra Nevada foothills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menzel hoped that the worst of the withdrawal was over — that a new life without heroin awaited. What she didn’t know was that heroin was now cheap and plentiful in Lake Isabella, as in so many small towns in the U.S., and that her best hope for treatment was far away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>32 Churches, No Methadone Clinic\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts recommend medication-assisted treatment for drug users like Menzel, one of nearly 2 million Americans struggling with opioid addiction, whether to prescription pills or heroin. MAT, as the therapy is known, has been proven far more effective — and less dangerous and miserable — than cold-turkey quitting. Drugs like methadone and buprenorphine can help suppress opioid cravings and stave off the physical and psychological symptoms of withdrawal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When carefully managed, MAT can cut the risk of overdose death by half, research shows. But not all medical providers \u003ca href=\"http://californiahealthline.org/news/one-major-force-lacking-in-fight-against-opioid-addiction-in-rural-california-doctors/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">are properly trained\u003c/a> and approved to provide the treatments, which themselves are opioids (albeit less likely to be abused). Only state-licensed and federally approved clinics can provide methadone, and doctors need to apply for a federal Drug Enforcement Administration waiver to prescribe buprenorphine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lake Isabella sits in the Kern River Valley, home to 32 churches but not a single methadone clinic or doctor able or willing to prescribe buprenorphine. Like half the counties in California, the valley is an opioid “treatment desert.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_360811\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-360811\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"After riding the bus to the methadone clinic, Heather Menzel gets picked up by her brother at the bus stop in Lake Isabella, Calif., on June 6, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After riding the bus to the methadone clinic, Heather Menzel gets picked up by her brother at the bus stop in Lake Isabella, Calif., on June 6, 2016. \u003ccite>(Brian Rinker for KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In rural areas, historically, there has been a lot of stigma around addiction treatment,” said Kelly Pfeifer, a primary care doctor and opioid project director at the California Health Care Foundation. “Although the state is trying to remedy this, there are still wide treatment deserts across California.” (California Healthline is an editorially independent publication of the California Health Care Foundation.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, the California Department of Health Care Services awarded 19 applicants part of a $90 million federal grant to improve MAT access. In addition, $6 million was dedicated to support treatment in tribal communities. The agency hopes to create a network of “oases” in the state’s vast treatment deserts, many of which are in far Northern California, as well as eastern Kern County, which encompasses Lake Isabella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grants aim to pay for clinical and educational support to rural physicians, many of whom have never been trained in addiction medicine. Local doctors will handle most buprenorphine prescriptions, and in some towns, a mini-methadone program may set up shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But eastern Kern didn’t make the cut. For now, expanding opioid treatment in this area, and eastward, will have to wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without such help, many experts say people like Heather Menzel — whose story a reporter followed over the course of a year — barely stand a chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hooked Again\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the beginning, Menzel struggled to stay clean at her mother’s. She soon fell back in with her old drug-abusing friends. Within two months of arriving home, her grand plan for getting clean slid into her veins and disappeared with the push of a plunger. She was hooked on heroin again, smoking methamphetamine and, once her mom kicked her out, homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_360813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 770px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-360813 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170.jpg\" alt=\"After Heather Menzel takes her methadone prescription on a summer morning in 2016, she goes into the kitchen and watches her daughter, Bella, play with Menzel’s mother, Tawanna Maxwell-Cecil, at their home in Lake Isabella, Calif. \" width=\"770\" height=\"513\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170.jpg 770w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 770px) 100vw, 770px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After Heather Menzel takes her methadone prescription on a summer morning in 2016, she goes into the kitchen and watches her daughter, Bella, play with Menzel’s mother, Tawanna Maxwell-Cecil, at their home in Lake Isabella, Calif. \u003ccite>(Brian Rinker for KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--side-by-side-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was risking death, and she knew it. On average, 91 people a day in the United States died of an opioid overdose in 2015, the latest figures available \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/drugoverdose/epidemic/index.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/06/05/upshot/opioid-epidemic-drug-overdose-deaths-are-rising-faster-than-ever.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">projections show\u003c/a> the death rate will continue to rise. Overall, California’s opioid death rate is relatively low: 4.73 deaths per 100,000 people. Still, 1,966 Californians died of an opioid overdose in 2015. \u003ca href=\"https://pdop.shinyapps.io/ODdash_v1/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Kern County’s rate\u003c/a> was nearly double the state’s in 2015, and some sparsely populated rural counties, mostly up north, have rates that are far higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policymakers fear the death risk is growing as use of fentanyl moves west. A synthetic opioid \u003ca href=\"https://www.drugabuse.gov/drugs-abuse/fentanyl\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">estimated to be 50 to 100 times stronger\u003c/a> than morphine, fentanyl has caused numerous overdoses and deaths on the \u003ca href=\"http://khn.org/news/another-circle-of-hell-surviving-opioids-in-the-fentanyl-era/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">East Coast\u003c/a>. Some policymakers fear the fentanyl monster is heading to California, a potentially vast market of addicts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really feel an urgency in California to increase access to services so if and when fentanyl arrives, we are more prepared to deal with it,” said Marlies Perez, chief of the Substance Use Disorder Compliance Division at DHCS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immediate, convenient access to these treatments is key. “It is very important for someone in the middle of addiction to access treatment when they are ready,” said Pfeifer. “There are these moments when people have wake-up calls — when they are ready to seek care and get out of the chaos of trying to get drugs to feel normal again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘What Do I Do?’