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"content": "\u003cp>Democrat\u003ca href=\"http://www.rokhanna.com/\"> Ro Khanna \u003c/a>isn’t only taking on eight-term congressman \u003ca href=\"http://mikehonda.com/\">Mike Honda \u003c/a>for the House seat in the heart of Silicon Valley. He’s roughing up the entire California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m fearless,” said 39-year-old Khanna, an Indian-American tech attorney from Fremont. “The rules are rigged. There’s a group of people trying to hold onto their power by appointing their friends, who will decide who gets the party’s endorsement. It’s a vestige of the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/250173174″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna admits he’s channeling Democrat Bernie Sanders and Republican Donald Trump in this year’s wild and unorthodox presidential race. He believes they have tapped into voters who are tired of parties looking out for their own interests instead of working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the Republican side — although I disagree with him on many issues — there is a populism to Trump’s campaign,” said Khanna. “There’s a lot of anger on both sides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was hours before delegates at the California Democratic Party Convention in San Jose overwhelmingly endorsed Honda on Feb. 27. For the 74-year-old veteran congressman — who is in the throes of a\u003ca href=\"https://ethics.house.gov/\"> serious House Ethics Committee \u003c/a>investigation — this is a rematch of a bitter race Khanna narrowly lost two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honda quickly brushed off Khanna’s accusations that the party rules are rigged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10885476\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10885476\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-800x659.jpg\" alt=\"Congressman Mike Honda (seated, red tie) listens to opponent Ro Khanna call the state Democratic Party endorsement process rigged.\" width=\"800\" height=\"659\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-800x659.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-400x330.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-1180x972.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-960x791.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congressman Mike Honda (seated, red tie) listens to opponent Ro Khanna call the state Democratic Party endorsement process rigged. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Oh come on. For goodness sake,” said Honda, a Japanese-American former schoolteacher. “I’m not the one who paid for memberships to load up on Democratic clubs. … We’ll see how much of an impact his negative campaign, his innuendos and the impressions he’s trying to leave on people work out. I don’t think they will work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during this campaign Khanna plans to hit Honda hard on the House ethics probe every chance he gets. There are allegations that Honda mixed campaign and government business and gave improper favors, like fast-tracking visas, to top donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think it [the investigation] disqualifies Mike Honda from running. It’s my honest opinion,” said Khanna. “It represents cronyism, it represents giving favors to donors and it’s wrong. And I will speak out about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Honda said there’s an internal House process by which committee members will determine if a House rule was violated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Violating an ethics rule is not breaking a law,” said Honda. “There is not a criminal investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of the ethics committee’s decision is critical, said Larry Gerston, a political science professor emeritus at San Jose State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the committee acts fairly soon, Honda could probably go a long way with putting it behind him,” said Gerston. “But if the committee acts in a negative way — let’s say in September or October — that could be a factor in this race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Khanna is portraying Honda “as everything wrong with politics” and himself as the ultimate Washington and Democratic Party outsider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take no PAC [political action committee] money,” said Khanna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he may want to brush up on who is serving in Congress. At the California Democratic Convention in San Jose last weekend, he bumped into Maxine Waters, the veteran Los Angeles congresswoman and former chair of the Congressional Black Caucus. Khanna introduced himself and asked Waters what she’s running for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Re-election in Los Angeles,” said Waters, who was also once investigated for violating House ethics rules in 2010 and later exonerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10885479\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10885479\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-800x578.jpg\" alt=\"Mike Honda talks with supporters from his district after getting the Democratic Party’s endorsement.\" width=\"800\" height=\"578\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-800x578.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-400x289.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-1180x852.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-960x693.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Honda talks with supporters from his district after getting the Democratic Party’s endorsement. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This race is very much a generational contrast between two Democrats who really don’t differ much on the issues, said Gerston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senior man who has been there, done that, because he has so much experience. The young guy who is perhaps a little bit more brazen, going to break a few things along the way, and isn’t afraid to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna is counting on support from younger voters who might not know or care about Honda’s history. But that might not be an adequate strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic activist Jay Cheng, 27, grew up in Cupertino and said he can count on Honda, who is a reliable vote on many issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For millennial Democrats who have grown up in the district, we know who has been there for us,” said Cheng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the convention, Khanna’s field director, Michael Ambler, said he had no problem signing up young volunteers from the district with no connection to Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of volunteers are in college and are worrying about how they are going to pay off their college loans,” said Ambler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 17th Congressional District — which includes Fremont, Sunnyvale, Cupertino, Newark, Milpitas, Santa Clara and North San Jose — is home to tech giants Tesla, Google, Apple, Cisco and others. It also has a large population of voters from India, China, the Philippines, Japan, Vietnam and Pakistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Asian Pacific Islander Caucus at the convention, Khanna said tech companies in the district need to reflect the diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”QTzV4eaXdYx06AhRVYYr8tO0kxkeu9og”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you go into the halls of Facebook, Google, Tesla, there are not enough Filipino-Americans, there are not enough African-Americans, there are not enough Latino-Americans,” said Khanna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Honda has a compelling life story many immigrants can relate to. During World War II, he and his family were put in an internment camp with other Americans of Japanese descent. He later became a champion of civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After eight terms in the House, Honda is reintroducing himself to voters to remind them where he came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people start to listen to who you are, your history and background, they say, ‘That sounds like me.’ So there’s a connection and it’s really important, and so is authenticity,” said Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Aisha Wahab, an Afghan-American voter who works in the district, said there’s one issue that cuts across all ethnic and racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A chance to grow, a chance to survive, a chance to thrive. And I think that’s what this race is about. Our future, not our past,” said Wahab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just how much voters get to hear the candidates debate the issues in coming months remains to be seen. The race has become such a slugfest that Democratic San Jose City Councilman Pierluigi Oliverio recently decided to run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s too much mudslinging already,” said Oliverio. “I’ll talk about the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a sign of how nasty this campaign may be, unsigned hit pieces were distributed at the convention portraying Khanna as a Republican puppet. The Honda campaign denies having any connection to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s primary rules, the top two finishers in the June election will advance. That means Khanna and Honda are likely to meet up again in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Counts is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts\">Read more in this series\u003c/a> and let us know your thoughts on Twitter using the hashtag \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23iamsouthla&src=typd\">#\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23CACounts&src=typd\">CACounts\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democrat\u003ca href=\"http://www.rokhanna.com/\"> Ro Khanna \u003c/a>isn’t only taking on eight-term congressman \u003ca href=\"http://mikehonda.com/\">Mike Honda \u003c/a>for the House seat in the heart of Silicon Valley. He’s roughing up the entire California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m fearless,” said 39-year-old Khanna, an Indian-American tech attorney from Fremont. “The rules are rigged. There’s a group of people trying to hold onto their power by appointing their friends, who will decide who gets the party’s endorsement. It’s a vestige of the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/250173174″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/250173174″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna admits he’s channeling Democrat Bernie Sanders and Republican Donald Trump in this year’s wild and unorthodox presidential race. He believes they have tapped into voters who are tired of parties looking out for their own interests instead of working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the Republican side — although I disagree with him on many issues — there is a populism to Trump’s campaign,” said Khanna. “There’s a lot of anger on both sides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was hours before delegates at the California Democratic Party Convention in San Jose overwhelmingly endorsed Honda on Feb. 27. For the 74-year-old veteran congressman — who is in the throes of a\u003ca href=\"https://ethics.house.gov/\"> serious House Ethics Committee \u003c/a>investigation — this is a rematch of a bitter race Khanna narrowly lost two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honda quickly brushed off Khanna’s accusations that the party rules are rigged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10885476\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10885476\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-800x659.jpg\" alt=\"Congressman Mike Honda (seated, red tie) listens to opponent Ro Khanna call the state Democratic Party endorsement process rigged.\" width=\"800\" height=\"659\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-800x659.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-400x330.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-1180x972.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-960x791.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congressman Mike Honda (seated, red tie) listens to opponent Ro Khanna call the state Democratic Party endorsement process rigged. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Oh come on. For goodness sake,” said Honda, a Japanese-American former schoolteacher. “I’m not the one who paid for memberships to load up on Democratic clubs. … We’ll see how much of an impact his negative campaign, his innuendos and the impressions he’s trying to leave on people work out. I don’t think they will work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during this campaign Khanna plans to hit Honda hard on the House ethics probe every chance he gets. There are allegations that Honda mixed campaign and government business and gave improper favors, like fast-tracking visas, to top donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think it [the investigation] disqualifies Mike Honda from running. It’s my honest opinion,” said Khanna. “It represents cronyism, it represents giving favors to donors and it’s wrong. And I will speak out about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Honda said there’s an internal House process by which committee members will determine if a House rule was violated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Violating an ethics rule is not breaking a law,” said Honda. “There is not a criminal investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of the ethics committee’s decision is critical, said Larry Gerston, a political science professor emeritus at San Jose State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the committee acts fairly soon, Honda could probably go a long way with putting it behind him,” said Gerston. “But if the committee acts in a negative way — let’s say in September or October — that could be a factor in this race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Khanna is portraying Honda “as everything wrong with politics” and himself as the ultimate Washington and Democratic Party outsider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take no PAC [political action committee] money,” said Khanna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he may want to brush up on who is serving in Congress. At the California Democratic Convention in San Jose last weekend, he bumped into Maxine Waters, the veteran Los Angeles congresswoman and former chair of the Congressional Black Caucus. Khanna introduced himself and asked Waters what she’s running for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Re-election in Los Angeles,” said Waters, who was also once investigated for violating House ethics rules in 2010 and later exonerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10885479\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10885479\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-800x578.jpg\" alt=\"Mike Honda talks with supporters from his district after getting the Democratic Party’s endorsement.\" width=\"800\" height=\"578\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-800x578.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-400x289.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-1180x852.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-960x693.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Honda talks with supporters from his district after getting the Democratic Party’s endorsement. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This race is very much a generational contrast between two Democrats who really don’t differ much on the issues, said Gerston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senior man who has been there, done that, because he has so much experience. The young guy who is perhaps a little bit more brazen, going to break a few things along the way, and isn’t afraid to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna is counting on support from younger voters who might not know or care about Honda’s history. But that might not be an adequate strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic activist Jay Cheng, 27, grew up in Cupertino and said he can count on Honda, who is a reliable vote on many issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For millennial Democrats who have grown up in the district, we know who has been there for us,” said Cheng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the convention, Khanna’s field director, Michael Ambler, said he had no problem signing up young volunteers from the district with no connection to Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of volunteers are in college and are worrying about how they are going to pay off their college loans,” said Ambler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 17th Congressional District — which includes Fremont, Sunnyvale, Cupertino, Newark, Milpitas, Santa Clara and North San Jose — is home to tech giants Tesla, Google, Apple, Cisco and others. It also has a large population of voters from India, China, the Philippines, Japan, Vietnam and Pakistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Asian Pacific Islander Caucus at the convention, Khanna said tech companies in the district need to reflect the diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you go into the halls of Facebook, Google, Tesla, there are not enough Filipino-Americans, there are not enough African-Americans, there are not enough Latino-Americans,” said Khanna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Honda has a compelling life story many immigrants can relate to. During World War II, he and his family were put in an internment camp with other Americans of Japanese descent. He later became a champion of civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After eight terms in the House, Honda is reintroducing himself to voters to remind them where he came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people start to listen to who you are, your history and background, they say, ‘That sounds like me.’ So there’s a connection and it’s really important, and so is authenticity,” said Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Aisha Wahab, an Afghan-American voter who works in the district, said there’s one issue that cuts across all ethnic and racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A chance to grow, a chance to survive, a chance to thrive. And I think that’s what this race is about. Our future, not our past,” said Wahab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just how much voters get to hear the candidates debate the issues in coming months remains to be seen. The race has become such a slugfest that Democratic San Jose City Councilman Pierluigi Oliverio recently decided to run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s too much mudslinging already,” said Oliverio. “I’ll talk about the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a sign of how nasty this campaign may be, unsigned hit pieces were distributed at the convention portraying Khanna as a Republican puppet. The Honda campaign denies having any connection to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s primary rules, the top two finishers in the June election will advance. That means Khanna and Honda are likely to meet up again in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Counts is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts\">Read more in this series\u003c/a> and let us know your thoughts on Twitter using the hashtag \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23iamsouthla&src=typd\">#\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23CACounts&src=typd\">CACounts\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Prosecutors Cry Foul Over Jerry Brown's Ballot Measure",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association (CDAA) and Sacramento DA Anne Marie Schubert are asking state Attorney General Kamala Harris to hold off on issuing a title and summary to the criminal sentencing reform ballot measure Gov. Jerry Brown announced recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oYZA6ZKS3hQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a filing with Superior Court in Sacramento, the CDAA claims Brown “cut in line” ahead of five other initiatives by taking a ballot measure filed Dec. 22, 2015 and basically doing a “gut-and-amend” with a “complete rewrite.” That, they say, circumvented the public input process, leaving the legislative analyst and the attorney general inadequate time to review and assess the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[scribd id=299116134 key=key-6PbOevRnieYA1KJ7wDdy mode=scroll]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement from his office, Brown said, “It’s perplexing why these DA’s would deny the people of California their right to vote on this important public safety measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court is closed until Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure gives Brown an opportunity few politicians ever get: To reach back and fix the unintended consequences of a law he signed nearly 40 years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246737775″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown signed the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2012/01/23/the-law-that-help-pack-californias-prisons/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Uniform Determinate Sentencing Law \u003c/a>in 1976, he \u003cem>thought\u003c/em> he was correcting a bias in the parole board, with some inmates being kept in prison a lot longer than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were alleging racial disparities,” Brown said in an interview Thursday. “I tried to put more certainty into the process. I thought clarity and certainty of prison time would operate as a deterrent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown calls the law he signed “relatively modest,” but that was just the beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next four governors added longer sentences for specific crimes and circumstances, Brown said. “There are now 400 separate enhancements that can add up to 25 years, each one of them, and now you have over 5,000 separate criminal provisions. This is unheard of, when you compare (it with) the Ten Commandments, which have stayed at 10 for 2,700 years!