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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A panel on June 30, hosted online by The Bar Association of San Francisco, addressed the topic of mental health and well-being in the context of hate crimes and police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Allison Briscoe-Smith, a child clinical psychologist emphasized the importance of victims of hate crimes to seek mental help. She advised against waiting until someone reaches a breaking point to ask for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The time to ask for help is right now, to de-stigmatize the notion that therapy only has to happen in the context of crisis,” she said. “Therapy is a powerful means of self-care and of investing in yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Laura, 76, has not seen a doctor for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former farmworker, who did not want her last name used because of her immigration status, said she is losing her eyesight and her feet are often swollen and in pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A grandmother, Laura also suffers from headaches and shortness of breath, months after she became seriously ill with COVID-19 during the winter surge. Through it all, she has relied on home remedies and not sought medical care because she lacks health insurance, she said, in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have any money. And at my age, there’s no work,” said Laura, who picked watermelon, zucchini, pumpkin and other crops for more than 20 years in fields in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Laura may soon get access to the medical services she desperately needs, at little or no cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is on the verge of a historic step to offer public health insurance to low-income undocumented older adults — a population that has been particularly vulnerable during the COVID-19 pandemic but left out of federal assistance programs and other safety nets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders are expected to announce an expansion to the Medi-Cal program in the coming days as part of a final deal on the state budget, according to advocates and legislative aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent negotiations in Sacramento have centered on the lower age limit for those who will be newly eligible: 50 and older, as lawmakers have previously proposed; 60 and older, as Newsom offered; or somewhere in between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are as certain as we can be that there will be something that comes into the final budget,” said Sarah Dar, who directs health and public benefits policy at the California Immigrant Policy Center. “And it’s really just a matter of ‘What’s the age they land on?‘”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Luz Gallegos, director of TODEC, a legal center and immigrant justice organization\"]‘California continues to step up and defend all Californians, especially those who are most vulnerable, who don’t have any access to safety nets, but who contribute to our state economy, have been paying taxes… and have seen nothing in return.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, then-state Sen. Ricardo Lara introduced the first (unsuccessful) \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB1005\">bill\u003c/a> to make undocumented immigrants eligible for public health coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, California has enrolled undocumented children in full-scope Medi-Cal, offering free or low-cost preventative care, doctor visits, prescriptions, dental care, vision care and other services. Last year, the state became the first in the nation to offer health coverage to undocumented young adults through age 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But more than 1.3 million undocumented Californians are projected to lack health insurance next year, remaining the largest uninsured group in the state, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/undocumented-californians-projected-to-remain-the-largest-group-of-uninsured-in-the-state-in-2022/\">report\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimates vary, but depending on the final age cutoff that Newsom and legislative leaders decide for this year’s budget, roughly 80,000 to more than 200,000 undocumented Californians could gain access to Medi-Cal, including many who have worked essential jobs that are key to the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant and health advocates who have pushed California for years to extend health coverage to undocumented immigrants savored the realization that finally, older adults will most likely be eligible for coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At last, justice does prevail. We are in a historic moment as Californians,” said Luz Gallegos, the executive director of TODEC, a legal center and immigrant justice organization in the Inland Empire and Coachella Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California continues to step up and defend all Californians, especially those who are most vulnerable, who don’t have any access to safety nets, but who contribute to our state economy, have been paying taxes … and have seen nothing in return,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1242px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879325\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1242\" height=\"806\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos.jpg 1242w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-800x519.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-1020x662.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1242px) 100vw, 1242px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luz Gallegos works on COVID-19 vaccine outreach for farmworkers in Thermal, Calif. this spring. \u003ccite>(Courtesy TODEC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor’s budget \u003ca href=\"http://www.ebudget.ca.gov/2021-22/pdf/Revised/BudgetSummary/HealthandHumanServices.pdf\">revision\u003c/a> from May includes nearly $860 million in annual state funds to expand Medi-Cal to low-income undocumented adults age 60 and older, with some of that funding available next year. The Legislature’s \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Floor%20Report%20of%20the%202021-22%20Budget%20-%20%28June%2011%2C%202021%20Version%29.pdf\">proposal\u003c/a> dedicates $1.3 billion in annual funds to cover undocumented adults age 50 and older once the program is fully established.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='undocumented-immigrants']Gallegos, who was born in the U.S. to farmworker immigrant parents, said this likely win is personal for her. In recent years, her undocumented uncle died from cancer, she said, after he delayed seeking medical care because he was uninsured. During the pandemic, farmworkers she knows died from COVID-19 while several others became ill with the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We honor their lives by continuing the struggle so we don’t see no more lives taken away from our communities,” said Gallegos, her voice breaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, low-income undocumented immigrants who are 26 and older are eligible for limited Medi-Cal, which only covers health care emergencies or prenatal care if they are pregnant. Undocumented immigrants are excluded from the Affordable Care Act, and cannot purchase coverage through Covered California, the state’s ACA health exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they are not insured by an employer or able to purchase a private plan, they must generally rely on county health programs, which vary greatly throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Gov. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11814885/as-pandemic-batters-californias-economy-plan-to-insure-undocumented-seniors-in-doubt\">proposed\u003c/a> offering full-scope Medi-Cal to undocumented seniors age 65 and older. But the plan didn’t go through, as the state projected a severe economic downturn and tax losses in the billions of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the financial picture for California is starkly different this year, with the state logging an eye-popping budget surplus of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11874125/californias-historic-budget-surplus-is-it-76-billion-or-38-billion\">$76 billion\u003c/a>. In addition, the pandemic highlighted how “interconnected” public health really is, with all of us having to think about whether people around us wore masks, stood far enough apart, or were vaccinated, said Dar, with the California Immigrant Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so to give health care access to this community would mean a healthier and stronger state for all Californians,” said Dar. “Increased productivity, better health outcomes, better public health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some opponents have argued that funds to provide health coverage to undocumented people would be better spent on other needs, such as helping struggling U.S. citizens afford their own health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two in three Californians support the idea of providing health coverage to undocumented immigrants, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-march-2021.pdf\">recent survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California. But many Republicans oppose it, with nearly eight in 10 saying that they are not in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Illinois became the \u003ca href=\"https://www.povertylaw.org/article/health-coverage-available-to-undocumented-seniors-in-illinois/#:~:text=Fortunately%2C%20Illinois%20has%20become%20the,citizens%20age%2065%20or%20older.\">first state\u003c/a> to extend health insurance to undocumented seniors age 65 and older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former farmworker Laura hopes she will gain access to health coverage — and low-cost medical care — in California, where she has lived since the late 1980s, most recently in Riverside county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would help me a lot to go to the doctor and get my eyes checked out,” Laura said. “It would be the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Laura, 76, has not seen a doctor for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former farmworker, who did not want her last name used because of her immigration status, said she is losing her eyesight and her feet are often swollen and in pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A grandmother, Laura also suffers from headaches and shortness of breath, months after she became seriously ill with COVID-19 during the winter surge. Through it all, she has relied on home remedies and not sought medical care because she lacks health insurance, she said, in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have any money. And at my age, there’s no work,” said Laura, who picked watermelon, zucchini, pumpkin and other crops for more than 20 years in fields in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Laura may soon get access to the medical services she desperately needs, at little or no cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is on the verge of a historic step to offer public health insurance to low-income undocumented older adults — a population that has been particularly vulnerable during the COVID-19 pandemic but left out of federal assistance programs and other safety nets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders are expected to announce an expansion to the Medi-Cal program in the coming days as part of a final deal on the state budget, according to advocates and legislative aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent negotiations in Sacramento have centered on the lower age limit for those who will be newly eligible: 50 and older, as lawmakers have previously proposed; 60 and older, as Newsom offered; or somewhere in between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are as certain as we can be that there will be something that comes into the final budget,” said Sarah Dar, who directs health and public benefits policy at the California Immigrant Policy Center. “And it’s really just a matter of ‘What’s the age they land on?‘”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, then-state Sen. Ricardo Lara introduced the first (unsuccessful) \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SB1005\">bill\u003c/a> to make undocumented immigrants eligible for public health coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, California has enrolled undocumented children in full-scope Medi-Cal, offering free or low-cost preventative care, doctor visits, prescriptions, dental care, vision care and other services. Last year, the state became the first in the nation to offer health coverage to undocumented young adults through age 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But more than 1.3 million undocumented Californians are projected to lack health insurance next year, remaining the largest uninsured group in the state, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/undocumented-californians-projected-to-remain-the-largest-group-of-uninsured-in-the-state-in-2022/\">report\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimates vary, but depending on the final age cutoff that Newsom and legislative leaders decide for this year’s budget, roughly 80,000 to more than 200,000 undocumented Californians could gain access to Medi-Cal, including many who have worked essential jobs that are key to the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant and health advocates who have pushed California for years to extend health coverage to undocumented immigrants savored the realization that finally, older adults will most likely be eligible for coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At last, justice does prevail. We are in a historic moment as Californians,” said Luz Gallegos, the executive director of TODEC, a legal center and immigrant justice organization in the Inland Empire and Coachella Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California continues to step up and defend all Californians, especially those who are most vulnerable, who don’t have any access to safety nets, but who contribute to our state economy, have been paying taxes … and have seen nothing in return,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1242px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879325\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1242\" height=\"806\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos.jpg 1242w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-800x519.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-1020x662.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Gallegos-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1242px) 100vw, 1242px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luz Gallegos works on COVID-19 vaccine outreach for farmworkers in Thermal, Calif. this spring. \u003ccite>(Courtesy TODEC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor’s budget \u003ca href=\"http://www.ebudget.ca.gov/2021-22/pdf/Revised/BudgetSummary/HealthandHumanServices.pdf\">revision\u003c/a> from May includes nearly $860 million in annual state funds to expand Medi-Cal to low-income undocumented adults age 60 and older, with some of that funding available next year. The Legislature’s \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Floor%20Report%20of%20the%202021-22%20Budget%20-%20%28June%2011%2C%202021%20Version%29.pdf\">proposal\u003c/a> dedicates $1.3 billion in annual funds to cover undocumented adults age 50 and older once the program is fully established.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Gallegos, who was born in the U.S. to farmworker immigrant parents, said this likely win is personal for her. In recent years, her undocumented uncle died from cancer, she said, after he delayed seeking medical care because he was uninsured. During the pandemic, farmworkers she knows died from COVID-19 while several others became ill with the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We honor their lives by continuing the struggle so we don’t see no more lives taken away from our communities,” said Gallegos, her voice breaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, low-income undocumented immigrants who are 26 and older are eligible for limited Medi-Cal, which only covers health care emergencies or prenatal care if they are pregnant. Undocumented immigrants are excluded from the Affordable Care Act, and cannot purchase coverage through Covered California, the state’s ACA health exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they are not insured by an employer or able to purchase a private plan, they must generally rely on county health programs, which vary greatly throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Gov. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11814885/as-pandemic-batters-californias-economy-plan-to-insure-undocumented-seniors-in-doubt\">proposed\u003c/a> offering full-scope Medi-Cal to undocumented seniors age 65 and older. But the plan didn’t go through, as the state projected a severe economic downturn and tax losses in the billions of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the financial picture for California is starkly different this year, with the state logging an eye-popping budget surplus of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11874125/californias-historic-budget-surplus-is-it-76-billion-or-38-billion\">$76 billion\u003c/a>. In addition, the pandemic highlighted how “interconnected” public health really is, with all of us having to think about whether people around us wore masks, stood far enough apart, or were vaccinated, said Dar, with the California Immigrant Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so to give health care access to this community would mean a healthier and stronger state for all Californians,” said Dar. “Increased productivity, better health outcomes, better public health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some opponents have argued that funds to provide health coverage to undocumented people would be better spent on other needs, such as helping struggling U.S. citizens afford their own health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two in three Californians support the idea of providing health coverage to undocumented immigrants, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-march-2021.pdf\">recent survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California. But many Republicans oppose it, with nearly eight in 10 saying that they are not in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Illinois became the \u003ca href=\"https://www.povertylaw.org/article/health-coverage-available-to-undocumented-seniors-in-illinois/#:~:text=Fortunately%2C%20Illinois%20has%20become%20the,citizens%20age%2065%20or%20older.\">first state\u003c/a> to extend health insurance to undocumented seniors age 65 and older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former farmworker Laura hopes she will gain access to health coverage — and low-cost medical care — in California, where she has lived since the late 1980s, most recently in Riverside county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would help me a lot to go to the doctor and get my eyes checked out,” Laura said. “It would be the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Separated at the Border, a Father Reunites With His Son in California. But Struggles Remain",
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"content": "\u003cp>“Coming here, we lost it all.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Néstor, 14, says now about his journey to the United States three years ago. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His father, Melvin, says he received death threats from local gang members and leaving El Salvador was his best shot to protect his family. Néstor’s mother was pregnant at the time, and so just father and son made the journey north. Néstor still hasn’t had the opportunity to meet his new brother. “Whenever I think about that,” Néstor says in Spanish, “I feel like crying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families who migrate to the U.S. from Central and South America to seek asylum know they will be leaving behind loved ones. What roughly 5,500 of those families didn’t know is that if they made it all the way to the U.S.-Mexico border, they would also be separated. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Melvin, on being separated from his son\"]‘The most difficult part was not knowing anything about him, not even knowing where he was, not having any communication.’[/pullquote]Néstor and Melvin — they asked not to use their last name to protect their anonymity and safety as they apply for asylum — are among the families who were split apart by the Trump administration’s zero-tolerance policy in 2018. The policy was part of a strategy meant to curb legal and illegal immigration, but it’s been widely criticized by immigration advocates for being psychologically traumatic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melvin, 33, and Néstor shared with NPR some of the details of their story as they continue to process what happened to them and their asylum case makes its way through the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Parents Begged Detention Center Officials for Information\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Melvin and Néstor left their home in El Salvador on May 26, 2018. Néstor’s mom, pregnant with her third son, felt unable to make the dangerous journey. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is when I made the decision to bring [Néstor] because he was the oldest one,” Melvin says in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his dad covered over 1,000 miles as they made their way to the U.S. by car, raft and foot. Melvin sometimes carried his son, exhausted from the journey, in his arms and on his back. They say the journey was terrifying — navigating police extortion, death threats and physical suffering. They passed over the Rio Grande on a makeshift raft, scared for their lives. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Melvin and Néstor reached the U.S. border on June 5 — a few months after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions formally announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961048895/justice-department-rescinds-trumps-zero-tolerance-immigration-policy\">the zero-tolerance policy\u003c/a> — they hoped their journey was over and could begin the process of applying for asylum. Unaware they would be separated, they turned themselves in at the Port Isabel checkpoint in Texas and got in vans headed for detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were taken to separate facilities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11877128 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077-1020x680.jpg']Néstor recalls being put in a van with other separated children and driven to a place he says looked like a prison. There were no cloth blankets. The children were given Mylar wraps to keep warm. Néstor doesn’t know how many days he was there. He lost count. He didn’t know where his father was. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>” ‘And the children? And the children?” Melvin says he and other parents begged detention center officials to tell them where their children were, but he says officials wouldn’t say. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877128/reunification-alone-is-not-enough-biden-task-force-finds-2100-children-may-still-be-separated-from-parents\">Biden administration-era task force\u003c/a> has found that the strategy was so unclear, it might have been that even those officials didn’t know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[I’d] cry at night, feel sad, and not know what the future would be, because for me, every day what they told me was ‘No, they’re going to deport you. They’re going to send you back and your kids are going to stay here. They’re going to get adopted.’ I would say, ‘No, how are you going to take away my son? That’s my son, he’s mine. You can’t, you can’t,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Néstor was also asking for his father. He says the adults caring for him always said “soon,” but soon never came. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878929\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_2914-edit_custom-6cc5a8ed5d4b8ca48d3c5b0eef75bdaf5b881613-scaled-e1624391955465.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1372\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878929\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melvin (left) shows the notes his son, Néstor, wrote while they were separated. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, officials transferred Néstor north, more than 1,000 miles away from his father in Texas, to New York to stay with a foster mom. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he cried at night, worried he had lost his whole family forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fear was not unfounded. NPR’s immigration team \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/08/1004205868/bidens-task-force-has-reunited-36-migrant-families-with-hundreds-to-go\">has reported\u003c/a> that immigrant advocates believe at least 1,000 children remain separated from their parents. The Department of Homeland Security says it cannot find a record of reunification for at least 2,100 children, but that is partly due to poor record keeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most difficult part was not knowing anything about him, not even knowing where he was, not having any communication,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>They’re Reunited, But There’s Still Fear\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On June 26, 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/19/630463522/5-things-to-know-about-migrant-family-reunification\">a federal judge ordered the government\u003c/a> to reunify separated families. Exactly two months later, Néstor and Melvin were reunited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Néstor had been apart from his dad for about two and a half months when a man came to New York to pick him up from his foster home and escort him to the airport to fly to California, where his dad was living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878928\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_2748-edit_custom-f5d106c8704a2fd81aa9353f92e641601020a008-scaled-e1624392037467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1482\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878928\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Néstor (left) and his father Melvin left their home in El Salvador in 2018. They covered over 1,000 miles by car, raft and foot, and then they were taken to separate facilities when they reached the U.S. border. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Néstor says he gathered what little possessions he had — mostly notes he’d been writing to his father to try to maintain their connection — and he boarded a plane to Los Angeles. He recalls this next moment with an audible smile: When he saw his dad at the airport, he ran into his arms and instantly cried. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were mixed emotions, something unexplainable in that moment to see him arrive,” Melvin remembers. “After so much uncertainty of not knowing what would happen or know anything about him, it was something beautiful after so much pain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a joyous moment, but Néstor has struggled in many ways since. As the months passed, there were times when Néstor didn’t want to leave the house or play sports. He’s had nightmares. Melvin says he watched his son withdraw and feel unmotivated — something many separated children feel, says Melissa Tith, a therapist and a program supervisor at Seneca Family of Agencies, a nonprofit organization working to get free mental health support to people like Néstor. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_3096-edit_custom-49463e598f578c3ba4c6d1c1005e5f553618b515-scaled-e1624393197470.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1372\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878930\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melvin and Néstor are reunited and currently live together in Southern California as they wait for their asylum case to be processed. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Néstor and Melvin are living in Southern California while they wait for their asylum case to be processed. But as NPR has reported, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/01/982795844/biden-administration-considers-overhaul-of-asylum-system-at-southern-border\">that could take years\u003c/a>. And there is no guarantee they’ll get to stay. The Biden administration says it’s helping affected families with free therapy and is negotiating with immigration advocates about doing more. That could include granting legal status to families separated under zero tolerance, but there are no firm public commitments yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October 2020, Néstor has been seeing a therapist weekly through Seneca. He says it’s helping. It’s a slow process of untangling the feelings and fear he experienced while separated and it may be a lifelong effort, Tith says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hardly have any more nightmares,” he says. He’s just graduated middle school and he’s excited to start high school. He says he wants to grow up to become a surgeon in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They both imagine a life in the U.S., but that future is far from certain. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most valuable thing is to have our family together and have good health,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joel Rose contributed to and Heidi Glenn edited the digital story. \u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Separated+At+The+Border%2C+A+Father+Reunites+With+His+Son.+But+Struggles+Remain&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“Coming here, we lost it all.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Néstor, 14, says now about his journey to the United States three years ago. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His father, Melvin, says he received death threats from local gang members and leaving El Salvador was his best shot to protect his family. Néstor’s mother was pregnant at the time, and so just father and son made the journey north. Néstor still hasn’t had the opportunity to meet his new brother. “Whenever I think about that,” Néstor says in Spanish, “I feel like crying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families who migrate to the U.S. from Central and South America to seek asylum know they will be leaving behind loved ones. What roughly 5,500 of those families didn’t know is that if they made it all the way to the U.S.-Mexico border, they would also be separated. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Néstor and Melvin — they asked not to use their last name to protect their anonymity and safety as they apply for asylum — are among the families who were split apart by the Trump administration’s zero-tolerance policy in 2018. The policy was part of a strategy meant to curb legal and illegal immigration, but it’s been widely criticized by immigration advocates for being psychologically traumatic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melvin, 33, and Néstor shared with NPR some of the details of their story as they continue to process what happened to them and their asylum case makes its way through the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Parents Begged Detention Center Officials for Information\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Melvin and Néstor left their home in El Salvador on May 26, 2018. Néstor’s mom, pregnant with her third son, felt unable to make the dangerous journey. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is when I made the decision to bring [Néstor] because he was the oldest one,” Melvin says in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his dad covered over 1,000 miles as they made their way to the U.S. by car, raft and foot. Melvin sometimes carried his son, exhausted from the journey, in his arms and on his back. They say the journey was terrifying — navigating police extortion, death threats and physical suffering. They passed over the Rio Grande on a makeshift raft, scared for their lives. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Melvin and Néstor reached the U.S. border on June 5 — a few months after then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions formally announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/27/961048895/justice-department-rescinds-trumps-zero-tolerance-immigration-policy\">the zero-tolerance policy\u003c/a> — they hoped their journey was over and could begin the process of applying for asylum. Unaware they would be separated, they turned themselves in at the Port Isabel checkpoint in Texas and got in vans headed for detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were taken to separate facilities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Néstor recalls being put in a van with other separated children and driven to a place he says looked like a prison. There were no cloth blankets. The children were given Mylar wraps to keep warm. Néstor doesn’t know how many days he was there. He lost count. He didn’t know where his father was. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>” ‘And the children? And the children?” Melvin says he and other parents begged detention center officials to tell them where their children were, but he says officials wouldn’t say. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877128/reunification-alone-is-not-enough-biden-task-force-finds-2100-children-may-still-be-separated-from-parents\">Biden administration-era task force\u003c/a> has found that the strategy was so unclear, it might have been that even those officials didn’t know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[I’d] cry at night, feel sad, and not know what the future would be, because for me, every day what they told me was ‘No, they’re going to deport you. They’re going to send you back and your kids are going to stay here. They’re going to get adopted.’ I would say, ‘No, how are you going to take away my son? That’s my son, he’s mine. You can’t, you can’t,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Néstor was also asking for his father. He says the adults caring for him always said “soon,” but soon never came. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878929\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_2914-edit_custom-6cc5a8ed5d4b8ca48d3c5b0eef75bdaf5b881613-scaled-e1624391955465.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1372\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878929\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melvin (left) shows the notes his son, Néstor, wrote while they were separated. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, officials transferred Néstor north, more than 1,000 miles away from his father in Texas, to New York to stay with a foster mom. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he cried at night, worried he had lost his whole family forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fear was not unfounded. NPR’s immigration team \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/06/08/1004205868/bidens-task-force-has-reunited-36-migrant-families-with-hundreds-to-go\">has reported\u003c/a> that immigrant advocates believe at least 1,000 children remain separated from their parents. The Department of Homeland Security says it cannot find a record of reunification for at least 2,100 children, but that is partly due to poor record keeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most difficult part was not knowing anything about him, not even knowing where he was, not having any communication,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>They’re Reunited, But There’s Still Fear\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On June 26, 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/19/630463522/5-things-to-know-about-migrant-family-reunification\">a federal judge ordered the government\u003c/a> to reunify separated families. Exactly two months later, Néstor and Melvin were reunited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Néstor had been apart from his dad for about two and a half months when a man came to New York to pick him up from his foster home and escort him to the airport to fly to California, where his dad was living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878928\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_2748-edit_custom-f5d106c8704a2fd81aa9353f92e641601020a008-scaled-e1624392037467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1482\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878928\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Néstor (left) and his father Melvin left their home in El Salvador in 2018. They covered over 1,000 miles by car, raft and foot, and then they were taken to separate facilities when they reached the U.S. border. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Néstor says he gathered what little possessions he had — mostly notes he’d been writing to his father to try to maintain their connection — and he boarded a plane to Los Angeles. He recalls this next moment with an audible smile: When he saw his dad at the airport, he ran into his arms and instantly cried. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were mixed emotions, something unexplainable in that moment to see him arrive,” Melvin remembers. “After so much uncertainty of not knowing what would happen or know anything about him, it was something beautiful after so much pain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a joyous moment, but Néstor has struggled in many ways since. As the months passed, there were times when Néstor didn’t want to leave the house or play sports. He’s had nightmares. Melvin says he watched his son withdraw and feel unmotivated — something many separated children feel, says Melissa Tith, a therapist and a program supervisor at Seneca Family of Agencies, a nonprofit organization working to get free mental health support to people like Néstor. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878930\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/c5d_3096-edit_custom-49463e598f578c3ba4c6d1c1005e5f553618b515-scaled-e1624393197470.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1372\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878930\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melvin and Néstor are reunited and currently live together in Southern California as they wait for their asylum case to be processed. \u003ccite>(Jessica Pons/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Néstor and Melvin are living in Southern California while they wait for their asylum case to be processed. But as NPR has reported, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/01/982795844/biden-administration-considers-overhaul-of-asylum-system-at-southern-border\">that could take years\u003c/a>. And there is no guarantee they’ll get to stay. The Biden administration says it’s helping affected families with free therapy and is negotiating with immigration advocates about doing more. That could include granting legal status to families separated under zero tolerance, but there are no firm public commitments yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October 2020, Néstor has been seeing a therapist weekly through Seneca. He says it’s helping. It’s a slow process of untangling the feelings and fear he experienced while separated and it may be a lifelong effort, Tith says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hardly have any more nightmares,” he says. He’s just graduated middle school and he’s excited to start high school. He says he wants to grow up to become a surgeon in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They both imagine a life in the U.S., but that future is far from certain. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most valuable thing is to have our family together and have good health,” Melvin says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joel Rose contributed to and Heidi Glenn edited the digital story. \u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Separated+At+The+Border%2C+A+Father+Reunites+With+His+Son.+But+Struggles+Remain&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-and-florida-took-dramatically-divergent-pandemic-paths-who-did-better",
"title": "California and Florida Took Dramatically Divergent Pandemic Paths. Who Did Better?",
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"headTitle": "California and Florida Took Dramatically Divergent Pandemic Paths. Who Did Better? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>From the outset of the coronavirus pandemic, the governors of California and Florida have taken almost polar opposite approaches to managing an unprecedented health crisis: California Gov. Gavin Newsom shut down his state early, prioritizing public health; Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis largely kept his state open for business, prioritizing the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California just fully reopened on Tuesday, while Florida has been open all year, save for a short lockdown last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The split mirrors the political divisions that have bedeviled the United States during the pandemic — with both sides claiming victory at various times. But now, more than a year of data is offering some clear takeaways on which state’s approach has produced better outcomes on a number of fronts.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jon Jacobo, SF Latino Task Force health committee chair\"]‘We recruited volunteers. We knocked on 1,400 doors over four days and registered people at the door, handed out fliers. We phone-banked — treated it like a traditional political campaign.’[/pullquote]In short, thousands more people per capita in Florida have been infected with, and died from, COVID-19 than in California. And while unemployment remains about twice as high in California, some economists are now \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2021-06-02/la-fi-california-economy-recovery-ucla-forecast-june-2021\">predicting a faster overall recovery\u003c/a> in states like California that locked down early and kept those restrictions in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, given the two states’ widely contrasting approaches to the pandemic, some experts say they would have expected even more disparate health outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think most public health officials would say that Florida humbles us and makes us realize there are parts of this that we understand and there are parts of this that we don’t exactly understand,” said Dr. Bob Wachter, a leading epidemiologist and chair of the Department of Medicine at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s easy to criticize California,” Wachter added. “The overall numbers of cases and deaths are so high. But that’s irrelevant, really. You have to look at the per capita rates because California is so much bigger than any other state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Wachter’s math, if Florida’s COVID-19 death rate had been closer to California’s, there would have been nearly 2,400 fewer people dead there. As of this week, \u003ca href=\"https://covid.cdc.gov/covid-data-tracker/#cases_casesper100klast7days\">transmission rates in Florida remain five times higher than in California\u003c/a>, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. In all, 57% of all Californians have received at least one dose of the vaccine, compared to about 48% of all Floridians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And beyond health and economic impacts, there have been other trade-offs each state made, with outcomes that may take years to fully evaluate: For one, most Florida kids have been back in school since the fall; most California students did not return until this spring, and even then, not always full time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Wachter, assessing the success or failure of each state is complicated — and to some extent subjective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, I think some of that will come down to how you value human life,” he said. “I don’t want to sugarcoat it. The number of deaths in Florida per capita is significantly higher than they are in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For community leaders on the ground in both states, the decisions made by DeSantis and Newsom had far-reaching implications — especially for communities of color, who were generally hardest hit by the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One year \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/how-a-national-health-crisis-fell-on-the-backs-of-local-leaders/\">after we first compared these two states\u003c/a>, in a collaboration between KQED in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wlrn.org/\">WLRN\u003c/a> in Miami and \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/\">Reveal\u003c/a>, we visited communities in each state: the Mission District in San Francisco and the city of Miami Gardens in Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Mission District\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Last spring, as the coronavirus was spreading across the nation, and the world, community leaders in San Francisco’s heavily Latino Mission District realized things were poised to get bad — quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although heavily gentrified in pockets, the Mission is still a largely working-class neighborhood. It’s home to many low-income families who often live in homes shared by multiple generations, allowing little room to quarantine if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Jacobo, who grew up here and is active in local politics, said he and others watched with concern in March 2020 as San Francisco officials, and then state leaders, announced some of the nation’s first stay-at home orders — even as spring break continued to draw tourists to Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878395\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers from the San Francisco Latino Task Force help register people at a COVID-19 testing site on 24th and Mission streets in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The immediate thoughts, I think, for everybody were, ‘What is going to happen to the folks that are going to lose their jobs? … What’s going to happen to the individuals that have to go to work?’ ” he said. “Because there’s a lot of people that don’t have that luxury or that privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacobo and other volunteers — many of them Latino community members themselves — banded together to create what they called the Latino Task Force. Fearful of a coming wave of infections, they started asking the city for resources, including testing, tracing, rental assistance and food donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the time, tests were in short supply and the virus was spreading rapidly — more so in this neighborhood, it seemed to them, than in other nearby communities. So in April 2020, the Latino Task Force and other community leaders partnered with UCSF to set up a testing site in the neighborhood and put some numbers behind their hunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recruited volunteers. We knocked on 1,400 doors over four days and registered people at the door, handed out fliers. We phone-banked — treated it like a traditional political campaign,” Jacobo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, over 4,000 people came to get tested. About 40% were Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that were positive — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/news/2020/05/417356/initial-results-mission-district-covid-19-testing-announced\">it was 95% Latino, it was 100% people of color,\u003c/a>” Jacobo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"coronavirus\"]In response, the city expanded testing opportunities and other help for people of color and essential workers throughout the city — in partnership with existing groups like the Latino Task Force, who already had deep ties to city neighborhoods. It’s a lesson San Francisco learned decades ago during the AIDS crisis: The best way to get to hard-to-reach populations, people who might distrust the government, is to use the networks they already trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Latino Task Force did this in the Mission by not only focusing on testing: They set up a resource hub at a large building at 701 Alabama St. Funded by the city, the street outside morphs every Thursday into a pop-up COVID-19 testing site, and now, a place where people can make vaccine appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s also offering all the other things low-income residents have needed during the pandemic. For more than a year, the site has handed out groceries — serving as many as 9,000 families each week. There is also a community wellness team on-site that partners with families when someone tests positive to make sure they have the resources to survive quarantine. Mental health services and job training — all offered in multiple languages — are available as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed called the collaboration — one of many across the city — a game changer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of working with the Latino Task Force had everything to do with making people feel comfortable about getting tested, no questions asked,” she said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this government and community support didn’t erase the disproportionate burden of COVID-19 cases on Latinos in San Francisco during its summer and winter surges. But Jacobo said it did offer a safety net for vulnerable residents — and it left the city and community with a playbook when the vaccines started to roll out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a community health team providing info on what the vaccine is or what the vaccine isn’t. And we’ll literally sign you up for your appointment here,” Jacobo said. “So you don’t have to do anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1403425020303396865\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It worked: By early June, San Francisco reported that \u003ca href=\"https://data.sfgov.org/stories/s/COVID-19-Vaccinations-Maps/uue2-6gdn/\">more than 70% of residents in the neighborhood\u003c/a> had received at least one dose. Citywide, more than two-thirds of Latinos are vaccinated. And as California lifts nearly all COVID-19 restrictions — San Francisco officials this week announced more 80% of residents have received at least one dose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed credits San Franciscans for trusting the science, the data and one another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I must say, I am really proud of how San Franciscans, for the most part, handled this crisis, because if people didn’t comply and didn’t trust the information, we wouldn’t be here,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same cannot be said across the country in Miami Gardens.