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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">\u003cem>Click here to subscribe.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2012 to 2022, 2.1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/latinos\">Latinos\u003c/a> in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\"> California\u003c/a> became eligible to vote, according to the National Association of Latino Elected Officials, an advocacy and research organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group estimates that 4.8 million Latines will vote in the state in November, a whopping 200% jump from the 1.6 million who voted in 2000. The Latinx electorate is growing in California, but what about our political influence and representation in elected offices?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, the NALEO counted 1,786 Latinos serving in local elected offices in 2021 — more than double the 734 it counted in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area has roughly 62% people of color. Yet people of color hold just 37% of top local elected offices, \u003ca href=\"https://bayareaequityatlas.org/indicators/diversity-of-electeds\">according to the Bay Area Equity Atlas\u003c/a>, a data resource produced by the San Francisco Foundation, PolicyLink and the USC Equity Research Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asian Americans and Latinos continue to be underrepresented among local electeds. Researchers found that while Latinos and Asian Americans make up half of the region’s population, they are just 25% of top local elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, Latinos accounted for 13.6% of elected officials in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007983\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007983\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ellen Kamei, Mountain View Councilmember (left), and mother Rosemary Kamei, San José Vice Mayor representing District 1, walk through San José City Hall on Oct. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I wanted to learn more about the experience of Bay Area Latines serving in elected office, so I sat down with Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín. I also spoke with Rosemary Kamei and Ellen Kamei, a mother and daughter who are city council representatives in San José and Mountain View, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the Kameis, serving their neighbors while representing the Asian and Latino communities has been important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosemary Kamei grew up in the Bronx, New York, in a working-class family with a Chinese father and a Puerto Rican mother. She is the only Latina and woman of Asian descent on the San José City Council. Previously, she was on the Santa Clara Valley County Water Board, among other positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told me she hadn’t planned to run for city council but believed she could elevate cultural and linguistic understanding in the Bay Area’s largest city. San José is about 38% Asian and 30% Latino, according to U.S. Census data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is an important perspective and lens to have when you’re making decisions,” Kamei, 65, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she began her term in 2023, she noticed the city didn’t provide translations for meetings, so she worked to change that. She’s \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/the-first-six-months-san-jose-vice-mayor-rosemary-kamei/\">gained a reputation\u003c/a> for focusing on housing and public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellen Kamei, elected to the Mountain View City Council in 2018, didn’t have to look far for a role model. She spent hours of her youth accompanying her mother to public meetings and events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought that women in leadership and women of color in leadership was really natural,” said Ellen Kamei, who recalled accompanying her mother to public meetings and events growing up. “I always thought I would run for office, but I would run for office later when I was older and maybe when my kids were grown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she joined the city’s planning commission in 2012. She unsuccessfully ran for a council seat in 2014 before winning four years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impetus for running for office came from her desire to address housing affordability and the rising cost of living for low-income residents. The city’s population of about 86,000 people is roughly 17% Hispanic and 35% Asian, according to census data. The median household income in Mountain View is $182,000 — twice the state median.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I realized early on in my career that people usually interface with the government in a negative way,” Ellen Kamei, 40, said. “Those who have the resources can usually manage and find the answers, but there’s a large swath of the population who can’t do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, representation is about who are those people who don’t have the luxury of sitting there and emailing or calling me or coming to a council meeting that’s at night?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her accomplishments include helping secure rental and financial assistance programs for residents and business owners who struggled during the pandemic. She established a maternity leave policy for the city council because she was the first council member to give birth while in office. She now has a 2-year-old and a 6-month-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s connected with the Latinx community through her regular “cafecito” meetups with residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of her Japanese surname, Ellen Kamei said some people often dismiss her Latina identity — or expect her to pick one part of her heritage over another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t own your own story, somebody else will try to tell it for you,” she said. “My father is Japanese American, born at Heart Mountain incarceration camp. My mother is Chinese and Puerto Rican from New York City. And that’s how I lead my story. It avoids the ‘Where are you really from?’ question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellen Kamei’s second and final term expires in January 2026. She told me she’s not sure if she will pursue another office. She has been working on reviving the Bay Area Association of Latino Elected Officials, a local version of the NALEO, in hopes of building a support system for those already in office as well as a robust pipeline of future candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the Latino community, you’re so busy doing the work that it’s hard to create the infrastructure,” she said. “What are we doing to support those Latino electeds now, but also identify elected officials for the future? Where’s that Latinx person who’s just looking to be asked to run for office?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007183\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín in his office at Berkeley City Hall in Berkeley on Sept. 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One thing Arreguín has learned about running for public office is that “you’re never ready,” he said. In 2008, he was 23 when he was elected as the youngest person and first Latino to the Berkeley City Council. He served two terms before running for mayor, a post he’s held for the last eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, 39, he has his sights set on District 7’s state Senate seat, representing a large portion of the East Bay. If elected next month, he would be the only Latino in the chamber from Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín made his heritage and youth a cornerstone for his first campaign, which he said worked because his story resonated with non-Latinos seeking a change in Berkeley, where Latinos are 14% of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley is a largely affluent, white city, and there is not a large Latino and organized Latino political constituency,” he said. “But I felt it was important to step forward. And we really leaned into my Latino heritage. Our campaign signs said, ‘Viva Jesse.’ It really was people embracing change and embracing new leadership and wanting diverse representation in office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos have made significant progress in pursuing public office and tackling issues the Latinx community cares about, like increasing housing, tenants’ rights and immigrant rights. But for Latines to be less of an afterthought in California politics, “We have a lot of work to do,” Arreguín said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not enough of Latinos are in positions of leadership and we have to change that,” he said. “There is real power in organizing. We’ve seen that a lot of critical victories in California around raising wages and labor rights have happened because of organizing. And it’s extremely important that people get involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a saying that if you’re not at the table, you’re on the menu.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">\u003cem>Click here to subscribe.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2012 to 2022, 2.1 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/latinos\">Latinos\u003c/a> in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\"> California\u003c/a> became eligible to vote, according to the National Association of Latino Elected Officials, an advocacy and research organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group estimates that 4.8 million Latines will vote in the state in November, a whopping 200% jump from the 1.6 million who voted in 2000. The Latinx electorate is growing in California, but what about our political influence and representation in elected offices?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, the NALEO counted 1,786 Latinos serving in local elected offices in 2021 — more than double the 734 it counted in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area has roughly 62% people of color. Yet people of color hold just 37% of top local elected offices, \u003ca href=\"https://bayareaequityatlas.org/indicators/diversity-of-electeds\">according to the Bay Area Equity Atlas\u003c/a>, a data resource produced by the San Francisco Foundation, PolicyLink and the USC Equity Research Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asian Americans and Latinos continue to be underrepresented among local electeds. Researchers found that while Latinos and Asian Americans make up half of the region’s population, they are just 25% of top local elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, Latinos accounted for 13.6% of elected officials in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007983\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007983\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-16-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ellen Kamei, Mountain View Councilmember (left), and mother Rosemary Kamei, San José Vice Mayor representing District 1, walk through San José City Hall on Oct. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I wanted to learn more about the experience of Bay Area Latines serving in elected office, so I sat down with Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín. I also spoke with Rosemary Kamei and Ellen Kamei, a mother and daughter who are city council representatives in San José and Mountain View, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the Kameis, serving their neighbors while representing the Asian and Latino communities has been important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosemary Kamei grew up in the Bronx, New York, in a working-class family with a Chinese father and a Puerto Rican mother. She is the only Latina and woman of Asian descent on the San José City Council. Previously, she was on the Santa Clara Valley County Water Board, among other positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told me she hadn’t planned to run for city council but believed she could elevate cultural and linguistic understanding in the Bay Area’s largest city. San José is about 38% Asian and 30% Latino, according to U.S. Census data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is an important perspective and lens to have when you’re making decisions,” Kamei, 65, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she began her term in 2023, she noticed the city didn’t provide translations for meetings, so she worked to change that. She’s \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/the-first-six-months-san-jose-vice-mayor-rosemary-kamei/\">gained a reputation\u003c/a> for focusing on housing and public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellen Kamei, elected to the Mountain View City Council in 2018, didn’t have to look far for a role model. She spent hours of her youth accompanying her mother to public meetings and events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought that women in leadership and women of color in leadership was really natural,” said Ellen Kamei, who recalled accompanying her mother to public meetings and events growing up. “I always thought I would run for office, but I would run for office later when I was older and maybe when my kids were grown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she joined the city’s planning commission in 2012. She unsuccessfully ran for a council seat in 2014 before winning four years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The impetus for running for office came from her desire to address housing affordability and the rising cost of living for low-income residents. The city’s population of about 86,000 people is roughly 17% Hispanic and 35% Asian, according to census data. The median household income in Mountain View is $182,000 — twice the state median.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I realized early on in my career that people usually interface with the government in a negative way,” Ellen Kamei, 40, said. “Those who have the resources can usually manage and find the answers, but there’s a large swath of the population who can’t do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, representation is about who are those people who don’t have the luxury of sitting there and emailing or calling me or coming to a council meeting that’s at night?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her accomplishments include helping secure rental and financial assistance programs for residents and business owners who struggled during the pandemic. She established a maternity leave policy for the city council because she was the first council member to give birth while in office. She now has a 2-year-old and a 6-month-old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s connected with the Latinx community through her regular “cafecito” meetups with residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of her Japanese surname, Ellen Kamei said some people often dismiss her Latina identity — or expect her to pick one part of her heritage over another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t own your own story, somebody else will try to tell it for you,” she said. “My father is Japanese American, born at Heart Mountain incarceration camp. My mother is Chinese and Puerto Rican from New York City. And that’s how I lead my story. It avoids the ‘Where are you really from?’ question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellen Kamei’s second and final term expires in January 2026. She told me she’s not sure if she will pursue another office. She has been working on reviving the Bay Area Association of Latino Elected Officials, a local version of the NALEO, in hopes of building a support system for those already in office as well as a robust pipeline of future candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the Latino community, you’re so busy doing the work that it’s hard to create the infrastructure,” she said. “What are we doing to support those Latino electeds now, but also identify elected officials for the future? Where’s that Latinx person who’s just looking to be asked to run for office?