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menzel’s wake-up happened when she noticed that she was still sick after a morning heroin injection. After an angry call to her drug dealer to accuse him of ripping her off, Menzel soon realized it wasn’t fake heroin — she was pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She took the bus to the emergency room in Bakersfield. “I’m fully addicted to heroin,” she blurted out to the ER doctor. “What do I do?” The doctor told her, “If you want to save your baby, you need to get on methadone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affording methadone wasn’t a problem for Menzel. Medi-Cal, the state’s version of the Medicaid program for the poor, covered the costs. What impeded her was the daily trip from Lake Isabella to Bakersfield — an hour-plus bus ride down the curving canyon road. A round-trip ticket cost $5, more than she could spare. And if she missed an early bus back, she had to stay most of the day in Bakersfield to catch the next one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_360816\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-360816 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After receiving her methadone dose at a clinic in Bakersfield, Calif., Heather Menzel waits for the bus to take her back home to Lake Isabella on June 6, 2016. The bus ride takes about an hour and goes through a twisty canyon into the Sierra Nevada foothills. (Brian Rinker for KHN) \u003ccite>(Brian Rinker for KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For safety’s sake, the clinic started her at a low dose, increasing the amount until it was just right for her. But that beginning dose didn’t stave off the withdrawals, so she continued to use heroin and meth. She started to miss too many days of treatment and was kicked out of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menzel’s mother got her back in, promising the clinic that she would drive her daughter there every day. That meant quitting her job at Meals on Wheels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact you have to travel an hour to two hours every day to receive treatment requires somebody to operate a vehicle, pay for gas, and for some of our patients that is impossible,” said Javier Moreno, who manages the narcotics treatment programs in the Central Valley for Aegis Treatment Centers, the state’s largest methadone provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His Bakersfield clinics serve about 20 people in the Lake Isabella area, but Moreno thinks many more residents could benefit from MAT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘I Made it’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menzel didn’t take the ideal path to getting clean. But she eventually began to feel the groove of methadone, and her cravings for heroin subsided. After a couple of months, she was able to get methadone “take-home” doses for the weekend. She started riding the bus again to give her mother, who has the autoimmune disease lupus, a break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was big and pregnant,” said Menzel, who woke up Monday through Friday at 5:30 a.m. to catch the bus. “I had to ask the bus driver to pull over and pee a lot. But I made it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_360817\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-360817\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Heather Menzel feeds her daughter, Bella, during a Christian-based drug recovery meeting in Wofford Heights, Calif., in June 2016. Menzel is taking a maintenance dose of methadone to treat her heroin addiction.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Heather Menzel feeds her daughter, Bella, during a Christian-based drug recovery meeting in Wofford Heights, Calif., in June 2016. Menzel is taking a maintenance dose of methadone to treat her heroin addiction. \u003ccite>(Brian Rinker for KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In May 2015, Menzel gave birth to a healthy girl and named her Bella. She said she hasn’t used heroin or any other drug, besides methadone, in more than two years. She’s on a maintenance methadone dose, just 39 milligrams compared with 140 mg she used to take and plans to cut back until she is off it completely. Now she drives herself to the clinic every other week and has enrolled in community college, hoping to become a certified drug and alcohol counselor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if there will ever be a methadone clinic in the Kern River Valley,” Menzel said. But if one ever arrives, she said, she’d love to work there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really want to work with other pregnant women who will be going through the same thing that I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story was produced by \u003ca href=\"http://khn.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a>, which publishes \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Healthline\u003c/a>, an editorially independent service of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Health Care Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a> (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.kff.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Heather Menzel squirmed in her seat, unable to sleep on the Greyhound bus as it rolled through the early morning darkness toward Bakersfield, in California’s Central Valley. She’d been trapped in transit for three miserable days, stewing in a horrific sickness only a heroin addict can understand. Again, and again, she stumbled down the aisle to the bathroom to vomit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She hadn’t used since Chicago. She told herself that if she could just get through this self-prescribed detox, if she could get to her mother’s house in her hometown of Lake Isabella, Calif., all her problems would be solved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been through a lot of horrible, crazy stuff,” said Menzel, now 34. “I’ve been raped. I’ve been beaten up. I’ve been in prison. But trying to kick heroin on the Greyhound on the way home was the worst experience of my entire life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Menzel finally arrived at the Bakersfield bus station at 6 a.m. that day in February 2014, her mother and stepfather were there waiting. The two women hadn’t seen each other in years, not since Menzel stole her mom’s jewelry and fled the area. They didn’t talk much as they drove east though the twisty canyon on State Route 178 toward Lake Isabella, a two-stoplight town with a population of 3,500, nestled in the golden Sierra Nevada foothills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menzel hoped that the worst of