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Miami Gardens\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Located in Miami-Dade County, Miami Gardens is the largest Black-majority city in Florida — African Americans make up roughly 71% of the population. And like the Latino community in San Francisco’s Mission District, it is not a monolithic group — there are Bahamians, Jamaicans, Afro-Cubans, residents from West African countries like Nigeria and Ghana; some are Florida natives, some are immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, Miami-Dade County is doing pretty well when it comes to vaccines: About 58% of the total population has received at least one dose, according to county data from June 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878385\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878385\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G.jpeg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On a Friday in May, only four or five people came to receive COVID-19 vaccinations at the Brentwood Pool vaccination site in Miami Gardens, Florida. \u003ccite>(Caitie Switalski Muñoz/WLRN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, that number plummets among the county’s Black residents, only about 20% of whom have received at least one shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vice mayor of Miami Gardens, Reggie Leon, said he feels that disparity is probably due to a combination of inaccessibility and mistrust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that people of color had some trust issues, especially with vaccines. So [my office] started reaching out,” said Leon, who is Black. “We started reaching out to different groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the major vaccination sites was a state-run location at the Hard Rock Stadium in the city — home to the Miami Dolphins and where the 2020 Super Bowl was held shortly before the coronavirus hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the state previously offering testing at the site, Leon said the location just didn’t work for many residents of his city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stadium wasn’t enough because you had people coming from everywhere to get into the stadium and the stadium didn’t have the flexibility for walk-ups and they didn’t have the flexibility for those people that didn’t have transportation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t just about access, said Dr. Dwight Reynolds, an emergency physician working with the city of Miami Gardens. Many Black men like him were uncomfortable with the stadium site, he said, noting that it was set up by the state with help from the National Guard, and had a lot of security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine for a moment that you are a male of color. You go into a place where you see white officers — let’s tell it like it is — with guns,” Reynolds said. “OK, would you feel comfortable pulling up to that site although it’s free? Probably not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/NPR/status/1394293659441500160\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to try to increase vaccination rates among residents, the city partnered with a Black-owned company to open its own pop-up vaccination site at Brentwood Community Pool, about 2 miles away from the Hard Rock Stadium. At its pop-up site, the city offers doses of the Moderna vaccine, with Black nurses and doctors, including Reynolds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reynolds said he regularly hears from Black Floridians that they feel more comfortable with him holding the needle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To have people that look like you, talk like you, that’s kind of important,” he said. “We look like them. We talk like them. And guess what? We are them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faith Heywood, a Black nurse herself, got her first shot there in mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been looking online and it’s, you know, very complicated,” she said. “I’m ready today. I don’t want to think about Monday or Tuesday.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]Despite the location and ease, though, it’s been hard to attract people: On one Friday in May only about four or five people came for a shot all day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reynolds said he’s often been in the difficult position of deciding whether or not to open a vial — and risk having doses go bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s say at 3 o’clock, 4 o’clock — if you … can’t move those ones that you have left, then you end up having problems,” he said, adding he’s taken to driving extra doses as far as Coral Springs — some 30 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been slower going here than in San Francisco, where a deeper level of trust had already been established in some lower-income communities by the time the vaccines arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local leaders in both Miami Gardens and San Francisco’s Mission District have centered their efforts around building trust on the ground, but say they have been both helped and stymied by the decisions made at their own state capitols.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘I Would Not Declare Victory Now’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In Florida, Gov. DeSantis followed the lead of his ally, former President Donald Trump: He refused to institute many restrictions recommended by health experts, like a statewide mask mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And by spring 2021, DeSantis also made it harder for local governments to enforce their own COVID-19 safety rules. In March, for example, he overturned fines cities and counties administered to individuals and businesses for breaking health restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epidemiologists in both states agree that while the two governors’ decisions did influence health outcomes, so did the individual decisions of the millions of residents in each state — who sometimes acted in spite of their leaders’ examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cindy Prins, a University of Florida epidemiologist, said that’s probably one reason why things aren’t as bad in Florida as some experts predicted they would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of people continued to wear masks, not go to restaurants, physically distance in some cases, in spite of the fact that things were opened up,” Prins said.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Dr. Dwight Reynolds, emergency physician in Miami Gardens, Florida\"]‘To have people that look like you, talk like you, that’s kind of important. We look like them. We talk like them. And guess what? We are them.’[/pullquote]“It’s very hard to judge success because we don’t have the comparison group of what would have happened if everything was open the whole time,” she continued. “What’s the comparison if everything’s closed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Wachter, from UCSF, stressed that this pandemic isn’t over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the Florida story is fully written yet,” he said. “There’s a lot of the variants down there. The variants are nastier. So I would not declare victory now in Florida.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the actions of individual Californians — especially at family gatherings over the holiday season — prompted a major winter surge. Yet Wachter said those outbreaks were notably worse in the southern half of the state, showing that Newsom’s restrictions only went so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state had the same rules and standards. But people in L.A. and people in some of the other southern counties were acting differently than the people in the Bay Area were tending to. And you saw a divergence,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/how-a-national-health-crisis-fell-on-the-backs-of-local-leaders/\">major finding\u003c/a> of our collaboration last spring, early in the pandemic: the huge significance of individual actions, particularly in the absence of a coordinated national response. We all ended up being the Dr. Fauci of our own homes, so to speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Where We Go From Here\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Now, with vaccines widespread, the U.S. is entering a new phase of this pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even now, DeSantis and Newsom are still being guided by their opposing ideologies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 15 months, California lifted nearly all restrictions Tuesday, but counties are still permitted to enforce their own, and all unvaccinated residents are still being asked to mask in most public spaces. Attendees at indoor events with more than 5,000 people will have to either show they’re fully vaccinated or provide a recent negative COVID-19 test result; and Newsom’s administration is in the process of creating a digital “vaccine verification system,” allowing businesses to more easily check people’s vaccination status (though he’s quick to stress that using it is not required).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878398\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878398\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Health care worker Jaden Anderson tests a child for COVID-19 at a Unidos en Salud testing site on 24th and Mission streets in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Florida, DeSantis recently \u003ca href=\"//www.miamiherald.com/news/coronavirus/article251147909.html\">overrode\u003c/a> all remaining local emergency pandemic-related orders and restrictions. He also signed a bill making it illegal for businesses, schools and governments to require proof of vaccination. Recently, he’s been in a legal battle with the CDC over requiring vaccines on cruises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many ways, each governor is playing to his political base — with mixed results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite better health outcomes in California, Newsom is facing a recall attempt largely fueled by anger over his strict lockdowns. Yet just months after the recall qualified, Newsom is looking increasingly strong as his state emerges from the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, DeSantis’ star is also on the rise in the GOP — even though, or maybe because, he flouted many public health guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coming months will be crucial from a public health perspective. But the debate over whether DeSantis or Newsom best led his state through this crisis will likely drag on, especially given the two governors’ ambitious political aspirations: Both are thought to have presidential hopes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Correction\u003c/b>: Dr. Bob Wachter’s initial estimate of how many fewer COVID-19 deaths there would have been in Florida if it had the same death rate as in California was miscalculated. The original version of this story states: \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>By Wachter’s math, if Florida’s COVID-19 death rate had been closer to California’s, there would have been roughly 5,000 fewer people dead there.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the correct estimate of fewer deaths (based on each state’s COVID death rate at the time of publication) is less than half that: 2,389. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>WLRN’s Verónica Zaragovia contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A year ago, KQED and WLRN in Miami collaborated to document the dramatically contrasting policy decisions their state leaders made at the beginning of the pandemic. A year later, we evaluate how those decisions impacted public health and economic outcomes in each state.",
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"title": "California and Florida Took Dramatically Divergent Pandemic Paths. Who Did Better? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>From the outset of the coronavirus pandemic, the governors of California and Florida have taken almost polar opposite approaches to managing an unprecedented health crisis: California Gov. Gavin Newsom shut down his state early, prioritizing public health; Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis largely kept his state open for business, prioritizing the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California just fully reopened on Tuesday, while Florida has been open all year, save for a short lockdown last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The split mirrors the political divisions that have bedeviled the United States during the pandemic — with both sides claiming victory at various times. But now, more than a year of data is offering some clear takeaways on which state’s approach has produced better outcomes on a number of fronts.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In short, thousands more people per capita in Florida have been infected with, and died from, COVID-19 than in California. And while unemployment remains about twice as high in California, some economists are now \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2021-06-02/la-fi-california-economy-recovery-ucla-forecast-june-2021\">predicting a faster overall recovery\u003c/a> in states like California that locked down early and kept those restrictions in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, given the two states’ widely contrasting approaches to the pandemic, some experts say they would have expected even more disparate health outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think most public health officials would say that Florida humbles us and makes us realize there are parts of this that we understand and there are parts of this that we don’t exactly understand,” said Dr. Bob Wachter, a leading epidemiologist and chair of the Department of Medicine at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s easy to criticize California,” Wachter added. “The overall numbers of cases and deaths are so high. But that’s irrelevant, really. You have to look at the per capita rates because California is so much bigger than any other state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Wachter’s math, if Florida’s COVID-19 death rate had been closer to California’s, there would have been nearly 2,400 fewer people dead there. As of this week, \u003ca href=\"https://covid.cdc.gov/covid-data-tracker/#cases_casesper100klast7days\">transmission rates in Florida remain five times higher than in California\u003c/a>, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. In all, 57% of all Californians have received at least one dose of the vaccine, compared to about 48% of all Floridians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And beyond health and economic impacts, there have been other trade-offs each state made, with outcomes that may take years to fully evaluate: For one, most Florida kids have been back in school since the fall; most California students did not return until this spring, and even then, not always full time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Wachter, assessing the success or failure of each state is complicated — and to some extent subjective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, I think some of that will come down to how you value human life,” he said. “I don’t want to sugarcoat it. The number of deaths in Florida per capita is significantly higher than they are in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For community leaders on the ground in both states, the decisions made by DeSantis and Newsom had far-reaching implications — especially for communities of color, who were generally hardest hit by the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One year \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/how-a-national-health-crisis-fell-on-the-backs-of-local-leaders/\">after we first compared these two states\u003c/a>, in a collaboration between KQED in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wlrn.org/\">WLRN\u003c/a> in Miami and \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/\">Reveal\u003c/a>, we visited communities in each state: the Mission District in San Francisco and the city of Miami Gardens in Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Mission District\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Last spring, as the coronavirus was spreading across the nation, and the world, community leaders in San Francisco’s heavily Latino Mission District realized things were poised to get bad — quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although heavily gentrified in pockets, the Mission is still a largely working-class neighborhood. It’s home to many low-income families who often live in homes shared by multiple generations, allowing little room to quarantine if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Jacobo, who grew up here and is active in local politics, said he and others watched with concern in March 2020 as San Francisco officials, and then state leaders, announced some of the nation’s first stay-at home orders — even as spring break continued to draw tourists to Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878395\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46114_022_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers from the San Francisco Latino Task Force help register people at a COVID-19 testing site on 24th and Mission streets in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The immediate thoughts, I think, for everybody were, ‘What is going to happen to the folks that are going to lose their jobs? … What’s going to happen to the individuals that have to go to work?’ ” he said. “Because there’s a lot of people that don’t have that luxury or that privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacobo and other volunteers — many of them Latino community members themselves — banded together to create what they called the Latino Task Force. Fearful of a coming wave of infections, they started asking the city for resources, including testing, tracing, rental assistance and food donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the time, tests were in short supply and the virus was spreading rapidly — more so in this neighborhood, it seemed to them, than in other nearby communities. So in April 2020, the Latino Task Force and other community leaders partnered with UCSF to set up a testing site in the neighborhood and put some numbers behind their hunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recruited volunteers. We knocked on 1,400 doors over four days and registered people at the door, handed out fliers. We phone-banked — treated it like a traditional political campaign,” Jacobo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, over 4,000 people came to get tested. About 40% were Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that were positive — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/news/2020/05/417356/initial-results-mission-district-covid-19-testing-announced\">it was 95% Latino, it was 100% people of color,\u003c/a>” Jacobo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In response, the city expanded testing opportunities and other help for people of color and essential workers throughout the city — in partnership with existing groups like the Latino Task Force, who already had deep ties to city neighborhoods. It’s a lesson San Francisco learned decades ago during the AIDS crisis: The best way to get to hard-to-reach populations, people who might distrust the government, is to use the networks they already trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Latino Task Force did this in the Mission by not only focusing on testing: They set up a resource hub at a large building at 701 Alabama St. Funded by the city, the street outside morphs every Thursday into a pop-up COVID-19 testing site, and now, a place where people can make vaccine appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s also offering all the other things low-income residents have needed during the pandemic. For more than a year, the site has handed out groceries — serving as many as 9,000 families each week. There is also a community wellness team on-site that partners with families when someone tests positive to make sure they have the resources to survive quarantine. Mental health services and job training — all offered in multiple languages — are available as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed called the collaboration — one of many across the city — a game changer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of working with the Latino Task Force had everything to do with making people feel comfortable about getting tested, no questions asked,” she said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this government and community support didn’t erase the disproportionate burden of COVID-19 cases on Latinos in San Francisco during its summer and winter surges. But Jacobo said it did offer a safety net for vulnerable residents — and it left the city and community with a playbook when the vaccines started to roll out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a community health team providing info on what the vaccine is or what the vaccine isn’t. And we’ll literally sign you up for your appointment here,” Jacobo said. “So you don’t have to do anything.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>It worked: By early June, San Francisco reported that \u003ca href=\"https://data.sfgov.org/stories/s/COVID-19-Vaccinations-Maps/uue2-6gdn/\">more than 70% of residents in the neighborhood\u003c/a> had received at least one dose. Citywide, more than two-thirds of Latinos are vaccinated. And as California lifts nearly all COVID-19 restrictions — San Francisco officials this week announced more 80% of residents have received at least one dose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed credits San Franciscans for trusting the science, the data and one another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I must say, I am really proud of how San Franciscans, for the most part, handled this crisis, because if people didn’t comply and didn’t trust the information, we wouldn’t be here,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same cannot be said across the country in Miami Gardens.