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007183\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240930-JESSE-ARREGUIN-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín in his office at Berkeley City Hall in Berkeley on Sept. 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One thing Arreguín has learned about running for public office is that “you’re never ready,” he said. In 2008, he was 23 when he was elected as the youngest person and first Latino to the Berkeley City Council. He served two terms before running for mayor, a post he’s held for the last eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, 39, he has his sights set on District 7’s state Senate seat, representing a large portion of the East Bay. If elected next month, he would be the only Latino in the chamber from Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín made his heritage and youth a cornerstone for his first campaign, which he said worked because his story resonated with non-Latinos seeking a change in Berkeley, where Latinos are 14% of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley is a largely affluent, white city, and there is not a large Latino and organized Latino political constituency,” he said. “But I felt it was important to step forward. And we really leaned into my Latino heritage. Our campaign signs said, ‘Viva Jesse.’ It really was people embracing change and embracing new leadership and wanting diverse representation in office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos have made significant progress in pursuing public office and tackling issues the Latinx community cares about, like increasing housing, tenants’ rights and immigrant rights. But for Latines to be less of an afterthought in California politics, “We have a lot of work to do,” Arreguín said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not enough of Latinos are in positions of leadership and we have to change that,” he said. “There is real power in organizing. We’ve seen that a lot of critical victories in California around raising wages and labor rights have happened because of organizing. And it’s extremely important that people get involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a saying that if you’re not at the table, you’re on the menu.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Some \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> City Council members are accusing Mayor Sheng Thao of a lack of transparency around the sale of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-coliseum\">Coliseum\u003c/a> site, which the city is using to help close a budget deficit after her office revealed a higher purchase price and condensed payment schedule on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The African American Sports & Entertainment Group will now pay $125 million rather than the initially agreed price of $105 million to buy the city’s stake in the site, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003025/east-oakland-students-share-bold-vision-for-coliseum-revamp-with-new-owners\">the group plans to revitalize\u003c/a> with housing, restaurants, a convention center and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s administration also confirmed the city received a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007771/new-oakland-coliseum-sale-deal-raises-questions-about-delayed-payment-and-citys-budget\">$10 million payment from developers\u003c/a> that several council members had accused them of missing last month, putting the city’s budget at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997946/oakland-reaches-deal-on-105-million-coliseum-sale-to-stave-off-budget-cuts\">the original deal\u003c/a> signed at the end of July, an initial $5 million payment was meant to have been followed by $10 million in September, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992883/oakland-city-council-passes-budget-amid-concerns-over-pending-coliseum-sale\">the city’s budget\u003c/a> included a contingency plan with drastic cuts triggered on Oct. 1 if that first $15 million had not come in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council convened Monday morning for what was meant to be a planned emergency meeting to discuss the status of the missed payment and the city’s contingency plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001427\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001427\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland City Hall in downtown Oakland on Aug. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though the meeting was canceled due to a lack of quorum, councilmembers Treva Reid, Janani Ramachandran and Noel Gallo stayed on to voice anger and frustration that the amended deal did not come before the council for approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This process has been layered with deception, delay, silence, manipulation, withholding and inequitable disclosing of details to all council members,” Reid said, “and unfortunately, bully tactics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda,Alameda County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Council doesn’t have a lot of powers when it comes to deals like this, but we do have the power to approve contracts with this much money at stake, with this much political capital and the money of taxpayers and our residents here at stake,” Ramachandran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the city’s approach to the dealings a “potentially ridiculous risk” to its finances that could have meant drastic cuts to police academies and fire, brownouts, and a halting of contracts, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the role and responsibility of the City Council to balance, to make sure that we do not go bankrupt like other governments have,” added Gallo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the revised sale agreement announced Monday, the rest of the money — $110 million — must arrive within the current fiscal year. The full balance is now due in May instead of in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao called the deal a “win-win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are very grateful for the hard work of the City team in helping reach our amended agreement,” AASEG founder and managing member Ray Bobbitt said in a statement. “The creation of jobs, housing, art, clean green space and a new generation of Sports and Entertainment at the Coliseum Site cannot wait; and will provide a certain pathway to the revitalization of East Oakland through massive investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office said it’s still waiting for Alameda County to approve the sale of its half of the Coliseum ownership stake, which has taken longer than expected. County officials did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Some \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> City Council members are accusing Mayor Sheng Thao of a lack of transparency around the sale of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-coliseum\">Coliseum\u003c/a> site, which the city is using to help close a budget deficit after her office revealed a higher purchase price and condensed payment schedule on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The African American Sports & Entertainment Group will now pay $125 million rather than the initially agreed price of $105 million to buy the city’s stake in the site, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003025/east-oakland-students-share-bold-vision-for-coliseum-revamp-with-new-owners\">the group plans to revitalize\u003c/a> with housing, restaurants, a convention center and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s administration also confirmed the city received a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007771/new-oakland-coliseum-sale-deal-raises-questions-about-delayed-payment-and-citys-budget\">$10 million payment from developers\u003c/a> that several council members had accused them of missing last month, putting the city’s budget at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997946/oakland-reaches-deal-on-105-million-coliseum-sale-to-stave-off-budget-cuts\">the original deal\u003c/a> signed at the end of July, an initial $5 million payment was meant to have been followed by $10 million in September, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992883/oakland-city-council-passes-budget-amid-concerns-over-pending-coliseum-sale\">the city’s budget\u003c/a> included a contingency plan with drastic cuts triggered on Oct. 1 if that first $15 million had not come in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council convened Monday morning for what was meant to be a planned emergency meeting to discuss the status of the missed payment and the city’s contingency plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001427\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001427\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland City Hall in downtown Oakland on Aug. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though the meeting was canceled due to a lack of quorum, councilmembers Treva Reid, Janani Ramachandran and Noel Gallo stayed on to voice anger and frustration that the amended deal did not come before the council for approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This process has been layered with deception, delay, silence, manipulation, withholding and inequitable disclosing of details to all council members,” Reid said, “and unfortunately, bully tactics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Council doesn’t have a lot of powers when it comes to deals like this, but we do have the power to approve contracts with this much money at stake, with this much political capital and the money of taxpayers and our residents here at stake,” Ramachandran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the city’s approach to the dealings a “potentially ridiculous risk” to its finances that could have meant drastic cuts to police academies and fire, brownouts, and a halting of contracts, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the role and responsibility of the City Council to balance, to make sure that we do not go bankrupt like other governments have,” added Gallo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the revised sale agreement announced Monday, the rest of the money — $110 million — must arrive within the current fiscal year. The full balance is now due in May instead of in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao called the deal a “win-win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are very grateful for the hard work of the City team in helping reach our amended agreement,” AASEG founder and managing member Ray Bobbitt said in a statement. “The creation of jobs, housing, art, clean green space and a new generation of Sports and Entertainment at the Coliseum Site cannot wait; and will provide a certain pathway to the revitalization of East Oakland through massive investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office said it’s still waiting for Alameda County to approve the sale of its half of the Coliseum ownership stake, which has taken longer than expected. County officials did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:45 p.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> mayors Willie Brown, Art Agnos, Frank Jordan and other retired city officials are calling for an investigation into \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mark-farrell\">Mark Farrell\u003c/a>’s campaign financing for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine former city officials and attorneys signed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25194924-da_ag-farrell-investigation-letter\">letter\u003c/a> submitted to the San Francisco district attorney and state attorney general, outlining ethical lapses that Farrell, a former interim mayor and supervisor, has been accused of in his current bid for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter comes amid escalating tensions and political hits in the race as polling shows no clear front-runner with election day just four weeks away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We urge you to investigate and take action now before the election,” the letter reads. “If you fail to act promptly, Mark Farrell will have exploited inaction by ethics officials and law enforcement authorities alike to unlawfully funnel hundreds of thousands of dollars into his campaign for mayor and perhaps prevail as a result.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell has faced a series of ethics complaints around his campaign’s finances, most recently around \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004858/san-francisco-democratic-party-accuses-farrell-of-misleading-voters-with-prop-d-ad\">his affiliation with Proposition D\u003c/a>, which aims to slash the number of city commissions. The measure was proposed by the moderate political organizing group TogetherSF, which is also endorsing Farrell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individual campaign donations to candidates are capped at $500, but those limits don’t apply to ballot measures. Proposition D has raised millions of dollars from tech billionaires like Michael Moritz, and opponents allege that Farrell is using the funding intended for the ballot measure to boost his mayoral campaign by appearing in commercials and mailers for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former supervisor has defended his strategies, saying they are legal and were reviewed by his legal team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I became the frontrunner for Mayor, my opponents started attacking me because they know that I have the courage and experience to make the tough choices to turn San Francisco around after six years of failed leadership,” Farrell said in a statement. “I lead both campaigns and make no apologies about it. I have disclosed everything from the beginning. Every penny for our shared expenses has been accounted for and disclosed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his bid for supervisor in 2010, Farrell was hit with the city’s largest ethics fine to date — $191,000 for alleged illegal coordination with an independent expenditure committee. He later settled and paid the city $25,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998469\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998469\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor London Breed speaks during a San Francisco mayoral debate with candidates Ahsha Safaí, former Mayor Mark Farrell, Daniel Lurie and Aaron Peskin at the Sydney Goldstein Theater on June 12, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The mayors backing the letter calling for an investigation into Farrell’s mayoral campaign have also all signaled their support for other candidates: Brown is backing incumbent Mayor London Breed, Agnos is backing Supervisor Aaron Peskin and Jordan is backing nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is silly season in San Francisco politics and voters should see right through this blatant coordinated attempt by my political opponents,” Farrell said. “Each of these former Mayors has endorsed one of my political opponents in this race, and this is nothing but pure political tactics, and it is shameful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason McDaniel, a political science professor at San Francisco State University, called the letter a “political hit” in the increasingly tense race. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are complaints we have been hearing from [Farrell’s] opponents for a couple of months now. The weaponization of ethics charges is a very common thing in San Francisco politics. I’m not saying it’s never called for, but I’ve seen it in about every campaign,” McDaniel said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s possible that Mark Farrell has opened himself up to this — there has been a slow drip of these stories,” he added. “But this letter is obviously designed to affect the campaign and we need to be careful of what actual ethics processes play out.