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of it resulted in an explosion of California’s prison population, with the burden falling disproportionately on the poor, African-Americans and Latinos, Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is kind of a one-note system now,” Brown said. “Time in the cell, time in the cell. What we need is a more sophisticated system … with restorative justice, drug treatment” and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor called the handiwork of legislators, past governors and the voters a “motorized legislative rampage,” culminating with the passage of Proposition 21 in 2000, which Brown says, was sold by Gov. Pete Wilson and prosecutors as an “anti-gang” measure. It gave prosecutors the power to charge juveniles accused of committing murder and other serious felonies the ability to try them as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is now promoting a fall ballot measure — \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0121%20%28Prison%20Sentence%20Reform%29_0.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Justice and Rehabilitation Act \u003c/a>— to put that power back in the hands of judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the job of a prosecutor is to prosecute, not judge,” said the governor. “The job of a judge is to judge and whether someone 14, 15, 16, 17 should be tried in the juvenile court system or transferred to the adult court is primarily a judicial question. Let the judges decide. If you keep that separation of powers, you keep faith with the American tradition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s ballot measure also lets nonviolent inmates earn credit for good behavior. It would relax mandatory sentencing laws and give prisoners who “better themselves” behind bars the chance to get parole after they’ve served their primary sentence. Drawing on his Jesuit training, Brown promotes the idea of forgiveness and redemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Nobody knows what the hell is going on except a few deputy DA’s.’\u003ccite>Governor Jerry Brown\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brown called the current penal code “a giant phone book, an overreach with very minute prescriptions, and sections and subsections and subsections of subsections referring back to other subsections.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And nobody knows what the hell is going on,” he said, “except a few deputy DA’s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Brown collects the 585,000 signatures needed to place this measure on the ballot, and voters approve, it would be the latest and perhaps most sweeping U-turn in criminal justice policy under this governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, law enforcement groups, led by the California District Attorneys Association, are signaling their opposition to Brown’s measure. “It still has to qualify,” said Sean Hoffman, who lobbies on behalf of the association. “So at this point, the extent of our opposition remains to be seen. There are a lot of unknowns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DA’s may have other targets to focus on this fall. A measure to \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0066%20%28Death%20Penalty%29.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ban capital punishment \u003c/a>and another to \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0096%20%28Death%20Penalty%29_0.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">expedite executions \u003c/a>could also draw their interest, along with one to legalize marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever ultimately happens with Brown’s ballot measure, California is well on its way to reversing many of the harshest anti-crime provisions of the past four decades.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association (CDAA) and Sacramento DA Anne Marie Schubert are asking state Attorney General Kamala Harris to hold off on issuing a title and summary to the criminal sentencing reform ballot measure Gov. Jerry Brown announced recently.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/oYZA6ZKS3hQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/oYZA6ZKS3hQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>In a filing with Superior Court in Sacramento, the CDAA claims Brown “cut in line” ahead of five other initiatives by taking a ballot measure filed Dec. 22, 2015 and basically doing a “gut-and-amend” with a “complete rewrite.” That, they say, circumvented the public input process, leaving the legislative analyst and the attorney general inadequate time to review and assess the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ciframe\n class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\"\n src=\"//www.scribd.com/embeds/299116134/content?start_page=1&view_mode=&access_key=key-6PbOevRnieYA1KJ7wDdy\"\n title=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/299116134\"\n data-auto-height=\"true\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"scribd_299116134\"\n width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n \u003ca class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__scribdShortcode__scribd_footer\"\n href=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/299116134\"\n target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">View this document on Scribd\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement from his office, Brown said, “It’s perplexing why these DA’s would deny the people of California their right to vote on this important public safety measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court is closed until Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure gives Brown an opportunity few politicians ever get: To reach back and fix the unintended consequences of a law he signed nearly 40 years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246737775″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246737775″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown signed the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2012/01/23/the-law-that-help-pack-californias-prisons/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Uniform Determinate Sentencing Law \u003c/a>in 1976, he \u003cem>thought\u003c/em> he was correcting a bias in the parole board, with some inmates being kept in prison a lot longer than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were alleging racial disparities,” Brown said in an interview Thursday. “I tried to put more certainty into the process. I thought clarity and certainty of prison time would operate as a deterrent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown calls the law he signed “relatively modest,” but that was just the beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next four governors added longer sentences for specific crimes and circumstances, Brown said. “There are now 400 separate enhancements that can add up to 25 years, each one of them, and now you have over 5,000 separate criminal provisions. This is unheard of, when you compare (it with) the Ten Commandments, which have stayed at 10 for 2,700 years!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of it resulted in an explosion of California’s prison population, with the burden falling disproportionately on the poor, African-Americans and Latinos, Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is kind of a one-note system now,” Brown said. “Time in the cell, time in the cell. What we need is a more sophisticated system … with restorative justice, drug treatment” and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor called the handiwork of legislators, past governors and the voters a “motorized legislative rampage,” culminating with the passage of Proposition 21 in 2000, which Brown says, was sold by Gov. Pete Wilson and prosecutors as an “anti-gang” measure. It gave prosecutors the power to charge juveniles accused of committing murder and other serious felonies the ability to try them as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is now promoting a fall ballot measure — \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0121%20%28Prison%20Sentence%20Reform%29_0.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Justice and Rehabilitation Act \u003c/a>— to put that power back in the hands of judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the job of a prosecutor is to prosecute, not judge,” said the governor. “The job of a judge is to judge and whether someone 14, 15, 16, 17 should be tried in the juvenile court system or transferred to the adult court is primarily a judicial question. Let the judges decide. If you keep that separation of powers, you keep faith with the American tradition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s ballot measure also lets nonviolent inmates earn credit for good behavior. It would relax mandatory sentencing laws and give prisoners who “better themselves” behind bars the chance to get parole after they’ve served their primary sentence. Drawing on his Jesuit training, Brown promotes the idea of forgiveness and redemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Nobody knows what the hell is going on except a few deputy DA’s.’\u003ccite>Governor Jerry Brown\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brown called the current penal code “a giant phone book, an overreach with very minute prescriptions, and sections and subsections and subsections of subsections referring back to other subsections.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And nobody knows what the hell is going on,” he said, “except a few deputy DA’s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Brown collects the 585,000 signatures needed to place this measure on the ballot, and voters approve, it would be the latest and perhaps most sweeping U-turn in criminal justice policy under this governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, law enforcement groups, led by the California District Attorneys Association, are signaling their opposition to Brown’s measure. “It still has to qualify,” said Sean Hoffman, who lobbies on behalf of the association. “So at this point, the extent of our opposition remains to be seen. There are a lot of unknowns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DA’s may have other targets to focus on this fall. A measure to \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0066%20%28Death%20Penalty%29.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ban capital punishment \u003c/a>and another to \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0096%20%28Death%20Penalty%29_0.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">expedite executions \u003c/a>could also draw their interest, along with one to legalize marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever ultimately happens with Brown’s ballot measure, California is well on its way to reversing many of the harshest anti-crime provisions of the past four decades.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Black Lives Matter Co-Founder's Plan to Reduce Law Enforcement Violence",
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"content": "\u003cp>From Silicon Valley to Hollywood, Californians lead the world with big ideas. For the latest installment of our “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/big-think\">Big Think\u003c/a>” series, we meet \u003ca href=\"http://patrissecullors.com/\">Patrisse Cullors\u003c/a>. She is the director of truth and reinvestment at the \u003ca href=\"http://ellabakercenter.org/\">Ella Baker Center for Human Rights\u003c/a> in Oakland and one of the co-founders of \u003ca href=\"http://blacklivesmatter.com/\">Black Lives Matter\u003c/a>. Her Big Think?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Build a national network of communities to respond to law enforcement violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246038799″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=’166′ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cullors received a $500,000 racial justice grant from Google to help make her Big Think become a reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>#BlackLivesMatter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Black Lives Matter movement started with a simple love note. It was the night the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2013/07/13/201918229/judge-to-zimmerman-you-have-no-further-business-with-the-court\">jury acquitted George Zimmerman\u003c/a> of all charges in the 2012 fatal shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin during an altercation in a gated Florida community. Her friend, Alicia Garza, wrote a series of posts on Facebook that were intended to be an open letter to black people:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Where those folks at saying we are in post-racial America? where those folks at saying we have moved past race and that black folks in particular need to get over it? the sad part is, there’s a section of America who is cheering and celebrating right now. and that makes me sick to my stomach. we GOTTA get it together y’all. Our lives are hanging in the balance. Young black boys in this country are not safe. Black men in this country are not safe. This verdict will create many more George Zimmermans.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>And also:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>black people. I love you. I love us. Our lives matter.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Cullors says she saw that love note and hash-tagged it. She then “used that hashtag over the next several hours to really just love on black people, and pretty quickly thereafter myself and Alicia spoke and said we need to build this out as a project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Cullors, #BlackLivesMatter is an affirmation that embraces the resistance and resilience of black people. It is also a rallying cry to defend black life and create successful black futures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10848115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-800x449.jpg\" alt=\"L to R: Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Cullors co-founded #BlackLivesMatter.\" width=\"800\" height=\"449\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10848115\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-400x225.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-768x431.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">L to R: Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Cullors co-founded #BlackLivesMatter. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of Patrisse Cullors)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A movement began to bubble up, as videos suggesting the use of excessive police force on unarmed black men went viral. There was the death of \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/19/nyregion/staten-island-man-dies-after-he-is-put-in-chokehold-during-arrest.html?_r=0\">Eric Garner\u003c/a> and then the fatal shooting of \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2014/08/10/339334625/st-louis-police-black-teen-shot-in-altercation-with-officers\">Michael Brown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not to mention, the deaths of black women like \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/11/us/in-detroit-protests-of-shooting-of-woman-who-sought-help.html\">Renisha McBride\u003c/a>, who was shot on the porch of a suburban home when she sought help after she had car trouble, and \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/07/21/424909760/death-of-woman-found-hanged-in-texas-jail-cell-will-be-investigated-as-murder\">Sandra Bland\u003c/a>, who was found dead in her jail cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly people all over the world were talking about Black Lives Matter and using the hashtag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what about all the other people who face law enforcement violence — who don’t have a video. Where do they turn?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Should Black and Brown Communities Handle Law Enforcement Violence?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Growing up, Cullors says, she witnessed a significant amount of policing and police repression in her Van Nuys neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My brother was almost killed by the Sheriff’s Department when he was 19 years old inside of the L.A. County jails. And my mother had nowhere to go. She called the Sheriff’s Department over and over again and they sent her in circles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This experience is part of the reason why Cullors wants to create a network of rapid responders to help people deal with law enforcement violence. That includes violence at the hand of the police, FBI, ICE officers, California Highway Patrol and correctional officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”Jr3BGiagOQNhfhKXPRC3OReUOIUrFLiQ”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know what to do if an earthquake happens in California. People know what to do if a tornado happens. But what happens when your loved one is killed by the police? When your loved one is killed in a jail cell?” Cullors says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what to do. We’ve seen it time and time again. Families are at a loss. They don’t know who to talk to, they don’t know who to go to because, you don’t go to your murderer to have them give you justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and brown communities can’t rely on law enforcement to protect black and brown bodies, says Cullors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If your loved one is harmed or killed by law enforcement, if they’re illegally arrested, if there’s a raid on your home, you will be able to call a hotline number that will be staffed 24/7 that can help you navigate the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What makes her idea different is that the rapid responders will be people who live in the community and understand what it’s like to face law enforcement violence firsthand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will be a multiracial justice team. Allies can definitely play a role. But really the point is people who are directly impacted, and that often looks like black and brown people, and poor people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She imagines the first responders could help victims file a complaint against the police. And if the complaint isn’t getting attention, they could help stage a protest in the neighborhood or organize to demand that the officer is fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cullors has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.mobilejusticeca.org/caravan/\">mobilized the teams\u003c/a>. They are all over the state, from Sacramento to Orange County (and in between in Oakland, Stockton, Fresno, Salinas, Los Angeles and San Diego). The next step is to train the teams of rapid responders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Platform to Focus Black Voices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>She’s also creating a social media platform specific to issues of law enforcement violence and mass incarceration. It will expand the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mobilejusticeca.org/\">Mobile Justice app\u003c/a> that the ACLU and Ella Baker Center created. It allows people to send a recording of questionable police activity directly to the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"http://www.pewinternet.org/2014/01/06/african-americans-and-technology-use/\">We use Twitter and Facebook\u003c/a> to talk about \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/10/19/is-the-internet-changing-the-way-we-talk-about-race\">our stories\u003c/a>, but we don’t own Twitter or Facebook. We need a social media platform that’s owned by the community, sourced by the community and where we know that if we put up our own images and videos, that we own it. This social media platform can’t bring it down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cullors hopes that one day people all over the world will use the platform to organize. And the teams will help create more caring, healthy and safe communities for people of color all over the state.