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It was the second time Trump was acquitted in an impeachment trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seven GOP senators who voted to convict Trump on Saturday were: Richard Burr of North Carolina, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Mitt Romney of Utah, Ben Sasse of Nebraska and Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is the first president in U.S. history to be impeached by the House twice, and the first to be tried for impeachment after leaving office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict closes the book on this Trump presidency, though the Senate, by not convicting and barring him from holding public office in the future, left open the possibility that Trump, a 74-year-old Republican, could run again for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a narrowly divided Senate, the outcome of the trial, which lasted a little less than a week, was largely expected, though it very nearly was extended potentially by weeks. Impeachment managers began Saturday with a surprise, saying they had decided to call a witness, Washington Republican Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860377\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2285px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860377\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2285\" height=\"1285\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1.jpg 2285w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2285px) 100vw, 2285px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In this screenshot taken from a congress.gov webcast, lead House impeachment manager Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Maryland, gives closing arguments on the fifth day of former President Donald Trump’s second impeachment trial at the U.S. Capitol on Feb. 13, 2021 in Washington, D.C. House impeachment managers had argued that Trump was “singularly responsible” for the Jan. 6 attack at the U.S. Capitol and he should be convicted and barred from ever holding public office again. \u003ccite>(congress.gov via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the defense rested Friday, Herrera Beutler issued a statement detailing — again — that Trump had gotten into a shouting match with Republican House Leader Kevin McCarthy during the riot, telling him, “Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate then voted to allow witnesses, and Trump’s lawyers threatened to call dozens. Both sides eventually agreed to enter Herrera Beutler’s statement into the record and move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heart of Trump’s legal team’s argument was supposed to be that the Senate did not have jurisdiction to take up the trial of a former federal official. That was certainly part of it and was a message that resonated with the overwhelming majority of GOP senators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a vote on the first day of the trial, for example, 44 Republicans voted to say it was unconstitutional for the Senate to try a president after he left office. That’s despite a 145-year-old precedent in which the Senate voted that it was constitutional to try a former Cabinet official for impeachment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constitutionality argument allowed many Republican senators to sidestep the merits of the case against Trump. That’s even though the lead impeachment manager, Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Maryland, on Thursday closed his side’s arguments by imploring senators that the constitutionality of the trial had been resolved by the earlier vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers, however, did not stick to a narrow constitutional argument. Instead, they accused Democrats of using the impeachment process for partisan gain and of trying to disenfranchise the people who voted for Trump’s reelection. The defense declined to provide evidence of what the president knew about the violence, when he knew it and what he did about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic House impeachment managers argued that the former president, who addressed a rally outside the White House ahead of the insurrection, was “singularly responsible” for the violence on Jan. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They relied, in large measure, on video to prove their case, including never-before-seen Capitol security footage. The videos showed on the Senate floor during what was an — at times — emotional trial brought back the vivid images of the Capitol violence to the very place it happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/nprpolitics/status/1360703057768697858\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video demonstrated how close rioters came to then-Vice President Mike Pence and members of Congress. And the impeachment managers argued that the video showed clearly that the mob of pro-Trump supporters was there for the president, and many believed they were there at the president’s behest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impeachment managers, however, made a broader case than Trump’s comments on Jan. 6. They argued that Trump laid the groundwork for false grievance on the part of his supporters with two months of baseless claims of widespread election fraud that cost him the election and years, in fact, of tolerating, condoning and encouraging violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers largely sidestepped Trump’s false claims of election fraud. Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vermont, asked during the question-and-answer session: “Are the prosecutors right when they claim that Trump was telling a big lie, or in your judgment did Trump actually win the election?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump lawyer Michael van der Veen shot back, “My judgment? Who asked that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did,” Sanders replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My judgment is irrelevant,” van der Veen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You represent the president of the United States!” Sanders yelled back before Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vermont, the presiding officer, gaveled the chamber back to order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s rhetoric about widespread fraud and a stolen election was false, dismissed by many courts stemming from dozens of lawsuits filed by the Trump campaign and allies across several key states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/nprpolitics/status/1360681411276111876\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s legal team also argued that his Jan. 6 rally speech was protected by the First Amendment, a contention that impeachment managers labeled ludicrous. This, after all, was an impeachment trial, not a criminal proceeding. An impeachment trial is a political process intended to judge whether an official was upholding their oath of office and a standard of conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his second acquittal, Trump now plots his next steps in political and public life. Yet he is also contending with potential legal trouble stemming from a New York grand jury investigation and a newly announced criminal probe in Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in addition to Trump’s mounting debt and devalued assets. The former president’s net worth also dropped $1 billion in early 2020, according to Forbes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has been able to spin difficulties in his business and personal life before, and the country waits to see if has a next, and perhaps final, act.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Former President Donald Trump's acquittal comes more than a month after a mob of Trump supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol as lawmakers were counting the electoral results that certified Trump's loss.",