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the mayors, former City Attorney Louise Renne, former Supervisor Angela Alioto, former state Sen. Mark Leno, retired Judge Quentin Kopp, and attorneys John Keker and Randy Knox signed the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco won’t see the change it desperately needs by replacing one corrupt City Hall insider with another,” said campaign consultant Tyler Law in a campaign email for Lurie responding to the letter. “They built and exploited a corrupt bureaucracy, and now they’re telling voters they’re the only ones that can fix it. San Franciscans aren’t buying it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Willie Brown and other former mayors and city officials allege that Farrell, a former mayor, is “willfully violating election law” by using money meant for Proposition D.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:45 p.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> mayors Willie Brown, Art Agnos, Frank Jordan and other retired city officials are calling for an investigation into \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mark-farrell\">Mark Farrell\u003c/a>’s campaign financing for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine former city officials and attorneys signed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25194924-da_ag-farrell-investigation-letter\">letter\u003c/a> submitted to the San Francisco district attorney and state attorney general, outlining ethical lapses that Farrell, a former interim mayor and supervisor, has been accused of in his current bid for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter comes amid escalating tensions and political hits in the race as polling shows no clear front-runner with election day just four weeks away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We urge you to investigate and take action now before the election,” the letter reads. “If you fail to act promptly, Mark Farrell will have exploited inaction by ethics officials and law enforcement authorities alike to unlawfully funnel hundreds of thousands of dollars into his campaign for mayor and perhaps prevail as a result.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell has faced a series of ethics complaints around his campaign’s finances, most recently around \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004858/san-francisco-democratic-party-accuses-farrell-of-misleading-voters-with-prop-d-ad\">his affiliation with Proposition D\u003c/a>, which aims to slash the number of city commissions. The measure was proposed by the moderate political organizing group TogetherSF, which is also endorsing Farrell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individual campaign donations to candidates are capped at $500, but those limits don’t apply to ballot measures. Proposition D has raised millions of dollars from tech billionaires like Michael Moritz, and opponents allege that Farrell is using the funding intended for the ballot measure to boost his mayoral campaign by appearing in commercials and mailers for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former supervisor has defended his strategies, saying they are legal and were reviewed by his legal team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I became the frontrunner for Mayor, my opponents started attacking me because they know that I have the courage and experience to make the tough choices to turn San Francisco around after six years of failed leadership,” Farrell said in a statement. “I lead both campaigns and make no apologies about it. I have disclosed everything from the beginning. Every penny for our shared expenses has been accounted for and disclosed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his bid for supervisor in 2010, Farrell was hit with the city’s largest ethics fine to date — $191,000 for alleged illegal coordination with an independent expenditure committee. He later settled and paid the city $25,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998469\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998469\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor London Breed speaks during a San Francisco mayoral debate with candidates Ahsha Safaí, former Mayor Mark Farrell, Daniel Lurie and Aaron Peskin at the Sydney Goldstein Theater on June 12, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The mayors backing the letter calling for an investigation into Farrell’s mayoral campaign have also all signaled their support for other candidates: Brown is backing incumbent Mayor London Breed, Agnos is backing Supervisor Aaron Peskin and Jordan is backing nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is silly season in San Francisco politics and voters should see right through this blatant coordinated attempt by my political opponents,” Farrell said. “Each of these former Mayors has endorsed one of my political opponents in this race, and this is nothing but pure political tactics, and it is shameful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason McDaniel, a political science professor at San Francisco State University, called the letter a “political hit” in the increasingly tense race. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are complaints we have been hearing from [Farrell’s] opponents for a couple of months now. The weaponization of ethics charges is a very common thing in San Francisco politics. I’m not saying it’s never called for, but I’ve seen it in about every campaign,” McDaniel said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s possible that Mark Farrell has opened himself up to this — there has been a slow drip of these stories,” he added. “But this letter is obviously designed to affect the campaign and we need to be careful of what actual ethics processes play out.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the mayors, former City Attorney Louise Renne, former Supervisor Angela Alioto, former state Sen. Mark Leno, retired Judge Quentin Kopp, and attorneys John Keker and Randy Knox signed the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco won’t see the change it desperately needs by replacing one corrupt City Hall insider with another,” said campaign consultant Tyler Law in a campaign email for Lurie responding to the letter. “They built and exploited a corrupt bureaucracy, and now they’re telling voters they’re the only ones that can fix it. San Franciscans aren’t buying it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-meta-brings-in-millions-off-political-violence",
"title": "How Meta Brings in Millions Off Political Violence",
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"headTitle": "How Meta Brings in Millions Off Political Violence | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After the attempted assassination of Donald Trump in July, the merchandise started showing up on Facebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump, fist in the air, face bloodied from a bullet, appeared on everything. Coffee mugs. Hawaiian shirts. Trading cards. Commemorative coins. Heart ornaments. Ads for these products used images captured at the scene by \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/14/arts/design/trump-photo-raised-fist.html\">Doug Mills\u003c/a> for the New York Times and \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2024/07/trump-assassination-attempt-evan-vucci/679011/\">Evan Vucci\u003c/a> for the Associated Press, showing Trump yelling “fight” after the shooting. The Trump campaign itself even \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/?id=513229838128846\">offered some gear\u003c/a> commemorating his survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Secret Service drew scrutiny and law enforcement searched for a motive, online advertisers saw a business opportunity in the moment, pumping out Facebook ads to supporters hungry for merch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008148\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008148\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-800x1298.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1298\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-800x1298.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup ran a simple search of Meta’s Ad Library and found ads for merchandise related to Trump’s assassination attempt.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 10 weeks after the shooting, advertisers paid Meta between $593,000 and $813,000 for political ads that explicitly mentioned the assassination attempt, according to The Markup’s analysis. (Meta provides only estimates of spending and reach for ads in its database.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Facebook itself \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/06/technology/myanmar-facebook.html\">has acknowledged\u003c/a> that polarizing content and misinformation on its platform has incited real-life violence. An analysis by CalMatters and The Markup found that the reverse is also true: real-world violence can sometimes open new revenue opportunities for Meta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the spending on assassination ads represents a sliver of Meta’s $100 billion-plus ad revenue, the company also builds its bottom line when tragedies like war and mass shootings occur, in the United States and beyond. After the October 7th attack on Israel last year and the country’s response in Gaza, Meta saw a major increase in dollars spent related to the conflict, according to our review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech advocacy groups and others question whether Facebook should even profit from violence and whether its ability to do so violates the company’s own principles of not calling for violence. The company said advertisers often respond to current events and that ads that run on its platform are reviewed and must meet the company’s standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you count all of the political ads mentioning Israel since the attack through the last week of September, organizations and individuals paid Meta between $14.8 million and $22.1 million for ads seen between 1.5 billion and 1.7 billion times on Meta’s platforms. Meta made much less for ads mentioning Israel during the same period the year before: between $2.4 million and $4 million for ads that were seen between 373 million and 445 million times. At the high end of Meta’s estimates, this was a 450% increase in Israel-related ad dollars for the company. (In our analysis, we converted foreign currency purchases to current U.S. dollars.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12008173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28%E2%80%AFPM-scaled-e1728171034139.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1331\" height=\"844\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139.jpg 1331w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-800x507.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-160x101.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1331px) 100vw, 1331px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a lobbying group that promotes Israel, was the major spender on ads mentioning Israel. In the six months after October 7th, its spending increased more than 300% over the previous six months, to between $1.8 million and $2.7 million, as the organization peppered Facebook and Instagram with ads defending Israel’s actions in Gaza and pressuring politicians to support the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the war has roiled the region, AIPAC paid Meta about as much for ads in the 15 weeks following October 7th as the entire year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our effort is directed to encouraging pro-Israel Americans to stand with our democratic ally as it battles Iranian proxies in the aftermath of the barbaric Hamas attack of October 7th,” Marshall Wittmann, a spokesperson for AIPAC, said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(See the data on our \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/the-markup/investigation-meta-political-violence-ads\">Github repo\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008154\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-800x1298.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1298\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-800x1298.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup ran a simple search of Meta’s Ad Library and found ads for merchandise related to Trump’s assassination attempt.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other ad campaigns mentioning Israel supported different sides of the conflict. Doctors Without Borders, for example, used advertising to highlight the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Other ads defended and promoted Israel. The Christian Broadcasting Network tied the October 7th attack to a claim in an ad that Iran’s “final, deadly goal” was “to establish a modern caliphate—an Islamic-founded, tyrannical government—across the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta, the parent company of Facebook and Instagram, takes in the vast majority of its revenue \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/dereksaul/2023/10/25/meta-earnings-record-profits-sales-as-ads-stay-robust-during-zuckerbergs-year-of-efficiency/\">from targeted advertising\u003c/a>. The company tracks users online to profile their habits and, when a business or organization wants to reach them, lets those businesses pay to send ads to people who might be interested. Those ads might be tied to something perfectly wholesome, like gardening. But the company’s algorithms don’t distinguish between simple hobbies and something darker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta spokesperson Tracy Clayton said in an emailed statement that Meta did not ultimately profit from political violence, as advertisers broadly back away from advertising during times of strife for fear their ads will be promoted alongside news of the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clayton noted Meta’s chief financial officer recently said on an earnings call that it is “hard for us to attribute demand softness directly to any specific geopolitical event” but had seen lower ad spending “correlating with the start of the conflict” in the Middle East, and had seen similar at the start of the war in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Advertisers responding to current events are nothing new, and it’s seen across the media landscape, including on television, radio, and online news outlets,” Clayton said. “All ads that run on our platform must go through a review process and adhere to our advertising and community standards, and Meta offers an extra layer of transparency by making them publicly available in our Ad Library.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters and The Markup used Meta’s own tools to calculate how much Meta makes from spikes in advertising when instances of political violence happen, reviewing thousands of ads through both manual review and with the assistance of \u003ca href=\"https://www.llama.com/\">an AI model\u003c/a> offered by Meta itself. (We also made improvements to Meta Research’s scripts for accessing the Ad Library API, and \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/the-markup/Ad-Library-API-Script-Repository/\">we’re sharing our changes\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To examine the assassination attempt merchandise, we ran a simple search of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/\">Meta’s Ad Library\u003c/a> for ads that mentioned “assassination,” including any in our analysis that also mentioned “Trump” and hundreds of others that didn’t mention the former president by name but were clearly related to the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“First they jail him, now they try to end him,” one ad read. A conspiratorial ad for a commemorative two-dollar bill claimed “the assassination attempt was their Plan B,” while “Plan A was to make Biden abandon the presidential campaign.” Some ads used clips from the film JFK to suggest an unseen, malevolent force was at work in the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008157\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008157\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-800x1576.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1576\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-800x1576.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-160x315.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-780x1536.jpg 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup found that gun advocates used the presidential assassination attempt to promote products and services on Facebook, including this advertisement for a firearms safety course.