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>From Silicon Valley to Hollywood, Californians lead the world with big ideas. For the latest installment of our “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/big-think\">Big Think\u003c/a>” series, we meet \u003ca href=\"http://patrissecullors.com/\">Patrisse Cullors\u003c/a>. She is the director of truth and reinvestment at the \u003ca href=\"http://ellabakercenter.org/\">Ella Baker Center for Human Rights\u003c/a> in Oakland and one of the co-founders of \u003ca href=\"http://blacklivesmatter.com/\">Black Lives Matter\u003c/a>. Her Big Think?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Build a national network of communities to respond to law enforcement violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='’166′'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246038799″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246038799″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cullors received a $500,000 racial justice grant from Google to help make her Big Think become a reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>#BlackLivesMatter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Black Lives Matter movement started with a simple love note. It was the night the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2013/07/13/201918229/judge-to-zimmerman-you-have-no-further-business-with-the-court\">jury acquitted George Zimmerman\u003c/a> of all charges in the 2012 fatal shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin during an altercation in a gated Florida community. Her friend, Alicia Garza, wrote a series of posts on Facebook that were intended to be an open letter to black people:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Where those folks at saying we are in post-racial America? where those folks at saying we have moved past race and that black folks in particular need to get over it? the sad part is, there’s a section of America who is cheering and celebrating right now. and that makes me sick to my stomach. we GOTTA get it together y’all. Our lives are hanging in the balance. Young black boys in this country are not safe. Black men in this country are not safe. This verdict will create many more George Zimmermans.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>And also:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>black people. I love you. I love us. Our lives matter.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Cullors says she saw that love note and hash-tagged it. She then “used that hashtag over the next several hours to really just love on black people, and pretty quickly thereafter myself and Alicia spoke and said we need to build this out as a project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Cullors, #BlackLivesMatter is an affirmation that embraces the resistance and resilience of black people. It is also a rallying cry to defend black life and create successful black futures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10848115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-800x449.jpg\" alt=\"L to R: Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Cullors co-founded #BlackLivesMatter.\" width=\"800\" height=\"449\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10848115\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-400x225.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-768x431.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">L to R: Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Cullors co-founded #BlackLivesMatter. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of Patrisse Cullors)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A movement began to bubble up, as videos suggesting the use of excessive police force on unarmed black men went viral. There was the death of \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/19/nyregion/staten-island-man-dies-after-he-is-put-in-chokehold-during-arrest.html?_r=0\">Eric Garner\u003c/a> and then the fatal shooting of \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2014/08/10/339334625/st-louis-police-black-teen-shot-in-altercation-with-officers\">Michael Brown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not to mention, the deaths of black women like \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/11/us/in-detroit-protests-of-shooting-of-woman-who-sought-help.html\">Renisha McBride\u003c/a>, who was shot on the porch of a suburban home when she sought help after she had car trouble, and \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/07/21/424909760/death-of-woman-found-hanged-in-texas-jail-cell-will-be-investigated-as-murder\">Sandra Bland\u003c/a>, who was found dead in her jail cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly people all over the world were talking about Black Lives Matter and using the hashtag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what about all the other people who face law enforcement violence — who don’t have a video. Where do they turn?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Should Black and Brown Communities Handle Law Enforcement Violence?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Growing up, Cullors says, she witnessed a significant amount of policing and police repression in her Van Nuys neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My brother was almost killed by the Sheriff’s Department when he was 19 years old inside of the L.A. County jails. And my mother had nowhere to go. She called the Sheriff’s Department over and over again and they sent her in circles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This experience is part of the reason why Cullors wants to create a network of rapid responders to help people deal with law enforcement violence. That includes violence at the hand of the police, FBI, ICE officers, California Highway Patrol and correctional officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know what to do if an earthquake happens in California. People know what to do if a tornado happens. But what happens when your loved one is killed by the police? When your loved one is killed in a jail cell?” Cullors says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what to do. We’ve seen it time and time again. Families are at a loss. They don’t know who to talk to, they don’t know who to go to because, you don’t go to your murderer to have them give you justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and brown communities can’t rely on law enforcement to protect black and brown bodies, says Cullors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If your loved one is harmed or killed by law enforcement, if they’re illegally arrested, if there’s a raid on your home, you will be able to call a hotline number that will be staffed 24/7 that can help you navigate the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What makes her idea different is that the rapid responders will be people who live in the community and understand what it’s like to face law enforcement violence firsthand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will be a multiracial justice team. Allies can definitely play a role. But really the point is people who are directly impacted, and that often looks like black and brown people, and poor people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She imagines the first responders could help victims file a complaint against the police. And if the complaint isn’t getting attention, they could help stage a protest in the neighborhood or organize to demand that the officer is fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cullors has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.mobilejusticeca.org/caravan/\">mobilized the teams\u003c/a>. They are all over the state, from Sacramento to Orange County (and in between in Oakland, Stockton, Fresno, Salinas, Los Angeles and San Diego). The next step is to train the teams of rapid responders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Platform to Focus Black Voices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>She’s also creating a social media platform specific to issues of law enforcement violence and mass incarceration. It will expand the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mobilejusticeca.org/\">Mobile Justice app\u003c/a> that the ACLU and Ella Baker Center created. It allows people to send a recording of questionable police activity directly to the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"http://www.pewinternet.org/2014/01/06/african-americans-and-technology-use/\">We use Twitter and Facebook\u003c/a> to talk about \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/10/19/is-the-internet-changing-the-way-we-talk-about-race\">our stories\u003c/a>, but we don’t own Twitter or Facebook. We need a social media platform that’s owned by the community, sourced by the community and where we know that if we put up our own images and videos, that we own it. This social media platform can’t bring it down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Here’s the California Politics Podcast for the week ending Jan. 22. We talk Gov. Jerry Brown’s \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/01/21/Jerry-Brown-Delivers-State-of-State\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">State of the State speech\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/01/21/FPPC-Wants-To-Expand-Lobbying-Rules\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new rules that will require lobbyists and special interest groups\u003c/a> to disclose way more information about how they’re spending their money. With KQED’s Marisa Lagos and the Los Angeles Times’ John Myers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/243323783″ params=”auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&visual=true” width=”100%” height=’450′ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Here’s the California Politics Podcast for the week ending Jan. 22. We talk Gov. Jerry Brown’s \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/01/21/Jerry-Brown-Delivers-State-of-State\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">State of the State speech\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/01/21/FPPC-Wants-To-Expand-Lobbying-Rules\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new rules that will require lobbyists and special interest groups\u003c/a> to disclose way more information about how they’re spending their money. With KQED’s Marisa Lagos and the Los Angeles Times’ John Myers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='’450′'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/243323783″&visual=true&”auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&visual=true”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/243323783″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The city of Oakland is conducting a national search for the director of the new Department of Race and Equity, which the City Council approved on June 30, 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Oakland-council-considers-department-of-race-and-6343141.php#photo-8198408\">City Council meeting\u003c/a> that same month, Councilwoman Desley Brooks, who proposed the office in February, said it would help improve issues like potholes in East Oakland, sex trafficking on International Boulevard and the water system of the city’s parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Portland lends Oakland Dante James\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>While Oakland looks for a permanent director of Race and Equity, Portland, Oregon, has entered into an agreement with Oakland to loan\u003ca href=\"http://www.opb.org/radio/programs/thinkoutloud/segment/dante-james-on-the-city-of-portlands-equity-priorities/\"> Dante James\u003c/a>, the equity director of Portland’s Office of Equity and Human Rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James has over 25 years of experience in social justice and civil rights work. He’s worked on the national, state and local level of government. He says his goal in Oakland is to lay the foundation for the permanent director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Laying a foundation means setting a stage for when the new director comes in,” he says. For James that means starting the conversation on equity for all the city agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Portland, James oversaw the development of training curricula, provided technical assistance and developed an equity lens tools for budgeting programs and policy implementation. He plans to do the same in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This kind of technical assistance includes providing a checklist for those developing the city’s budget with questions like: How does this impact a particular community?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of people who do diversity work, but the work of equity is much broader than that because it encompasses service delivery of all the work the city does, from sewers to street signs to cutting the grass,” James says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>What Does an Equitable Oakland Look Like?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>East Oakland resident Nehanda Imara says the ideal candidate will do a lot of community engagement around what equity means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says equity is a question of justice and fairness — how is the city distributing resources?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unfairness has been institutionalized so much that people who are running those programs don’t see it,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She points to the prevalence of potholes and illegal dumping in East Oakland as examples, “There’s a perception that most of this dumping happens in the flatlands and not in the hills. This office should look very close at how public works resources are being used in the city and why.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Equity in Oakland, she says, would mean less dumping and timely reactions from Public Works in all of Oakland — from the flatlands to the hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Oakland’s Department of Race and Equity\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>As for the department, it will be staffed with a director and program analyst, says Deputy City Administrator Stephanie Hom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have authority coming out of the highest administrative department in the city,” she says. Hom adds that the first priority is to find the right director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ideal candidate is someone who [has] experience with government [and] therefore understands the layers of regulations that exist,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hom is also hoping for someone who can communicate, listen and connect with Oakland’s diverse communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the city is casting a wide net for this search. Hom says it’s really important that they get someone who has expertise in racial and social justice issues — like Dante James.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James, however, plans to return to Oregon in the spring. Hom says the new director will start in March.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The city of Oakland is conducting a national search for the director of the new Department of Race and Equity, which the City Council approved on June 30, 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Oakland-council-considers-department-of-race-and-6343141.php#photo-8198408\">City Council meeting\u003c/a> that same month, Councilwoman Desley Brooks, who proposed the office in February, said it would help improve issues like potholes in East Oakland, sex trafficking on International Boulevard and the water system of the city’s parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Portland lends Oakland Dante James\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>While Oakland looks for a permanent director of Race and Equity, Portland, Oregon, has entered into an agreement with Oakland to loan\u003ca href=\"http://www.opb.org/radio/programs/thinkoutloud/segment/dante-james-on-the-city-of-portlands-equity-priorities/\"> Dante James\u003c/a>, the equity director of Portland’s Office of Equity and Human Rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James has over 25 years of experience in social justice and civil rights work. He’s worked on the national, state and local level of government. He says his goal in Oakland is to lay the foundation for the permanent director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Laying a foundation means setting a stage for when the new director comes in,” he says. For James that means starting the conversation on equity for all the city agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Portland, James oversaw the development of training curricula, provided technical assistance and developed an equity lens tools for budgeting programs and policy implementation. He plans to do the same in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This kind of technical assistance includes providing a checklist for those developing the city’s budget with questions like: How does this impact a particular community?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of people who do diversity work, but the work of equity is much broader than that because it encompasses service delivery of all the work the city does, from sewers to street signs to cutting the grass,” James says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>What Does an Equitable Oakland Look Like?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>East Oakland resident Nehanda Imara says the ideal candidate will do a lot of community engagement around what equity means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says equity is a question of justice and fairness — how is the city distributing resources?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unfairness has been institutionalized so much that people who are running those programs don’t see it,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She points to the prevalence of potholes and illegal dumping in East Oakland as examples, “There’s a perception that most of this dumping happens in the flatlands and not in the hills. This office should look very close at how public works resources are being used in the city and why.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Equity in Oakland, she says, would mean less dumping and timely reactions from Public Works in all of Oakland — from the flatlands to the hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Oakland’s Department of Race and Equity\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>As for the department, it will be staffed with a director and program analyst, says Deputy City Administrator Stephanie Hom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have authority coming out of the highest administrative department in the city,” she says. Hom adds that the first priority is to find the right director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ideal candidate is someone who [has] experience with government [and] therefore understands the layers of regulations that exist,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hom is also hoping for someone who can communicate, listen and connect with Oakland’s diverse communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the city is casting a wide net for this search. Hom says it’s really important that they get someone who has expertise in racial and social justice issues — like Dante James.