the withdrawal was over — that a new life without heroin awaited. What she didn’t know was that heroin was now cheap and plentiful in Lake Isabella, as in so many small towns in the U.S., and that her best hope for treatment was far away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>32 Churches, No Methadone Clinic\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts recommend medication-assisted treatment for drug users like Menzel, one of nearly 2 million Americans struggling with opioid addiction, whether to prescription pills or heroin. MAT, as the therapy is known, has been proven far more effective — and less dangerous and miserable — than cold-turkey quitting. Drugs like methadone and buprenorphine can help suppress opioid cravings and stave off the physical and psychological symptoms of withdrawal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When carefully managed, MAT can cut the risk of overdose death by half, research shows. But not all medical providers \u003ca href=\"http://californiahealthline.org/news/one-major-force-lacking-in-fight-against-opioid-addiction-in-rural-california-doctors/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">are properly trained\u003c/a> and approved to provide the treatments, which themselves are opioids (albeit less likely to be abused). Only state-licensed and federally approved clinics can provide methadone, and doctors need to apply for a federal Drug Enforcement Administration waiver to prescribe buprenorphine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lake Isabella sits in the Kern River Valley, home to 32 churches but not a single methadone clinic or doctor able or willing to prescribe buprenorphine. Like half the counties in California, the valley is an opioid “treatment desert.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_360811\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-360811\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"After riding the bus to the methadone clinic, Heather Menzel gets picked up by her brother at the bus stop in Lake Isabella, Calif., on June 6, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_2_1170.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After riding the bus to the methadone clinic, Heather Menzel gets picked up by her brother at the bus stop in Lake Isabella, Calif., on June 6, 2016. \u003ccite>(Brian Rinker for KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In rural areas, historically, there has been a lot of stigma around addiction treatment,” said Kelly Pfeifer, a primary care doctor and opioid project director at the California Health Care Foundation. “Although the state is trying to remedy this, there are still wide treatment deserts across California.” (California Healthline is an editorially independent publication of the California Health Care Foundation.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, the California Department of Health Care Services awarded 19 applicants part of a $90 million federal grant to improve MAT access. In addition, $6 million was dedicated to support treatment in tribal communities. The agency hopes to create a network of “oases” in the state’s vast treatment deserts, many of which are in far Northern California, as well as eastern Kern County, which encompasses Lake Isabella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grants aim to pay for clinical and educational support to rural physicians, many of whom have never been trained in addiction medicine. Local doctors will handle most buprenorphine prescriptions, and in some towns, a mini-methadone program may set up shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But eastern Kern didn’t make the cut. For now, expanding opioid treatment in this area, and eastward, will have to wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without such help, many experts say people like Heather Menzel — whose story a reporter followed over the course of a year — barely stand a chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hooked Again\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the beginning, Menzel struggled to stay clean at her mother’s. She soon fell back in with her old drug-abusing friends. Within two months of arriving home, her grand plan for getting clean slid into her veins and disappeared with the push of a plunger. She was hooked on heroin again, smoking methamphetamine and, once her mom kicked her out, homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_360813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 770px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-360813 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170.jpg\" alt=\"After Heather Menzel takes her methadone prescription on a summer morning in 2016, she goes into the kitchen and watches her daughter, Bella, play with Menzel’s mother, Tawanna Maxwell-Cecil, at their home in Lake Isabella, Calif. \" width=\"770\" height=\"513\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170.jpg 770w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_7_1170-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 770px) 100vw, 770px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After Heather Menzel takes her methadone prescription on a summer morning in 2016, she goes into the kitchen and watches her daughter, Bella, play with Menzel’s mother, Tawanna Maxwell-Cecil, at their home in Lake Isabella, Calif. \u003ccite>(Brian Rinker for KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--side-by-side-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was risking death, and she knew it. On average, 91 people a day in the United States died of an opioid overdose in 2015, the latest figures available \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/drugoverdose/epidemic/index.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/06/05/upshot/opioid-epidemic-drug-overdose-deaths-are-rising-faster-than-ever.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">projections show\u003c/a> the death rate will continue to rise. Overall, California’s opioid death rate is relatively low: 4.73 deaths per 100,000 people. Still, 1,966 Californians died of an opioid overdose in 2015. \u003ca href=\"https://pdop.shinyapps.io/ODdash_v1/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Kern County’s rate\u003c/a> was nearly double the state’s in 2015, and some sparsely populated rural counties, mostly up north, have rates that are far higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policymakers fear the death risk is growing as use of fentanyl moves west. A synthetic opioid \u003ca href=\"https://www.drugabuse.gov/drugs-abuse/fentanyl\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">estimated to be 50 to 100 times stronger\u003c/a> than morphine, fentanyl has caused numerous overdoses and deaths on the \u003ca href=\"http://khn.org/news/another-circle-of-hell-surviving-opioids-in-the-fentanyl-era/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">East Coast\u003c/a>. Some policymakers fear the fentanyl monster is heading to California, a potentially vast market of addicts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really feel an urgency in California to increase access to services so if and when fentanyl arrives, we are more prepared to deal with it,” said Marlies Perez, chief of the Substance Use Disorder Compliance Division at DHCS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immediate, convenient access to these treatments is key. “It is very important for someone in the middle of addiction to access treatment when they are ready,” said Pfeifer. “There are these moments when people have wake-up calls — when they are ready to seek care and get out of the chaos of trying to get drugs to feel normal again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘What Do I Do?’