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gun advocates paid for ads, using the assassination attempt as a foreboding call to action. One ad promoting a firearms safety course noted that “November is fast approaching.” A clothing business said in an ad that, since “the government can’t save you” from foreign enemies, Americans “need to be self-reliant, self-made, and self-sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because when those bullets zip by, you are clearly on your own,” the ad read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those ads did not appear to violate Meta’s policies, although some may have broken its \u003ca href=\"https://transparency.meta.com/policies/community-standards/violence-incitement/\">ban against\u003c/a> showing weapons while alleging “election-related corruption.” But even the ones that didn’t clearly violate Meta’s rules still place the company in an uncomfortable position, as the business takes in advertising dollars from posts tied to grim news cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO Mark Zuckerberg himself commented on the first Trump assassination attempt, saying \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-07-19/mark-zuckerberg-calls-donald-trump-badass-without-endorsing-for-president\">in an interview\u003c/a> that it was “one of the most badass things I’ve ever seen in my life.” Trump has now survived a second apparent assassination attempt, and Zuckerberg’s company has made millions of dollars through political advertising tied to these and other violent acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Paul, director of the Tech Transparency Project, a nonprofit advocacy organization, said “it’s not a surprise” that ads around political violence would pop up after incidents “if Meta is not making any effort even on a good day to effectively enforce their policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s huge problems with their advertising broadly,” she said. “They’re profiting off of a lot of harmful things, really without any sort of repercussions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Trump-fueled business and cash from war\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many businesses paying for the assassination ads sold pro-Trump gear before the shooting — and some might have spent a similar amount on ads if the shooting never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for some, the assassination attempt effectively became an entire business strategy, according to the review of Meta advertising data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A clothing company called Red First, which offers everything from customized shirts for pet owners to flags saying “Hillary belongs in prison,” offered assassination-related merchandise through a network of pages with names like 50 Stars Nation and Red White and Blue Zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company, which operates in California and Vietnam, according to Meta’s required disclosures, has spent more than $1.8 million since February 2023 to promote ads through its various pages. But in the wake of the shooting, the company pivoted to merchandise around the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008160\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-800x1571.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1571\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-800x1571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-160x314.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-782x1536.jpg 782w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup found that gun advocates used the presidential assassination attempt to promote products and services on Facebook, including this advertisement for a firearms safety course.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Red First’s ads were relatively innocuous compared to some that sprang up after the shooting – they promoted Trump, not the shooting, and not the idea of retaliation for it. One shirt showed an illustration of Trump, middle fingers in the air, and the words “you missed bigly.” The company has also offered Kamala Harris merchandise, recently launching a page dedicated to it as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ads related to the shooting simultaneously sold products, promoted Trump, and let Meta reap advertising cash from the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the thousands of ads posted by the company didn’t explicitly use the word “assassination,” but clearly referenced the event in other ways, using slogans like “he will overcome,” “fight fight fight,” “legends never die,” and “shooting makes me stronger.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To suss out which ads were related to the shooting, we reviewed more than 4,200 ads from the company’s different pages with the assistance of a large language model \u003ca href=\"https://www.llama.com/\">named Llama\u003c/a>, a Meta AI model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We programmed the model to evaluate the text of each ad to determine whether it was related to the assassination attempt, then manually reviewed hundreds of its classifications to ensure it was working as expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After our review, we determined that more than 2,600 of those more than 4,200 ads were related to the assassination attempt. The total Red First paid to Meta in the 10 weeks after the shooting for those ads: between $473,000 and $798,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Red First lists a phone number and street address in Southern California, but didn’t respond to phone or email, and the listed address is for a mail-opening service.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The NRA and violent ads around the globe\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The advocacy organization the Tech Transparency Project has charted how the National Rifle Association has \u003ca href=\"https://www.techtransparencyproject.org/articles/profiting-from-tragedy\">paid to promote pro-gun views\u003c/a> on Meta and Google’s ad platforms after mass shootings. Despite calls from tech company executives for gun control, those companies profit from NRA spending that spikes after shootings, the group has pointed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the mass school shooting in Parkland, Fla., the NRA increased its spending on Google and Facebook ads, the Tech Transparency Project noted in one report. In 2018, the year of the shooting, Meta received “more than $2 million in advertising fees from the NRA starting in May of that year,” the report found, which also found that “NRA ad spending reached its highest levels on Google and soared on Facebook” following a week of mass shootings the following year that left dozens of people dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.techtransparencyproject.org/articles/how-facebook-profits-insurrection\">Just days\u003c/a> before the January 6th insurrection, the Tech Transparency Project found that Meta hosted ads offering gun holsters and rifle accessories in far-right Facebook groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Internationally, Meta has often lapsed in its pledge to keep violent content off its platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta’s ad policies forbid calling for violence. But when faced with crucial tests of its content moderation practices, the company has repeatedly failed to detect and remove inflammatory ads. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/06/technology/myanmar-facebook.html\">A 2018 report\u003c/a>, commissioned by Facebook itself, found that its platform had been used to incite violence in Myanmar, and that the company hadn’t done enough to prevent it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alia Al Ghussain, a researcher on technology issues at Amnesty International, said that as troubling as some ads might be in English, ads in other languages may be even more likely to pass Meta’s content moderation. “In most of the non-English-speaking world, Facebook doesn’t have the resources that it needs to moderate the content on the platform effectively and safely,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite later admitting responsibility for violence in Myanmar, the company continues to be faulted for gaps in its international moderation work. Another advocacy organization found in a test that the company approved calls for \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/jun/09/facebook-hate-speech-test-fail-meta\">the murder of ethnic groups in Ethiopia\u003c/a>. More recently, a similar test by \u003ca href=\"https://theintercept.com/2023/11/21/facebook-ad-israel-palestine-violence/\">an advocacy organization found\u003c/a> that ads explicitly calling for violence against Palestinians—a flagrant violation of Meta’s rules—were still approved to run by the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ads which are presenting a risk of stoking tension or spreading misinformation are being approved in the US, in English, it really makes me fearful for what is happening in other countries in non-English-speaking languages,” Al Ghussain said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/colin-lecher/\">Colin Lecher\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/tomas-apodaca/\">Tomas Apodaca\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After the attempted assassination of Donald Trump in July, the merchandise started showing up on Facebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump, fist in the air, face bloodied from a bullet, appeared on everything. Coffee mugs. Hawaiian shirts. Trading cards. Commemorative coins. Heart ornaments. Ads for these products used images captured at the scene by \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/14/arts/design/trump-photo-raised-fist.html\">Doug Mills\u003c/a> for the New York Times and \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2024/07/trump-assassination-attempt-evan-vucci/679011/\">Evan Vucci\u003c/a> for the Associated Press, showing Trump yelling “fight” after the shooting. The Trump campaign itself even \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/?id=513229838128846\">offered some gear\u003c/a> commemorating his survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Secret Service drew scrutiny and law enforcement searched for a motive, online advertisers saw a business opportunity in the moment, pumping out Facebook ads to supporters hungry for merch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008148\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008148\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-800x1298.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1298\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-800x1298.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup ran a simple search of Meta’s Ad Library and found ads for merchandise related to Trump’s assassination attempt.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 10 weeks after the shooting, advertisers paid Meta between $593,000 and $813,000 for political ads that explicitly mentioned the assassination attempt, according to The Markup’s analysis. (Meta provides only estimates of spending and reach for ads in its database.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Facebook itself \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/06/technology/myanmar-facebook.html\">has acknowledged\u003c/a> that polarizing content and misinformation on its platform has incited real-life violence. An analysis by CalMatters and The Markup found that the reverse is also true: real-world violence can sometimes open new revenue opportunities for Meta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the spending on assassination ads represents a sliver of Meta’s $100 billion-plus ad revenue, the company also builds its bottom line when tragedies like war and mass shootings occur, in the United States and beyond. After the October 7th attack on Israel last year and the country’s response in Gaza, Meta saw a major increase in dollars spent related to the conflict, according to our review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech advocacy groups and others question whether Facebook should even profit from violence and whether its ability to do so violates the company’s own principles of not calling for violence. The company said advertisers often respond to current events and that ads that run on its platform are reviewed and must meet the company’s standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you count all of the political ads mentioning Israel since the attack through the last week of September, organizations and individuals paid Meta between $14.8 million and $22.1 million for ads seen between 1.5 billion and 1.7 billion times on Meta’s platforms. Meta made much less for ads mentioning Israel during the same period the year before: between $2.4 million and $4 million for ads that were seen between 373 million and 445 million times. At the high end of Meta’s estimates, this was a 450% increase in Israel-related ad dollars for the company. (In our analysis, we converted foreign currency purchases to current U.S. dollars.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12008173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28%E2%80%AFPM-scaled-e1728171034139.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1331\" height=\"844\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139.jpg 1331w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-800x507.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-160x101.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1331px) 100vw, 1331px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a lobbying group that promotes Israel, was the major spender on ads mentioning Israel. In the six months after October 7th, its spending increased more than 300% over the previous six months, to between $1.8 million and $2.7 million, as the organization peppered Facebook and Instagram with ads defending Israel’s actions in Gaza and pressuring politicians to support the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the war has roiled the region, AIPAC paid Meta about as much for ads in the 15 weeks following October 7th as the entire year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our effort is directed to encouraging pro-Israel Americans to stand with our democratic ally as it battles Iranian proxies in the aftermath of the barbaric Hamas attack of October 7th,” Marshall Wittmann, a spokesperson for AIPAC, said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(See the data on our \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/the-markup/investigation-meta-political-violence-ads\">Github repo\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008154\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-800x1298.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1298\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-800x1298.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup ran a simple search of Meta’s Ad Library and found ads for merchandise related to Trump’s assassination attempt.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other ad campaigns mentioning Israel supported different sides of the conflict. Doctors Without Borders, for example, used advertising to highlight the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Other ads defended and promoted Israel. The Christian Broadcasting Network tied the October 7th attack to a claim in an ad that Iran’s “final, deadly goal” was “to establish a modern caliphate—an Islamic-founded, tyrannical government—across the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta, the parent company of Facebook and Instagram, takes in the vast majority of its revenue \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/dereksaul/2023/10/25/meta-earnings-record-profits-sales-as-ads-stay-robust-during-zuckerbergs-year-of-efficiency/\">from targeted advertising\u003c/a>. The company tracks users online to profile their habits and, when a business or organization wants to reach them, lets those businesses pay to send ads to people who might be interested. Those ads might be tied to something perfectly wholesome, like gardening. But the company’s algorithms don’t distinguish between simple hobbies and something darker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta spokesperson Tracy Clayton said in an emailed statement that Meta did not ultimately profit from political violence, as advertisers broadly back away from advertising during times of strife for fear their ads will be promoted alongside news of the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clayton noted Meta’s chief financial officer recently said on an earnings call that it is “hard for us to attribute demand softness directly to any specific geopolitical event” but had seen lower ad spending “correlating with the start of the conflict” in the Middle East, and had seen similar at the start of the war in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Advertisers responding to current events are nothing new, and it’s seen across the media landscape, including on television, radio, and online news outlets,” Clayton said. “All ads that run on our platform must go through a review process and adhere to our advertising and community standards, and Meta offers an extra layer of transparency by making them publicly available in our Ad Library.