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James, however, plans to return to Oregon in the spring. Hom says the new director will start in March.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s Navigation Center is a new kind of homeless shelter, attempting to help people living on the streets find homes, and Mayor Ed Lee believes it could help solve one of San Francisco’s longest and most intractable problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center differs from traditional shelters in that it allows active drug users and places no rules on when people can come and go. It also aims to help clients navigate the city’s bureaucracy to get benefits. At the same time, San Francisco’s top official tasked with reducing homelessness actively works to find the center’s clients permanent new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And apparently officials from at least 33 other cities think it might serve as a model that could help them get people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center has not only hosted tours of officials throughout the Bay Area, Southern California and at least 12 other states, but representatives of cities as far away as Capetown in South Africa and Kyoto in Japan. The Obama administration has also shown interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julie Leadbetter, the Navigation Center’s director, said homeless encampments are popping up in communities across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had a lot of visitors,” she said. “Everyone is interested in how to get people off the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those visits from out-of-town officials could soon increase, thanks to even more national exposure. In the U.S. Conference of Mayors yearly \u003ca href=\"http://www.usmayors.org/pressreleases/uploads/2015/1221-report-hhreport.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Hunger and Homeless Survey\u003c/a> released last week, the Navigation Center was praised for helping homeless people get government benefits and find housing, and for assisting clients without placing rules on when they can come and go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From late March to early October, the center served 211 people. Just over half have been placed in permanent homes. According to the U.S. Conference of Mayors report, 38 left without getting permanent housing and 64 are in the process of looking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility’s mission is to help homeless people overcome systemic problems that have prevented them from finding homes. Visiting officials continually ask what San Francisco is doing to create new housing for its clients, especially in a city that’s in the midst of an affordability crisis that’s priced out many low- and middle-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco added more than 500 units of supportive housing in 2015 in four new buildings, according to Sam Dodge, the new director of the mayor’s office of Housing Opportunity, Partnerships & Engagement. “They are all for people exiting homelessness, including from the Navigation Center,” he said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, last week the city learned that the U.S. Department of Housing & Urban Development approved an application to build more structures to house 200 more units next year, Dodge said. He hopes to bring online another building that’s been largely empty for the last few years, which would accommodate an additional 100 units in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meantime, several city agencies are trying to find new single-room-occupancy units that can be used to house homeless people, said Leadbetter\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officials who have visited from outside San Francisco have expressed concern over finding the money to build and run their own, similar centers. (San Francisco’s first facility in the Mission received a $3 million donation.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of city officials from Oakland, where the City Council recently declared a homeless shelter emergency, visited the Navigation Center in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are learning from it a great deal in terms of what we will establish as a similar model,” said Claudia Cappio, Oakland’s assistant city administrator, in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cappio points out that in Oakland, when the city moves out unsanctioned encampments, homeless people living in them lose their possessions. In a model Oakland could use, the city would have housing units not only with beds and bathrooms, but for storage as well. If homeless people are allowed to keep their things, they feel free to look for other services, Cappio said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shelter is important and is a really big deal to stabilize people to make them feel safe, but unless those wraparound services are concurrently provided, we’re not doing our job,” Cappio said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The visits to the Navigation Center have affected the homeless people who currently live there, Leadbetter said. “They know they’re a part of something that’s new and exciting and different, and I think it’s very healthy for them to see that they’re a part of something that’s working,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, San Francisco itself is considering expanding the number of Navigation Centers throughout the city. In early December Supervisor \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/01/as-s-f-s-homeless-crisis-grows-one-supervisor-wants-to-expand-new-approach-to-housing\" target=\"_blank\">Mark Farrell called for a hearing\u003c/a> to look into ways of building more of the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had a lot of visitors,” she said. “Everyone is interested in how to get people off the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those visits from out-of-town officials could soon increase, thanks to even more national exposure. In the U.S. Conference of Mayors yearly \u003ca href=\"http://www.usmayors.org/pressreleases/uploads/2015/1221-report-hhreport.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Hunger and Homeless Survey\u003c/a> released last week, the Navigation Center was praised for helping homeless people get government benefits and find housing, and for assisting clients without placing rules on when they can come and go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From late March to early October, the center served 211 people. Just over half have been placed in permanent homes. According to the U.S. Conference of Mayors report, 38 left without getting permanent housing and 64 are in the process of looking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility’s mission is to help homeless people overcome systemic problems that have prevented them from finding homes. Visiting officials continually ask what San Francisco is doing to create new housing for its clients, especially in a city that’s in the midst of an affordability crisis that’s priced out many low- and middle-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco added more than 500 units of supportive housing in 2015 in four new buildings, according to Sam Dodge, the new director of the mayor’s office of Housing Opportunity, Partnerships & Engagement. “They are all for people exiting homelessness, including from the Navigation Center,” he said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, last week the city learned that the U.S. Department of Housing & Urban Development approved an application to build more structures to house 200 more units next year, Dodge said. He hopes to bring online another building that’s been largely empty for the last few years, which would accommodate an additional 100 units in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meantime, several city agencies are trying to find new single-room-occupancy units that can be used to house homeless people, said Leadbetter\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officials who have visited from outside San Francisco have expressed concern over finding the money to build and run their own, similar centers. (San Francisco’s first facility in the Mission received a $3 million donation.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of city officials from Oakland, where the City Council recently declared a homeless shelter emergency, visited the Navigation Center in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are learning from it a great deal in terms of what we will establish as a similar model,” said Claudia Cappio, Oakland’s assistant city administrator, in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cappio points out that in Oakland, when the city moves out unsanctioned encampments, homeless people living in them lose their possessions. In a model Oakland could use, the city would have housing units not only with beds and bathrooms, but for storage as well. If homeless people are allowed to keep their things, they feel free to look for other services, Cappio said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shelter is important and is a really big deal to stabilize people to make them feel safe, but unless those wraparound services are concurrently provided, we’re not doing our job,” Cappio said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The visits to the Navigation Center have affected the homeless people who currently live there, Leadbetter said. “They know they’re a part of something that’s new and exciting and different, and I think it’s very healthy for them to see that they’re a part of something that’s working,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, San Francisco itself is considering expanding the number of Navigation Centers throughout the city. In early December Supervisor \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/01/as-s-f-s-homeless-crisis-grows-one-supervisor-wants-to-expand-new-approach-to-housing\" target=\"_blank\">Mark Farrell called for a hearing\u003c/a> to look into ways of building more of the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "A Year After 'The Jungle,' San Jose's New Approach to Homelessness",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the winter turns wet and cold, it’s hard not to notice the people living on the streets. Around this time last year, San Jose shut down “The Jungle,” one of the largest homeless encampments in the nation. The forced exit of more than 300 people living along the banks of Coyote Creek garnered international headlines, as well as local coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, The Jungle is fenced off, but thousands of people are still camping out in creekbeds and freeway underpasses all over the city. In the most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/opa/nr/Documents/SantaClaraCounty_HomelessReport_2015_FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">point-in-time survey\u003c/a> conducted for the Department of Housing and Urban Development, Santa Clara County had 6,556 homeless people. That represents a drop of more than 1,000 people from 2014, but it’s still a substantial population. San Jose’s share of that was 4,063.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/234020500″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Silicon Valley’s explosive economic growth didn’t create the homeless problem, experts say it made it worse for the homeless — and the working poor, who struggle to pay the cost of rising rents. Many of the working poor are just one job loss or health crisis away from becoming homeless themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Chronically Homeless\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian and Andrea Rodriquez fell into that situation. They used to own a five-bedroom house in San Jose. But a complicated series of job and health setbacks led them from that home to motel rooms, then a car, and then the creeks, including The Jungle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian recalls that day they first wandered into The Jungle. “My wife was clinging to me, but we had nowhere to go,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s 50, she’s 49, and they’ve been homeless for the better part of two years now. These days, you’ll find them camping on the grounds around \u003ca href=\"http://www.graceinsanjose.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Grace Baptist Church\u003c/a>. Depending on the weather, up to 20 people camp out on this busy streetcorner in return for signing a promise not to drink or take drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10763488\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10763488\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Grace Baptist Church in San Jose set up a shed on the side of the property for the homeless to store their belongings.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-400x267.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-1440x961.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-1920x1282.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-1180x788.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-960x641.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grace Baptist Church in San Jose set up a shed on the side of the property for the homeless to store their belongings. \u003ccite>(James Tensuan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Andrea has advanced arthritis. She needs to replace her knees, but even though she has Medi-Cal, she has no place to recuperate from the operations. Brian has Medi-Cal, too. He can’t refrigerate the insulin he takes for diabetes. He’s learned the hard way: If insulin cooks in the South Bay heat, it’s no good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s been in the hospital several times,” says Andrea\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge facing Andrea and Brian is not to become “chronically homeless.” Unlike people who dip in and out of homelessness, the chronically homeless are stuck on the streets, in large part because of serious physical and mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address this problem, many California cities with large homeless populations — Los Angeles, San Francisco and San Diego — have committed to a strategy called “housing first.” The idea is that providing a chronically homeless person a place to live is less expensive for the government in the long run, not to mention a more compassionate approach. Housing first is one of the key concepts in the recently adopted \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/oah/coc/census/Documents/2015%20Homeless%20Count%20press%20release%206-22-15.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Community Plan to End Homelessness in Santa Clara County\u003c/a> 2015-2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For that population, it costs anywhere from $60,000 or $70,000 a person \u003cem>not\u003c/em> to be housed,” says Geoff Morgan, president of San Jose-based First Community Housing. “They go to the emergency rooms, sometimes 80 or more times in a year. Or there are police calls. There’s a lot of criminalization of the homeless. People are out on a park bench, and they’re cited for being on a park bench.\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10763500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10763500 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A homeless man’s belongings sit outside the fenced pit where First Community Housing plans to build an apartment complex entirely dedicated to housing the homeless.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless man’s belongings sit outside the fenced pit where First Community Housing plans to build an apartment complex entirely dedicated to housing the homeless. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>First Community Housing is one of several nonprofits in California that build and manage housing developments specifically for people who would otherwise be chronically homeless. Two blocks from where Brian and Andrea camp, First Community plans to build Second Street Studios: 134 apartments dedicated to permanent supportive housing for the chronically homeless in Santa Clara County. It would be the city’s first housing project totally dedicated to the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Permanent” marks a key strategy shift away from emergency shelter beds and transitional housing. “Supportive” also marks a shift. \u003ca href=\"http://www.firsthousing.com/blog/2009/05/08/secondstreet/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Second Street Studios\u003c/a> will have nearly 9,000 square feet of ground-floor space for a health clinic and office space for case managers, one for every 20 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s more efficient, frankly, for service providers to come in and do what they do. They don’t have to travel to individual homes or to people out on the street,” says Morgan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Permanent supportive housing may be relatively new to San Jose — there are roughly 50 such units in the city now — but you can find numerous examples in California’s other big homeless population centers. They include \u003ca href=\"http://www.sdconnections.org/SD/about_2.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Connections Housing\u003c/a> in San Diego, \u003ca href=\"http://www.lampcommunity.org/housing.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lamp Lodge\u003c/a> in Los Angeles and the \u003ca href=\"http://www.chcsb.com/about.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Faulding Hotel\u003c/a> in Santa Barbara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10763491\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10763491 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A homeless man's belongings city on the grounds of San Jose City Hall.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless man’s belongings city on the grounds of San Jose City Hall. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ray Bramson, who heads the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/index.aspx?NID=738\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Homelessness Response Team for San Jose, \u003c/a>says this year San Jose plans to commit more than $40 million to nearly 600 units of interim housing and permanent supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s enough money to get the ball rolling, but not enough money to meet the demand. San Jose is still home to 1,400 chronically homeless people. You’d need 10 Second Street Studios to accommodate that population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What the Neighbors Think\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The housing-first approach has support from some in the neighborhood. Aurelia Sanchez, president of the Spartan Keyes Association, says she wants the homeless housed. “You’ll get no argument from me there,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She supports the construction of Second Street Studios, especially since First Community Housing promised to install security cameras and provide 24/7 front-desk service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10763495\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10763495 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Aurelia Sanchez is president of the Spartan Keyes Association, the area once home to the Jungle. “Maybe if people had them in their creek and their neighborhood they would be telling their cities “You know what? Let’s do something about this.”\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aurelia Sanchez is president of the Spartan Keyes Association, the area once home to The Jungle. “Maybe if people had them in their creek and their neighborhood they would be telling their cities, ‘You know what? Let’s do something about this.’ ” \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanchez is concerned, however, that her neighborhood not be overly burdened with services and homes for the homeless. She says other neighborhoods have to share in the solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Loving can sympathize with Sanchez. “Frankly, no city in our county is doing their fair share of supportive housing,” says the executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://destinationhomescc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Destination: Home\u003c/a>. “This is a strategy that’s been employed for only four, five years, so it’s just getting underway. We’ve built a lot of affordable housing and it’s still not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what’s to become of Brian and Andrea Rodriguez? Is an apartment at Second Street Studios in their future? They hope not. The development doesn’t expect to open its doors until 2018, and the couple hopes to be off the streets long before then. Brian still has a valid commercial driver’s license, and he’s actively looking for work. Ideally, he’ll find something before the rains of El Niño hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10762599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10762599\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-800x1035.jpg\" alt=\"A recent study by the San Jose-based non-profit Destination: Home tracked more than 104,000 homeless people to examine their cost to Santa Clara County over six years.