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Miami Gardens\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Located in Miami-Dade County, Miami Gardens is the largest Black-majority city in Florida — African Americans make up roughly 71% of the population. And like the Latino community in San Francisco’s Mission District, it is not a monolithic group — there are Bahamians, Jamaicans, Afro-Cubans, residents from West African countries like Nigeria and Ghana; some are Florida natives, some are immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, Miami-Dade County is doing pretty well when it comes to vaccines: About 58% of the total population has received at least one dose, according to county data from June 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878385\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878385\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G.jpeg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Miami-G-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On a Friday in May, only four or five people came to receive COVID-19 vaccinations at the Brentwood Pool vaccination site in Miami Gardens, Florida. \u003ccite>(Caitie Switalski Muñoz/WLRN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, that number plummets among the county’s Black residents, only about 20% of whom have received at least one shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vice mayor of Miami Gardens, Reggie Leon, said he feels that disparity is probably due to a combination of inaccessibility and mistrust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that people of color had some trust issues, especially with vaccines. So [my office] started reaching out,” said Leon, who is Black. “We started reaching out to different groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the major vaccination sites was a state-run location at the Hard Rock Stadium in the city — home to the Miami Dolphins and where the 2020 Super Bowl was held shortly before the coronavirus hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the state previously offering testing at the site, Leon said the location just didn’t work for many residents of his city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stadium wasn’t enough because you had people coming from everywhere to get into the stadium and the stadium didn’t have the flexibility for walk-ups and they didn’t have the flexibility for those people that didn’t have transportation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t just about access, said Dr. Dwight Reynolds, an emergency physician working with the city of Miami Gardens. Many Black men like him were uncomfortable with the stadium site, he said, noting that it was set up by the state with help from the National Guard, and had a lot of security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine for a moment that you are a male of color. You go into a place where you see white officers — let’s tell it like it is — with guns,” Reynolds said. “OK, would you feel comfortable pulling up to that site although it’s free? Probably not.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>So to try to increase vaccination rates among residents, the city partnered with a Black-owned company to open its own pop-up vaccination site at Brentwood Community Pool, about 2 miles away from the Hard Rock Stadium. At its pop-up site, the city offers doses of the Moderna vaccine, with Black nurses and doctors, including Reynolds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reynolds said he regularly hears from Black Floridians that they feel more comfortable with him holding the needle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To have people that look like you, talk like you, that’s kind of important,” he said. “We look like them. We talk like them. And guess what? We are them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faith Heywood, a Black nurse herself, got her first shot there in mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been looking online and it’s, you know, very complicated,” she said. “I’m ready today. I don’t want to think about Monday or Tuesday.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Despite the location and ease, though, it’s been hard to attract people: On one Friday in May only about four or five people came for a shot all day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reynolds said he’s often been in the difficult position of deciding whether or not to open a vial — and risk having doses go bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s say at 3 o’clock, 4 o’clock — if you … can’t move those ones that you have left, then you end up having problems,” he said, adding he’s taken to driving extra doses as far as Coral Springs — some 30 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been slower going here than in San Francisco, where a deeper level of trust had already been established in some lower-income communities by the time the vaccines arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local leaders in both Miami Gardens and San Francisco’s Mission District have centered their efforts around building trust on the ground, but say they have been both helped and stymied by the decisions made at their own state capitols.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘I Would Not Declare Victory Now’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In Florida, Gov. DeSantis followed the lead of his ally, former President Donald Trump: He refused to institute many restrictions recommended by health experts, like a statewide mask mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And by spring 2021, DeSantis also made it harder for local governments to enforce their own COVID-19 safety rules. In March, for example, he overturned fines cities and counties administered to individuals and businesses for breaking health restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Epidemiologists in both states agree that while the two governors’ decisions did influence health outcomes, so did the individual decisions of the millions of residents in each state — who sometimes acted in spite of their leaders’ examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cindy Prins, a University of Florida epidemiologist, said that’s probably one reason why things aren’t as bad in Florida as some experts predicted they would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of people continued to wear masks, not go to restaurants, physically distance in some cases, in spite of the fact that things were opened up,” Prins said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s very hard to judge success because we don’t have the comparison group of what would have happened if everything was open the whole time,” she continued. “What’s the comparison if everything’s closed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Wachter, from UCSF, stressed that this pandemic isn’t over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the Florida story is fully written yet,” he said. “There’s a lot of the variants down there. The variants are nastier. So I would not declare victory now in Florida.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the actions of individual Californians — especially at family gatherings over the holiday season — prompted a major winter surge. Yet Wachter said those outbreaks were notably worse in the southern half of the state, showing that Newsom’s restrictions only went so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state had the same rules and standards. But people in L.A. and people in some of the other southern counties were acting differently than the people in the Bay Area were tending to. And you saw a divergence,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/how-a-national-health-crisis-fell-on-the-backs-of-local-leaders/\">major finding\u003c/a> of our collaboration last spring, early in the pandemic: the huge significance of individual actions, particularly in the absence of a coordinated national response. We all ended up being the Dr. Fauci of our own homes, so to speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Where We Go From Here\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Now, with vaccines widespread, the U.S. is entering a new phase of this pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even now, DeSantis and Newsom are still being guided by their opposing ideologies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 15 months, California lifted nearly all restrictions Tuesday, but counties are still permitted to enforce their own, and all unvaccinated residents are still being asked to mask in most public spaces. Attendees at indoor events with more than 5,000 people will have to either show they’re fully vaccinated or provide a recent negative COVID-19 test result; and Newsom’s administration is in the process of creating a digital “vaccine verification system,” allowing businesses to more easily check people’s vaccination status (though he’s quick to stress that using it is not required).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11878398\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11878398\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS46130_038_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Health care worker Jaden Anderson tests a child for COVID-19 at a Unidos en Salud testing site on 24th and Mission streets in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Florida, DeSantis recently \u003ca href=\"//www.miamiherald.com/news/coronavirus/article251147909.html\">overrode\u003c/a> all remaining local emergency pandemic-related orders and restrictions. He also signed a bill making it illegal for businesses, schools and governments to require proof of vaccination. Recently, he’s been in a legal battle with the CDC over requiring vaccines on cruises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many ways, each governor is playing to his political base — with mixed results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite better health outcomes in California, Newsom is facing a recall attempt largely fueled by anger over his strict lockdowns. Yet just months after the recall qualified, Newsom is looking increasingly strong as his state emerges from the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, DeSantis’ star is also on the rise in the GOP — even though, or maybe because, he flouted many public health guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coming months will be crucial from a public health perspective. But the debate over whether DeSantis or Newsom best led his state through this crisis will likely drag on, especially given the two governors’ ambitious political aspirations: Both are thought to have presidential hopes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Correction\u003c/b>: Dr. Bob Wachter’s initial estimate of how many fewer COVID-19 deaths there would have been in Florida if it had the same death rate as in California was miscalculated. The original version of this story states: \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>By Wachter’s math, if Florida’s COVID-19 death rate had been closer to California’s, there would have been roughly 5,000 fewer people dead there.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the correct estimate of fewer deaths (based on each state’s COVID death rate at the time of publication) is less than half that: 2,389. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>WLRN’s Verónica Zaragovia contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11877890\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final.png\" alt='A Mark Fiore cartoon that show festive, colorful face masks hanging to spell out \"grand reopening\" as people (two who are masked) celebrate below.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1301\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final-800x542.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final-1020x691.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final-160x108.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final-1536x1041.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s official reopening happens Tuesday, and even though it will be the end of the state’s mask mandate, you’ll likely still see \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioremaskmandateends\">some people wearing face masks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has been a long, awful road for California and the world as the pandemic ravaged the globe, but it feels like good times really are nearly here again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and health officials are still pushing for more people to get vaccinated by June 15, with cash giveaways and, um, free cheese at Chipotle?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1403498452890406916\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hope the COVID-19 vaccines are also effective against gloopy cheese-in-a-bag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11877890\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final.png\" alt='A Mark Fiore cartoon that show festive, colorful face masks hanging to spell out \"grand reopening\" as people (two who are masked) celebrate below.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1301\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final-800x542.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final-1020x691.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final-160x108.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/grand_061421_final-1536x1041.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s official reopening happens Tuesday, and even though it will be the end of the state’s mask mandate, you’ll likely still see \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioremaskmandateends\">some people wearing face masks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has been a long, awful road for California and the world as the pandemic ravaged the globe, but it feels like good times really are nearly here again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and health officials are still pushing for more people to get vaccinated by June 15, with cash giveaways and, um, free cheese at Chipotle?\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Activists held a die-in on the street in front of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Sacramento home early Wednesday to demand COVID-19 relief for undocumented workers who they say are largely excluded from unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifty-eight people, mostly immigrant workers and activists from across California, laid down in the street to bring attention to the disproportionate share of pandemic-related deaths borne by workers and their families in sectors the state identified as the most high-risk for COVID-19 spread, including agriculture, warehouses and restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 10 industries in California, the first 10 months of the pandemic \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/fact_sheet_-_the_pandemics_toll_on_california_workers_in_high_risk_industries.pdf\">saw a 30% increase in deaths\u003c/a> of essential workers in those industries compared to the previous year, according to a study from the UC Merced Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mirna Bueso, undocumented worker\"]‘We are not asking for charity, we are asking to get back what we have given to this state.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an immigrant, I’ve seen how we’ve been excluded from all the benefits the government has provided to workers,” said Mirna Bueso, 45, who worked two part-time jobs, one at a warehouse and one at a restaurant before losing both jobs during the pandemic. Bueso, who lives in San Francisco, was unemployed for eight months but did not qualify for assistance because she is undocumented. Through an employment agency she was eventually able to find work a couple of days a week, but work is still unstable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bueso said she is not afraid of identifying herself as undocumented, because she contributes to the state and federal governments by paying her taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are also part of this state. We pay taxes. We pay them in each of our paychecks,” she said. “Even if they don’t let us qualify for certain benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every week, charges are taxed on our income for unemployment, disability benefits and social security … but we don’t get to see that. We are not asking for charity, we are asking to get back what we have given to this state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bueso has been volunteering at food banks as a way to feed her family. Last year, she received $1,000 from a nonprofit organization providing assistance to undocumented immigrant workers, but given the cost of living in San Francisco, the money hasn’t gone far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We [essential immigrant workers] should not be feeling so unprotected as we are now. We don’t have a guarantee … if we lose our employment, we are practically left with nothing, in the streets, because many of us have been evicted from the places we live because we owe more than eight months in rent,” Bueso said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature is currently in the final stages of deciding how to spend a $75 billion budget surplus. Some believe the surplus should include more support for immigrant workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue of political will is always a question, but financially it’s viable,” said Lucas Zucker, policy and communications director for Central Coast Alliance United for a Sustainable Economy, which organized the protest. “The rich have gotten richer in this pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11862122]Zucker said the state of New York has shown leadership on the issue with its establishment of an \u003ca href=\"https://access.nyc.gov/programs/excluded-workers-fund/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">excluded workers fund\u003c/a>, which is a direct payment for low-income workers who don’t qualify for other benefits. Zucker said he’d like to see that same kind of leadership in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of the recovery, California’s recovery won’t be complete if families are still left behind,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bueso said that through today’s action, she would like to see the inclusion of immigrant workers in the state budget “because we are essential parts in the state’s economy.” The current plan doesn’t include workers like Bueso, she said, even though “we are a fundamental part of the state’s economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, undocumented workers were for the first time eligible for the California Earned Income Tax Credit, a tax credit for Californians who earn up to $30,000 and which may provide as much as $3,027 depending on the number of dependents in a family. But since those benefits are dependent on an undocumented worker filing taxes with an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number (ITIN), and since getting one \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11874637/the-stimulus-gap-why-many-undocumented-immigrants-arent-getting-the-golden-state-stimulus-theyre-entitled-to\">can itself be an ordeal\u003c/a>, advocates say this means an unknown number of undocumented workers are still left out of California’s current stimulus plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too many of our families lost our entire life savings, went thousands of dollars in debt, or risked our lives in deadly jobs to make ends meet, while the rich continued to get richer,” said Jennifer Alejo of Trabajadores Unidos Workers United, who helped lead the die-in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an immigrant, I’ve seen how we’ve been excluded from all the benefits the government has provided to workers,” said Mirna Bueso, 45, who worked two part-time jobs, one at a warehouse and one at a restaurant before losing both jobs during the pandemic. Bueso, who lives in San Francisco, was unemployed for eight months but did not qualify for assistance because she is undocumented. Through an employment agency she was eventually able to find work a couple of days a week, but work is still unstable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bueso said she is not afraid of identifying herself as undocumented, because she contributes to the state and federal governments by paying her taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are also part of this state. We pay taxes. We pay them in each of our paychecks,” she said. “Even if they don’t let us qualify for certain benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every week, charges are taxed on our income for unemployment, disability benefits and social security … but we don’t get to see that. We are not asking for charity, we are asking to get back what we have given to this state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bueso has been volunteering at food banks as a way to feed her family. Last year, she received $1,000 from a nonprofit organization providing assistance to undocumented immigrant workers, but given the cost of living in San Francisco, the money hasn’t gone far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We [essential immigrant workers] should not be feeling so unprotected as we are now. We don’t have a guarantee … if we lose our employment, we are practically left with nothing, in the streets, because many of us have been evicted from the places we live because we owe more than eight months in rent,” Bueso said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature is currently in the final stages of deciding how to spend a $75 billion budget surplus. Some believe the surplus should include more support for immigrant workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue of political will is always a question, but financially it’s viable,” said Lucas Zucker, policy and communications director for Central Coast Alliance United for a Sustainable Economy, which organized the protest. “The rich have gotten richer in this pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Zucker said the state of New York has shown leadership on the issue with its establishment of an \u003ca href=\"https://access.nyc.gov/programs/excluded-workers-fund/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">excluded workers fund\u003c/a>, which is a direct payment for low-income workers who don’t qualify for other benefits. Zucker said he’d like to see that same kind of leadership in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of the recovery, California’s recovery won’t be complete if families are still left behind,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bueso said that through today’s action, she would like to see the inclusion of immigrant workers in the state budget “because we are essential parts in the state’s economy.” The current plan doesn’t include workers like Bueso, she said, even though “we are a fundamental part of the state’s economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, undocumented workers were for the first time eligible for the California Earned Income Tax Credit, a tax credit for Californians who earn up to $30,000 and which may provide as much as $3,027 depending on the number of dependents in a family. But since those benefits are dependent on an undocumented worker filing taxes with an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number (ITIN), and since getting one \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11874637/the-stimulus-gap-why-many-undocumented-immigrants-arent-getting-the-golden-state-stimulus-theyre-entitled-to\">can itself be an ordeal\u003c/a>, advocates say this means an unknown number of undocumented workers are still left out of California’s current stimulus plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too many of our families lost our entire life savings, went thousands of dollars in debt, or risked our lives in deadly jobs to make ends meet, while the rich continued to get richer,” said Jennifer Alejo of Trabajadores Unidos Workers United, who helped lead the die-in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11875791\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final.png\" alt=\"A Mark Fiore cartoon about California's vaccine cash giveaway showing a lottery type scratcher card that reads: Play the real vaccine jackpot, get vaccinated and win it all. Winnings include everything from "hug friends & family" to "prevent variants" to "stay alive & earn your own damn money."\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1295\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final-800x540.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final-1020x688.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final-160x108.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final-1536x1036.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an incentive for more people to get inoculated, California is offering \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorevaccinejackpot\">$116.5 million in cash prizes\u003c/a> for people who are vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would think not dying of COVID-19 would be enough incentive, but people are funny that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state swimming in a huge budget surplus, why not throw a few million out there to win over the vaccine hesitant and vax procrastinators?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11875791\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final.png\" alt=\"A Mark Fiore cartoon about California's vaccine cash giveaway showing a lottery type scratcher card that reads: Play the real vaccine jackpot, get vaccinated and win it all. Winnings include everything from "hug friends & family" to "prevent variants" to "stay alive & earn your own damn money."\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1295\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final-800x540.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final-1020x688.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final-160x108.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/jackpot_052821_final-1536x1036.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an incentive for more people to get inoculated, California is offering \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorevaccinejackpot\">$116.5 million in cash prizes\u003c/a> for people who are vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would think not dying of COVID-19 would be enough incentive, but people are funny that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state swimming in a huge budget surplus, why not throw a few million out there to win over the vaccine hesitant and vax procrastinators?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-lawmakers-just-killed-200-bills-from-police-background-checks-to-rape-kits",