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters and The Markup used Meta’s own tools to calculate how much Meta makes from spikes in advertising when instances of political violence happen, reviewing thousands of ads through both manual review and with the assistance of \u003ca href=\"https://www.llama.com/\">an AI model\u003c/a> offered by Meta itself. (We also made improvements to Meta Research’s scripts for accessing the Ad Library API, and \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/the-markup/Ad-Library-API-Script-Repository/\">we’re sharing our changes\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To examine the assassination attempt merchandise, we ran a simple search of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/\">Meta’s Ad Library\u003c/a> for ads that mentioned “assassination,” including any in our analysis that also mentioned “Trump” and hundreds of others that didn’t mention the former president by name but were clearly related to the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“First they jail him, now they try to end him,” one ad read. A conspiratorial ad for a commemorative two-dollar bill claimed “the assassination attempt was their Plan B,” while “Plan A was to make Biden abandon the presidential campaign.” Some ads used clips from the film JFK to suggest an unseen, malevolent force was at work in the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008157\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008157\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-800x1576.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1576\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-800x1576.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-160x315.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-780x1536.jpg 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup found that gun advocates used the presidential assassination attempt to promote products and services on Facebook, including this advertisement for a firearms safety course.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gun advocates paid for ads, using the assassination attempt as a foreboding call to action. One ad promoting a firearms safety course noted that “November is fast approaching.” A clothing business said in an ad that, since “the government can’t save you” from foreign enemies, Americans “need to be self-reliant, self-made, and self-sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because when those bullets zip by, you are clearly on your own,” the ad read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those ads did not appear to violate Meta’s policies, although some may have broken its \u003ca href=\"https://transparency.meta.com/policies/community-standards/violence-incitement/\">ban against\u003c/a> showing weapons while alleging “election-related corruption.” But even the ones that didn’t clearly violate Meta’s rules still place the company in an uncomfortable position, as the business takes in advertising dollars from posts tied to grim news cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO Mark Zuckerberg himself commented on the first Trump assassination attempt, saying \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-07-19/mark-zuckerberg-calls-donald-trump-badass-without-endorsing-for-president\">in an interview\u003c/a> that it was “one of the most badass things I’ve ever seen in my life.” Trump has now survived a second apparent assassination attempt, and Zuckerberg’s company has made millions of dollars through political advertising tied to these and other violent acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Paul, director of the Tech Transparency Project, a nonprofit advocacy organization, said “it’s not a surprise” that ads around political violence would pop up after incidents “if Meta is not making any effort even on a good day to effectively enforce their policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s huge problems with their advertising broadly,” she said. “They’re profiting off of a lot of harmful things, really without any sort of repercussions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Trump-fueled business and cash from war\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many businesses paying for the assassination ads sold pro-Trump gear before the shooting — and some might have spent a similar amount on ads if the shooting never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for some, the assassination attempt effectively became an entire business strategy, according to the review of Meta advertising data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A clothing company called Red First, which offers everything from customized shirts for pet owners to flags saying “Hillary belongs in prison,” offered assassination-related merchandise through a network of pages with names like 50 Stars Nation and Red White and Blue Zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company, which operates in California and Vietnam, according to Meta’s required disclosures, has spent more than $1.8 million since February 2023 to promote ads through its various pages. But in the wake of the shooting, the company pivoted to merchandise around the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008160\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-800x1571.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1571\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-800x1571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-160x314.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-782x1536.jpg 782w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup found that gun advocates used the presidential assassination attempt to promote products and services on Facebook, including this advertisement for a firearms safety course.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Red First’s ads were relatively innocuous compared to some that sprang up after the shooting – they promoted Trump, not the shooting, and not the idea of retaliation for it. One shirt showed an illustration of Trump, middle fingers in the air, and the words “you missed bigly.” The company has also offered Kamala Harris merchandise, recently launching a page dedicated to it as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ads related to the shooting simultaneously sold products, promoted Trump, and let Meta reap advertising cash from the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the thousands of ads posted by the company didn’t explicitly use the word “assassination,” but clearly referenced the event in other ways, using slogans like “he will overcome,” “fight fight fight,” “legends never die,” and “shooting makes me stronger.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To suss out which ads were related to the shooting, we reviewed more than 4,200 ads from the company’s different pages with the assistance of a large language model \u003ca href=\"https://www.llama.com/\">named Llama\u003c/a>, a Meta AI model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We programmed the model to evaluate the text of each ad to determine whether it was related to the assassination attempt, then manually reviewed hundreds of its classifications to ensure it was working as expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After our review, we determined that more than 2,600 of those more than 4,200 ads were related to the assassination attempt. The total Red First paid to Meta in the 10 weeks after the shooting for those ads: between $473,000 and $798,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Red First lists a phone number and street address in Southern California, but didn’t respond to phone or email, and the listed address is for a mail-opening service.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The NRA and violent ads around the globe\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The advocacy organization the Tech Transparency Project has charted how the National Rifle Association has \u003ca href=\"https://www.techtransparencyproject.org/articles/profiting-from-tragedy\">paid to promote pro-gun views\u003c/a> on Meta and Google’s ad platforms after mass shootings. Despite calls from tech company executives for gun control, those companies profit from NRA spending that spikes after shootings, the group has pointed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the mass school shooting in Parkland, Fla., the NRA increased its spending on Google and Facebook ads, the Tech Transparency Project noted in one report. In 2018, the year of the shooting, Meta received “more than $2 million in advertising fees from the NRA starting in May of that year,” the report found, which also found that “NRA ad spending reached its highest levels on Google and soared on Facebook” following a week of mass shootings the following year that left dozens of people dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.techtransparencyproject.org/articles/how-facebook-profits-insurrection\">Just days\u003c/a> before the January 6th insurrection, the Tech Transparency Project found that Meta hosted ads offering gun holsters and rifle accessories in far-right Facebook groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Internationally, Meta has often lapsed in its pledge to keep violent content off its platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta’s ad policies forbid calling for violence. But when faced with crucial tests of its content moderation practices, the company has repeatedly failed to detect and remove inflammatory ads. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/06/technology/myanmar-facebook.html\">A 2018 report\u003c/a>, commissioned by Facebook itself, found that its platform had been used to incite violence in Myanmar, and that the company hadn’t done enough to prevent it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alia Al Ghussain, a researcher on technology issues at Amnesty International, said that as troubling as some ads might be in English, ads in other languages may be even more likely to pass Meta’s content moderation. “In most of the non-English-speaking world, Facebook doesn’t have the resources that it needs to moderate the content on the platform effectively and safely,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite later admitting responsibility for violence in Myanmar, the company continues to be faulted for gaps in its international moderation work. Another advocacy organization found in a test that the company approved calls for \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/jun/09/facebook-hate-speech-test-fail-meta\">the murder of ethnic groups in Ethiopia\u003c/a>. More recently, a similar test by \u003ca href=\"https://theintercept.com/2023/11/21/facebook-ad-israel-palestine-violence/\">an advocacy organization found\u003c/a> that ads explicitly calling for violence against Palestinians—a flagrant violation of Meta’s rules—were still approved to run by the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ads which are presenting a risk of stoking tension or spreading misinformation are being approved in the US, in English, it really makes me fearful for what is happening in other countries in non-English-speaking languages,” Al Ghussain said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ten years ago, Alley Bean joined 3.7 million Californians in voting for a measure that downgraded many nonviolent felony crimes to misdemeanors, such as petty shoplifting and drug use, hoping it would lead to a more equitable criminal justice system and help end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then she has seen an increase in crime in her beloved Venice neighborhood of Los Angeles, with some homes robbed in broad daylight. Meanwhile the sidewalks are occupied by tents of homeless people and dotted with people passed out from drugs. The opioid crisis touched her personally when she lost her 25-year-old granddaughter Zelly Rose to a fentanyl poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought there was going to be rehabilitation” with criminal justice reform, said Bean, a lifelong Democrat. “I didn’t think there was going to be no consequences.”[aside postID='elections_1915' label='2024 Voter Guide: California Propositions' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california']A decade after Proposition 47 passed, Bean’s grievances are increasingly shared by Californians, with smash-and-grab store thefts captured on videos that go viral feeding a sense that the state has become lawless. And more and more, voters are pinning the blame for that on efforts to advance criminal justice reform, Proposition 47 and progressive district attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue has resulted in some tight races this year up and down the solidly blue state for Democratic and progressive \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/retail-theft-california-politics-house-congress-eeb499ed4e18443e5d252645b7c373f7\">members of Congress\u003c/a>, mayors and district attorneys who are up for reelection. And a new statewide measure on the ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, would partly roll back the 2014 law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The criminal justice reform, critics say, has been a failed social experiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after San Francisco voters ousted one of the first reform-minded prosecutors elected to office, voters across the bay in Oakland will decide in November whether to recall another progressive district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the south in Los Angeles, District Attorney George Gascón, who co-authored Proposition 47 and won in election 2020 after protests and racial reckoning following the police killing of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/george-floyd\">George Floyd\u003c/a>, faces stiff competition from a former federal prosecutor who calls himself a “hard middle” candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Gascón has been one of the greatest gifts for gangs,” Nathan Hochman said at their recent debate, lambasting him for not pursuing a gang sentencing enhancement in the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/johnny-wactor-general-hospital-shooting-death-arrests-ecf5119619a1031ed1e860c371704abd\">high-profile killing\u003c/a> of “General Hospital” actor Johnny Wactor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón defends his record, saying the use of gang enhancements is historically \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/dd5643e358c3456dbe14c16ade03711d\">tinged with racial bias\u003c/a> and a special committee makes decisions on them on a case-by-case basis. His office says it prosecuted over 100,000 “serious crimes” in the last four years, a rate comparable to the previous decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón also has come under scrutiny for his office’s policy of not trying juveniles as adults, with critics pointing to cases of recidivism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include a man who at age 16 took part in a 2018 gas station robbery and was later released from a youth detention facility, only to be arrested and charged this April in connection with a homicide. Another, a 17-year-old gang member in 2019 who admitted to a double homicide and could have faced life in prison, was released last February and arrested months later in connection with a new killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hochman, a former Republican running as an independent, has raised nearly $4 million for his campaign, compared with $678,000 for Gascón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008115\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1698\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1536x1019.