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1035\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-800x1035.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-400x518.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-1440x1864.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-1180x1527.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-960x1242.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut.jpg 1700w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A recent study by the San Jose-based nonprofit Destination: Home tracked more than 104,000 homeless people to examine their cost to Santa Clara County over six years. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Destination: Home)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the winter turns wet and cold, it’s hard not to notice the people living on the streets. Around this time last year, San Jose shut down “The Jungle,” one of the largest homeless encampments in the nation. The forced exit of more than 300 people living along the banks of Coyote Creek garnered international headlines, as well as local coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, The Jungle is fenced off, but thousands of people are still camping out in creekbeds and freeway underpasses all over the city. In the most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/opa/nr/Documents/SantaClaraCounty_HomelessReport_2015_FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">point-in-time survey\u003c/a> conducted for the Department of Housing and Urban Development, Santa Clara County had 6,556 homeless people. That represents a drop of more than 1,000 people from 2014, but it’s still a substantial population. San Jose’s share of that was 4,063.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/234020500″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/234020500″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Silicon Valley’s explosive economic growth didn’t create the homeless problem, experts say it made it worse for the homeless — and the working poor, who struggle to pay the cost of rising rents. Many of the working poor are just one job loss or health crisis away from becoming homeless themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Chronically Homeless\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian and Andrea Rodriquez fell into that situation. They used to own a five-bedroom house in San Jose. But a complicated series of job and health setbacks led them from that home to motel rooms, then a car, and then the creeks, including The Jungle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian recalls that day they first wandered into The Jungle. “My wife was clinging to me, but we had nowhere to go,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s 50, she’s 49, and they’ve been homeless for the better part of two years now. These days, you’ll find them camping on the grounds around \u003ca href=\"http://www.graceinsanjose.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Grace Baptist Church\u003c/a>. Depending on the weather, up to 20 people camp out on this busy streetcorner in return for signing a promise not to drink or take drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10763488\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10763488\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Grace Baptist Church in San Jose set up a shed on the side of the property for the homeless to store their belongings.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-400x267.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-1440x961.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-1920x1282.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-1180x788.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/HomelessGraceChurch-960x641.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grace Baptist Church in San Jose set up a shed on the side of the property for the homeless to store their belongings. \u003ccite>(James Tensuan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Andrea has advanced arthritis. She needs to replace her knees, but even though she has Medi-Cal, she has no place to recuperate from the operations. Brian has Medi-Cal, too. He can’t refrigerate the insulin he takes for diabetes. He’s learned the hard way: If insulin cooks in the South Bay heat, it’s no good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s been in the hospital several times,” says Andrea\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge facing Andrea and Brian is not to become “chronically homeless.” Unlike people who dip in and out of homelessness, the chronically homeless are stuck on the streets, in large part because of serious physical and mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address this problem, many California cities with large homeless populations — Los Angeles, San Francisco and San Diego — have committed to a strategy called “housing first.” The idea is that providing a chronically homeless person a place to live is less expensive for the government in the long run, not to mention a more compassionate approach. Housing first is one of the key concepts in the recently adopted \u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/oah/coc/census/Documents/2015%20Homeless%20Count%20press%20release%206-22-15.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Community Plan to End Homelessness in Santa Clara County\u003c/a> 2015-2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For that population, it costs anywhere from $60,000 or $70,000 a person \u003cem>not\u003c/em> to be housed,” says Geoff Morgan, president of San Jose-based First Community Housing. “They go to the emergency rooms, sometimes 80 or more times in a year. Or there are police calls. There’s a lot of criminalization of the homeless. People are out on a park bench, and they’re cited for being on a park bench.\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10763500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10763500 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A homeless man’s belongings sit outside the fenced pit where First Community Housing plans to build an apartment complex entirely dedicated to housing the homeless.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17474_FullSizeRender-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless man’s belongings sit outside the fenced pit where First Community Housing plans to build an apartment complex entirely dedicated to housing the homeless. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>First Community Housing is one of several nonprofits in California that build and manage housing developments specifically for people who would otherwise be chronically homeless. Two blocks from where Brian and Andrea camp, First Community plans to build Second Street Studios: 134 apartments dedicated to permanent supportive housing for the chronically homeless in Santa Clara County. It would be the city’s first housing project totally dedicated to the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Permanent” marks a key strategy shift away from emergency shelter beds and transitional housing. “Supportive” also marks a shift. \u003ca href=\"http://www.firsthousing.com/blog/2009/05/08/secondstreet/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Second Street Studios\u003c/a> will have nearly 9,000 square feet of ground-floor space for a health clinic and office space for case managers, one for every 20 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s more efficient, frankly, for service providers to come in and do what they do. They don’t have to travel to individual homes or to people out on the street,” says Morgan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Permanent supportive housing may be relatively new to San Jose — there are roughly 50 such units in the city now — but you can find numerous examples in California’s other big homeless population centers. They include \u003ca href=\"http://www.sdconnections.org/SD/about_2.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Connections Housing\u003c/a> in San Diego, \u003ca href=\"http://www.lampcommunity.org/housing.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lamp Lodge\u003c/a> in Los Angeles and the \u003ca href=\"http://www.chcsb.com/about.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Faulding Hotel\u003c/a> in Santa Barbara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10763491\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10763491 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A homeless man's belongings city on the grounds of San Jose City Hall.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17471_HomelessSanJoseCityHall.JPG-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless man’s belongings city on the grounds of San Jose City Hall. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ray Bramson, who heads the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/index.aspx?NID=738\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Homelessness Response Team for San Jose, \u003c/a>says this year San Jose plans to commit more than $40 million to nearly 600 units of interim housing and permanent supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s enough money to get the ball rolling, but not enough money to meet the demand. San Jose is still home to 1,400 chronically homeless people. You’d need 10 Second Street Studios to accommodate that population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What the Neighbors Think\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The housing-first approach has support from some in the neighborhood. Aurelia Sanchez, president of the Spartan Keyes Association, says she wants the homeless housed. “You’ll get no argument from me there,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She supports the construction of Second Street Studios, especially since First Community Housing promised to install security cameras and provide 24/7 front-desk service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10763495\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10763495 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Aurelia Sanchez is president of the Spartan Keyes Association, the area once home to the Jungle. “Maybe if people had them in their creek and their neighborhood they would be telling their cities “You know what? Let’s do something about this.”\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-1440x1080.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/Aurelia.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aurelia Sanchez is president of the Spartan Keyes Association, the area once home to The Jungle. “Maybe if people had them in their creek and their neighborhood they would be telling their cities, ‘You know what? Let’s do something about this.’ ” \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanchez is concerned, however, that her neighborhood not be overly burdened with services and homes for the homeless. She says other neighborhoods have to share in the solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Loving can sympathize with Sanchez. “Frankly, no city in our county is doing their fair share of supportive housing,” says the executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://destinationhomescc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Destination: Home\u003c/a>. “This is a strategy that’s been employed for only four, five years, so it’s just getting underway. We’ve built a lot of affordable housing and it’s still not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what’s to become of Brian and Andrea Rodriguez? Is an apartment at Second Street Studios in their future? They hope not. The development doesn’t expect to open its doors until 2018, and the couple hopes to be off the streets long before then. Brian still has a valid commercial driver’s license, and he’s actively looking for work. Ideally, he’ll find something before the rains of El Niño hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10762599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10762599\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-800x1035.jpg\" alt=\"A recent study by the San Jose-based non-profit Destination: Home tracked more than 104,000 homeless people to examine their cost to Santa Clara County over six years.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1035\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-800x1035.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-400x518.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-1440x1864.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-1180x1527.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut-960x1242.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/11/RS17469_Cost-study-infographic-4-qut.jpg 1700w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A recent study by the San Jose-based nonprofit Destination: Home tracked more than 104,000 homeless people to examine their cost to Santa Clara County over six years. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Destination: Home)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of losing statewide races, the California Republican Party is trying a new approach to woo voters. But that message runs counter to the message top GOP presidential candidates are sending. KQED’s California Politics and Government Senior Editor John Myers reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/tv/programs/newsroom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED NEWSROOM\u003c/a> is a weekly news magazine program that airs on television, radio and online. Watch Fridays at 8 p.m. on KQED Public Television 9, listen on Sundays at 6 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5 FM, or watch online \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/tv/programs/newsroom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of losing statewide races, the California Republican Party is trying a new approach to woo voters. But that message runs counter to the message top GOP presidential candidates are sending. KQED’s California Politics and Government Senior Editor John Myers reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/tv/programs/newsroom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED NEWSROOM\u003c/a> is a weekly news magazine program that airs on television, radio and online. Watch Fridays at 8 p.m. on KQED Public Television 9, listen on Sundays at 6 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5 FM, or watch online \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/tv/programs/newsroom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Our California Political Muscle series has recently explored both the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/13/240-million-education-contract-illustrates-state-lobbying-loopholes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hidden elements of how businesses lobby to win state government contracts\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/12/local-california-governments-spend-big-to-influence-sacramento-lawmakers/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">who employs lobbyists in Sacramento\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A bill moving through the California Legislature that would force disclosure around lobbying for state contracts would put California in a group of just 18 states that require disclosure of procurement lobbying — which sounds good until you consider that a number of local communities have had similar rules on the books for years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1200\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 1200 \u003c/a>, one of hundreds of bills awaiting final action when lawmakers return next week, would expand existing lobbying laws to include state government contracts. The law would apply to anyone who pays a lobbyist more than $2,000 a month or has someone on staff whose primary job is to lobby government officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, state ethics laws only require disclosure of lobbyists paid to help influence legislation or state regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If AB 1200 passes the Senate and is signed by Gov. Jerry Brown,\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the state would only just now be catching up to practices long established at the local level. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Four of California’s six largest counties — Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange, and Santa Clara — have lobbying ordinances that specifically include\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">contracts when it comes to disclosing the use of paid lobbyists. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Los Angeles County, which has thousands of contracts on the books on everything from groundskeeping to armed security guards, has even built its disclosure law into the process of applying for a contract to provide county services. Each applicant must certify that they are aware of the registration and disclosure requirements that the county places on lobbyists. Breaking the lobbying law in LA County has consequences: The firm or person seeking the contract is disqualified from contention. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state’s largest cities also already regulate contract lobbying the same way that AB 1200’s author, Assemblyman Rich Gordon (D -Menlo Park), hopes to enact at the state level. For many of those cities, this kind of disclosure requirement is nothing new. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”ywdD3BNSW19dvummwJkg26leAeQasulG”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stacey Fulhorst, executive director of the San Diego Ethics Commission, led an overhaul of the city’s lobbying ordinance in 2007 but says lobbying for contracts has been on the city books at least since the 1990’s. She says it’s “surprising” the state hasn’t adopted a similar provision. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Fulhorst also learned in the three years it took to overhaul San Diego’s laws the difficulty in tailoring lobbying laws so that routine communication isn’t discouraged. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t want to have to include a citizen contacting a representative about a street light,” she says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For that reason, most city and county lobbying rules allow for communications — within the normal bid submission process — between vendors and the local governments they are hoping to supply with services. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Even smaller counties with fewer contracts have seen the need to have some kind of disclosure requirement to make sure big deals aren’t won with behind-the-scenes activity. In 1983, Santa Cruz County was considering the idea of entering into an exclusive cable television agreement with a single provider. County supervisors passed an ordinance that would require lobbyists to register during the bidding process. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But according to Santa Cruz County spokesman Rayne Marr, the ordinance “is a relic of the past” and is no longer used. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some counties instead rely on a series of ethics laws around the procurement process. These can govern the acceptance of gifts from applicants, or they set guidelines for appropriate contact with current service providers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without the registration of lobbyists, the counties and cities, like the state of California, are left unable to fully account for the contacts made and conversations that lead up to the awarding of thousands of taxpayer-funded contracts.