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menzel’s wake-up happened when she noticed that she was still sick after a morning heroin injection. After an angry call to her drug dealer to accuse him of ripping her off, Menzel soon realized it wasn’t fake heroin — she was pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She took the bus to the emergency room in Bakersfield. “I’m fully addicted to heroin,” she blurted out to the ER doctor. “What do I do?” The doctor told her, “If you want to save your baby, you need to get on methadone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affording methadone wasn’t a problem for Menzel. Medi-Cal, the state’s version of the Medicaid program for the poor, covered the costs. What impeded her was the daily trip from Lake Isabella to Bakersfield — an hour-plus bus ride down the curving canyon road. A round-trip ticket cost $5, more than she could spare. And if she missed an early bus back, she had to stay most of the day in Bakersfield to catch the next one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_360816\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-360816 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel_4_1170.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After receiving her methadone dose at a clinic in Bakersfield, Calif., Heather Menzel waits for the bus to take her back home to Lake Isabella on June 6, 2016. The bus ride takes about an hour and goes through a twisty canyon into the Sierra Nevada foothills. (Brian Rinker for KHN) \u003ccite>(Brian Rinker for KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For safety’s sake, the clinic started her at a low dose, increasing the amount until it was just right for her. But that beginning dose didn’t stave off the withdrawals, so she continued to use heroin and meth. She started to miss too many days of treatment and was kicked out of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menzel’s mother got her back in, promising the clinic that she would drive her daughter there every day. That meant quitting her job at Meals on Wheels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact you have to travel an hour to two hours every day to receive treatment requires somebody to operate a vehicle, pay for gas, and for some of our patients that is impossible,” said Javier Moreno, who manages the narcotics treatment programs in the Central Valley for Aegis Treatment Centers, the state’s largest methadone provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His Bakersfield clinics serve about 20 people in the Lake Isabella area, but Moreno thinks many more residents could benefit from MAT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘I Made it’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menzel didn’t take the ideal path to getting clean. But she eventually began to feel the groove of methadone, and her cravings for heroin subsided. After a couple of months, she was able to get methadone “take-home” doses for the weekend. She started riding the bus again to give her mother, who has the autoimmune disease lupus, a break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was big and pregnant,” said Menzel, who woke up Monday through Friday at 5:30 a.m. to catch the bus. “I had to ask the bus driver to pull over and pee a lot. But I made it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_360817\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-360817\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Heather Menzel feeds her daughter, Bella, during a Christian-based drug recovery meeting in Wofford Heights, Calif., in June 2016. Menzel is taking a maintenance dose of methadone to treat her heroin addiction.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/08/menzel-_1_1170.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Heather Menzel feeds her daughter, Bella, during a Christian-based drug recovery meeting in Wofford Heights, Calif., in June 2016. Menzel is taking a maintenance dose of methadone to treat her heroin addiction. \u003ccite>(Brian Rinker for KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In May 2015, Menzel gave birth to a healthy girl and named her Bella. She said she hasn’t used heroin or any other drug, besides methadone, in more than two years. She’s on a maintenance methadone dose, just 39 milligrams compared with 140 mg she used to take and plans to cut back until she is off it completely. Now she drives herself to the clinic every other week and has enrolled in community college, hoping to become a certified drug and alcohol counselor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if there will ever be a methadone clinic in the Kern River Valley,” Menzel said. But if one ever arrives, she said, she’d love to work there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really want to work with other pregnant women who will be going through the same thing that I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story was produced by \u003ca href=\"http://khn.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a>, which publishes \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Healthline\u003c/a>, an editorially independent service of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Health Care Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a> (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.kff.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 2:55 p.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a string of executives quit President Trump’s manufacturing council over his controversial remarks about violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, the president declared he is disbanding two economic advisory panels that included the heads of some of America’s largest companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/897869174323728385\">said in a tweet\u003c/a> that he is ending the Manufacturing Jobs Initiative and the Strategic and Policy Forum “rather than putting pressure on the businesspeople” that made up those groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank you all!” the president added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/897869174323728385\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move came shortly after two executives — 3M’s Inge Thulin and Campbell Soup’s Denise Morrison — said Wednesday that they would be leaving the manufacturing panel established by Trump, who has long touted the need to support American manufacturing jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Racism and murder are unequivocally reprehensible and are not morally equivalent to anything else that happened in Charlottesville,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/CampbellSoupCo/status/897864489084665861\">Campbell Soup CEO Morrison said\u003c/a>, referring to Trump’s much criticized response to the white supremacist rally in which a counterprotester was killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/3M?