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-2048x1359.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1920x1274.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former federal prosecutor Republican candidate Nathan Hochman (left) and incumbent Democratic Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón speak during the 2024 Los Angeles County district attorney candidate forum in Los Angeles, Sunday, Sept. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Frustration over retail theft has pushed Gov. Gavin Newsom to champion \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-smash-grab-laws-6142f191e5229cf0682827a864a42c61\">a slate of bills\u003c/a> cracking down on serial offenders and auto thieves, but stopping short of making retail crimes felonies again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> goes further: It would make theft of any amount a felony if a person already has two theft convictions, lengthen some theft and drug felony sentences, make fentanyl possession a felony and require people with multiple drug charges to complete treatment or else serve time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters rejected a similar initiative in 2020, but this time around there is a bipartisan coalition backing Proposition 36. Over 180 Democratic elected officials, including 64 mayors, signed onto a campaign supporting the initiative last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also is endorsed by the California Chamber of Commerce and major retailers such as Walmart, Target and Home Depot. A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California found 71% of likely voters said they would vote yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for businesses and communities who are really on the front line of it,” said Jennifer Barrera, president of the California Chamber of Commerce. “I think that it will likely increase incarceration … but I do also hope and expect that it certainly will have an impact on reducing crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Prop 36, who include Newsom and Democratic legislative leaders, say it would take the state back to the policies of prosecuting a failed war on drugs and locking up tens of thousands of people, mostly Black and Hispanic, in overcrowded prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure could increase California’s 90,000-strong prison population by a few thousand and would cost tens of millions of dollars annually at both the state and county level, according to a Legislative Analyst’s Office report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would reduce drug and mental health funding that comes from savings from incarcerating fewer people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-two counties with no treatment beds would shoulder the financial burden under the measure, Newsom said. California is already thousands of beds short of being able to meet current demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know people are frustrated. I know people are angry. I am too,” the governor said at a recent news conference. “But this is not the way of solving it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is insufficient data quantifying retail crime in California, but many point to major store closures and everyday products like toothpaste being locked behind plexiglass as evidence of a crisis.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12007880,news_12005230,news_12004659\"]A recent report from the Public Policy Institute of California found a 16% increase in commercial burglaries between 2019 and 2022. However, the research showed reduced enforcement for property and drug offenses during the COVID-19 pandemic had a much greater impact on crime than Proposition 47, and it also found no evidence that changes in drug arrests led to any increase in crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salil Dudani, a senior attorney with the legal nonprofit Civil Rights Corp, said making misdemeanors felonies again will lead to more pre-trial jailing and in turn increase crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so destabilizing to a person’s life to pluck them out of their community … that they become more likely to commit crime,” Dudani said. “It undermines public safety to lock people up on low-level offenses, exactly like Prop 36 provides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That assertion is borne out by a 2017 Stanford Law Review study focusing on misdemeanors in Texas’ Harris County, which found that people jailed for even just a week were 32% more likely to commit a felony within 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many business owners say the current situation is unsustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aaron Cardoza, who owns Mobil Fits, used to run an affordable clothing shop in a historically Black neighborhood of Del Paso Heights in Sacramento. He closed it down and switched to online sales out of a van after the store was broken into six times in two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a lot, a lot of merchandise,” Cardoza said, while the thieves got only a “slap on the wrist” and were released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardoza said he supports Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ten years ago, Alley Bean joined 3.7 million Californians in voting for a measure that downgraded many nonviolent felony crimes to misdemeanors, such as petty shoplifting and drug use, hoping it would lead to a more equitable criminal justice system and help end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then she has seen an increase in crime in her beloved Venice neighborhood of Los Angeles, with some homes robbed in broad daylight. Meanwhile the sidewalks are occupied by tents of homeless people and dotted with people passed out from drugs. The opioid crisis touched her personally when she lost her 25-year-old granddaughter Zelly Rose to a fentanyl poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought there was going to be rehabilitation” with criminal justice reform, said Bean, a lifelong Democrat. “I didn’t think there was going to be no consequences.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A decade after Proposition 47 passed, Bean’s grievances are increasingly shared by Californians, with smash-and-grab store thefts captured on videos that go viral feeding a sense that the state has become lawless. And more and more, voters are pinning the blame for that on efforts to advance criminal justice reform, Proposition 47 and progressive district attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue has resulted in some tight races this year up and down the solidly blue state for Democratic and progressive \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/retail-theft-california-politics-house-congress-eeb499ed4e18443e5d252645b7c373f7\">members of Congress\u003c/a>, mayors and district attorneys who are up for reelection. And a new statewide measure on the ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, would partly roll back the 2014 law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The criminal justice reform, critics say, has been a failed social experiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after San Francisco voters ousted one of the first reform-minded prosecutors elected to office, voters across the bay in Oakland will decide in November whether to recall another progressive district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the south in Los Angeles, District Attorney George Gascón, who co-authored Proposition 47 and won in election 2020 after protests and racial reckoning following the police killing of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/george-floyd\">George Floyd\u003c/a>, faces stiff competition from a former federal prosecutor who calls himself a “hard middle” candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Gascón has been one of the greatest gifts for gangs,” Nathan Hochman said at their recent debate, lambasting him for not pursuing a gang sentencing enhancement in the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/johnny-wactor-general-hospital-shooting-death-arrests-ecf5119619a1031ed1e860c371704abd\">high-profile killing\u003c/a> of “General Hospital” actor Johnny Wactor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón defends his record, saying the use of gang enhancements is historically \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/dd5643e358c3456dbe14c16ade03711d\">tinged with racial bias\u003c/a> and a special committee makes decisions on them on a case-by-case basis. His office says it prosecuted over 100,000 “serious crimes” in the last four years, a rate comparable to the previous decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón also has come under scrutiny for his office’s policy of not trying juveniles as adults, with critics pointing to cases of recidivism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include a man who at age 16 took part in a 2018 gas station robbery and was later released from a youth detention facility, only to be arrested and charged this April in connection with a homicide. Another, a 17-year-old gang member in 2019 who admitted to a double homicide and could have faced life in prison, was released last February and arrested months later in connection with a new killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hochman, a former Republican running as an independent, has raised nearly $4 million for his campaign, compared with $678,000 for Gascón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008115\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1698\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1536x1019.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-2048x1359.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1920x1274.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former federal prosecutor Republican candidate Nathan Hochman (left) and incumbent Democratic Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón speak during the 2024 Los Angeles County district attorney candidate forum in Los Angeles, Sunday, Sept. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Frustration over retail theft has pushed Gov. Gavin Newsom to champion \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-smash-grab-laws-6142f191e5229cf0682827a864a42c61\">a slate of bills\u003c/a> cracking down on serial offenders and auto thieves, but stopping short of making retail crimes felonies again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> goes further: It would make theft of any amount a felony if a person already has two theft convictions, lengthen some theft and drug felony sentences, make fentanyl possession a felony and require people with multiple drug charges to complete treatment or else serve time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters rejected a similar initiative in 2020, but this time around there is a bipartisan coalition backing Proposition 36. Over 180 Democratic elected officials, including 64 mayors, signed onto a campaign supporting the initiative last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also is endorsed by the California Chamber of Commerce and major retailers such as Walmart, Target and Home Depot. A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California found 71% of likely voters said they would vote yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for businesses and communities who are really on the front line of it,” said Jennifer Barrera, president of the California Chamber of Commerce. “I think that it will likely increase incarceration … but I do also hope and expect that it certainly will have an impact on reducing crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Prop 36, who include Newsom and Democratic legislative leaders, say it would take the state back to the policies of prosecuting a failed war on drugs and locking up tens of thousands of people, mostly Black and Hispanic, in overcrowded prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure could increase California’s 90,000-strong prison population by a few thousand and would cost tens of millions of dollars annually at both the state and county level, according to a Legislative Analyst’s Office report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would reduce drug and mental health funding that comes from savings from incarcerating fewer people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-two counties with no treatment beds would shoulder the financial burden under the measure, Newsom said. California is already thousands of beds short of being able to meet current demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know people are frustrated. I know people are angry. I am too,” the governor said at a recent news conference. “But this is not the way of solving it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is insufficient data quantifying retail crime in California, but many point to major store closures and everyday products like toothpaste being locked behind plexiglass as evidence of a crisis.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A recent report from the Public Policy Institute of California found a 16% increase in commercial burglaries between 2019 and 2022. However, the research showed reduced enforcement for property and drug offenses during the COVID-19 pandemic had a much greater impact on crime than Proposition 47, and it also found no evidence that changes in drug arrests led to any increase in crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salil Dudani, a senior attorney with the legal nonprofit Civil Rights Corp, said making misdemeanors felonies again will lead to more pre-trial jailing and in turn increase crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so destabilizing to a person’s life to pluck them out of their community … that they become more likely to commit crime,” Dudani said. “It undermines public safety to lock people up on low-level offenses, exactly like Prop 36 provides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That assertion is borne out by a 2017 Stanford Law Review study focusing on misdemeanors in Texas’ Harris County, which found that people jailed for even just a week were 32% more likely to commit a felony within 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many business owners say the current situation is unsustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aaron Cardoza, who owns Mobil Fits, used to run an affordable clothing shop in a historically Black neighborhood of Del Paso Heights in Sacramento. He closed it down and switched to online sales out of a van after the store was broken into six times in two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a lot, a lot of merchandise,” Cardoza said, while the thieves got only a “slap on the wrist” and were released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardoza said he supports Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden told reporters on Friday that he was confident the election would be free and fair, but he said he was concerned about the potential for violence if former President Donald Trump again refused to accept the will of the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m confident it will be free and fair. I don’t know whether it’ll be peaceful,” Biden said during a surprise appearance at the White House daily briefing. “The things that Trump has said and the things that he said last time out when he didn’t like the outcome of the election were very dangerous.”