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"title": "Senate Acquits Trump in Impeachment Trial — Again | KQED",
"description": "Former President Donald Trump's acquittal comes more than a month after a mob of Trump supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol as lawmakers were counting the electoral results that certified Trump's loss.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Senate on Saturday acquitted former President Donald Trump on an impeachment charge of inciting an insurrection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The acquittal comes more than a month after a mob of Trump supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol as lawmakers were counting the electoral results that certified Trump’s loss. Five people died in the riot, including a police officer. Two other officers later killed themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of senators voted to convict Trump — 57 to 43, including seven Republicans. But two-thirds, or 67 votes, was needed to convict. It was the second time Trump was acquitted in an impeachment trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seven GOP senators who voted to convict Trump on Saturday were: Richard Burr of North Carolina, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Mitt Romney of Utah, Ben Sasse of Nebraska and Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is the first president in U.S. history to be impeached by the House twice, and the first to be tried for impeachment after leaving office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict closes the book on this Trump presidency, though the Senate, by not convicting and barring him from holding public office in the future, left open the possibility that Trump, a 74-year-old Republican, could run again for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a narrowly divided Senate, the outcome of the trial, which lasted a little less than a week, was largely expected, though it very nearly was extended potentially by weeks. Impeachment managers began Saturday with a surprise, saying they had decided to call a witness, Washington Republican Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11860377\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2285px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11860377\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2285\" height=\"1285\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1.jpg 2285w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/GettyImages-1301991930-1-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2285px) 100vw, 2285px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In this screenshot taken from a congress.gov webcast, lead House impeachment manager Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Maryland, gives closing arguments on the fifth day of former President Donald Trump’s second impeachment trial at the U.S. Capitol on Feb. 13, 2021 in Washington, D.C. House impeachment managers had argued that Trump was “singularly responsible” for the Jan. 6 attack at the U.S. Capitol and he should be convicted and barred from ever holding public office again. \u003ccite>(congress.gov via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the defense rested Friday, Herrera Beutler issued a statement detailing — again — that Trump had gotten into a shouting match with Republican House Leader Kevin McCarthy during the riot, telling him, “Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate then voted to allow witnesses, and Trump’s lawyers threatened to call dozens. Both sides eventually agreed to enter Herrera Beutler’s statement into the record and move on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heart of Trump’s legal team’s argument was supposed to be that the Senate did not have jurisdiction to take up the trial of a former federal official. That was certainly part of it and was a message that resonated with the overwhelming majority of GOP senators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a vote on the first day of the trial, for example, 44 Republicans voted to say it was unconstitutional for the Senate to try a president after he left office. That’s despite a 145-year-old precedent in which the Senate voted that it was constitutional to try a former Cabinet official for impeachment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The constitutionality argument allowed many Republican senators to sidestep the merits of the case against Trump. That’s even though the lead impeachment manager, Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Maryland, on Thursday closed his side’s arguments by imploring senators that the constitutionality of the trial had been resolved by the earlier vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers, however, did not stick to a narrow constitutional argument. Instead, they accused Democrats of using the impeachment process for partisan gain and of trying to disenfranchise the people who voted for Trump’s reelection. The defense declined to provide evidence of what the president knew about the violence, when he knew it and what he did about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic House impeachment managers argued that the former president, who addressed a rally outside the White House ahead of the insurrection, was “singularly responsible” for the violence on Jan. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They relied, in large measure, on video to prove their case, including never-before-seen Capitol security footage. The videos showed on the Senate floor during what was an — at times — emotional trial brought back the vivid images of the Capitol violence to the very place it happened.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The video demonstrated how close rioters came to then-Vice President Mike Pence and members of Congress. And the impeachment managers argued that the video showed clearly that the mob of pro-Trump supporters was there for the president, and many believed they were there at the president’s behest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impeachment managers, however, made a broader case than Trump’s comments on Jan. 6. They argued that Trump laid the groundwork for false grievance on the part of his supporters with two months of baseless claims of widespread election fraud that cost him the election and years, in fact, of tolerating, condoning and encouraging violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers largely sidestepped Trump’s false claims of election fraud. Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vermont, asked during the question-and-answer session: “Are the prosecutors right when they claim that Trump was telling a big lie, or in your judgment did Trump actually win the election?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump lawyer Michael van der Veen shot back, “My judgment? Who asked that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did,” Sanders replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My judgment is irrelevant,” van der Veen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You represent the president of the United States!” Sanders yelled back before Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vermont, the presiding officer, gaveled the chamber back to order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s rhetoric about widespread fraud and a stolen election was false, dismissed by many courts stemming from dozens of lawsuits filed by the Trump campaign and allies across several key states.