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"content": "\u003cp>Forget about new protections for California kids cruising the internet. There will be no new requirements for crime labs to process old rape kits, or for background checks to explore if law enforcement officers have been affiliated with hate groups. And some households behind on their water bills won’t get more time to pay them back before their pipes get shut off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those were some of the more than 200 bills California lawmakers killed Thursday in the rapid-fire and often \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\">mysterious procedure known as the suspense file\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#culling\">Skip to: details on the key proposals lawmakers killed this week\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officially, the procedure promotes fiscal responsibility, allowing lawmakers to consider costly bills together and weigh their priorities. But it’s well known at the state Capitol that the suspense file is also a political tool that allows the most powerful legislators to keep controversial bills from reaching the Assembly or Senate floor — typically with no explanation, and sometimes without a public vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s driven by a hundred different factors, some of which we can never explain and maybe the transparency is weak on,” said Assemblymember Lorena Gonzalez, the San Diego Democrat who chairs the appropriations committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I’ve never once had the speaker come to me and say, ‘This isn’t politically feasible,’ ” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more than 350 bills on the Senate’s suspense file and more than 500 on the Assembly’s, the lobbying leading up to Thursday was intense: “Everybody but God himself has contacted me on a bill,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though she downplayed the role of politics, one of her predecessors said the job is like being the “speaker’s henchman.” They can use the suspense file to prevent an idea they don’t like from becoming law, exact revenge on a fellow lawmaker or shield their colleagues from having to take a position on a controversial proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got to be prepared to take really tough decisions for the caucus,” former Assemblymember Mike Gatto said on a \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/interview-with-former-assemblyman-mike-gatto/id1282148486?i=1000520630981\">recent podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Politics' tag='politics']Governors also try to bottle some things up in the suspense file, Gatto said, adding that when he left office in 2016, then-Gov. Jerry Brown thanked him for keeping legislation from reaching his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspense file, of course, is not the only tool for slaying bills. Lawmakers can also kill them simply by doing nothing. For the last two years, the Assembly has allowed policy committee chairpersons to decide whether to give bills a hearing. That means they can \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/04/california-legislators-killing-bills-committee-democrats/\">silently snuff them just by not taking them up for a vote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is how Democrats, who control the Legislature, have killed some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/04/alex-lee-progressive-california/\">most progressive bills introduced this year\u003c/a>, including proposals to develop a single-payer health care system, ban fracking and levy a wealth tax. It’s also what doomed an attempt to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/local/article/California-soda-tax-bill-dies-in-another-win-for-16113143.php\">repeal a ban on local soda taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has said he will not sign tax increases this year, with the state awash in COVID-19 relief money from the federal government and taxes paid by wealthier residents benefiting from a booming stock market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re enjoying a $76-plus billion — and growing — operating surplus, I don’t think it’s the time to do tax increases,” Newsom said last week as he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/05/gavin-newsom-spending-spree-california-budget/\">presented his updated budget\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, one major tax increase survived the suspense file Thursday — a proposal to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB71\">increase taxes on international corporations to fund homeless services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Key Proposals That Stalled This Week\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835456\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1418px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835456\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1418\" height=\"945\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7.jpg 1418w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1418px) 100vw, 1418px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators stop at a police barricade outside of the Oakland Police Department on Broadway in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Criminal Justice\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year after protests across the country over police accountability and racism, lobbying by law enforcement groups effectively watered down or stopped a handful of bills aimed at policing the police:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A proposed requirement that background checks explore if law enforcement officers have been affiliated with \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB655\">hate groups in the past\u003c/a> stalled amid opposition from the California Correctional Peace Officers Association\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A bill requiring police departments to pull in different agencies to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB594\">investigate police shootings of armed people\u003c/a> is on hold until next year\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The biggest police reform bill of the year — which would allow the state to kick bad cops out of the profession for certain types of misconduct and make it easier for people to sue officers and departments for civil rights violations — survived the suspense file, but only after it was watered down. The version that’s moving ahead is more limited in when a person can sue the police — a change the bill’s author, state Sen. Steve Bradford, said was “difficult to accept.” But the Gardena Democrat said in a statement: “Compromise requires us to work together to find common ground.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>For the second year in a row, the appropriations committee killed a bill requiring law enforcement agencies to process their backlogged rape kits. The California Public Defenders Association argued the bill would take away resources to test other types of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Byrhonda Lyons and Robert Lewis\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829079\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco on Feb. 10, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An effort to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1135\">streamline affordable housing funding\u003c/a> by creating one place for developers to apply for tax credits, bonds and subsidies is on hold until next year. \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/pdfs/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\">UC Berkeley’s Terner Center\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2020-108.pdf\">state auditor\u003c/a> argued this approach would cut the cost and time it takes to build affordable housing, but state Treasurer Fiona Ma, whose office would have given up some power, called the overhaul “risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Buffy Wicks’ \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1188\">third attempt to create a registry\u003c/a> making it easier to determine who owns rental housing died amid opposition from the California Association of Realtors, which argued the registry would burden property owners. The California Association of Realtors — a political powerhouse in Sacramento — spent \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2579564&amendid=0\">nearly $350,000 on lobbying\u003c/a> between January and March and also opposed a measure to curb evictions and another to help first-time homebuyers by ending a mortgage interest deduction on second homes, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/05/california-homeownership-black/\">died before they even got to the Assembly appropriations committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Manuela Tobias\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11874743\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2309\" height=\"1299\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594.jpg 2309w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2309px) 100vw, 2309px\">\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Poverty and Inequality\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB223\">proposal\u003c/a> to shield more \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/water-debt-california-households-face-water-shutoffs/\">Californians who are late on water bills\u003c/a> from having their water shut off stalled in the face of opposition from municipal water agencies. But hope is not lost for those late on water bills. Newsom wants to spend $1 billion to bail out consumers and providers crushed by water debt. And \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB222\">another bill\u003c/a> to create a water assistance program survived Thursday’s bloodbath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of proposals aimed at using the tax system to help low-income consumers also died, including a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB691\">bill\u003c/a> to make parents without income eligible for California’s tax credit for young children of as much as $1,000, a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB276\">proposal\u003c/a> to help low-income workers maximize their tax refund by choosing from the last three years of income and a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB553\">plan\u003c/a> to create a state tax credit for employers who hire people who are disabled veterans, on public assistance or formerly incarcerated. For each, legislative analysts questioned whether the benefits outweigh the cost to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Jackie Botts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11806716\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/Nursing-Home-Hall.jpg\" alt=\"Even among nursing homes crowned with the maximum government rating of five stars for overall quality, nearly half have been cited for an infection-control lapse.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1314\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/Nursing-Home-Hall.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/Nursing-Home-Hall-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/Nursing-Home-Hall-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/Nursing-Home-Hall-1020x698.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Health Care\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies prevailed in killing a bill that would have allowed the state to require health plans to issue “emergency payments” to struggling health providers in public health crises. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB454\">The legislation\u003c/a> was backed by doctors and dentists who said the pandemic left many medical and dental practices \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2020/04/coronavirus-private-practice-doctors/\">cash-strapped \u003c/a>because of fewer patient visits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB285\"> bill\u003c/a> to hire a chief school nurse at the state level also failed, even though — as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2020/10/california-without-school-nurse-pandemic/\">CalMatters reported\u003c/a> last year — California is one of only 10 states without someone in that position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Ana B. Ibarra and Barbara Feder Ostrov\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10485439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10485439\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/SolarPanel-e1428694379439.jpg\" alt=\"Residential solar panel.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A residential solar panel. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Environment \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An attempt to streamline permitting for residential solar systems died amid opposition from unions representing electrical workers. Environmental groups supported the\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB617\"> bill\u003c/a> that would have required cities and counties to establish online permitting and automated approvals for residential solar systems — a response to the often sluggish permitting process and the associated costs that has caused consumers to cool toward adopting solar systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmentalists also lost out with the stalling of a bill to require companies doing business in California with more than $1 billion in annual revenues to publicly \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB260\">report their greenhouse gas emissions\u003c/a> from both direct sources, such as manufacturing, and indirect, such as from their supply chain. The bill’s delay until next year “shows just how much control corporate polluters still have in California,” the head of the California League of Conservation Voters said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Julie Cart\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796288\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11796288\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley.jpg\" alt=\"Students walk near Sather Tower on the UC Berkeley campus.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1282\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley-1200x801.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students walk near Sather Tower on the UC Berkeley campus. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Higher Education\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB288\">Legislation aimed at preventing\u003c/a> universities from reducing students’ financial aid when they receive private scholarships is on hold until at least next year. A bill that \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB940\">would have dedicated $20 million\u003c/a> to expand mental health services to students attending the state’s public colleges and universities also stalled, but Assemblymember Kevin McCarty said he’ll try to fund it through the state budget. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB566\">Legislation\u003c/a> to ensure support staff at California State University campuses get 5% merit raises failed amid opposition from university leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another measure that stalled \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB379\">would have barred\u003c/a> the University of California from entering into contracts with health providers that forbid UC medical staff from providing reproductive health care and gender-affirming care for transgender patients. It was pulled to give the UC until next year to establish its own policies, said a spokesperson for the bill’s author, state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco. The proposal was also \u003ca href=\"https://thealliance.net/sites/default/files/sb_379_oppose_senhealth_041421.pdf\">opposed\u003c/a> by Catholic hospitals, which have partnerships with UC hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Left to live another day is arguably the most consequential higher education bill — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/04/cal-grant-expansion-older-students/\">a massive expansion of state financial aid\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Felicia Mello and Mikhail Zinshteyn\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-10897055\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/RS11152_131990247-e1477087351446.jpg\" alt=\"Democratic lawmakers in California are moving to stop a private equity firm from buying the internet registry for .org domain names, which are commonly used by non-profits and advocacy groups.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Broadband Access and Internet Safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic-induced shift to remote work and distance learning prompted a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-digital-divide-broadband/\">slate of proposals aimed at closing the digital divide\u003c/a>. Two of them died Thursday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>One proposed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1176\">a statewide broadband subsidy\u003c/a> for low-income people. While it aimed to improve \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-broadband-student-access/\">broadband affordability — a barrier to access that has been laid bare by the pandemic\u003c/a> — anti-poverty groups and advocates for lower taxes on businesses opposed its plan to charge telecom companies 23 cents per month per user. Plus, the federal government just created its own \u003ca href=\"https://www.fcc.gov/broadbandbenefit\">$50 per month pandemic broadband benefit\u003c/a> for low-income consumers, though it’s temporary\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB34\">bill\u003c/a> to put a $10 billion bond on the 2022 ballot to fund a public-sector-run broadband network was scrapped after the governor \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/newsom-broadband-expansion/\">earmarked $7 billion\u003c/a> for internet deployment in his budget proposal\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Concern that kids can too easily drift into violent or inappropriate content online prompted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1545\">a bill\u003c/a> that would have prohibited features such as auto-play videos and in-app purchases, unless parents opt-in for their children. But it died for a second year in a row, even after being narrowed to address the tech industry’s opposition to an earlier version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Jackie Botts, Ben Christopher and Zayna Syed\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters reporters Rachel Becker, Nigel Duara and Jocelyn Wiener contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: An earlier version of this story incorrectly reported that bills to increase transparency and accountability on nursing home ownership and to shorten the waiting period for end-of-life decisions had been killed. Also, the story has been changed to say that a bill to require reporting of greenhouse gas emissions has been delayed a year.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/05/california-bills-legislators-kill/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.network/2021/05/20/suspense-file-day-which-controversial-bills-did-california-legislators-kill/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">article\u003c/a> first appeared on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.network\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalMatters Network\u003c/a> and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" style=\"width: 1em; height: 1em; margin-left: 10px;\" src=\"https://calmatters.network/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/cropped-cropped-calmatters-favicon-32x32-1.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" id=\"republication-tracker-tool-source\" style=\"width: 1px; height: 1px;\" src=\"https://calmatters.network/?republication-pixel=true&post=64435&ga=UA-59722930-8\">\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Lawmakers shelved dozens of significant bills this week, many opposed by special interests. They include proposals on police reform, housing, health care and more.",