[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]Biden noted that during \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/02/nx-s1-5135675/jd-vance-tim-walz-vp-debate-fact-check\">this week’s vice presidential debate\u003c/a>, Trump’s running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, would not say whether Trump would accept the outcome of the election. When asked if he and Trump would challenge the election results — even if every governor in the nation certified them — Vance demurred, saying he and Trump were “focused on the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know anything about what [Biden] said,” Trump told reporters in Georgia on Friday following the president’s remarks. “I only can hope that it’s going to be free and fair, and I think in this state it will be, and I hope in every state it will be, and I think we’re going to do very well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump often links himself winning with fairness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to reporters earlier this week, Trump said, “All I want is a fair election. That’s all. Just a fair, honest election. I hope we’re going to get that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when pressed on whether he trusts the process this year, he responded, “I’ll let you know in 33 days.” Two days later, in Michigan, Trump again lied about the results of the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We won. We won. We did win,” Trump said. “It was a rigged election. It was a rigged election. You have to tell Kamala Harris. That’s why I’m doing it again. If I’d thought I lost, I wouldn’t be doing this again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s remarks came during a week in which \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/02/nx-s1-5137303/trump-election-interference-jack-smith-immunity-jan-6\">a newly unsealed court filing\u003c/a> by special counsel Jack Smith offered perhaps the most detailed picture to date about the former president’s alleged efforts to overturn the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 165-page document, released Wednesday by the U.S. District judge presiding over the case, says that after Trump lost in 2020, he “resorted to crimes to try to stay in office” and “launched a series of increasingly desperate plans to overturn election results in seven states he had lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Biden noted that during \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/02/nx-s1-5135675/jd-vance-tim-walz-vp-debate-fact-check\">this week’s vice presidential debate\u003c/a>, Trump’s running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, would not say whether Trump would accept the outcome of the election. When asked if he and Trump would challenge the election results — even if every governor in the nation certified them — Vance demurred, saying he and Trump were “focused on the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know anything about what [Biden] said,” Trump told reporters in Georgia on Friday following the president’s remarks. “I only can hope that it’s going to be free and fair, and I think in this state it will be, and I hope in every state it will be, and I think we’re going to do very well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump often links himself winning with fairness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking to reporters earlier this week, Trump said, “All I want is a fair election. That’s all. Just a fair, honest election. I hope we’re going to get that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when pressed on whether he trusts the process this year, he responded, “I’ll let you know in 33 days.” Two days later, in Michigan, Trump again lied about the results of the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We won. We won. We did win,” Trump said. “It was a rigged election. It was a rigged election. You have to tell Kamala Harris. That’s why I’m doing it again. If I’d thought I lost, I wouldn’t be doing this again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s remarks came during a week in which \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/02/nx-s1-5137303/trump-election-interference-jack-smith-immunity-jan-6\">a newly unsealed court filing\u003c/a> by special counsel Jack Smith offered perhaps the most detailed picture to date about the former president’s alleged efforts to overturn the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 165-page document, released Wednesday by the U.S. District judge presiding over the case, says that after Trump lost in 2020, he “resorted to crimes to try to stay in office” and “launched a series of increasingly desperate plans to overturn election results in seven states he had lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:15 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Councilmember Omar Torres is denying all allegations against him after police executed a search warrant on his electronics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José police will only confirm they’re investigating a City Council member, but in a statement on official city letterhead, Torres said detectives detained and questioned him “regarding baseless allegations” on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Torres didn’t specify the allegations, police sources tell the \u003cem>Mercury News\u003c/em>, \u003cem>San José Spotlight\u003c/em> and \u003cem>NBC Bay Area\u003c/em> that they include alleged sexually explicit images of a minor in connection with travel to Chicago for the Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres rejected the foundation of the investigation, saying it stemmed from “misinformation provided to law enforcement” in “a clear act of retaliation” by someone whom he had reported to police for extortion and stalking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let me be absolutely clear — these accusations are entirely false,” Torres said in the statement. “I cooperated fully with SJPD and turned over my passwords without issue as I have nothing to hide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007485 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1020x573.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His attorney, Nelson McElmurry, told KQED that Torres was detained while police executed a search warrant on his electronics and has not been formally arrested. Torres expects a response from police on the investigation as soon as next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Understanding what they took and what they’re looking for, that does seem to be an appropriate timeline,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres was elected to the council in 2022. KQED reached out to his fellow council members, but those who responded declined to comment on the ongoing investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bkrans\">Brian Krans\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:15 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Councilmember Omar Torres is denying all allegations against him after police executed a search warrant on his electronics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José police will only confirm they’re investigating a City Council member, but in a statement on official city letterhead, Torres said detectives detained and questioned him “regarding baseless allegations” on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Torres didn’t specify the allegations, police sources tell the \u003cem>Mercury News\u003c/em>, \u003cem>San José Spotlight\u003c/em> and \u003cem>NBC Bay Area\u003c/em> that they include alleged sexually explicit images of a minor in connection with travel to Chicago for the Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres rejected the foundation of the investigation, saying it stemmed from “misinformation provided to law enforcement” in “a clear act of retaliation” by someone whom he had reported to police for extortion and stalking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let me be absolutely clear — these accusations are entirely false,” Torres said in the statement. “I cooperated fully with SJPD and turned over my passwords without issue as I have nothing to hide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His attorney, Nelson McElmurry, told KQED that Torres was detained while police executed a search warrant on his electronics and has not been formally arrested. Torres expects a response from police on the investigation as soon as next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Understanding what they took and what they’re looking for, that does seem to be an appropriate timeline,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres was elected to the council in 2022. KQED reached out to his fellow council members, but those who responded declined to comment on the ongoing investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bkrans\">Brian Krans\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Bay Area House Candidates Sam Liccardo, Evan Low Reschedule Debate for Oct. 11",
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"content": "\u003cp>The South Bay’s most anticipated political event of the year is on — again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressional hopefuls Evan Low and Sam Liccardo agreed late Thursday to debate on Oct. 11, one day after Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007347/former-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-drops-out-of-congressional-debate\">withdrew from Wednesday’s debate\u003c/a>, citing laryngitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rescheduled debate, hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48, comes amid an escalating war of words between the campaigns. The \u003ca href=\"https://stage.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district\">two Democrats are vying for a coveted Bay Area House seat\u003c/a>, currently held by outgoing Rep. Anna Eshoo. The winner will hold a safe Democratic seat that stretches from Pacifica to Los Gatos and will be an essential voice on issues important to Silicon Valley in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977963/liccardo-leads-south-bay-house-primary-simitian-confident-hell-make-general-election\">finished first in the March primary\u003c/a>. He led Low, a state Assemblymember, in a late September poll from \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races/\">USC, Cal State Long Beach and Cal Poly Pomona\u003c/a>. Low \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984495/evan-low-takes-second-place-in-silicon-valley-congressional-race-after-recount-breaks-historic-tie\">advanced to the general election after a controversial recount\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">funded by Liccardo supporters\u003c/a>, over Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent days, Low and his allies have increased their attacks on Liccardo, aiming for Liccardo’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/40879/just-how-bad-is-san-joses-budget-situation-really\">support for public employee pension reform and the decline in police staffing\u003c/a> that occurred while Liccardo was on the San José City Council. Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936268/were-finally-paving-our-streets-exit-interview-with-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo\">has touted the city’s fiscal recovery\u003c/a> and increased police staffing during his two terms as mayor, from 2015-2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sam Liccardo has been hiding ever since San José firefighters and police officers condemned him for attacking first responders and harming public safety,” Lindsey Cobia, Low’s campaign manager, said in a statement. “This debate will be the first chance for Sam to come clean to voters about his anti-police and firefighter record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s camp has trumpeted a campaign finance complaint filed by a voting rights group against Low, alleging he improperly used money raised to run for re-election to the Legislature to instead boost his Congressional campaign. Low’s campaign has called the complaint meritless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district,Learn about the U.S. House of Representatives, District 16 Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s decision to pull out from Wednesday’s debate brought a new round of broadsides from Low’s campaign. Cobia called the move “extremely suspicious,” and Low jabbed Liccardo for “making a speedy recovery” in a social media post that included a screenshot with information about a Saturday campaign event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s campaign said he would not be speaking and would find other ways to communicate with attendees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did not cancel. We moved the debate one week because Sam lost his voice,” Liccardo spokesperson Gil Rubinstein said. “Evan Low is trying to distract you from recent reporting that he is illegally spending $1.6 million from an account funded by corporations that could never legally contribute to a federal congressional race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Liccardo campaign provided KQED with a copy of his medical records that appeared to show he was prescribed a corticosteroid medication to treat laryngitis and was recommended five to seven days of voice rest by a doctor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Liccardo posted on X that he was “following doctors’ orders and will not be doing any public speaking until my voice is better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the meantime, we’re finding innovative ways of communicating with residents at meet-and-greets through the use of technology,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The one-hour debate will be broadcast live on NBC Bay Area and KQED Public Radio at 7 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The South Bay’s most anticipated political event of the year is on — again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressional hopefuls Evan Low and Sam Liccardo agreed late Thursday to debate on Oct. 11, one day after Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007347/former-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-drops-out-of-congressional-debate\">withdrew from Wednesday’s debate\u003c/a>, citing laryngitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rescheduled debate, hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48, comes amid an escalating war of words between the campaigns. The \u003ca href=\"https://stage.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district\">two Democrats are vying for a coveted Bay Area House seat\u003c/a>, currently held by outgoing Rep. Anna Eshoo. The winner will hold a safe Democratic seat that stretches from Pacifica to Los Gatos and will be an essential voice on issues important to Silicon Valley in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977963/liccardo-leads-south-bay-house-primary-simitian-confident-hell-make-general-election\">finished first in the March primary\u003c/a>. He led Low, a state Assemblymember, in a late September poll from \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races/\">USC, Cal State Long Beach and Cal Poly Pomona\u003c/a>. Low \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984495/evan-low-takes-second-place-in-silicon-valley-congressional-race-after-recount-breaks-historic-tie\">advanced to the general election after a controversial recount\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">funded by Liccardo supporters\u003c/a>, over Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent days, Low and his allies have increased their attacks on Liccardo, aiming for Liccardo’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/40879/just-how-bad-is-san-joses-budget-situation-really\">support for public employee pension reform and the decline in police staffing\u003c/a> that occurred while Liccardo was on the San José City Council. Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936268/were-finally-paving-our-streets-exit-interview-with-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo\">has touted the city’s fiscal recovery\u003c/a> and increased police staffing during his two terms as mayor, from 2015-2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sam Liccardo has been hiding ever since San José firefighters and police officers condemned him for attacking first responders and harming public safety,” Lindsey Cobia, Low’s campaign manager, said in a statement. “This debate will be the first chance for Sam to come clean to voters about his anti-police and firefighter record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s camp has trumpeted a campaign finance complaint filed by a voting rights group against Low, alleging he improperly used money raised to run for re-election to the Legislature to instead boost his Congressional campaign. Low’s campaign has called the complaint meritless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s decision to pull out from Wednesday’s debate brought a new round of broadsides from Low’s campaign. Cobia called the move “extremely suspicious,” and Low jabbed Liccardo for “making a speedy recovery” in a social media post that included a screenshot with information about a Saturday campaign event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s campaign said he would not be speaking and would find other ways to communicate with attendees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did not cancel. We moved the debate one week because Sam lost his voice,” Liccardo spokesperson Gil Rubinstein said. “Evan Low is trying to distract you from recent reporting that he is illegally spending $1.6 million from an account funded by corporations that could never legally contribute to a federal congressional race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Liccardo campaign provided KQED with a copy of his medical records that appeared to show he was prescribed a corticosteroid medication to treat laryngitis and was recommended five to seven days of voice rest by a doctor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Liccardo posted on X that he was “following doctors’ orders and will not be doing any public speaking until my voice is better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the meantime, we’re finding innovative ways of communicating with residents at meet-and-greets through the use of technology,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The one-hour debate will be broadcast live on NBC Bay Area and KQED Public Radio at 7 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"labelTerm": {},