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Trump’s legal team also argued that his Jan. 6 rally speech was protected by the First Amendment, a contention that impeachment managers labeled ludicrous. This, after all, was an impeachment trial, not a criminal proceeding. An impeachment trial is a political process intended to judge whether an official was upholding their oath of office and a standard of conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his second acquittal, Trump now plots his next steps in political and public life. Yet he is also contending with potential legal trouble stemming from a New York grand jury investigation and a newly announced criminal probe in Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in addition to Trump’s mounting debt and devalued assets. The former president’s net worth also dropped $1 billion in early 2020, according to Forbes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has been able to spin difficulties in his business and personal life before, and the country waits to see if has a next, and perhaps final, act.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "5-takeaways-from-the-trump-impeachment-trial-so-far",
"title": "5 Takeaways From The Trump Impeachment Trial — So Far",
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"content": "\u003cp>The second impeachment trial of now-former President Donald Trump is all over but the closing arguments. They take place starting Saturday morning and the Senate could render a verdict as early as today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a compelling and extensive case made by the Democratic impeachment managers, the outcome still seems predetermined. Trump is likely to be acquitted because not enough Republicans will side with Democrats for the two-thirds majority needed to convict — though a majority, including a handful of Republicans, are poised to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week was revealing, however. Here are five things we learned:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>1. When the chips are down, grievance and partisanship are still the GOP’s go-tos\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense took aim at Democrats with cries of partisan targeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was, for lack of a better phrase, very Trumpy. Trump’s defense largely set aside what was expected to be a narrow constitutional argument that a \u003cem>former\u003c/em> president could not be tried for impeachment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, perhaps predictably, there was a healthy dose of angry whataboutism — with videos repeatedly showing Democrats using the word “fight” (despite its lack of relevance to Trump’s culpability to the violence Jan. 6); the First Amendment was leaned on to say Trump had a right to say whatever he wanted (despite an impeachment trial not being a criminal proceeding but one to determine whether a president upheld his oath and a standard of conduct); and they even invoked “cancel culture” \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?508916-1/impeachment-trial\">four times\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making the argument this way was a choice. There were enough Republican senators who would have gone along with Trump’s acquittal solely based on the narrow constitutional argument. But they still opted to go this route, which may have been an attempt to save and defend Trump’s legacy — and to solidify his place as the head of the party.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>2. The outcome ‘is what it is,’ as a former president might say\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite senators, at times, appearing to be moved by powerful videos they saw, and the praise many of them had for the Democratic impeachment managers, few, if any, additional Republicans (other than the handful expected) seemed moved to convict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump defense’s approach likely worked with the overwhelming majority of Republican senators because they’ve been down this road before in the Trump years and have muscle memory to dismiss inquiries and criticism of the former president as a hoax or witch hunt or scam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome has always been somewhat preordained, which is why the Trump team only took a few hours of their allotted 16 hours to make their rebuttal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>3. There are still a lot of questions about what Trump did and didn’t do\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the fact that Trump is likely to be acquitted, there are still open questions about what Trump did or didn’t do, knew or didn’t know behind the scenes that day that could haunt him beyond this trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense said Trump didn’t know the danger Vice President Mike Pence was in — despite GOP Sen. Tommy Tuberville of Alabama, one of the most pro-Trump states in the country, confirming that he talked to the president on Jan. 6 and told him of the danger before Trump sent a tweet disparaging Pence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all of this, Pence was a target — because of Trump — for doing his constitutional duty to preside over the usually ceremonial counting of certified presidential election results from the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s team not only denied that happened, it refused to answer what actions Trump took to make the violence stop. One of his lawyers, Michael van der Veen, went so far as to say, “It’s not our burden to bring any evidence at all” and blamed Democrats for not doing an investigation to get the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers also denied the impeachment managers’ pretrial request for Trump to testify — under oath.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>4. New evidence showed how much danger lawmakers were in\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Democrats presented a new, not previously seen before, video that clearly moved and disturbed many senators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utah Republican Sen. Mitt Romney said he hadn’t realized just how close he was to the mob when he was shown on video running after being turned around by Capitol Police officer Eugene Goodman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Patty Murray of Washington gave a harrowing account Friday night of her own close brush. “They were pounding on our door and trying to open it, and my husband sat with his foot against the door, praying that it would not break in,” she said on PBS NewsHour. “I was not safe. It was a horrific feeling, and it lasted for a long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome may be predetermined, but what was shown gave a fuller context of what happened Jan. 6 — for history.