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">3M President and CEO Thulin said\u003c/a> his decision to leave followed reflection on the values of “sustainability, diversity and inclusion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were among eight executives who quit Trump’s manufacturing council this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”P49nfkKloo1nIBr2CUCZk1Pp8L6G8v92″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Merck CEO Kenneth Frazier, who is African-American, was the first to announce his departure after Charlottesville, saying Monday that “I feel a responsibility to take a stand against intolerance and extremism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that day, Under Armour’s Kevin Plank and Intel’s Brian Krzanich said they, too, would be leaving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday saw the departures of Scott Paul, president of the Alliance for American Manufacturing; Richard Trumka, president of the AFL-CIO; and Thea Lee, the AFL-CIO’s deputy chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m resigning from the Manufacturing Jobs Initiative because it’s the right thing for me to do,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ScottPaulAAM/status/897482381275283456\">Paul wrote in a tweet\u003c/a> Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the summer, Tesla founder Elon Musk left both the manufacturing council and the Strategic and Policy Forum, announcing \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/870369915894546432\">that he disagreed\u003c/a> with Trump’s decision to withdraw the U.S. from the Paris climate accord. Disney CEO Bob Iger also resigned over Trump’s climate policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Uber CEO Travis Kalanick quit the forum in February, citing \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/02/02/513133535/uber-ceo-leaves-business-council-after-criticism-from-trump-opponents\">Trump’s executive order on immigration\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s decision to wind down the two groups came despite his defiant tone about the recent resignations earlier this week, as criticism swirled around his comment that “many sides” were at fault in Charlottesville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Trump said, “Now that Ken Frazier of Merck Pharma has resigned from President’s Manufacturing Council, he will have more time to LOWER RIPOFF DRUG PRICES!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Trump stated, “For every CEO that drops out of the Manufacturing Council, I have many to take their place. Grandstanders should not have gone on. JOBS!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the council was formed back in January, the White House said the Manufacturing Jobs Initiative would allow the president to meet with “some of the world’s most successful and creative business leaders to share their experiences and gain their insights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Disbands+2+Business+Advisory+Councils+After+String+Of+Resignations&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 2:55 p.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a string of executives quit President Trump’s manufacturing council over his controversial remarks about violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, the president declared he is disbanding two economic advisory panels that included the heads of some of America’s largest companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/897869174323728385\">said in a tweet\u003c/a> that he is ending the Manufacturing Jobs Initiative and the Strategic and Policy Forum “rather than putting pressure on the businesspeople” that made up those groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank you all!” the president added.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move came shortly after two executives — 3M’s Inge Thulin and Campbell Soup’s Denise Morrison — said Wednesday that they would be leaving the manufacturing panel established by Trump, who has long touted the need to support American manufacturing jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Racism and murder are unequivocally reprehensible and are not morally equivalent to anything else that happened in Charlottesville,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/CampbellSoupCo/status/897864489084665861\">Campbell Soup CEO Morrison said\u003c/a>, referring to Trump’s much criticized response to the white supremacist rally in which a counterprotester was killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/3M?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">3M President and CEO Thulin said\u003c/a> his decision to leave followed reflection on the values of “sustainability, diversity and inclusion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were among eight executives who quit Trump’s manufacturing council this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Merck CEO Kenneth Frazier, who is African-American, was the first to announce his departure after Charlottesville, saying Monday that “I feel a responsibility to take a stand against intolerance and extremism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that day, Under Armour’s Kevin Plank and Intel’s Brian Krzanich said they, too, would be leaving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday saw the departures of Scott Paul, president of the Alliance for American Manufacturing; Richard Trumka, president of the AFL-CIO; and Thea Lee, the AFL-CIO’s deputy chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m resigning from the Manufacturing Jobs Initiative because it’s the right thing for me to do,” \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ScottPaulAAM/status/897482381275283456\">Paul wrote in a tweet\u003c/a> Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the summer, Tesla founder Elon Musk left both the manufacturing council and the Strategic and Policy Forum, announcing \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/870369915894546432\">that he disagreed\u003c/a> with Trump’s decision to withdraw the U.S. from the Paris climate accord. Disney CEO Bob Iger also resigned over Trump’s climate policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Uber CEO Travis Kalanick quit the forum in February, citing \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/02/02/513133535/uber-ceo-leaves-business-council-after-criticism-from-trump-opponents\">Trump’s executive order on immigration\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s decision to wind down the two groups came despite his defiant tone about the recent resignations earlier this week, as criticism swirled around his comment that “many sides” were at fault in Charlottesville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Trump said, “Now that Ken Frazier of Merck Pharma has resigned from President’s Manufacturing Council, he will have more time to LOWER RIPOFF DRUG PRICES!