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Our California Political Muscle series has recently explored both the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/13/240-million-education-contract-illustrates-state-lobbying-loopholes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hidden elements of how businesses lobby to win state government contracts\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/12/local-california-governments-spend-big-to-influence-sacramento-lawmakers/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">who employs lobbyists in Sacramento\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A bill moving through the California Legislature that would force disclosure around lobbying for state contracts would put California in a group of just 18 states that require disclosure of procurement lobbying — which sounds good until you consider that a number of local communities have had similar rules on the books for years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1200\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 1200 \u003c/a>, one of hundreds of bills awaiting final action when lawmakers return next week, would expand existing lobbying laws to include state government contracts. The law would apply to anyone who pays a lobbyist more than $2,000 a month or has someone on staff whose primary job is to lobby government officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, state ethics laws only require disclosure of lobbyists paid to help influence legislation or state regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If AB 1200 passes the Senate and is signed by Gov. Jerry Brown,\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the state would only just now be catching up to practices long established at the local level. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Four of California’s six largest counties — Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange, and Santa Clara — have lobbying ordinances that specifically include\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">contracts when it comes to disclosing the use of paid lobbyists. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Los Angeles County, which has thousands of contracts on the books on everything from groundskeeping to armed security guards, has even built its disclosure law into the process of applying for a contract to provide county services. Each applicant must certify that they are aware of the registration and disclosure requirements that the county places on lobbyists. Breaking the lobbying law in LA County has consequences: The firm or person seeking the contract is disqualified from contention. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state’s largest cities also already regulate contract lobbying the same way that AB 1200’s author, Assemblyman Rich Gordon (D -Menlo Park), hopes to enact at the state level. For many of those cities, this kind of disclosure requirement is nothing new. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stacey Fulhorst, executive director of the San Diego Ethics Commission, led an overhaul of the city’s lobbying ordinance in 2007 but says lobbying for contracts has been on the city books at least since the 1990’s. She says it’s “surprising” the state hasn’t adopted a similar provision. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Fulhorst also learned in the three years it took to overhaul San Diego’s laws the difficulty in tailoring lobbying laws so that routine communication isn’t discouraged. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t want to have to include a citizen contacting a representative about a street light,” she says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For that reason, most city and county lobbying rules allow for communications — within the normal bid submission process — between vendors and the local governments they are hoping to supply with services. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Even smaller counties with fewer contracts have seen the need to have some kind of disclosure requirement to make sure big deals aren’t won with behind-the-scenes activity. In 1983, Santa Cruz County was considering the idea of entering into an exclusive cable television agreement with a single provider. County supervisors passed an ordinance that would require lobbyists to register during the bidding process. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But according to Santa Cruz County spokesman Rayne Marr, the ordinance “is a relic of the past” and is no longer used. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some counties instead rely on a series of ethics laws around the procurement process. These can govern the acceptance of gifts from applicants, or they set guidelines for appropriate contact with current service providers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without the registration of lobbyists, the counties and cities, like the state of California, are left unable to fully account for the contacts made and conversations that lead up to the awarding of thousands of taxpayer-funded contracts.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "legislature-considering-a-stack-of-cop-accountability-bills",
"title": "Legislature Considering a Stack of Cop-Accountability Bills",
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"content": "\u003cp>Increasing national attention on issues of use of force, transparency and inequity in the criminal justice system hasn’t been lost on California state legislators, who are pushing dozens of bills aimed at enhancing law enforcement accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California branch of the American Civil Liberties Union is following and advocating for many of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The national attention on police conduct and police abuses has absolutely led to a large number of bills on this issue this year,” says Natasha Minsker, director of the recently expanded ACLU’s Sacramento-based Center for Advocacy and Policy. “What’s yet to be seen, and what we hope for, is that it actually leads to real reforms being enacted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The concern that there would be a conflict of interest between a district attorney and officers they may work with is unfounded.’\u003ccite>Peace Officers Research Association of California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>That observation is a rare example of common ground between groups like the ACLU and law enforcement organizations like the California State Sheriffs’ Association, which is also keeping a close watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are certainly more bills on these topics this year,” said Cory Salzillo, the association’s legislative director. “I think it’s because of the media attention on events in other places like Ferguson and Staten Island.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six of the eight bills the ACLU is highlighting have been placed on either the Senate or Assembly appropriations “suspense file,” meaning the appropriations committees of either house won’t hear the bills until after the state budget is finalized. The hold is meant for high-cost legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the bills carry big price tags, Minsker says, is that several of them are seeking better data collection — and the agencies that would be providing that data are also the ones providing the cost estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people we’re trying to get information about, those are the people who provide the estimate of the cost,” Minsker says. “And the cost is coming back shockingly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Data Collection\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB953\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">953\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB619\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">619\u003c/a> by Assemblywoman Shirley Weber (D-San Diego) would greatly expand the data that state and local law enforcement agencies are required to report to the California attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB953 updates the definition of profiling to include gender identity and would require all local law enforcement agencies to deliver quarterly reports to the attorney general on all traffic, public transportation and pedestrian stops by July 2017. Most police departments in the state collect only traffic stop data with a few identifying characteristics of the subject, such as race.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-10533302\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg\" alt=\"RS6677_115011610-sfi\" width=\"540\" height=\"360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg 540w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi-400x267.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 540px) 100vw, 540px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB11&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB11\u003c/a> Peace Officer Training: Mental Health\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB29&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB29\u003c/a> Peace Officer Training: Mental Health\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB227&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB227\u003c/a> Grand Jury Investigations\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB411&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB411\u003c/a> Photographing/Recording Police\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB601&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB601\u003c/a> CDCR Data Dashboard\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB629&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB629\u003c/a> “Lynching”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB86&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB86\u003c/a> Special Prosecutor Investigations\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB619&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB619\u003c/a> Use of Force Data Collection\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB953&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB953\u003c/a> Racial Stop Data Collection\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1118&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB1118\u003c/a> Procedural Justice Training\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The bill would require a slew of data for every stop, including an officer’s perception of the subject’s race, ethnicity, gender, age, sexual orientation, religious affiliation, English proficiency and physical or mental disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California opposes AB953, arguing that officers already receive rigorous training on combating racial profiling and that police departments already collect many of the statistics called for in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the additional information required will take much more of the officer’s time and result in less service to the public,” the association’s opposition statement says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo said the bill requires law enforcement officers to essentially guess the demographic information. The language of the bill prohibits officers from asking suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know how that works,” he said. “In an attempt to stop racial profiling, it requires officers to pay a lot more attention to race. It’s counterintuitive in that regard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five similar attempts at mandating racial stop data precede AB953, going back to 1999 when then-Gov. Gray Davis vetoed a bill that would have required statewide collection of traffic stop data. But Davis required the California Highway Patrol to start noting the race of the people its officers pulled over, and many local law enforcement agencies began doing so \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/crime/article/Police-rarely-analyze-share-racial-data-on-stops-5697028.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">voluntarily — with mixed results\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s AB619 calls for better bookkeeping on law enforcement use of force and would apply the standards of in-custody deaths to all fatal encounters with police. Current law requires that law enforcement or corrections agencies report details of in-custody deaths to the state attorney general within 10 days of an incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also calls for detailed use-of-force reporting to the attorney general by 2018. Those reports would include characteristics like race, age and gender of officers and subjects in use-of-force cases. The legislation would require open reporting on everything from hand-to-hand physical strikes to gunshots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Data collection is the key to transparency and accountability,” the ACLU’s Minsker says. “If we think racial profiling is important, if we think police killing people is important, we need to collect data and then have conversations about how to fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB619 has no formal opposition listed. The ACLU of California is co-sponsoring both of Weber’s bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s aren’t the only bills seeking to expand public safety data collection. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB601&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB601\u003c/a> by Sen. Loni Hancock (D-Berkeley) would require the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to produce a “data dashboard,” publicly available on CDCR’s website. The web portal would include the following:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Information on CDCR staffing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Inmate enrollment in rehabilitation programs — with diploma and GED completion rates\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of deaths, specifying homicides, suicides, unexpected deaths and expected deaths\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of use-of-force incidents\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of inmate appeals and their status\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of inmates in administrative segregation — or solitary confinement\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contraband seized, quantifying cellphones and drugs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of days in lockdown\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Budget information\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Hancock’s bill would also require a report to the governor and Legislature on \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/cgi-bin/displaycode?section=pen&group=03001-04000&file=3016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CDCR’s pilot case management re-entry program\u003c/a> by July 31, 2017. Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/docs/SB_601_Veto_Message.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vetoed\u003c/a> a similar bill in 2011, noting that the CDCR already posts much of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/COMPSTAT/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">information\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Training\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB11\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB29&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">29\u003c/a> by Sen. Jim Beall (D-San Jose) would require the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.post.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training\u003c/a> to implement advanced training on mental health issues for California law enforcement officers. From the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/09/30/half-of-those-killed-by-san-francisco-police-are-mentally-ill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Bay Area\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"http://tacreports.org/storage/documents/2013-justifiable-homicides.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nationwide\u003c/a>, it’s estimated that about half of people killed by police are in psychiatric crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”skkL4liZxSqO1gzWqn7QrbRJso14PRgR”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB11 requires 20 hours of behavioral health training at the police academies to be part of the basic requirements to become a peace officer in California. SB29 requires a 40-hour course for field training officers, who mentor recent academy graduates when they first hit the streets. The bills indicate a move toward a state mandate for specialized Crisis Intervention Training, a program some departments have already voluntarily implemented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several state law enforcement associations join disability rights advocacy groups in support of SB11. Fewer groups support SB29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a growing recognition among law enforcement nationwide of the need for more behavioral health training for officers,” the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California wrote in support of SB11. “The existing California Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) curriculum includes only 6 hours of mental health training out of a total of 664 hours of mandated training for peace officers, which is clearly not sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Sheriffs’ Association opposes both bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More training for the sake of more training may not be beneficial and may come at the expense of other, more necessary training,” the association wrote in opposition. “Although we appreciate the desire to improve interactions between law enforcement and persons with mental health issues, [both bills represent] a premature, unfunded mandate that offers no guarantee of providing the appropriate training to the right officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Investigations\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB227 and AB 86 are seeking, in different ways, to establish more independence in the investigations of officer-involved fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB227&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB227\u003c/a> by Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles) would not allow grand juries to inquire into cases of potential police misconduct that resulted in the death of a suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The use of the criminal grand jury process, and the refusal to indict as occurred in Ferguson and other communities of color, has fostered an atmosphere of suspicion that threatens to compromise our justice system,” Mitchell wrote in an op-ed published in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailynews.com/opinion/20150507/why-grand-juries-are-wrong-for-officer-involved-shootings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles Daily News\u003c/a>. Her bill would require police use-of-force cases to be charged through a preliminary examination, in open court, rather than behind the closed doors of the grand jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association opposes the bill, writing that California’s grand jury system is “decidedly different and amazingly fairer” than the system in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”eAOzptDt4C8SI5dRdhjhkunRlLBYKGrZ”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While there may be fundamental deficiencies in the grand jury systems of other states, we do not believe that those deficiencies exist in California to justify the outright prohibition of criminal grand juries in fatal officer-involved shootings,” the association wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB86&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB86\u003c/a> would require the state attorney general to appoint a special prosecutor to independently investigate killings by on-duty law enforcement officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters and opposition reveal a stark divide. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People supports the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police brutality has had a long history in California,” the NAACP wrote. “Following the high-profiled deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner, civil rights advocates have campaigned for greater oversight of the investigation process following deaths involving law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most statewide law enforcement agencies oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“District Attorneys have made decisions for years, and have overseen difficult cases that have been scrutinized heavily by the media and public,” the Peace Officers Research Association of California wrote. “The concern that there would be a conflict of interest between a District Attorney and officers they may work with is unfounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo said the bill implied that peace officers who use deadly force are presumed guilty of a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We reject that,” he said. “In so many of these cases, the officer’s been shot at, the officer’s been threatened with a weapon. The officer is a victim in many ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s ACLU also supports McCarty’s bill, but California ACLU director Minsker says she still wouldn’t expect many police officers to face criminal charges following fatal shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are really encouraging folks to focus not just on prosecutions,” Minsker says, “but investigating fatal incidents where police have used force to ask, ‘What went wrong? How could we have prevented this?'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And Many More\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the many other law enforcement bills meandering their way through the Legislature, one would clarify California law regarding \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB411&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">photographing and recording\u003c/a> police on duty. Still \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB629&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">another\u003c/a> would scrub the term “lynching” from the state’s penal code, and several bills are vying to establish statewide rules for police body-worn cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And of course, the Legislature doesn’t have the final word on these proposals. Bills that make it through both houses must still win Gov. Brown’s approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had initial meetings with the governor’s staff to educate them about the bills,” Minsker says, adding that it’s difficult to predict where Brown will land on any of these issues. “At this point no red flags have been raised on these bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post was updated May 22 to add a link to existing CDCR COMPSTAT reports.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Legislature Considering a Stack of Cop-Accountability Bills | KQED",