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>5. Americans could have a new standard for their leaders in the future\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump’s behavior as president has grated against what was previously acceptable behavior from a president — belittling, confrontational and stoking cultural and racial division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump used to joke that he could be so presidential, and we’d all be so bored. That was an acknowledgment that the way he was acting wasn’t “presidential,” it wasn’t the accepted view of what a president should be. That lasted throughout his presidency, culminating in his refusal to concede and the lack of a peaceful transfer of power, which had distinguished the United States from far-less-free countries around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense had argued that convicting Trump would set a new, too-low bar for impeachment — one that Democrats could get caught up in next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democrats warned that if Republicans continued to remain steadfastly against Trump’s conviction, it would be essentially giving a “green light” for future odious conduct from presidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Trump’s likely acquittal on the horizon, lead Democratic impeachment manager, Sen. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, summed up the danger this way:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They [Trump’s lawyers] are treating their client like he is a criminal defendant. They are talking about ‘beyond a reasonable doubt.’ They think we are making a criminal case here. My friends, the former president is not going to spend one hour or one minute in jail, but this is about protecting a Republic and articulating and defining the standards of presidential conduct. And if you want this to be a standard for totally appropriate presidential conduct going forward, be my guest. But we are headed for a very different kind of country at that point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact is American politics is at a volatile moment. Look no further than what’s happened in Georgia over the last few months. The same state that gave Congress a conspiracy believer, who harassed a mass-shooting survivor, also saw Democrat Joe Biden win the state in the presidential election and two Democrats win Senate races there that gave Democrats control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no telling what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=5+Takeaways+From+The+Trump+Impeachment+Trial+As+Closing+Arguments+Begin&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The second impeachment trial of now-former President Donald Trump is all over but the closing arguments. They take place starting Saturday morning and the Senate could render a verdict as early as today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a compelling and extensive case made by the Democratic impeachment managers, the outcome still seems predetermined. Trump is likely to be acquitted because not enough Republicans will side with Democrats for the two-thirds majority needed to convict — though a majority, including a handful of Republicans, are poised to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week was revealing, however. Here are five things we learned:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>1. When the chips are down, grievance and partisanship are still the GOP’s go-tos\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense took aim at Democrats with cries of partisan targeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was, for lack of a better phrase, very Trumpy. Trump’s defense largely set aside what was expected to be a narrow constitutional argument that a \u003cem>former\u003c/em> president could not be tried for impeachment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, perhaps predictably, there was a healthy dose of angry whataboutism — with videos repeatedly showing Democrats using the word “fight” (despite its lack of relevance to Trump’s culpability to the violence Jan. 6); the First Amendment was leaned on to say Trump had a right to say whatever he wanted (despite an impeachment trial not being a criminal proceeding but one to determine whether a president upheld his oath and a standard of conduct); and they even invoked “cancel culture” \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?508916-1/impeachment-trial\">four times\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making the argument this way was a choice. There were enough Republican senators who would have gone along with Trump’s acquittal solely based on the narrow constitutional argument. But they still opted to go this route, which may have been an attempt to save and defend Trump’s legacy — and to solidify his place as the head of the party.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>2. The outcome ‘is what it is,’ as a former president might say\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite senators, at times, appearing to be moved by powerful videos they saw, and the praise many of them had for the Democratic impeachment managers, few, if any, additional Republicans (other than the handful expected) seemed moved to convict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump defense’s approach likely worked with the overwhelming majority of Republican senators because they’ve been down this road before in the Trump years and have muscle memory to dismiss inquiries and criticism of the former president as a hoax or witch hunt or scam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome has always been somewhat preordained, which is why the Trump team only took a few hours of their allotted 16 hours to make their rebuttal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>3. There are still a lot of questions about what Trump did and didn’t do\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the fact that Trump is likely to be acquitted, there are still open questions about what Trump did or didn’t do, knew or didn’t know behind the scenes that day that could haunt him beyond this trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense said Trump didn’t know the danger Vice President Mike Pence was in — despite GOP Sen. Tommy Tuberville of Alabama, one of the most pro-Trump states in the country, confirming that he talked to the president on Jan. 6 and told him of the danger before Trump sent a tweet disparaging Pence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all of this, Pence was a target — because of Trump — for doing his constitutional duty to preside over the usually ceremonial counting of certified presidential election results from the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s team not only denied that happened, it refused to answer what actions Trump took to make the violence stop. One of his lawyers, Michael van der Veen, went so far as to say, “It’s not our burden to bring any evidence at all” and blamed Democrats for not doing an investigation to get the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s lawyers also denied the impeachment managers’ pretrial request for Trump to testify — under oath.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>4. New evidence showed how much danger lawmakers were in\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Democrats presented a new, not previously seen before, video that clearly moved and disturbed many senators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utah Republican Sen. Mitt Romney said he hadn’t realized just how close he was to the mob when he was shown on video running after being turned around by Capitol Police officer Eugene Goodman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Patty Murray of Washington gave a harrowing account Friday night of her own close brush. “They were pounding on our door and trying to open it, and my husband sat with his foot against the door, praying that it would not break in,” she said on PBS NewsHour. “I was not safe. It was a horrific feeling, and it lasted for a long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome may be predetermined, but what was shown gave a fuller context of what happened Jan. 6 — for history.