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Trump stated, “For every CEO that drops out of the Manufacturing Council, I have many to take their place. Grandstanders should not have gone on. JOBS!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the council was formed back in January, the White House said the Manufacturing Jobs Initiative would allow the president to meet with “some of the world’s most successful and creative business leaders to share their experiences and gain their insights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Disbands+2+Business+Advisory+Councils+After+String+Of+Resignations&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>At the intersection where protections against unreasonable search and seizure meet the rights to free speech and association, there is now a web hosting company called DreamHost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California-based company is resisting a Department of Justice warrant that demands it hand over all files related to DisruptJ20.org, a website created by one of its customers to plan and announce actions intended to interrupt President Trump's inauguration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inauguration Day protests in Washington, D.C., turned violent; \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/public-safety/mass-inauguration-day-arrests-a-challenge-for-prosecutors/2017/02/04/594bf238-ea2b-11e6-bf6f-301b6b443624_story.html?tid=a_inl-amp&utm_term=.cd904e5537f6\">230 people were arrested \u003c/a>and charged with felony rioting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In gathering evidence for the nearly 200 still-open cases in D.C. court, the Justice Department issued a warrant that DreamHost says is so broad it would require handing over the logs of 1.3 million visits to the website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company \u003ca href=\"https://www.dreamhost.com/blog/we-fight-for-the-users/\">called\u003c/a> the warrant \"a highly untargeted demand that chills free association and the right of free speech afforded by the Constitution. ... This is, in our opinion, a strong example of investigatory overreach and a clear abuse of government authority.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week after the inauguration, DreamHost says the Justice Department asked it for records relating to the person who had registered the site — such as the person's physical and email addresses — and it complied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in July, the government issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.dreamhost.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/DH-Search-Warrant.pdf\">a new warrant\u003c/a> that asked for additional materials: \"all files, databases, and database records\" related to DisruptJ20's website, as prosecutors moved to seize all information \"involving the individuals who participated, planed [sic], organized, or incited the January 20 riot.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DreamHost resisted providing the newly requested information, citing concerns that the warrant was \"overbroad\" and may result in \"overseizure.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Justice Department said DreamHost must provide the information regardless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"DreamHost's opinion of the breadth of the warrant does not provide it with a basis for refusing to comply with the Court's search warrant and begin an immediate production,\" U.S. Attorney Channing Phillips wrote \u003ca href=\"https://www.dreamhost.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/DH-DOJMotiontoShowCause.pdf\">in a motion\u003c/a> to the D.C. Superior Court, which will soon hold a hearing regarding the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/files/2017/08/14/opposition_motion.pdf\">In its filing with the court\u003c/a>, DreamHost says the warrant requires the company \"to turn over every piece of information it has about every visitor to a website expressing political views concerning the current administration\":\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"This information includes the IP address for the visitor, the website pages viewed by the visitor, even a detailed description of software running in the visitor's computer. In essence, the Search Warrant not only aims to identify the political dissidents of the current administration, but attempts to identify and understand what content each of these dissidents viewed on the website. The Search Warrant also includes a demand that DreamHost disclose the content of all e-mail inquiries and comments submitted from numerous private e-mail accounts and prompted by the website, all through a single sweeping warrant.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department told NPR that it won't comment on the case aside from the court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Is the government really asking for all those visitor logs?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Yes, they definitely are,\" says Electronic Frontier Foundation senior staff attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/about/staff/mark-rumold\">Mark Rumold\u003c/a>. EFF advocates for internet privacy and free speech, and has advised DreamHost in its case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rumold tells NPR that when DreamHost first approached EFF about responding to the warrant, he guessed \"that DOJ would realize how broad the warrant was, and say, oh you know, in fact we're not actually looking for IP logs for everyone who's ever visited the site\" and would narrow its request accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But instead, the government insisted on DreamHost's compliance with the warrant as written.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It always raises red flags when the government is trying to pry into the organization or the association of its political opponents,\" Rumold says. \"That said, the DOJ has apparently demonstrated to a judge that there is probable cause to believe that something on this site is evidence of a crime.\" But, he says, the logs of everyone who ever visited the site, along with when and where they viewed it — \"there's no way that that's all evidence of a crime.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's always troubling when the government seizes far more information than it could ever use,\" he says. \"That's just generally a problem regardless of the investigation. I think what's particularly unique about this case is that the crime and the topic that is being investigated is a group of people who are politically opposed to the president.