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"headline": "Legislature Considering a Stack of Cop-Accountability Bills",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Increasing national attention on issues of use of force, transparency and inequity in the criminal justice system hasn’t been lost on California state legislators, who are pushing dozens of bills aimed at enhancing law enforcement accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California branch of the American Civil Liberties Union is following and advocating for many of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The national attention on police conduct and police abuses has absolutely led to a large number of bills on this issue this year,” says Natasha Minsker, director of the recently expanded ACLU’s Sacramento-based Center for Advocacy and Policy. “What’s yet to be seen, and what we hope for, is that it actually leads to real reforms being enacted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The concern that there would be a conflict of interest between a district attorney and officers they may work with is unfounded.’\u003ccite>Peace Officers Research Association of California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>That observation is a rare example of common ground between groups like the ACLU and law enforcement organizations like the California State Sheriffs’ Association, which is also keeping a close watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are certainly more bills on these topics this year,” said Cory Salzillo, the association’s legislative director. “I think it’s because of the media attention on events in other places like Ferguson and Staten Island.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six of the eight bills the ACLU is highlighting have been placed on either the Senate or Assembly appropriations “suspense file,” meaning the appropriations committees of either house won’t hear the bills until after the state budget is finalized. The hold is meant for high-cost legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the bills carry big price tags, Minsker says, is that several of them are seeking better data collection — and the agencies that would be providing that data are also the ones providing the cost estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people we’re trying to get information about, those are the people who provide the estimate of the cost,” Minsker says. “And the cost is coming back shockingly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Data Collection\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB953\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">953\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB619\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">619\u003c/a> by Assemblywoman Shirley Weber (D-San Diego) would greatly expand the data that state and local law enforcement agencies are required to report to the California attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB953 updates the definition of profiling to include gender identity and would require all local law enforcement agencies to deliver quarterly reports to the attorney general on all traffic, public transportation and pedestrian stops by July 2017. Most police departments in the state collect only traffic stop data with a few identifying characteristics of the subject, such as race.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-10533302\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg\" alt=\"RS6677_115011610-sfi\" width=\"540\" height=\"360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi.jpg 540w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/05/RS6677_115011610-sfi-400x267.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 540px) 100vw, 540px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB11&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB11\u003c/a> Peace Officer Training: Mental Health\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB29&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB29\u003c/a> Peace Officer Training: Mental Health\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB227&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB227\u003c/a> Grand Jury Investigations\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB411&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB411\u003c/a> Photographing/Recording Police\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB601&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB601\u003c/a> CDCR Data Dashboard\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB629&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB629\u003c/a> “Lynching”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB86&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB86\u003c/a> Special Prosecutor Investigations\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB619&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB619\u003c/a> Use of Force Data Collection\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB953&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB953\u003c/a> Racial Stop Data Collection\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1118&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB1118\u003c/a> Procedural Justice Training\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The bill would require a slew of data for every stop, including an officer’s perception of the subject’s race, ethnicity, gender, age, sexual orientation, religious affiliation, English proficiency and physical or mental disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California opposes AB953, arguing that officers already receive rigorous training on combating racial profiling and that police departments already collect many of the statistics called for in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the additional information required will take much more of the officer’s time and result in less service to the public,” the association’s opposition statement says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo said the bill requires law enforcement officers to essentially guess the demographic information. The language of the bill prohibits officers from asking suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know how that works,” he said. “In an attempt to stop racial profiling, it requires officers to pay a lot more attention to race. It’s counterintuitive in that regard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five similar attempts at mandating racial stop data precede AB953, going back to 1999 when then-Gov. Gray Davis vetoed a bill that would have required statewide collection of traffic stop data. But Davis required the California Highway Patrol to start noting the race of the people its officers pulled over, and many local law enforcement agencies began doing so \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/crime/article/Police-rarely-analyze-share-racial-data-on-stops-5697028.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">voluntarily — with mixed results\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s AB619 calls for better bookkeeping on law enforcement use of force and would apply the standards of in-custody deaths to all fatal encounters with police. Current law requires that law enforcement or corrections agencies report details of in-custody deaths to the state attorney general within 10 days of an incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also calls for detailed use-of-force reporting to the attorney general by 2018. Those reports would include characteristics like race, age and gender of officers and subjects in use-of-force cases. The legislation would require open reporting on everything from hand-to-hand physical strikes to gunshots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Data collection is the key to transparency and accountability,” the ACLU’s Minsker says. “If we think racial profiling is important, if we think police killing people is important, we need to collect data and then have conversations about how to fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB619 has no formal opposition listed. The ACLU of California is co-sponsoring both of Weber’s bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s aren’t the only bills seeking to expand public safety data collection. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB601&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB601\u003c/a> by Sen. Loni Hancock (D-Berkeley) would require the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to produce a “data dashboard,” publicly available on CDCR’s website. The web portal would include the following:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Information on CDCR staffing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Inmate enrollment in rehabilitation programs — with diploma and GED completion rates\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of deaths, specifying homicides, suicides, unexpected deaths and expected deaths\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of use-of-force incidents\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of inmate appeals and their status\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of inmates in administrative segregation — or solitary confinement\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contraband seized, quantifying cellphones and drugs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Number of days in lockdown\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Budget information\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Hancock’s bill would also require a report to the governor and Legislature on \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/cgi-bin/displaycode?section=pen&group=03001-04000&file=3016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CDCR’s pilot case management re-entry program\u003c/a> by July 31, 2017. Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/docs/SB_601_Veto_Message.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vetoed\u003c/a> a similar bill in 2011, noting that the CDCR already posts much of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/COMPSTAT/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">information\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Training\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate bills \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB11\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB29&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">29\u003c/a> by Sen. Jim Beall (D-San Jose) would require the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.post.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training\u003c/a> to implement advanced training on mental health issues for California law enforcement officers. From the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/09/30/half-of-those-killed-by-san-francisco-police-are-mentally-ill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Bay Area\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"http://tacreports.org/storage/documents/2013-justifiable-homicides.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nationwide\u003c/a>, it’s estimated that about half of people killed by police are in psychiatric crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB11 requires 20 hours of behavioral health training at the police academies to be part of the basic requirements to become a peace officer in California. SB29 requires a 40-hour course for field training officers, who mentor recent academy graduates when they first hit the streets. The bills indicate a move toward a state mandate for specialized Crisis Intervention Training, a program some departments have already voluntarily implemented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several state law enforcement associations join disability rights advocacy groups in support of SB11. Fewer groups support SB29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a growing recognition among law enforcement nationwide of the need for more behavioral health training for officers,” the County Behavioral Health Directors Association of California wrote in support of SB11. “The existing California Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) curriculum includes only 6 hours of mental health training out of a total of 664 hours of mandated training for peace officers, which is clearly not sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Sheriffs’ Association opposes both bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More training for the sake of more training may not be beneficial and may come at the expense of other, more necessary training,” the association wrote in opposition. “Although we appreciate the desire to improve interactions between law enforcement and persons with mental health issues, [both bills represent] a premature, unfunded mandate that offers no guarantee of providing the appropriate training to the right officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Investigations\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB227 and AB 86 are seeking, in different ways, to establish more independence in the investigations of officer-involved fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB227&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB227\u003c/a> by Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles) would not allow grand juries to inquire into cases of potential police misconduct that resulted in the death of a suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The use of the criminal grand jury process, and the refusal to indict as occurred in Ferguson and other communities of color, has fostered an atmosphere of suspicion that threatens to compromise our justice system,” Mitchell wrote in an op-ed published in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailynews.com/opinion/20150507/why-grand-juries-are-wrong-for-officer-involved-shootings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles Daily News\u003c/a>. Her bill would require police use-of-force cases to be charged through a preliminary examination, in open court, rather than behind the closed doors of the grand jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association opposes the bill, writing that California’s grand jury system is “decidedly different and amazingly fairer” than the system in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While there may be fundamental deficiencies in the grand jury systems of other states, we do not believe that those deficiencies exist in California to justify the outright prohibition of criminal grand juries in fatal officer-involved shootings,” the association wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB86&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB86\u003c/a> would require the state attorney general to appoint a special prosecutor to independently investigate killings by on-duty law enforcement officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters and opposition reveal a stark divide. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People supports the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police brutality has had a long history in California,” the NAACP wrote. “Following the high-profiled deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner, civil rights advocates have campaigned for greater oversight of the investigation process following deaths involving law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most statewide law enforcement agencies oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“District Attorneys have made decisions for years, and have overseen difficult cases that have been scrutinized heavily by the media and public,” the Peace Officers Research Association of California wrote. “The concern that there would be a conflict of interest between a District Attorney and officers they may work with is unfounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo said the bill implied that peace officers who use deadly force are presumed guilty of a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We reject that,” he said. “In so many of these cases, the officer’s been shot at, the officer’s been threatened with a weapon. The officer is a victim in many ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s ACLU also supports McCarty’s bill, but California ACLU director Minsker says she still wouldn’t expect many police officers to face criminal charges following fatal shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are really encouraging folks to focus not just on prosecutions,” Minsker says, “but investigating fatal incidents where police have used force to ask, ‘What went wrong? How could we have prevented this?'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And Many More\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the many other law enforcement bills meandering their way through the Legislature, one would clarify California law regarding \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB411&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">photographing and recording\u003c/a> police on duty. Still \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB629&search_keywords=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">another\u003c/a> would scrub the term “lynching” from the state’s penal code, and several bills are vying to establish statewide rules for police body-worn cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And of course, the Legislature doesn’t have the final word on these proposals. Bills that make it through both houses must still win Gov. Brown’s approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had initial meetings with the governor’s staff to educate them about the bills,” Minsker says, adding that it’s difficult to predict where Brown will land on any of these issues. “At this point no red flags have been raised on these bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a45/\">Matthew Dababneh\u003c/a> had some compelling reasons for wanting to chair the state Assembly’s Banking and Finance Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Fernando Valley Democrat worked for \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/\">U.S. Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Sherman Oaks)\u003c/a>, a senior member of the House Financial Services Committee, for nearly a decade, including during the recent recession as Sherman \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/media-center/opinion-editorials/regulating-wall-streets-abuses\">tackled Wall Street and credit rating reform\u003c/a>. Improving financial literacy in the congressional district was also a key issue during Dababneh’s time as Sherman’s district chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it.’ \u003ccite>Former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I was really drawn because of experience and personal interest to serve on the Banking and Finance Committee,” Dababneh said. “For me, my (committee) requests were based on my experience, subject matter I thought was most relevant to my district, where my interests lie and wanting to focus my attention on some of the policies I want to pursue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s something besides expertise, however, that sets Dababneh apart from most of his Democratic colleagues in the state Assembly: his impressive fundraising prowess, which he’s used in part to help other Democrats get elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201697827″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED and Maplight.org analysis of data, along with interviews with current and former lawmakers, shows that the most powerful committee chairs in the state Assembly share a knack for prolific fundraising and a propensity to funnel this money to the Democratic Party and other Democrats running for office. Our analysis looked at campaign finance contributions from when each current member entered office through the end of 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=1139646740&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Generosity is clearly not the only consideration for Assembly speakers when they are assigning committees — but former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano said it “absolutely” is a key factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Democrat said he was often asked why he needed to raise money when he was running virtually unopposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas.’ \u003ccite>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it. They are very nice about that, and they take it and you are able also, because you don’t give it all to the party. You are able to help candidates you like,” he said. “And a chairmanship will usually come with that — not necessarily … the final say is between a member and the speaker, and there are other political obligations that speaker might have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dababneh questioned whether the Banking and Finance Committee chairmanship is even really a “juice” committee, as they are \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1988-10-30/local/me-788_1_insurance-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">historically known\u003c/a> in Sacramento. He noted he was taken off the Governmental Organization Committee — a committee often seen as a fundraising bonanza because it regulates gambling, alcohol and tobacco — when he became Banking’s leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"http://abnk.assembly.ca.gov/\">Banking and Finance\u003c/a>, along with \u003ca href=\"http://agov.assembly.ca.gov/\">Governmental Organization\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ains.assembly.ca.gov/\">Insurance\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://apro.assembly.ca.gov/\">Appropriations\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ahea.assembly.ca.gov/\">Health\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://autl.assembly.ca.gov/\">Utilities and Commerce\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://abp.assembly.ca.gov/\">Business and Professions\u003c/a> are typically seen as the most powerful committees in the Assembly because they oversee legislation that impacts the state’s most influential — and monied — industries and interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the purpose of this analysis, we also included a newly created committee, \u003ca href=\"http://privacycp.assembly.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Privacy and Consumer Protection\u003c/a>, which stands to wield an enormous amount of power in years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of campaign finance data through the end of 2014 from the entire state Assembly Democratic Caucus revealed:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Over their time in office, the current chairs of those eight committees raised nearly $20 million combined — on average, $847,000 more each than the rest of Democrats in the Assembly. Only two of those chairs, Asssemblywoman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a14/\">Susan Bonilla\u003c/a> (D-Concord) and Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a43/\">Mike Gatto\u003c/a> (D-Glendale), have been in office longer than two years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Those chairs also funneled a total of $3.4 million to other campaigns over the past five years, with $1.9 million of it going straight to the California Democratic Party.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The biggest contributors were Gatto, who has funneled more than $630,000 to other Democrats since 2010; and Utilities and Commerce chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a63/\">Assemblyman Anthony Rendon \u003c/a> (D-Lakewood), who spread around an impressive $641,000 in just three years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Dababneh has been in office only since late 2013, but has proved to be a more prolific fundraiser on an annual basis than any other lawmaker besides Gatto. Dababneh raised an average of more than $840,000 a year; Gatto has brought in more than $1.1 million annually on average.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The average amount “juice” chairs gave away was $435,116 during their time in office, nearly twice as much as the rest of the Assembly Democratic Caucus, whose members contributed an average of $239,627.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Both Bonilla and Gatto saw big bumps in fundraising after they were named chairs of juice committees.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All of the chairs managed to dramatically increase their annual fundraising after being elected — some, including Health chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a18/\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, D-Oakland, and Insurance chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a69/\">Tom Daly\u003c/a>, D-Anaheim, doubled their fundraising between their first and second terms.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=268275437&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Rise of Party Politics\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the assumption has been that chairs of juice committees excel at fundraising largely because the powerful interest groups they are regulating want access and influence over the lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But our analysis didn’t find overwhelming connections between chairs’ campaign contributions and the businesses they regulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public employee unions and unions representing the building trades were the top two donors to nearly every committee chair. Other big donors included: the real estate and development industry; Indian tribes; public safety unions; and the medical and dental industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”UGUE8TRgs8Uwf9C8oAwHiZNmCsBH48Dg”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco State political scientist Jason McDaniel said caucus leaders reward generosity to other Democrats because term limits and campaign finance laws have curbed the power of individual politicians and made the party more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s a quid pro quo. Look at it this way — who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort, is how they think about it,” he said. “And if you are on a team and someone is out for their own stats, like in basketball if you give them the ball and they never pass the ball — I think that’s how leadership sees these kind of things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a question of “who can we trust more, not who can raise more money and has better connections to the big money industries,” McDaniel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort is how they think about it.’ \u003ccite>Political scientist Jason McDaniel\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>There are exceptions to the rule. Assemblyman\u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a21/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Adam Gray\u003c/a> (D-Merced) chairs the powerful Assembly Governmental Organization Committee. But Gray actually took way more from the party than he gave during a tough re-election battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gatto, who raised more than any other lawmaker in the Assembly, lost his plum position as head of the Appropriations Committee last year to Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a51/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jimmy Gomez\u003c/a> (D-Echo Park).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Assembly Privacy committee still stands to wield influence, but not nearly as much as Appropriations, which is where many bills live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been explained to me that I am the No. 1 fundraiser for the Democratic Party in the history of Assembly, yet I lost my chairmanship — so that’s either tremendous disloyalty on the part of the speaker or lack of correlation with money and chairmanships,” Gatto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez, who was termed out last year, said he considered a range of things when deciding who to name to leadership roles, including their desires, policy expertise, temperament and leadership skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s absolutely never been a litmus test that I have seen” for fundraising, Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said the same skills that make someone a successful legislator are usually found in strong fundraisers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas, so sometimes it’s a skill set that people have in common,” he said. “But it’s not a dispositive skill set.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a45/\">Matthew Dababneh\u003c/a> had some compelling reasons for wanting to chair the state Assembly’s Banking and Finance Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Fernando Valley Democrat worked for \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/\">U.S. Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Sherman Oaks)\u003c/a>, a senior member of the House Financial Services Committee, for nearly a decade, including during the recent recession as Sherman \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/media-center/opinion-editorials/regulating-wall-streets-abuses\">tackled Wall Street and credit rating reform\u003c/a>. Improving financial literacy in the congressional district was also a key issue during Dababneh’s time as Sherman’s district chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it.’ \u003ccite>Former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I was really drawn because of experience and personal interest to serve on the Banking and Finance Committee,” Dababneh said. “For me, my (committee) requests were based on my experience, subject matter I thought was most relevant to my district, where my interests lie and wanting to focus my attention on some of the policies I want to pursue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s something besides expertise, however, that sets Dababneh apart from most of his Democratic colleagues in the state Assembly: his impressive fundraising prowess, which he’s used in part to help other Democrats get elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201697827″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201697827″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED and Maplight.org analysis of data, along with interviews with current and former lawmakers, shows that the most powerful committee chairs in the state Assembly share a knack for prolific fundraising and a propensity to funnel this money to the Democratic Party and other Democrats running for office. Our analysis looked at campaign finance contributions from when each current member entered office through the end of 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=1139646740&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Generosity is clearly not the only consideration for Assembly speakers when they are assigning committees — but former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano said it “absolutely” is a key factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Democrat said he was often asked why he needed to raise money when he was running virtually unopposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas.’ \u003ccite>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it. They are very nice about that, and they take it and you are able also, because you don’t give it all to the party. You are able to help candidates you like,” he said. “And a chairmanship will usually come with that — not necessarily … the final say is between a member and the speaker, and there are other political obligations that speaker might have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dababneh questioned whether the Banking and Finance Committee chairmanship is even really a “juice” committee, as they are \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1988-10-30/local/me-788_1_insurance-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">historically known\u003c/a> in Sacramento. He noted he was taken off the Governmental Organization Committee — a committee often seen as a fundraising bonanza because it regulates gambling, alcohol and tobacco — when he became Banking’s leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"http://abnk.assembly.ca.gov/\">Banking and Finance\u003c/a>, along with \u003ca href=\"http://agov.assembly.ca.gov/\">Governmental Organization\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ains.assembly.ca.gov/\">Insurance\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://apro.assembly.ca.gov/\">Appropriations\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ahea.assembly.ca.gov/\">Health\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://autl.assembly.ca.gov/\">Utilities and Commerce\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://abp.assembly.ca.gov/\">Business and Professions\u003c/a> are typically seen as the most powerful committees in the Assembly because they oversee legislation that impacts the state’s most influential — and monied — industries and interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the purpose of this analysis, we also included a newly created committee, \u003ca href=\"http://privacycp.assembly.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Privacy and Consumer Protection\u003c/a>, which stands to wield an enormous amount of power in years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of campaign finance data through the end of 2014 from the entire state Assembly Democratic Caucus revealed:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Over their time in office, the current chairs of those eight committees raised nearly $20 million combined — on average, $847,000 more each than the rest of Democrats in the Assembly. Only two of those chairs, Asssemblywoman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a14/\">Susan Bonilla\u003c/a> (D-Concord) and Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a43/\">Mike Gatto\u003c/a> (D-Glendale), have been in office longer than two years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Those chairs also funneled a total of $3.4 million to other campaigns over the past five years, with $1.9 million of it going straight to the California Democratic Party.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The biggest contributors were Gatto, who has funneled more than $630,000 to other Democrats since 2010; and Utilities and Commerce chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a63/\">Assemblyman Anthony Rendon \u003c/a> (D-Lakewood), who spread around an impressive $641,000 in just three years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Dababneh has been in office only since late 2013, but has proved to be a more prolific fundraiser on an annual basis than any other lawmaker besides Gatto. Dababneh raised an average of more than $840,000 a year; Gatto has brought in more than $1.1 million annually on average.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The average amount “juice” chairs gave away was $435,116 during their time in office, nearly twice as much as the rest of the Assembly Democratic Caucus, whose members contributed an average of $239,627.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Both Bonilla and Gatto saw big bumps in fundraising after they were named chairs of juice committees.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All of the chairs managed to dramatically increase their annual fundraising after being elected — some, including Health chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a18/\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, D-Oakland, and Insurance chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a69/\">Tom Daly\u003c/a>, D-Anaheim, doubled their fundraising between their first and second terms.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=268275437&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Rise of Party Politics\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the assumption has been that chairs of juice committees excel at fundraising largely because the powerful interest groups they are regulating want access and influence over the lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But our analysis didn’t find overwhelming connections between chairs’ campaign contributions and the businesses they regulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public employee unions and unions representing the building trades were the top two donors to nearly every committee chair. Other big donors included: the real estate and development industry; Indian tribes; public safety unions; and the medical and dental industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco State political scientist Jason McDaniel said caucus leaders reward generosity to other Democrats because term limits and campaign finance laws have curbed the power of individual politicians and made the party more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s a quid pro quo. Look at it this way — who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort, is how they think about it,” he said. “And if you are on a team and someone is out for their own stats, like in basketball if you give them the ball and they never pass the ball — I think that’s how leadership sees these kind of things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a question of “who can we trust more, not who can raise more money and has better connections to the big money industries,” McDaniel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort is how they think about it.’ \u003ccite>Political scientist Jason McDaniel\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>There are exceptions to the rule. Assemblyman\u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a21/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Adam Gray\u003c/a> (D-Merced) chairs the powerful Assembly Governmental Organization Committee. But Gray actually took way more from the party than he gave during a tough re-election battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gatto, who raised more than any other lawmaker in the Assembly, lost his plum position as head of the Appropriations Committee last year to Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a51/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jimmy Gomez\u003c/a> (D-Echo Park).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Assembly Privacy committee still stands to wield influence, but not nearly as much as Appropriations, which is where many bills live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been explained to me that I am the No. 1 fundraiser for the Democratic Party in the history of Assembly, yet I lost my chairmanship — so that’s either tremendous disloyalty on the part of the speaker or lack of correlation with money and chairmanships,” Gatto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez, who was termed out last year, said he considered a range of things when deciding who to name to leadership roles, including their desires, policy expertise, temperament and leadership skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s absolutely never been a litmus test that I have seen” for fundraising, Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said the same skills that make someone a successful legislator are usually found in strong fundraisers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas, so sometimes it’s a skill set that people have in common,” he said. “But it’s not a dispositive skill set.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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