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>5. Americans could have a new standard for their leaders in the future\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump’s behavior as president has grated against what was previously acceptable behavior from a president — belittling, confrontational and stoking cultural and racial division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump used to joke that he could be so presidential, and we’d all be so bored. That was an acknowledgment that the way he was acting wasn’t “presidential,” it wasn’t the accepted view of what a president should be. That lasted throughout his presidency, culminating in his refusal to concede and the lack of a peaceful transfer of power, which had distinguished the United States from far-less-free countries around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s defense had argued that convicting Trump would set a new, too-low bar for impeachment — one that Democrats could get caught up in next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democrats warned that if Republicans continued to remain steadfastly against Trump’s conviction, it would be essentially giving a “green light” for future odious conduct from presidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Trump’s likely acquittal on the horizon, lead Democratic impeachment manager, Sen. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, summed up the danger this way:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They [Trump’s lawyers] are treating their client like he is a criminal defendant. They are talking about ‘beyond a reasonable doubt.’ They think we are making a criminal case here. My friends, the former president is not going to spend one hour or one minute in jail, but this is about protecting a Republic and articulating and defining the standards of presidential conduct. And if you want this to be a standard for totally appropriate presidential conduct going forward, be my guest. But we are headed for a very different kind of country at that point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fact is American politics is at a volatile moment. Look no further than what’s happened in Georgia over the last few months. The same state that gave Congress a conspiracy believer, who harassed a mass-shooting survivor, also saw Democrat Joe Biden win the state in the presidential election and two Democrats win Senate races there that gave Democrats control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>State lawmakers want to square conflicting health care values between public University of California hospitals and Catholic hospitals that collaborate on patient care, under a new bill introduced Wednesday by state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under longstanding agreements between UC Health and Catholic hospital systems like Dignity Health or St. Joseph Health, UC doctors and medical students who provide care inside Catholic hospitals must abide by Catholic Church directives that prohibit abortions, sterilizations, contraception, some end-of-life options and gender affirmation surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener says this makes the public university system complicit in discriminating against women and transgender patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that a UC medical professional would not be able to provide care, I just think is honestly completely outrageous,” he said. “It’s because of the pride that we all have in UC and, frankly, the love that we hold for the system that we want to make sure that UC lives up to its high aspirations of providing health care to everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB379\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 379\u003c/a> would require UC health systems to renegotiate these agreements with Catholic hospitals to either allow UC staff to provide all care they deem medically necessary, or to end those affiliations altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Access to health care is fundamental to an equitable and successful society, and public institutions must lead by example in ensuring health care access,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Catholic hospitals said canceling these partnerships would likely harm health care access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dignity Health and the UC Health system are the number one and two providers of care to low-income Medi-Cal patients in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would absolutely devastate access to health care for the most vulnerable,” said Lori Dangberg, vice president of the Alliance of Catholic Health Care, a trade group for Catholic hospitals. “At a time when COVID-19 is placing unprecedented demands on our state’s health care providers, any effort to weaken the safety net would only harm the state’s most vulnerable patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, UCSF officials have said the affiliation it has with Dignity Health is necessary to meet the demand for care in San Francisco. Instead of turning patients away for lack of beds, it can transfer them to a Dignity hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar partnerships provide other hard-to-access care across the state, particularly in rural areas, Dangberg said. UC Davis and Mercy Medical Center in Merced, a Dignity hospital, jointly run a cancer center providing treatment for more than 12,000 patients a year. UCLA specialists have provided pediatric trauma services to more than 700 patients at Northridge Hospital Medical Center, another Dignity facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said he recognizes the importance of these partnerships in expanding access to care and that he is not opposed to them per se, but he believes public employees and students should practice by standards set by state law, even if they’re practicing within the walls of a Catholic hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Catholic hospitals say their directives are protected by law, too, and that the state cannot force them to provide abortions or other services that conflict with their moral code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tolerance is a two-way street,” Dangberg said. “You’re welcome to practice in our hospitals, but you follow the policies, whether those policies are based on quality issues, economic issues or religious issues, you practice based on a hospital’s policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State lawmakers want to square conflicting health care values between public University of California hospitals and Catholic hospitals that collaborate on patient care, under a new bill introduced Wednesday by state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under longstanding agreements between UC Health and Catholic hospital systems like Dignity Health or St. Joseph Health, UC doctors and medical students who provide care inside Catholic hospitals must abide by Catholic Church directives that prohibit abortions, sterilizations, contraception, some end-of-life options and gender affirmation surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener says this makes the public university system complicit in discriminating against women and transgender patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that a UC medical professional would not be able to provide care, I just think is honestly completely outrageous,” he said. “It’s because of the pride that we all have in UC and, frankly, the love that