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For administrators of websites that involve political dissent or discussion, Rumold says best practices would dictate not keeping logs of visitor data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Legba Carrefour, who was one of the organizers for DisruptJ20, says the site's administrators \u003cem>didn't\u003c/em> keep this data for DisruptJ20.org, but DreamHost did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would not keep records on who visits our website,\" Carrefour told NPR. \"We don't want to know, and we don't care. But also I'm sure like half of those are probably cops\" checking to see what the group had planned for the inauguration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrefour said DisruptJ20 used what is called \"the open organizing model\": Instead of making plans in secret, they posted everything they intended to do right on their website. They held biweekly meetings to audiences of 200 or 300 people at a time, in places like church basements, which he assumes police attended. \"We feel like open organizing is a better way to recruit people and also sort of a more honest, forthright, and successful way of organizing mass mobilizations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrefour said he was \"surprised and impressed\" that DreamHost is \"going to the lengths they are to resist\" the government's request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DreamHost says its stance isn't a political one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This has become a political issue for many — but our interest in this case truly isn't that specific,\" DreamHost spokesman Brett Dunst wrote in an email to NPR. \"We're completely content-agnostic in this. For DreamHost, this is simply an over-broad request for records, and we feel obligated to contest it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said DreamHost keeps server logs in order to manage the sites of its 400,000-plus customers and identify issues like Distributed Denial of Service attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We only retain those logs for a very brief time,\" Dunst wrote. \"The DOJ served us with a preservation notice immediately after the inauguration, which is why we still have access to that data in this case.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department's demand for the logs has troubling implications, says Georgetown University law professor \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.georgetown.edu/faculty/ohm-paul.cfm\">Paul Ohm\u003c/a>, who formerly worked as an attorney in the Department of Justice's Computer Crime and Intellectual Property Section.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's disturbing to me,\" Ohm tells NPR, \"that with a single warrant, signed by a single judge — especially given the speech implications of this particular website — it's disturbing to me that that could be the single key that unlocks the political and speech habits of I-don't-know-how-many-people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He estimated that 1.3 million visitor logs could represent thousands of people, or hundreds of thousands. And he said that the framers of the U.S. Constitution specifically wanted to avoid practices like British general warrants, which gave sweeping access to search any location with a single piece of paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This smells like a general warrant,\" says Ohm. \"I think the framers would recognize a single request to get the reading habits of tens of thousands of people to essentially be the closest thing we have in modern times to a general warrant.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ohm says courts have often considered how rights against illegal search and seizure begin to overlap with free speech rights — and \"this case is tailor-made to sit at that intersection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This site is about speech. It's about listening, which is also kind of a First Amendment right,\" he says. \"It's about assembly. It's about petitioning the government. And so I think it's not going to be hard for the lawyers in this case to say this isn't just about policing and the limits of policing. This is about disruption of speech. And so for all those reasons, it really raises the stakes on this particular litigation and it means it's going to get a close look from the courts.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At the intersection where protections against unreasonable search and seizure meet the rights to free speech and association, there is now a web hosting company called DreamHost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California-based company is resisting a Department of Justice warrant that demands it hand over all files related to DisruptJ20.org, a website created by one of its customers to plan and announce actions intended to interrupt President Trump's inauguration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inauguration Day protests in Washington, D.C., turned violent; \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/public-safety/mass-inauguration-day-arrests-a-challenge-for-prosecutors/2017/02/04/594bf238-ea2b-11e6-bf6f-301b6b443624_story.html?tid=a_inl-amp&utm_term=.cd904e5537f6\">230 people were arrested \u003c/a>and charged with felony rioting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In gathering evidence for the nearly 200 still-open cases in D.C. court, the Justice Department issued a warrant that DreamHost says is so broad it would require handing over the logs of 1.3 million visits to the website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company \u003ca href=\"https://www.dreamhost.com/blog/we-fight-for-the-users/\">called\u003c/a> the warrant \"a highly untargeted demand that chills free association and the right of free speech afforded by the Constitution. ... This is, in our opinion, a strong example of investigatory overreach and a clear abuse of government authority.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week after the inauguration, DreamHost says the Justice Department asked it for records relating to the person who had registered the site — such as the person's physical and email addresses — and it complied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in July, the government issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.dreamhost.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/DH-Search-Warrant.pdf\">a new warrant\u003c/a> that asked for additional materials: \"all files, databases, and database records\" related to DisruptJ20's website, as prosecutors moved to seize all information \"involving the individuals who participated, planed [sic], organized, or incited the January 20 riot.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DreamHost resisted providing the newly requested information, citing concerns that the warrant was \"overbroad\" and may result in \"overseizure.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Justice Department said DreamHost must provide the information regardless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"DreamHost's opinion of the breadth of the warrant does not provide it with a basis for refusing to comply with the Court's search warrant and begin an immediate production,\" U.S. Attorney Channing Phillips wrote \u003ca href=\"https://www.dreamhost.