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"title": "California Lawmakers Just Killed 200 Bills, From Police Background Checks to Rape Kits | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Forget about new protections for California kids cruising the internet. There will be no new requirements for crime labs to process old rape kits, or for background checks to explore if law enforcement officers have been affiliated with hate groups. And some households behind on their water bills won’t get more time to pay them back before their pipes get shut off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those were some of the more than 200 bills California lawmakers killed Thursday in the rapid-fire and often \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\">mysterious procedure known as the suspense file\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#culling\">Skip to: details on the key proposals lawmakers killed this week\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officially, the procedure promotes fiscal responsibility, allowing lawmakers to consider costly bills together and weigh their priorities. But it’s well known at the state Capitol that the suspense file is also a political tool that allows the most powerful legislators to keep controversial bills from reaching the Assembly or Senate floor — typically with no explanation, and sometimes without a public vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s driven by a hundred different factors, some of which we can never explain and maybe the transparency is weak on,” said Assemblymember Lorena Gonzalez, the San Diego Democrat who chairs the appropriations committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I’ve never once had the speaker come to me and say, ‘This isn’t politically feasible,’ ” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more than 350 bills on the Senate’s suspense file and more than 500 on the Assembly’s, the lobbying leading up to Thursday was intense: “Everybody but God himself has contacted me on a bill,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though she downplayed the role of politics, one of her predecessors said the job is like being the “speaker’s henchman.” They can use the suspense file to prevent an idea they don’t like from becoming law, exact revenge on a fellow lawmaker or shield their colleagues from having to take a position on a controversial proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got to be prepared to take really tough decisions for the caucus,” former Assemblymember Mike Gatto said on a \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/interview-with-former-assemblyman-mike-gatto/id1282148486?i=1000520630981\">recent podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Governors also try to bottle some things up in the suspense file, Gatto said, adding that when he left office in 2016, then-Gov. Jerry Brown thanked him for keeping legislation from reaching his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspense file, of course, is not the only tool for slaying bills. Lawmakers can also kill them simply by doing nothing. For the last two years, the Assembly has allowed policy committee chairpersons to decide whether to give bills a hearing. That means they can \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/04/california-legislators-killing-bills-committee-democrats/\">silently snuff them just by not taking them up for a vote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is how Democrats, who control the Legislature, have killed some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/04/alex-lee-progressive-california/\">most progressive bills introduced this year\u003c/a>, including proposals to develop a single-payer health care system, ban fracking and levy a wealth tax. It’s also what doomed an attempt to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/local/article/California-soda-tax-bill-dies-in-another-win-for-16113143.php\">repeal a ban on local soda taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has said he will not sign tax increases this year, with the state awash in COVID-19 relief money from the federal government and taxes paid by wealthier residents benefiting from a booming stock market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re enjoying a $76-plus billion — and growing — operating surplus, I don’t think it’s the time to do tax increases,” Newsom said last week as he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/05/gavin-newsom-spending-spree-california-budget/\">presented his updated budget\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, one major tax increase survived the suspense file Thursday — a proposal to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB71\">increase taxes on international corporations to fund homeless services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Key Proposals That Stalled This Week\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11835456\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1418px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11835456\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1418\" height=\"945\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7.jpg 1418w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/Image-from-iOS-7-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1418px) 100vw, 1418px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators stop at a police barricade outside of the Oakland Police Department on Broadway in Oakland on Aug. 26, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Criminal Justice\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year after protests across the country over police accountability and racism, lobbying by law enforcement groups effectively watered down or stopped a handful of bills aimed at policing the police:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A proposed requirement that background checks explore if law enforcement officers have been affiliated with \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB655\">hate groups in the past\u003c/a> stalled amid opposition from the California Correctional Peace Officers Association\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A bill requiring police departments to pull in different agencies to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB594\">investigate police shootings of armed people\u003c/a> is on hold until next year\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The biggest police reform bill of the year — which would allow the state to kick bad cops out of the profession for certain types of misconduct and make it easier for people to sue officers and departments for civil rights violations — survived the suspense file, but only after it was watered down. The version that’s moving ahead is more limited in when a person can sue the police — a change the bill’s author, state Sen. Steve Bradford, said was “difficult to accept.” But the Gardena Democrat said in a statement: “Compromise requires us to work together to find common ground.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>For the second year in a row, the appropriations committee killed a bill requiring law enforcement agencies to process their backlogged rape kits. The California Public Defenders Association argued the bill would take away resources to test other types of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Byrhonda Lyons and Robert Lewis\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11829079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11829079\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco on Feb. 10, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An effort to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1135\">streamline affordable housing funding\u003c/a> by creating one place for developers to apply for tax credits, bonds and subsidies is on hold until next year. \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/pdfs/LIHTC_Construction_Costs_March_2020.pdf\">UC Berkeley’s Terner Center\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2020-108.pdf\">state auditor\u003c/a> argued this approach would cut the cost and time it takes to build affordable housing, but state Treasurer Fiona Ma, whose office would have given up some power, called the overhaul “risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Buffy Wicks’ \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1188\">third attempt to create a registry\u003c/a> making it easier to determine who owns rental housing died amid opposition from the California Association of Realtors, which argued the registry would burden property owners. The California Association of Realtors — a political powerhouse in Sacramento — spent \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2579564&amendid=0\">nearly $350,000 on lobbying\u003c/a> between January and March and also opposed a measure to curb evictions and another to help first-time homebuyers by ending a mortgage interest deduction on second homes, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/05/california-homeownership-black/\">died before they even got to the Assembly appropriations committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Manuela Tobias\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11874743\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2309\" height=\"1299\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594.jpg 2309w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/iStock-1198252594-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2309px) 100vw, 2309px\">\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Poverty and Inequality\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB223\">proposal\u003c/a> to shield more \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2021/01/water-debt-california-households-face-water-shutoffs/\">Californians who are late on water bills\u003c/a> from having their water shut off stalled in the face of opposition from municipal water agencies. But hope is not lost for those late on water bills. Newsom wants to spend $1 billion to bail out consumers and providers crushed by water debt. And \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB222\">another bill\u003c/a> to create a water assistance program survived Thursday’s bloodbath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of proposals aimed at using the tax system to help low-income consumers also died, including a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB691\">bill\u003c/a> to make parents without income eligible for California’s tax credit for young children of as much as $1,000, a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB276\">proposal\u003c/a> to help low-income workers maximize their tax refund by choosing from the last three years of income and a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB553\">plan\u003c/a> to create a state tax credit for employers who hire people who are disabled veterans, on public assistance or formerly incarcerated. For each, legislative analysts questioned whether the benefits outweigh the cost to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Jackie Botts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11806716\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/Nursing-Home-Hall.jpg\" alt=\"Even among nursing homes crowned with the maximum government rating of five stars for overall quality, nearly half have been cited for an infection-control lapse.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1314\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/Nursing-Home-Hall.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/Nursing-Home-Hall-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/Nursing-Home-Hall-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/03/Nursing-Home-Hall-1020x698.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Health Care\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies prevailed in killing a bill that would have allowed the state to require health plans to issue “emergency payments” to struggling health providers in public health crises. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB454\">The legislation\u003c/a> was backed by doctors and dentists who said the pandemic left many medical and dental practices \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2020/04/coronavirus-private-practice-doctors/\">cash-strapped \u003c/a>because of fewer patient visits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB285\"> bill\u003c/a> to hire a chief school nurse at the state level also failed, even though — as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2020/10/california-without-school-nurse-pandemic/\">CalMatters reported\u003c/a> last year — California is one of only 10 states without someone in that position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Ana B. Ibarra and Barbara Feder Ostrov\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10485439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10485439\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/SolarPanel-e1428694379439.jpg\" alt=\"Residential solar panel.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A residential solar panel. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Environment \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An attempt to streamline permitting for residential solar systems died amid opposition from unions representing electrical workers. Environmental groups supported the\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB617\"> bill\u003c/a> that would have required cities and counties to establish online permitting and automated approvals for residential solar systems — a response to the often sluggish permitting process and the associated costs that has caused consumers to cool toward adopting solar systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmentalists also lost out with the stalling of a bill to require companies doing business in California with more than $1 billion in annual revenues to publicly \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB260\">report their greenhouse gas emissions\u003c/a> from both direct sources, such as manufacturing, and indirect, such as from their supply chain. The bill’s delay until next year “shows just how much control corporate polluters still have in California,” the head of the California League of Conservation Voters said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Julie Cart\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796288\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11796288\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley.jpg\" alt=\"Students walk near Sather Tower on the UC Berkeley campus.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1282\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/Sather-Tower-UCBerkeley-1200x801.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students walk near Sather Tower on the UC Berkeley campus. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Higher Education\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB288\">Legislation aimed at preventing\u003c/a> universities from reducing students’ financial aid when they receive private scholarships is on hold until at least next year. A bill that \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB940\">would have dedicated $20 million\u003c/a> to expand mental health services to students attending the state’s public colleges and universities also stalled, but Assemblymember Kevin McCarty said he’ll try to fund it through the state budget. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB566\">Legislation\u003c/a> to ensure support staff at California State University campuses get 5% merit raises failed amid opposition from university leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another measure that stalled \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB379\">would have barred\u003c/a> the University of California from entering into contracts with health providers that forbid UC medical staff from providing reproductive health care and gender-affirming care for transgender patients. It was pulled to give the UC until next year to establish its own policies, said a spokesperson for the bill’s author, state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco. The proposal was also \u003ca href=\"https://thealliance.net/sites/default/files/sb_379_oppose_senhealth_041421.pdf\">opposed\u003c/a> by Catholic hospitals, which have partnerships with UC hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Left to live another day is arguably the most consequential higher education bill — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/04/cal-grant-expansion-older-students/\">a massive expansion of state financial aid\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Felicia Mello and Mikhail Zinshteyn\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-10897055\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/RS11152_131990247-e1477087351446.jpg\" alt=\"Democratic lawmakers in California are moving to stop a private equity firm from buying the internet registry for .org domain names, which are commonly used by non-profits and advocacy groups.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Broadband Access and Internet Safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic-induced shift to remote work and distance learning prompted a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-digital-divide-broadband/\">slate of proposals aimed at closing the digital divide\u003c/a>. Two of them died Thursday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>One proposed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1176\">a statewide broadband subsidy\u003c/a> for low-income people. While it aimed to improve \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-broadband-student-access/\">broadband affordability — a barrier to access that has been laid bare by the pandemic\u003c/a> — anti-poverty groups and advocates for lower taxes on businesses opposed its plan to charge telecom companies 23 cents per month per user. Plus, the federal government just created its own \u003ca href=\"https://www.fcc.gov/broadbandbenefit\">$50 per month pandemic broadband benefit\u003c/a> for low-income consumers, though it’s temporary\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB34\">bill\u003c/a> to put a $10 billion bond on the 2022 ballot to fund a public-sector-run broadband network was scrapped after the governor \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/newsom-broadband-expansion/\">earmarked $7 billion\u003c/a> for internet deployment in his budget proposal\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Concern that kids can too easily drift into violent or inappropriate content online prompted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1545\">a bill\u003c/a> that would have prohibited features such as auto-play videos and in-app purchases, unless parents opt-in for their children. But it died for a second year in a row, even after being narrowed to address the tech industry’s opposition to an earlier version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>—Jackie Botts, Ben Christopher and Zayna Syed\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters reporters Rachel Becker, Nigel Duara and Jocelyn Wiener contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: An earlier version of this story incorrectly reported that bills to increase transparency and accountability on nursing home ownership and to shorten the waiting period for end-of-life decisions had been killed. Also, the story has been changed to say that a bill to require reporting of greenhouse gas emissions has been delayed a year.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/05/california-bills-legislators-kill/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.network/2021/05/20/suspense-file-day-which-controversial-bills-did-california-legislators-kill/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">article\u003c/a> first appeared on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.network\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CalMatters Network\u003c/a> and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" style=\"width: 1em; height: 1em; margin-left: 10px;\" src=\"https://calmatters.network/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/cropped-cropped-calmatters-favicon-32x32-1.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" id=\"republication-tracker-tool-source\" style=\"width: 1px; height: 1px;\" src=\"https://calmatters.network/?republication-pixel=true&post=64435&ga=UA-59722930-8\">\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "biden-signs-the-covid-19-hate-crimes-bill-as-attacks-on-asian-americans-rise",
"title": "Biden Signs the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Bill as Attacks on Asian Americans Rise",
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"headTitle": "Biden Signs the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Bill as Attacks on Asian Americans Rise | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Following overwhelming support from both chambers of Congress, President Biden signed legislation that addresses hate crimes throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, with particular emphasis on the increase in violence against Asian Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kamala Harris, vice president\"]‘This violence — it did not come from nowhere, and none of it is new. In my life, my lived experience, I have seen how hate can pervade our communities.’[/pullquote]At an event in the East Room of the White House, Biden thanked lawmakers for coming together to pass the legislation. He said standing against hatred and racism, which he called “the ugly poison that has long haunted and plagued our nation,” is what brings Americans together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My message to all of those who are hurting is: We see you and the Congress has said, we see you. And we are committed to stop the hatred and the bias,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/POTUS/status/1395358158533578752?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vice President Harris introduced Biden ahead of the signing and reflected on the increase in violence against Asian Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This violence — it did not come from nowhere, and none of it is new. In my life, my lived experience, I have seen how hate can pervade our communities,” she said. Harris, who is the first Asian American vice president, added, “I have seen how hate can impede our progress. And I have seen how people uniting against hate can strengthen our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris noted the work to combat racism doesn’t end with the signing of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s the truth: Racism exists in America. Xenophobia exists in America, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, homophobia, transphobia — it all exists. And so the work to address injustice wherever it exists, remains the work ahead,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dxXG8yDCTyQ&t=434s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The signing comes two days after the House of Representatives passed the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/18/997847571/congress-passes-bill-to-counter-the-rise-in-anti-asian-hate-crimes\">by a vote of 364-62\u003c/a>; all 62 votes against the bill were from Republicans. The\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/22/989773400/in-rare-moment-of-bipartisan-unity-senate-approves-asian-american-hate-crimes-bi\"> Senate approved the legislation last month\u003c/a>, with near-unanimous support; Missouri Republican Josh Hawley was the sole senator to vote against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, and Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, both attended Thursday’s ceremony along with a number of Democrats, advocates, families of victims of hate crimes and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Anti-Asian Attacks' tag='anti-asian-attacks']Asian Americans have faced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/18/978438147/on-capitol-hill-asian-american-leaders-to-voice-very-real-fear-in-community\">dramatic spike in violence\u003c/a> throughout the pandemic. The organization \u003ca href=\"https://stopaapihate.org/national-report-through-march-2021/\">Stop AAPI Hate documented 6,603 hate incidents\u003c/a> from March 2020 to March 2021, and leaders said the true number is much higher as many hate crimes go unreported. Democrats have pointed to former President Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/22/881810671/white-house-defends-trumps-use-of-racist-term-to-describe-coronavirus\">frequent use of racist phrases\u003c/a> such as “kung flu” to describe the coronavirus as a link to the increase in anti-Asian sentiment in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=20784480-bills-117s9\">The legislation\u003c/a>, introduced by Rep. Grace Meng, D-New York, and Sen. Mazie Hirono, D-Hawaii, aims to make the reporting of hate crimes more accessible at the local and state levels by boosting public outreach and ensuring reporting resources are available online in multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also directs the Department of Justice to designate a point person to expedite the review of hate crimes related to COVID-19 and authorizes grants to state and local governments to conduct crime-reduction programs to prevent and respond to hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stop AAPI Hate praised the legislation for investing in “community-centered solutions and provisions to mitigate anti-Asian rhetoric” but said further legislation is needed to address the “root causes of systemic racism and oppression.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the Act centers criminal law enforcement agencies in its solutions, it will not address the overwhelming majority of incidents reported to our site which are not hate crimes, but serious hate incidents,” the coalition said in a statement after the House passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://embed.documentcloud.org/documents/20784513-bills-117s937enr/?embed=1&responsive=1&title=1\" title=\"bills-117s937enr (Hosted by DocumentCloud)\" width=\"800\" height=\"1125\" style=\"border: 1px solid #aaa; width: 100%; height: 800px; height: calc(100vh - 100px);\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts allow-same-origin allow-popups allow-forms allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+Signs+The+COVID-19+Hate+Crimes+Bill+As+Attacks+On+Asian+Americans+Rise&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Biden Signs the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Bill as Attacks on Asian Americans Rise | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At an event in the East Room of the White House, Biden thanked lawmakers for coming together to pass the legislation. He said standing against hatred and racism, which he called “the ugly poison that has long haunted and plagued our nation,” is what brings Americans together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My message to all of those who are hurting is: We see you and the Congress has said, we see you. And we are committed to stop the hatred and the bias,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Vice President Harris introduced Biden ahead of the signing and reflected on the increase in violence against Asian Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This violence — it did not come from nowhere, and none of it is new. In my life, my lived experience, I have seen how hate can pervade our communities,” she said. Harris, who is the first Asian American vice president, added, “I have seen how hate can impede our progress. And I have seen how people uniting against hate can strengthen our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris noted the work to combat racism doesn’t end with the signing of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s the truth: Racism exists in America. Xenophobia exists in America, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, homophobia, transphobia — it all exists. And so the work to address injustice wherever it exists, remains the work ahead,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/dxXG8yDCTyQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/dxXG8yDCTyQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The signing comes two days after the House of Representatives passed the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/18/997847571/congress-passes-bill-to-counter-the-rise-in-anti-asian-hate-crimes\">by a vote of 364-62\u003c/a>; all 62 votes against the bill were from Republicans. The\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/22/989773400/in-rare-moment-of-bipartisan-unity-senate-approves-asian-american-hate-crimes-bi\"> Senate approved the legislation last month\u003c/a>, with near-unanimous support; Missouri Republican Josh Hawley was the sole senator to vote against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, and Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, both attended Thursday’s ceremony along with a number of Democrats, advocates, families of victims of hate crimes and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Asian Americans have faced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/18/978438147/on-capitol-hill-asian-american-leaders-to-voice-very-real-fear-in-community\">dramatic spike in violence\u003c/a> throughout the pandemic. The organization \u003ca href=\"https://stopaapihate.org/national-report-through-march-2021/\">Stop AAPI Hate documented 6,603 hate incidents\u003c/a> from March 2020 to March 2021, and leaders said the true number is much higher as many hate crimes go unreported. Democrats have pointed to former President Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/06/22/881810671/white-house-defends-trumps-use-of-racist-term-to-describe-coronavirus\">frequent use of racist phrases\u003c/a> such as “kung flu” to describe the coronavirus as a link to the increase in anti-Asian sentiment in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/documents/document.html?id=20784480-bills-117s9\">The legislation\u003c/a>, introduced by Rep. Grace Meng, D-New York, and Sen. Mazie Hirono, D-Hawaii, aims to make the reporting of hate crimes more accessible at the local and state levels by boosting public outreach and ensuring reporting resources are available online in multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also directs the Department of Justice to designate a point person to expedite the review of hate crimes related to COVID-19 and authorizes grants to state and local governments to conduct crime-reduction programs to prevent and respond to hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stop AAPI Hate praised the legislation for investing in “community-centered solutions and provisions to mitigate anti-Asian rhetoric” but said further legislation is needed to address the “root causes of systemic racism and oppression.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the Act centers criminal law enforcement agencies in its solutions, it will not address the overwhelming majority of incidents reported to our site which are not hate crimes, but serious hate incidents,” the coalition said in a statement after the House passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://embed.documentcloud.org/documents/20784513-bills-117s937enr/?embed=1&responsive=1&title=1\" title=\"bills-117s937enr (Hosted by DocumentCloud)\" width=\"800\" height=\"1125\" style=\"border: 1px solid #aaa; width: 100%; height: 800px; height: calc(100vh - 100px);\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts allow-same-origin allow-popups allow-forms allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+Signs+The+COVID-19+Hate+Crimes+Bill+As+Attacks+On+Asian+Americans+Rise&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "they-work-for-an-app-they-deliver-groceries-and-now-they-have-a-union",