we hold for the system that we want to make sure that UC lives up to its high aspirations of providing health care to everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB379\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Senate Bill 379\u003c/a> would require UC health systems to renegotiate these agreements with Catholic hospitals to either allow UC staff to provide all care they deem medically necessary, or to end those affiliations altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Access to health care is fundamental to an equitable and successful society, and public institutions must lead by example in ensuring health care access,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Catholic hospitals said canceling these partnerships would likely harm health care access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dignity Health and the UC Health system are the number one and two providers of care to low-income Medi-Cal patients in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would absolutely devastate access to health care for the most vulnerable,” said Lori Dangberg, vice president of the Alliance of Catholic Health Care, a trade group for Catholic hospitals. “At a time when COVID-19 is placing unprecedented demands on our state’s health care providers, any effort to weaken the safety net would only harm the state’s most vulnerable patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, UCSF officials have said the affiliation it has with Dignity Health is necessary to meet the demand for care in San Francisco. Instead of turning patients away for lack of beds, it can transfer them to a Dignity hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar partnerships provide other hard-to-access care across the state, particularly in rural areas, Dangberg said. UC Davis and Mercy Medical Center in Merced, a Dignity hospital, jointly run a cancer center providing treatment for more than 12,000 patients a year. UCLA specialists have provided pediatric trauma services to more than 700 patients at Northridge Hospital Medical Center, another Dignity facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said he recognizes the importance of these partnerships in expanding access to care and that he is not opposed to them per se, but he believes public employees and students should practice by standards set by state law, even if they’re practicing within the walls of a Catholic hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Catholic hospitals say their directives are protected by law, too, and that the state cannot force them to provide abortions or other services that conflict with their moral code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tolerance is a two-way street,” Dangberg said. “You’re welcome to practice in our hospitals, but you follow the policies, whether those policies are based on quality issues, economic issues or religious issues, you practice based on a hospital’s policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>There are two respected, statewide, nonpartisan pollsters in California: The Public Policy Institute of California and the Institute of Governmental Studies at UC Berkeley. As Newsom faces the increasing likelihood of a recall election, those polls are in an unusual disagreement about how Californians feel about the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two surveys, conducted during an almost identical time period last month, the pollsters found very different states of affairs for California’s increasingly embattled governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11858051/poll-finds-newsoms-approval-plummeting-as-recall-looms\">the UC Berkeley poll found\u003c/a> Gov. Gavin Newsom’s approval rating underwater, the public policy institute released results indicating he’s still largely liked by California voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public policy institute poll finds 54% of California adults and 52% of likely voters approve of Newsom’s job as governor; that’s not a big difference from last January, before the COVID-19 pandemic, when 51% of adults and 49% of likely voters approved of Newsom. (It also shows relatively solid ratings for other state lawmakers, who enjoy 51% approval from all Californians and 46% of likely voters).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the poll didn’t ask specifically about the recall election which could be largely influenced by how the governor is handling perhaps the biggest challenge of his career, the coronavirus pandemic, which has crippled portions of the U.S. economy and upended all other political priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID-19 did come up in the poll that found higher approval ratings for Newsom, though. A majority of adults (53%) and half of likely voters (50%) approve of how Newsom is handling the coronavirus outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when the public policy institute asked poll respondents \u003cem>which one issue\u003c/em> they think is most important for the governor and state Legislature to work in 2021 — across all regions, COVID-19 topped the list, followed by jobs and the economy. By contrast, last January the most frequently named issue was homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GuyMarzorati/status/1356640988635140096\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the public policy institute poll also shows Californians feel confident that Newsom and lawmakers can tackle the pandemic issue. About six-in-ten Californians, and likely voters, say they can work together and accomplish a lot, a number similar to last January, pre-pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the main issues plaguing Newsom and other policymakers is the ongoing debate on how to handle school reopening — but two-thirds (67%) of adults surveyed still approve of Newsom’s $2 billion proposals to encourage schools to reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s his Safe Schools for All plan, which would bring back in-classroom learning for students from preschool to second grade and those who are most vulnerable and have special needs beginning this month, with older elementary students following in March. Schools would get at least $450 per student if they agreed to requirements for COVID-19 testing and negotiated a pandemic safety plan with their employee unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan requires approval from lawmakers, who’ve so far been unwilling to give it. In recent hearings, some legislators called for pushing back the timeline. The plan also received pushback from the superintendents of the state’s largest school districts, including Oakland and San Francisco, who argued it could worsen inequalities between affluent districts and large, urban districts like theirs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/PPICNotes/status/1356767614509469697\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite those critiques, the new survey found widespread support for the plan across the state’s regions and demographic groups. And though there is a partisan divide, majorities of Democrats (69%) and Republicans (54%) approve of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public policy institute poll was conducted between Jan. 21 and 31 by phone among 1,703 adult state residents. The sampling error is +/- 3.3 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, the UC Berkeley poll — which put Newsom’s approval rating among likely voters at 46% — was conducted online between Jan. 23-29 among 10,357 registered California voters. The sampling error on that poll is +/-2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>There are two respected, statewide, nonpartisan pollsters in California: The Public Policy Institute of California and the Institute of Governmental Studies at UC Berkeley. As Newsom faces the increasing likelihood of a recall election, those polls are in an unusual disagreement about how Californians feel about the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two surveys, conducted during an almost identical time period last month, the pollsters found very different states of affairs for California’s increasingly embattled governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11858051/poll-finds-newsoms-approval-plummeting-as-recall-looms\">the UC Berkeley poll found\u003c/a> Gov. Gavin Newsom’s approval rating underwater, the public policy institute released results indicating he’s still largely liked by California voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public policy institute poll finds 54% of California adults and 52% of likely voters approve of Newsom’s job as governor; that’s not a big difference from last January, before the COVID-19 pandemic, when 51% of adults and 49% of likely voters approved of Newsom. (It also shows relatively solid ratings for other state lawmakers, who enjoy 51% approval from all Californians and 46% of likely voters).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the poll didn’t ask specifically about the recall election which could be largely influenced by how the governor is handling perhaps the biggest challenge of his career, the coronavirus pandemic, which has crippled portions of the U.S. economy and upended all other political priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID-19 did come up in the poll that found higher approval ratings for Newsom, though. A majority of adults (53%) and half of likely voters (50%) approve of how Newsom is handling the coronavirus outbreak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when the public policy institute asked poll respondents \u003cem>which one issue\u003c/em> they think is most important for the governor and state Legislature to work in 2021 — across all regions, COVID-19 topped the list, followed by jobs and the economy. By contrast, last January the most frequently named issue was homelessness.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>And the public policy institute poll also shows Californians feel confident that Newsom and lawmakers can tackle the pandemic issue. About six-in-ten Californians, and likely voters, say they can work together and accomplish a lot, a number similar to last January, pre-pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the main issues plaguing Newsom and other policymakers is the ongoing debate on how to handle school reopening — but two-thirds (67%) of adults surveyed still approve of Newsom’s $2 billion proposals to encourage schools to reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s his Safe Schools for All plan, which would bring back in-classroom learning for students from preschool to second grade and those who are most vulnerable and have special needs beginning this month, with older elementary students following in March. Schools would get at least $450 per student if they agreed to requirements for COVID-19 testing and negotiated a pandemic safety plan with their employee unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan requires approval from lawmakers, who’ve so far been unwilling to give it. In recent hearings, some legislators called for pushing back the timeline. The plan also received pushback from the superintendents of the state’s largest school districts, including Oakland and San Francisco, who argued it could worsen inequalities between affluent districts and large, urban districts like theirs.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Despite those critiques, the new survey found widespread support for the plan across the state’s regions and demographic groups. And though there is a partisan divide, majorities of Democrats (69%) and Republicans (54%) approve of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public policy institute poll was conducted between Jan. 21 and 31 by phone among 1,703 adult state residents. The sampling error is +/- 3.3 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, the UC Berkeley poll — which put Newsom’s approval rating among likely voters at 46% — was conducted online between Jan. 23-29 among 10,357 registered California voters. The sampling error on that poll is +/-2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Biden Signs Immigration Executive Orders, Establishes Task Force to Reunite Separated Families",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden signed three executive orders on Tuesday that he said he would lead to a more “fair, orderly, humane” immigration system, including one that would begin the difficult process of reuniting migrant children separated from their parents after crossing the United States border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of talk, with good reason, about the number of executive orders that I’ve signed. I’m not making new law — I’m eliminating bad policy,” Biden told reporters in the Oval Office before signing three actions to begin to roll back former President Donald Trump’s hard-line immigration measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the orders creates a task force to find ways to reunite children in the U.S. with their parents who have been deported without them — something Biden said was a “moral and national shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job is made challenging by a lack of records. Details of how reunifications will happen are still to be determined. The task force will make recommendations on how to do it, working with representatives of families and other stakeholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Cathleen Caron, director of Justice in Motion, a nonprofit working to reunite separated families\"]‘They were deeply, deeply scarred by having their children taken away. So they don’t have any reason to believe the U.S. government is going to do anything to help them.’[/pullquote]The task force will issue a report on its progress in 120 days, and every 60 days thereafter, White House press secretary Jen Psaki told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates said urgent action is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need now is an immediate commitment to specific remedies, including reunification in the U.S., permanent legal status, and restitution for all of the 5,500-plus families separated by the Trump administration,” said the ACLU’s Lee Gelernt, who fought the issue in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anything short of that will be extremely troubling given that the U.S. government engaged in deliberate child abuse,” Gelernt said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials who previewed the executive actions to reporters said change won’t happen overnight. In fact, more actions are almost certain to follow. “It takes time to review everything, so we are starting with these right now, but that doesn’t mean it’s the end of it,” one of the officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Confronting a Deep Lack of Trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Cathleen Caron, founder and director of Justice in Motion, a U.S.