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/DH-DOJMotiontoShowCause.pdf\">in a motion\u003c/a> to the D.C. Superior Court, which will soon hold a hearing regarding the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/files/2017/08/14/opposition_motion.pdf\">In its filing with the court\u003c/a>, DreamHost says the warrant requires the company \"to turn over every piece of information it has about every visitor to a website expressing political views concerning the current administration\":\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"This information includes the IP address for the visitor, the website pages viewed by the visitor, even a detailed description of software running in the visitor's computer. In essence, the Search Warrant not only aims to identify the political dissidents of the current administration, but attempts to identify and understand what content each of these dissidents viewed on the website. The Search Warrant also includes a demand that DreamHost disclose the content of all e-mail inquiries and comments submitted from numerous private e-mail accounts and prompted by the website, all through a single sweeping warrant.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department told NPR that it won't comment on the case aside from the court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Is the government really asking for all those visitor logs?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Yes, they definitely are,\" says Electronic Frontier Foundation senior staff attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/about/staff/mark-rumold\">Mark Rumold\u003c/a>. EFF advocates for internet privacy and free speech, and has advised DreamHost in its case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rumold tells NPR that when DreamHost first approached EFF about responding to the warrant, he guessed \"that DOJ would realize how broad the warrant was, and say, oh you know, in fact we're not actually looking for IP logs for everyone who's ever visited the site\" and would narrow its request accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But instead, the government insisted on DreamHost's compliance with the warrant as written.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It always raises red flags when the government is trying to pry into the organization or the association of its political opponents,\" Rumold says. \"That said, the DOJ has apparently demonstrated to a judge that there is probable cause to believe that something on this site is evidence of a crime.\" But, he says, the logs of everyone who ever visited the site, along with when and where they viewed it — \"there's no way that that's all evidence of a crime.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's always troubling when the government seizes far more information than it could ever use,\" he says. \"That's just generally a problem regardless of the investigation. I think what's particularly unique about this case is that the crime and the topic that is being investigated is a group of people who are politically opposed to the president.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For administrators of websites that involve political dissent or discussion, Rumold says best practices would dictate not keeping logs of visitor data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Legba Carrefour, who was one of the organizers for DisruptJ20, says the site's administrators \u003cem>didn't\u003c/em> keep this data for DisruptJ20.org, but DreamHost did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would not keep records on who visits our website,\" Carrefour told NPR. \"We don't want to know, and we don't care. But also I'm sure like half of those are probably cops\" checking to see what the group had planned for the inauguration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrefour said DisruptJ20 used what is called \"the open organizing model\": Instead of making plans in secret, they posted everything they intended to do right on their website. They held biweekly meetings to audiences of 200 or 300 people at a time, in places like church basements, which he assumes police attended. \"We feel like open organizing is a better way to recruit people and also sort of a more honest, forthright, and successful way of organizing mass mobilizations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrefour said he was \"surprised and impressed\" that DreamHost is \"going to the lengths they are to resist\" the government's request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DreamHost says its stance isn't a political one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This has become a political issue for many — but our interest in this case truly isn't that specific,\" DreamHost spokesman Brett Dunst wrote in an email to NPR. \"We're completely content-agnostic in this. For DreamHost, this is simply an over-broad request for records, and we feel obligated to contest it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said DreamHost keeps server logs in order to manage the sites of its 400,000-plus customers and identify issues like Distributed Denial of Service attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We only retain those logs for a very brief time,\" Dunst wrote. \"The DOJ served us with a preservation notice immediately after the inauguration, which is why we still have access to that data in this case.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department's demand for the logs has troubling implications, says Georgetown University law professor \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.georgetown.edu/faculty/ohm-paul.cfm\">Paul Ohm\u003c/a>, who formerly worked as an attorney in the Department of Justice's Computer Crime and Intellectual Property Section.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's disturbing to me,\" Ohm tells NPR, \"that with a single warrant, signed by a single judge — especially given the speech implications of this particular website — it's disturbing to me that that could be the single key that unlocks the political and speech habits of I-don't-know-how-many-people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He estimated that 1.3 million visitor logs could represent thousands of people, or hundreds of thousands. And he said that the framers of the U.S. Constitution specifically wanted to avoid practices like British general warrants, which gave sweeping access to search any location with a single piece of paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This smells like a general warrant,\" says Ohm. \"I think the framers would recognize a single request to get the reading habits of tens of thousands of people to essentially be the closest thing we have in modern times to a general warrant.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ohm says courts have often considered how rights against illegal search and seizure begin to overlap with free speech rights — and \"this case is tailor-made to sit at that intersection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This site is about speech. It's about listening, which is also kind of a First Amendment right,\" he says. \"It's about assembly. It's about petitioning the government. And so I think it's not going to be hard for the lawyers in this case to say this isn't just about policing and the limits of policing. This is about disruption of speech. And so for all those reasons, it really raises the stakes on this particular litigation and it means it's going to get a close look from the courts.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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},
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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