"title": "They Work on an App. They Deliver Groceries. And Now They Have a Union",
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"headTitle": "They Work on an App. They Deliver Groceries. And Now They Have a Union | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Oakland resident Chris Jasinski joined \u003ca href=\"https://www.imperfectfoods.com/\">Imperfect Foods\u003c/a>, he was happy to be at a place where he’d be an employee, not a contractor like grocery delivery workers for Instacart or Amazon-owned Whole Foods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s one of the good differentiators right out of the gate for Imperfect Foods versus other companies,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasinski has been at the company for just about a year. Several months in, he started talking to other workers about organizing. He was not the only grocery delivery worker who thought joining a union would be a good idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the coronavirus pandemic began, workers across the grocery delivery business at places \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11809184/instacart-workers-set-to-strike-on-monday-demanding-hazard-pay-and-protections\">like Instacart\u003c/a>, Safeway, Whole Foods and Trader Joe’s have been trying to unionize to get more protections and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, delivery workers at Imperfect Foods \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-04-16/drivers-at-grocery-startup-imperfect-foods-vote-to-unionize\">succeeded\u003c/a>. The vote was tight: 28 workers in favor, 23 against. The company is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-04-16/drivers-at-grocery-startup-imperfect-foods-vote-to-unionize\">set to join\u003c/a> the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jesus Gomez, Imperfect Foods delivery worker\"]‘“We didn’t get not even a dollar more … We see them growing but we don’t grow with them.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imperfect Foods has always pitched itself as a company trying to make the world a better place. It began by letting customers purchase produce that was not quite perfect and would otherwise end up donated to food banks or even in the trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This not only enticed customers, but also employees like Jasinski, the delivery worker from Oakland. “One of the big draws of coming to work for this company in the first place was its explicitly green mission,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, business has boomed for Imperfect Foods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company just raised \u003ca href=\"https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/imperfect-foods-secures-95mm-series-d-investment-commitment-301212899.html#:~:text=21%2C%202021%20%2FPRNewswire%2F%20%2D%2D,ago%2C%20and%20Norwest%20Venture%20Partners\">$95 million in venture capital\u003c/a>, bringing its total investment up to $229 million. But as the company has grown, so have tensions with its workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesus Gomez is a delivery driver in Sacramento, and he was bothered by how the company handled the surge in business. “They were unorganized, that’s what bugged me the most,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Jasinski, Gomez voted to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says one of the issues was the way the company started pushing drivers to work on Saturdays. The company technically does not require drivers to come in on those days, but the drivers KQED spoke to said it was made clear to them they were expected to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gomez also points out there was increasingly less predictability about their routes and longer distances to travel to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based in Sacramento, he says, “You would sometimes have to go to East Bay and SF to work, or Merced, or Reno. They sent you over there and you’d get 100, 100-plus boxes. We were getting out late and we had to be ready to be the next day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were other issues, too. According to Gomez, delivery workers haven’t received any raises or extra hazard pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t get not even a dollar more,” he says, “so that was what was getting me mad or a lot of people. We see them growing but we don’t grow with them.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Unionizing where others cannot\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>After the votes were counted on April 14, Imperfect Foods announced it would challenge the results with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), a common anti-union delay tactic. But the NLRB threw out the challenge and certified the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company declined to comment for this story. But in\u003ca href=\"https://blog.imperfectfoods.com/blog-1/2021/4/21/our-commitment-to-standing-by-our-drivers\"> a blog post published in the week after challenging the election\u003c/a>, CEO Philip Behn wrote: “We can and will do better at collaborating directly with our employees and resolving our issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having unionized delivery workers makes Imperfect Foods an outlier among venture-capital-backed grocery delivery companies. But their effort can’t be a model for all on-demand grocery delivery workers, not since Proposition 22 became law in California just last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ruth Milkman, Labor sociologist at the City University of New York\"]‘Under current law, gig workers … don’t have legally the right to collective bargaining.’[/pullquote]Prop. 22 makes it legal for app-based gig companies to classify their workers as contractors, not employees. And that means no NLRB protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under current law, gig workers, if they are independent contractors or even if they’re misclassified as independent contractors, they’re not covered by the National Labor Relations Act at all, so they actually don’t have legally the right to collective bargaining,” says Ruth Milkman, a labor sociologist at the City University of New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way \u003ca href=\"https://news.google.com/articles/CAIiEOlbqxSNAYnf8tVL33lDQAQqGAgEKg8IACoHCAowtbypAjDOrCsw-8SeBg?hl=en-US&gl=US&ceid=US%3Aen\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Prop. 22 was written\u003c/a>, political analysts say it’s nearly impossible to overturn. But change could come at the federal level, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.teenvogue.com/story/what-is-the-pro-act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">PRO Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PRO Act is federal legislation that would curb some of the anti-union tactics that have become routine in the U.S. It would make it more difficult for companies to delay union elections, drag out the contract negotiating process and push anti-union messages on workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most critically for app\u003cstrong>–\u003c/strong>based workers, it would allow contractors to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Santa Barbara labor history professor Nelson Lichtenstein says the PRO Act would “totally wipe out Prop. 22.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label ='Related Coverage' tag='gig-economy']But with their razor-thin margin in the U.S. Senate, Democrats would need every single senator to support the legislation to get it passed, but not every legislator is on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the PRO Act doesn’t pass, Lichtenstein says, the union vote at Imperfect Foods could be helpful for app workers in California who want to organize because it provides a model of grocery delivery workers at a Bay Area startup who actually have a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a group of workers are doing the same work who are defined as employees, unionize, that will have a large impact on both the impulse for the other workers to unionize and also in a legal and political realm as well,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lichtenstein expects some legal battle to start brewing in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Labor Secretary Marty Walsh has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/recode/2021/4/29/22409952/labor-secretary-gig-workers-uber-lyft-employees-contractors\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">openly rebuked\u003c/a> Prop. 22. With Imperfect Foods, the U.S. Department of Labor may have a counterexample to the app work: a group of workers at a venture-backed grocery delivery company who are not only employees, but now who also have a union.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Oakland resident Chris Jasinski joined \u003ca href=\"https://www.imperfectfoods.com/\">Imperfect Foods\u003c/a>, he was happy to be at a place where he’d be an employee, not a contractor like grocery delivery workers for Instacart or Amazon-owned Whole Foods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s one of the good differentiators right out of the gate for Imperfect Foods versus other companies,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasinski has been at the company for just about a year. Several months in, he started talking to other workers about organizing. He was not the only grocery delivery worker who thought joining a union would be a good idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the coronavirus pandemic began, workers across the grocery delivery business at places \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11809184/instacart-workers-set-to-strike-on-monday-demanding-hazard-pay-and-protections\">like Instacart\u003c/a>, Safeway, Whole Foods and Trader Joe’s have been trying to unionize to get more protections and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, delivery workers at Imperfect Foods \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-04-16/drivers-at-grocery-startup-imperfect-foods-vote-to-unionize\">succeeded\u003c/a>. The vote was tight: 28 workers in favor, 23 against. The company is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-04-16/drivers-at-grocery-startup-imperfect-foods-vote-to-unionize\">set to join\u003c/a> the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imperfect Foods has always pitched itself as a company trying to make the world a better place. It began by letting customers purchase produce that was not quite perfect and would otherwise end up donated to food banks or even in the trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This not only enticed customers, but also employees like Jasinski, the delivery worker from Oakland. “One of the big draws of coming to work for this company in the first place was its explicitly green mission,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, business has boomed for Imperfect Foods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company just raised \u003ca href=\"https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/imperfect-foods-secures-95mm-series-d-investment-commitment-301212899.html#:~:text=21%2C%202021%20%2FPRNewswire%2F%20%2D%2D,ago%2C%20and%20Norwest%20Venture%20Partners\">$95 million in venture capital\u003c/a>, bringing its total investment up to $229 million. But as the company has grown, so have tensions with its workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesus Gomez is a delivery driver in Sacramento, and he was bothered by how the company handled the surge in business. “They were unorganized, that’s what bugged me the most,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Jasinski, Gomez voted to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says one of the issues was the way the company started pushing drivers to work on Saturdays. The company technically does not require drivers to come in on those days, but the drivers KQED spoke to said it was made clear to them they were expected to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gomez also points out there was increasingly less predictability about their routes and longer distances to travel to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based in Sacramento, he says, “You would sometimes have to go to East Bay and SF to work, or Merced, or Reno. They sent you over there and you’d get 100, 100-plus boxes. We were getting out late and we had to be ready to be the next day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were other issues, too. According to Gomez, delivery workers haven’t received any raises or extra hazard pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t get not even a dollar more,” he says, “so that was what was getting me mad or a lot of people. We see them growing but we don’t grow with them.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Unionizing where others cannot\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>After the votes were counted on April 14, Imperfect Foods announced it would challenge the results with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), a common anti-union delay tactic. But the NLRB threw out the challenge and certified the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company declined to comment for this story. But in\u003ca href=\"https://blog.imperfectfoods.com/blog-1/2021/4/21/our-commitment-to-standing-by-our-drivers\"> a blog post published in the week after challenging the election\u003c/a>, CEO Philip Behn wrote: “We can and will do better at collaborating directly with our employees and resolving our issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having unionized delivery workers makes Imperfect Foods an outlier among venture-capital-backed grocery delivery companies. But their effort can’t be a model for all on-demand grocery delivery workers, not since Proposition 22 became law in California just last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Prop. 22 makes it legal for app-based gig companies to classify their workers as contractors, not employees. And that means no NLRB protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under current law, gig workers, if they are independent contractors or even if they’re misclassified as independent contractors, they’re not covered by the National Labor Relations Act at all, so they actually don’t have legally the right to collective bargaining,” says Ruth Milkman, a labor sociologist at the City University of New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way \u003ca href=\"https://news.google.com/articles/CAIiEOlbqxSNAYnf8tVL33lDQAQqGAgEKg8IACoHCAowtbypAjDOrCsw-8SeBg?hl=en-US&gl=US&ceid=US%3Aen\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Prop. 22 was written\u003c/a>, political analysts say it’s nearly impossible to overturn. But change could come at the federal level, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.teenvogue.com/story/what-is-the-pro-act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">PRO Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PRO Act is federal legislation that would curb some of the anti-union tactics that have become routine in the U.S. It would make it more difficult for companies to delay union elections, drag out the contract negotiating process and push anti-union messages on workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most critically for app\u003cstrong>–\u003c/strong>based workers, it would allow contractors to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Santa Barbara labor history professor Nelson Lichtenstein says the PRO Act would “totally wipe out Prop. 22.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But with their razor-thin margin in the U.S. Senate, Democrats would need every single senator to support the legislation to get it passed, but not every legislator is on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the PRO Act doesn’t pass, Lichtenstein says, the union vote at Imperfect Foods could be helpful for app workers in California who want to organize because it provides a model of grocery delivery workers at a Bay Area startup who actually have a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a group of workers are doing the same work who are defined as employees, unionize, that will have a large impact on both the impulse for the other workers to unionize and also in a legal and political realm as well,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lichtenstein expects some legal battle to start brewing in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Labor Secretary Marty Walsh has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/recode/2021/4/29/22409952/labor-secretary-gig-workers-uber-lyft-employees-contractors\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">openly rebuked\u003c/a> Prop. 22. With Imperfect Foods, the U.S. Department of Labor may have a counterexample to the app work: a group of workers at a venture-backed grocery delivery company who are not only employees, but now who also have a union.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Identity theft, fraud, ransomware: Cybercrime has become a grim fact of life for schools, utilities, government agencies — really, any operation that uses networked computing. Even here in tech-saturated California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/04/22/841682627/cobol-cowboys-aim-to-rescue-sluggish-state-unemployment-systems\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ancient\u003c/a> software, understaffing and mismanagement have plagued state and local agencies for years. That was painfully evident during the height of the pandemic when the California Employment Development Department was caught \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/edd\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">completely unprepared\u003c/a> for a massive surge in demand, as well as a surge in hackers keen to get a piece of the action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s vulnerabilities were fully exposed last fall when district attorneys from across the state announced that some 30,000 fake unemployment claims had been filed in the names of people incarcerated in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unprecedented infusion of federal funds into unemployment insurance programs across the country last year “gave individuals and organized criminal groups a high-value target to exploit,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dol.gov/doloiguioversightwork.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. Labor Department\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"cybersecurity\"]According to the Federal Trade Commission, \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/federal.trade.commission#!/vizhome/FraudandIDTheftMaps/IDTheftbyState\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">identity theft\u003c/a> complaints in California jumped from 101,614 in 2019 to 147,386 in 2020, a nearly 50% increase. Specific complaints about government documents and benefits fraud soared during that time, from 3,407 to 14,875.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And although the problem flared during the coronavirus pandemic, it’s been mounting for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to make it tangible until it’s too late,” said Matt Masterson, who teaches at Stanford’s Internet Observatory, following a stint as a senior adviser at the U.S. Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA). “All your systems are locked up, and those same people that have been asking for support either end up getting fired or being moved along because ‘How could you let this happen?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High-profile, massively disruptive cyberattacks in the U.S. — like the recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/16/985439655/a-worst-nightmare-cyberattack-the-untold-story-of-the-solarwinds-hack\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SolarWinds\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/11/995751028/what-the-ransomware-attack-on-colonial-pipeline-means-for-the-industry\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Colonial Pipeline\u003c/a> hacks — have effectively underscored the vulnerability of the nation’s critical infrastructure. Acknowledging this, President Biden just signed a broad \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/05/12/fact-sheet-president-signs-executive-order-charting-new-course-to-improve-the-nations-cybersecurity-and-protect-federal-government-networks/\">executive order\u003c/a> that aims to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/12/996355601/in-wake-of-pipeline-hack-biden-signs-executive-order-on-cybersecurity\">strengthen cybersecurity\u003c/a> for federal networks and outline new security standards for commercial software used by both business and the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in their recent \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/opinion/cybersecurity/550324-congress-needs-to-help-modernize-our-digital-infrastructure?rl=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">op-ed\u003c/a> in The Hill, Masterson and former CISA Director Chris Krebs also emphasize the need for federal funding to help state and local agencies around the country get up to speed. The U.S., they argue, needs a new approach to the “new normal of cyber enabled malicious activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s at the grid level, whether it’s water-treatment plants, whether it’s county sheriff’s offices, right? That’s a matter of public safety,” Masterson said. “Investment in this, like any infrastructure, has to be ongoing, but man, now’s the time to have this conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure enough, a bipartisan group of House lawmakers this week \u003ca href=\"https://statescoop.com/state-local-cyber-grants-500-million/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reintroduced\u003c/a> a bill to provide state and local governments with $500 million annually to defend against cyberattacks. (It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/5823\">passed by the House last year\u003c/a>, but did not get a vote in the U.S. Senate.