-based nonprofit working to reunify separated families, emphasized how important it is that Biden’s task force plans to work with representatives of families who were separated from their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many of those families have difficulty trusting people from the United States — and especially the government — after everything that has happened to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were deeply, deeply scarred by having their children taken away,” she said. “So they don’t have any reason to believe the U.S. government is going to do anything to help them. Why should they, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caron said relying on trusted partners and advocates in separated families’ countries of origin will be key.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we want are partners that will support what the affected migrant families need and want,” she said. “Partners in the countries of origin who are from there and have been communicating with these families… And the families themselves. They need to be at the center of this so the families aren’t unintentionally traumatized [and] hurt again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As to one possible avenue for beginning to rebuild trust with separated families? University of San Francisco law and migration studies Professor Bill Hing suggested offering visas to parents who were deported to return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve damaged them. And there are visas in our law already, for example, [for] victims of crime, victims of domestic violence… Well, why not a visa for someone who has been victimized by the United States government?” Hing said. “That might add some incentives. And if you couple that with most likely much needed mental health counseling, regular health counseling, of course, they all need that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='family-separations']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Restoring Asylum\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A second order Biden signed Tuesday looks at how to address the surge of migrants seeking asylum in the U.S. in recent years and will look at how to replace the Migrant Protection Protocols program — what Trump referred to as “Remain in Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden suspended that program on his first day in office. He has vowed to help countries in Central America address the underlying causes of migration. But the administration wants to restore the asylum system, officials said — and do something to help people stuck in camps at the border. The details of how that will happen are not yet clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to put in place an immigration process here that is humane, that is moral, that considers applications for refugees, applications for people to come into this country at the border in a way that treat people as human beings. That’s going to take some time. It’s not going to happen overnight,” Psaki told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third order requires agencies to do a “top-to-bottom review of recent regulations, policies and guidance that have set up barriers to our legal immigration system.” The first one to go: Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/08/12/748328652/trump-administration-rule-would-penalize-immigrants-for-using-benefits\">“public charge” rule\u003c/a>, which prevented immigrants from getting permanent resident or “green card” status if they had or were likely to require public benefits such as housing subsidies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocacy groups said ending the public charge rule would help immigrants struggling with health care and food insecurity amid the COVID-19 crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new administration is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/12/13/944791054/on-immigration-activists-demands-may-exceed-biden-realities\">under pressure from immigration activists\u003c/a> who are worried that reforms will stall as Biden rushes to deal with the response to the health and economic crises caused by the COVID-19 pandemic — as well as climate change and racial equity priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden sent a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/inauguration-day-live-updates/2021/01/20/958626092/on-immigration-biden-goes-big-in-opening-bid-to-congress\">sweeping immigration legislative proposal\u003c/a> to Congress the day he was sworn into office, but it’s unclear how quickly the plan may be considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from NPR’s Franco Ordoñez and Joel Rose, and KQED’s Michelle Wiley. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Biden signed three executive orders on Tuesday that he said he would lead to a more “fair, orderly, humane” immigration system, including one that would begin the difficult process of reuniting migrant children separated from their parents after crossing the United States border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of talk, with good reason, about the number of executive orders that I’ve signed. I’m not making new law — I’m eliminating bad policy,” Biden told reporters in the Oval Office before signing three actions to begin to roll back former President Donald Trump’s hard-line immigration measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the orders creates a task force to find ways to reunite children in the U.S. with their parents who have been deported without them — something Biden said was a “moral and national shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job is made challenging by a lack of records. Details of how reunifications will happen are still to be determined. The task force will make recommendations on how to do it, working with representatives of families and other stakeholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The task force will issue a report on its progress in 120 days, and every 60 days thereafter, White House press secretary Jen Psaki told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates said urgent action is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need now is an immediate commitment to specific remedies, including reunification in the U.S., permanent legal status, and restitution for all of the 5,500-plus families separated by the Trump administration,” said the ACLU’s Lee Gelernt, who fought the issue in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anything short of that will be extremely troubling given that the U.S. government engaged in deliberate child abuse,” Gelernt said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials who previewed the executive actions to reporters said change won’t happen overnight. In fact, more actions are almost certain to follow. “It takes time to review everything, so we are starting with these right now, but that doesn’t mean it’s the end of it,” one of the officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Confronting a Deep Lack of Trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Cathleen Caron, founder and director of Justice in Motion, a U.S.-based nonprofit working to reunify separated families, emphasized how important it is that Biden’s task force plans to work with representatives of families who were separated from their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many of those families have difficulty trusting people from the United States — and especially the government — after everything that has happened to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were deeply, deeply scarred by having their children taken away,” she said. “So they don’t have any reason to believe the U.S. government is going to do anything to help them. Why should they, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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