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Matt Masterson, Stanford Internet Observatory\"]‘It’s hard to make it tangible until it’s too late. All your systems are locked up, and those same people that have been asking for support either end up getting fired or being moved along, because ‘How could you let this happen?’ ‘[/pullquote]But some California lawmakers, like Silicon Valley Democratic Rep. Ro Khanna, worry that providing money without direction for how to spend it won’t solve the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Money is not sufficient,” he said. “The question is the execution. We need far more expertise from actual technologists than relying on the same people who ‘specialize’ on technology in the Beltway that aren’t up to date on what the latest techniques are. It’s really going to take a partnership with leading technologists, leading people in design, a move away from some of the legacy systems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna has hit on an obvious first fix, some experts say. State and local agencies could start by switching to commercially available software and systems. And although those wouldn’t be impervious to hacking — no system is — they carry the benefit of receiving the close attention of software engineers all over the world.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n“How do we help move some of these institutions, for instance, off of running their own email servers [and getting them] up into the cloud — where we know that you can provide greater protection — where companies that provide that support have more advanced security apparatus?” Masterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even internationally funded cyberterrorists, he adds, commonly take advantage of easy opportunities like weak passwords and old software. “All they’re doing is exploiting already known vulnerabilities: systems that aren’t updated, systems that aren’t patched, systems that aren’t supported anymore,” Masterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given California’s unexpected \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11872910/flush-with-cash-california-set-to-send-billions-in-rebates-to-taxpayers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">budget surplus\u003c/a> this spring, not to mention the glut of in-state IT talent, some are also asking why the state needs to wait for help from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have all the tools to solve this. We have outstanding people at universities. We have extraordinary people in the private sector,” Khanna said. “We need to think about how we get people in technology to answer the nation’s call to service at a time we’re going through a digital revolution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Identity theft, fraud, ransomware: Cybercrime has become a grim fact of life for schools, utilities, government agencies — really, any operation that uses networked computing. Even here in tech-saturated California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/04/22/841682627/cobol-cowboys-aim-to-rescue-sluggish-state-unemployment-systems\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ancient\u003c/a> software, understaffing and mismanagement have plagued state and local agencies for years. That was painfully evident during the height of the pandemic when the California Employment Development Department was caught \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/edd\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">completely unprepared\u003c/a> for a massive surge in demand, as well as a surge in hackers keen to get a piece of the action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s vulnerabilities were fully exposed last fall when district attorneys from across the state announced that some 30,000 fake unemployment claims had been filed in the names of people incarcerated in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unprecedented infusion of federal funds into unemployment insurance programs across the country last year “gave individuals and organized criminal groups a high-value target to exploit,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dol.gov/doloiguioversightwork.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. Labor Department\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to the Federal Trade Commission, \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/profile/federal.trade.commission#!/vizhome/FraudandIDTheftMaps/IDTheftbyState\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">identity theft\u003c/a> complaints in California jumped from 101,614 in 2019 to 147,386 in 2020, a nearly 50% increase. Specific complaints about government documents and benefits fraud soared during that time, from 3,407 to 14,875.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And although the problem flared during the coronavirus pandemic, it’s been mounting for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to make it tangible until it’s too late,” said Matt Masterson, who teaches at Stanford’s Internet Observatory, following a stint as a senior adviser at the U.S. Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA). “All your systems are locked up, and those same people that have been asking for support either end up getting fired or being moved along because ‘How could you let this happen?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High-profile, massively disruptive cyberattacks in the U.S. — like the recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/16/985439655/a-worst-nightmare-cyberattack-the-untold-story-of-the-solarwinds-hack\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SolarWinds\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/11/995751028/what-the-ransomware-attack-on-colonial-pipeline-means-for-the-industry\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Colonial Pipeline\u003c/a> hacks — have effectively underscored the vulnerability of the nation’s critical infrastructure. Acknowledging this, President Biden just signed a broad \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/05/12/fact-sheet-president-signs-executive-order-charting-new-course-to-improve-the-nations-cybersecurity-and-protect-federal-government-networks/\">executive order\u003c/a> that aims to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/12/996355601/in-wake-of-pipeline-hack-biden-signs-executive-order-on-cybersecurity\">strengthen cybersecurity\u003c/a> for federal networks and outline new security standards for commercial software used by both business and the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in their recent \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/opinion/cybersecurity/550324-congress-needs-to-help-modernize-our-digital-infrastructure?rl=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">op-ed\u003c/a> in The Hill, Masterson and former CISA Director Chris Krebs also emphasize the need for federal funding to help state and local agencies around the country get up to speed. The U.S., they argue, needs a new approach to the “new normal of cyber enabled malicious activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s at the grid level, whether it’s water-treatment plants, whether it’s county sheriff’s offices, right? That’s a matter of public safety,” Masterson said. “Investment in this, like any infrastructure, has to be ongoing, but man, now’s the time to have this conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure enough, a bipartisan group of House lawmakers this week \u003ca href=\"https://statescoop.com/state-local-cyber-grants-500-million/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">reintroduced\u003c/a> a bill to provide state and local governments with $500 million annually to defend against cyberattacks. (It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/5823\">passed by the House last year\u003c/a>, but did not get a vote in the U.S. Senate.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s hard to make it tangible until it’s too late. All your systems are locked up, and those same people that have been asking for support either end up getting fired or being moved along, because ‘How could you let this happen?’ ‘",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But some California lawmakers, like Silicon Valley Democratic Rep. Ro Khanna, worry that providing money without direction for how to spend it won’t solve the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Money is not sufficient,” he said. “The question is the execution. We need far more expertise from actual technologists than relying on the same people who ‘specialize’ on technology in the Beltway that aren’t up to date on what the latest techniques are. It’s really going to take a partnership with leading technologists, leading people in design, a move away from some of the legacy systems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna has hit on an obvious first fix, some experts say. State and local agencies could start by switching to commercially available software and systems. And although those wouldn’t be impervious to hacking — no system is — they carry the benefit of receiving the close attention of software engineers all over the world.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“How do we help move some of these institutions, for instance, off of running their own email servers [and getting them] up into the cloud — where we know that you can provide greater protection — where companies that provide that support have more advanced security apparatus?” Masterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even internationally funded cyberterrorists, he adds, commonly take advantage of easy opportunities like weak passwords and old software. “All they’re doing is exploiting already known vulnerabilities: systems that aren’t updated, systems that aren’t patched, systems that aren’t supported anymore,” Masterson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given California’s unexpected \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11872910/flush-with-cash-california-set-to-send-billions-in-rebates-to-taxpayers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">budget surplus\u003c/a> this spring, not to mention the glut of in-state IT talent, some are also asking why the state needs to wait for help from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have all the tools to solve this. We have outstanding people at universities. We have extraordinary people in the private sector,” Khanna said. “We need to think about how we get people in technology to answer the nation’s call to service at a time we’re going through a digital revolution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For all the hoopla that has surrounded the campaign to recall Gov. Gavin Newsom from office, like the entry into the race of a high-profile reality TV star to press conferences with a live bear, one thing has remained virtually unchanged: California voters are disinclined to support removing Newsom from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a new poll by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies, the percentage of registered voters saying they’ll vote yes on the recall is 36%, precisely where it was in their previous poll taken in late January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that spells trouble for Newsom’s challengers. Not even a 1,000-pound bear managed to push that needle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thirty-six percent is a long way from the 50 percent-plus-one that they’d need to remove him from office,” said Mark DiCamillo, Berkeley IGS Poll director. “There hasn’t been any movement up on the yes recall vote. So I guess that is good news” for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only real change from the January poll conducted by IGS is that the “no” vote ticked up slightly, from 45% to 49%. Fifteen percent in the current poll are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters remain highly divided by party on the recall question. Among registered Democrats, just 8% support it, while 85% of Republicans do. Independent or no party preference voters are more closely divided, with 33% supporting the recall, 45% opposed and 22% undecided. And while an overwhelming percentage of Republicans support the recall, they are vastly outnumbered by registered Democrats in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11871957\" label=\"Newsom Rebuffs Recall\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only part of the state where the recall is supported by a majority of voters is in the North Coast/Sierras region where 52% support recalling Newsom. The lowest level of support for the recall is in the San Francisco Bay Area (25%) and Los Angeles County (28%).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results in Orange County reflect the changing politics there. Once a hotbed of Republican conservatism, it has become more favorable to Democrats in recent years. Now in Orange County, voters are split right down the middle with 45% supporting and 45% opposing the recall. Ten percent are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several relatively well-known Republicans are running to replace Newsom, and the poll has good news for exactly none of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked which of the four Republicans they would prefer for governor if Newsom is recalled, former San Diego mayor Kevin Faulconer and businessman John Cox each received 22%, while nearly half of voters said they would not be inclined to support either one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mark DiCamillo, pollster\"]‘There hasn’t been any movement up on the ‘yes’ recall vote.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Congressman Doug Ose, an ardent supporter of former President Donald Trump, was third with 14% support and 48% saying they would not support him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reality TV celebrity and transgender activist Caitlyn Jenner, whose entry into the race caused the biggest media stir, registered a paltry 6% support with 76% of registered voters saying they’d be disinclined to support her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pollster DiCamillo notes that without a change in voter preferences on the first question on the ballot, it won’t matter how much support Faulconer, Cox and the others are able to muster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The main task ahead for the replacement candidates is to get a ‘yes’ vote on the recall of Newsom or else it’s all pretty moot,” DiCamillo told KQED. “All in all, none of the Republican replacement candidates are attracting broad support at this stage in the election cycle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a majority of voters end up supporting the recall, whichever candidate wins the most votes becomes governor, no matter what percentage of the vote they get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2003 recall campaign against then-Gov. Gray Davis, more than 100 people ran to replace him, most notably former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who placed first with nearly 49% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that year, former Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante, a Democrat, ran as one of the replacement options in case Davis was recalled. He ended up second, far behind Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Newsom and the Democratic Party establishment are urging any viable Democrat to refrain from running out of fear it will undermine Newsom’s framing of the recall as a Republican-inspired plot. But according to the Berkeley IGS Poll, Democratic voters would prefer to have a Democrat on the replacement ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11870960\" label=\"How a Democrat Influenced a CA Gov Recall\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked to choose between having Democrats remaining united against the recall without offering an alternate to Newsom on the ballot versus having another Democrat on the ballot to replace Newsom if the recall passes, 48% of registered Democrats said they preferred having another Democrat to choose from while 29% favored not having a Democrat run\u003cem> at all\u003c/em>. Twenty-three percent of Democrats were undecided on that question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that’s an interesting finding and that the Democratic leadership and the governor himself, you know, they’re not really in line with how registered Democrats would choose to do that,” DiCamillo noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was other good news for Newsom in the survey. Fifty-two percent of registered voters approve of the job he’s doing as governor. That’s up from 46% in late January, although lower than his peak approval rate of 64% before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters also appraise his overall handling of the pandemic much better than they did in January, during the peak of the shutdown. Then just 31% thought Newsom was doing a good or excellent job versus 45% who say that today. And 54% of voters approve of the job Newsom is doing overseeing the distribution of the coronavirus vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same cannot be said for his handling of schools during the pandemic. Just 31% say he’s doing a good or excellent job managing that versus 38% who says doing badly, an issue that has been a focus of recall proponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley IGS Poll was administered online in English and Spanish from April 29 to May 5, 2021 among 10,289 California registered voters. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For all the hoopla that has surrounded the campaign to recall Gov. Gavin Newsom from office, like the entry into the race of a high-profile reality TV star to press conferences with a live bear, one thing has remained virtually unchanged: California voters are disinclined to support removing Newsom from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a new poll by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies, the percentage of registered voters saying they’ll vote yes on the recall is 36%, precisely where it was in their previous poll taken in late January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that spells trouble for Newsom’s challengers. Not even a 1,000-pound bear managed to push that needle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thirty-six percent is a long way from the 50 percent-plus-one that they’d need to remove him from office,” said Mark DiCamillo, Berkeley IGS Poll director. “There hasn’t been any movement up on the yes recall vote. So I guess that is good news” for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only real change from the January poll conducted by IGS is that the “no” vote ticked up slightly, from 45% to 49%. Fifteen percent in the current poll are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters remain highly divided by party on the recall question. Among registered Democrats, just 8% support it, while 85% of Republicans do. Independent or no party preference voters are more closely divided, with 33% supporting the recall, 45% opposed and 22% undecided. And while an overwhelming percentage of Republicans support the recall, they are vastly outnumbered by registered Democrats in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only part of the state where the recall is supported by a majority of voters is in the North Coast/Sierras region where 52% support recalling Newsom. The lowest level of support for the recall is in the San Francisco Bay Area (25%) and Los Angeles County (28%).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results in Orange County reflect the changing politics there. Once a hotbed of Republican conservatism, it has become more favorable to Democrats in recent years. Now in Orange County, voters are split right down the middle with 45% supporting and 45% opposing the recall. Ten percent are undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several relatively well-known Republicans are running to replace Newsom, and the poll has good news for exactly none of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked which of the four Republicans they would prefer for governor if Newsom is recalled, former San Diego mayor Kevin Faulconer and businessman John Cox each received 22%, while nearly half of voters said they would not be inclined to support either one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Congressman Doug Ose, an ardent supporter of former President Donald Trump, was third with 14% support and 48% saying they would not support him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reality TV celebrity and transgender activist Caitlyn Jenner, whose entry into the race caused the biggest media stir, registered a paltry 6% support with 76% of registered voters saying they’d be disinclined to support her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pollster DiCamillo notes that without a change in voter preferences on the first question on the ballot, it won’t matter how much support Faulconer, Cox and the others are able to muster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The main task ahead for the replacement candidates is to get a ‘yes’ vote on the recall of Newsom or else it’s all pretty moot,” DiCamillo told KQED. “All in all, none of the Republican replacement candidates are attracting broad support at this stage in the election cycle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a majority of voters end up supporting the recall, whichever candidate wins the most votes becomes governor, no matter what percentage of the vote they get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2003 recall campaign against then-Gov. Gray Davis, more than 100 people ran to replace him, most notably former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who placed first with nearly 49% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that year, former Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante, a Democrat, ran as one of the replacement options in case Davis was recalled. He ended up second, far behind Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Newsom and the Democratic Party establishment are urging any viable Democrat to refrain from running out of fear it will undermine Newsom’s framing of the recall as a Republican-inspired plot. But according to the Berkeley IGS Poll, Democratic voters would prefer to have a Democrat on the replacement ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked to choose between having Democrats remaining united against the recall without offering an alternate to Newsom on the ballot versus having another Democrat on the ballot to replace Newsom if the recall passes, 48% of registered Democrats said they preferred having another Democrat to choose from while 29% favored not having a Democrat run\u003cem> at all\u003c/em>. Twenty-three percent of Democrats were undecided on that question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that’s an interesting finding and that the Democratic leadership and the governor himself, you know, they’re not really in line with how registered Democrats would choose to do that,” DiCamillo noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was other good news for Newsom in the survey. Fifty-two percent of registered voters approve of the job he’s doing as governor. That’s up from 46% in late January, although lower than his peak approval rate of 64% before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters also appraise his overall handling of the pandemic much better than they did in January, during the peak of the shutdown. Then just 31% thought Newsom was doing a good or excellent job versus 45% who say that today. And 54% of voters approve of the job Newsom is doing overseeing the distribution of the coronavirus vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same cannot be said for his handling of schools during the pandemic. Just 31% say he’s doing a good or excellent job managing that versus 38% who says doing badly, an issue that has been a focus of recall proponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley IGS Poll was administered online in English and Spanish from April 29 to May 5, 2021 among 10,289 California registered voters. The sampling error was approximately +/- 2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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