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Ana De Almeida Amaral contributed to this episode. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Californians passed Prop 47, a criminal justice reform measure aimed at sending fewer low-level offenders for drug and theft crimes to prison. Now, Californians are being asked if they want to roll back some of those reforms, and increase the penalties. KQED Politics Correspondent and co-host of Political Breakdown Marisa Lagos takes us through the history, data and arguments of this prop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2352266478&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So, recently I was in one of those big box stores in search of a humble can of shaving cream… I make my way to the pharmacy section. Find the right aisle. But then I get to the shelf and … my shaving cream is locked behind plexiglass.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Been there before. But with toothpaste. And Tums. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Right. I mean, we’re talking about a can of shaving cream that costs $2.19… and yet, there I was. Ringing a bell, having someone unlock this cabinet for me, annoyed that this is the state of affairs where I live…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Also I don’t know if it’s \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">just a me thing, \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">but I get super self conscious about inconveniencing employees for some toothpaste. But I digress …\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Same. The proliferation of these plexiglass cases for shaving cream and toothpaste, is just one example of how rising concerns about crime and theft are changing how we live. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But proponents of Prop 36 want to take these measures even further – waaaaay beyond some plexiglass case at the local Target. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay. And y’all – we’ve made it! To the final episode of Prop Fest, our ten part series that goes deep on the California propositions.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All so you can vote with confidence! Today we’re digging into Proposition 36, which would increase penalties for some drug and theft-related crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It’s a rollback of criminal justice reforms from a decade ago – and would put more people behind bars in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> But doing so would cost the state money that would otherwise be used for treatment programs that are working.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We’ll get into it all, right after this. Stay with us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR MESSAGE\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alrighty, for our final day of Prop Fest, we’re discussing Prop 36, which will read about like this on your ballot..\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Samantha Lim:\u003c/b> Prop 36 is a statute that allows felony charges and increases sentences for certain drug and theft crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To help us understand what’s at stake with Prop 36, I’m joined by KQED politics correspondent and co-host of the podcast Political Breakdown, Marisa Lagos. Hey, Marisa.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hey, Olivia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So Prop 36 has a lot of parts to it which will break down one at a time in just a minute. But to kick us off broadly, what is Prop 36 flooking to do?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I mean, essentially it is looking to crack down on both shoplifting and sort of low level thefts and drug use, which its backers say are sort of the responsible for a lot of the homelessness and kind of the crisis you see in retail stores where everything is locked up. And what they see is really a chaotic sort of state of play on the ground here in California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, Prop 36 has undone some of the changes that voters ushered in in 2014 with the passage of Prop 47, which, you know, is one of the probably biggest criminal justice reforms that California has ever passed. Let’s walk through a little bit like what did that prop do? Because so much of 36 is about unwinding, undoing 47.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When Prop 47 passed, we were kind of in this era of trying to reverse a lot of the tough on crime laws. And that wasn’t just out of the goodness of everybody’s heart in California, it’s because the Supreme Court of the United States told California, your prisons are overcrowded. It’s resulting in unsafe conditions for prisoners, and you must figure out a way to reduce the prison population, or we’re just going to start letting people out of the state prisons. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so this was one in a series of initiatives that were put forward both by the Democratic governor at the time, Jerry Brown, passed by lawmakers. And then this one was one that kind of came from the outside. Proponents gathered signatures and put it on the ballot. And essentially their argument at the time was, hey, why are we wasting bed space on people who aren’t actually a danger to society? They’re drug users. They’re poor people who are stealing because they’re poor. They should not be in state prison. They should be getting help. And if we pass this, we can use the money we’d save on putting them in prison to actually help them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s use it for reentry programs, for drug treatment, programs, for rehabilitation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop 47 passed in 2014 with nearly 60% California voters voting in favor. How’s it all gone over?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I think you can argue it did what it set out to do. It saved $800 million a year in prison costs. And that money was invested into programs that have largely had very successful track records. I mean, if you look at the recidivism rates of people who are just let out of state prison versus those who go into Prop 47-funded programs, there’s no comparison. People who participate in these 47 funded programs are incredibly unlikely to re-offend. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so I think part of what we’re talking about here is like. It’s almost like folks are having two different conversations because the proponents of Prop 47 would say, look, we saved this money. We helped people in the process. And the folks on the other side are like, Yeah, but we still have problems with homelessness and drug use and theft. And so, you know, I don’t think anybody who promoted Prop 47 argued that this would end those other issues. I think the question is whether Prop 47 contributed to them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And that’s a question that’s tricky to answer from a data perspective. What can we say about?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Alright well first let’s talk about theft. In truth, really, a lot of the of problems we’ve seen from a numbers perspective actually only went up in the last couple of years. The first several years after Prop 47 passed, there was n ot a huge spike in shoplifting, there was not a huge spike in a lot of the types of, you know, retail theft that have gotten so much attention. But since the pandemic, we have seen some upticks. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’ll just flag because this is who’s backing this: law enforcement never liked Prop 47. And so a lot of what we’re seeing now, I think, is a reaction to a policy that was always sort of reviled within the police and prosecutor community.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So you talked a little bit about how Prop 47 worked. What were some of the critiques that people have had about Prop 47?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Right. So I think people who are critical of this see it as kind of letting people off the hook. They think that a misdemeanor is not a serious enough consequence. If somebody is repeatedly shoplifting, if somebody is going into a store again and again and stealing an amount that’s under $950, which is that felony threshold. But that, you know, they know they can get away with it, essentially. And so what we have seen is a real decrease in the number of arrests that are made for those types of thefts. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And then obviously, we have seen just an explosion of the fentanyl crisis on our streets. You know, in our hospitals. You just have such a dire situation with this incredibly addictive drug that also is so strong that it leads to a lot of overdoses. And so, you know, I think the people backing Prop 36 think that there is a tie between what changed in 2014 with Prop 47 and the fentanyl crisis, and it’s not just because the drugs are stronger, but it’s because. There is not an incentive for drug users to accept treatment if they get arrested. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I know this is a pretty important nuance in this one – can you explain how those incentives have changed?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> So prior to Prop 47, a lot of district attorneys, if they had somebody who was clearly a drug addict, not necessarily somebody selling drugs, would say, “Hey, you have an option here. You can either take a year in prison or jail. Or you could take drug treatment. And if you complete this drug treatment program, we will wipe that off your record. You will not have a felony drug possession charge anymore.” And a lot of people would take that. But if you’re told it’s going to be a slap on the wrist and a small fine, or maybe you don’t even get arrested at all, you might say, I’m going to keep using.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What we have seen since Prop 47 passed is a real decrease in the number of people who are willing to go into these diversion programs like drug court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I talked to Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig. He’s a big proponent of Prop 36, and he says that he has seen this reality in his own county, even as they’ve really tried to put resources into these drug courts.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Reisig: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The percentage of the population that these new prop 47 programs are serving is like 15% or lower of the total population of individuals that used to be present in drug courts across California. It may be even lower than that in some places, but I can the data in Yolo shows that we used to on average have anywhere from 340 to 500 people a year in drug courts. And the only way you get into a drug court is if, you know, you were caught with possession of hard drugs, right? Meth. Heroin. Cocaine. Fentanyl. PCP. And then after prop 47 passed, those drug courts just slowly started to disappear because there was no incentive anymore for people to participate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Voters are now being asked if they want to bring back these harsher penalties. How did this get on the ballot in the first place and why this 180?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. So I mentioned before that this has always been a policy that was very disliked by prosecutors and law enforcement. So district attorneys were kind of the lead folks who crafted Prop 36 and went out to get signatures from voters to put it on the ballot. At the time, as they were collecting these signatures, there was a debate happening in Sacramento about what I’ve alluded to, which is a real crisis for retailers in terms of not just simple shoplifting, people coming in and stealing small amounts of things, but also organized retail theft rings who are coming in. You know, you’ve seen those videos of the smash and grabs, but that’s the tip of the iceberg. You know, we’ve seen a lot of organized criminal gangs essentially target big box stores, small mom and pop stores, steal huge amounts of things and then resell them maybe on online marketplaces or on the street. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As prosecutors were pushing this ballot measure, a lot of these retailers were getting very frustrated that in the past few years, the legislature and Democratic governor hadn’t been willing to take on this issue. And so a lot of them – Home Depot, Wal-Mart, Target – put in $500,000, $1 million to help get this on the ballot there. It is not clear whether they are going to continue to support this ballot measure, because we did see the legislature and Governor Gavin Newsom actually really tackle this issue this year and pass a huge package of laws that are broadly aimed at the more serious organized retail crime issue. But this is something that I think prosecutors had had their eye on for a long time, and they saw the politics shifting as we came out of the pandemic and the visibility of this retail theft issue became so apparent to voters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so, you know, it went viral on social media. We’ve seen so much outrage on cable news and in the media in general. And I think it just really built to a breaking point where they were … it was very easy for them to ask voters to sign this. And we’re seeing polling now that it’s very likely to pass.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">OK, so that all brings us to where we are this year, considering Proposition 36. It proposes a lot of different changes, and I want to step through some of them now. So let’s start with how it would increase punishments for drug crimes.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So Prop 36 would create something they’re calling treatment mandated felonies. Essentially, it would say if you have been arrested and prosecuted \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">previously\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> for drug possession that a prosecutor would have the option to charge you with a felony on a third arrest, and if they did they could also offer you something like drug court, where you participate in treatment, and if you complete that treatment the charge would be expunged and you receive no jail time. So, treatment mandated felony is what they’re calling it, but to be clear, nobody would be forced into treatment … they would have the option to take the felony or go into drug treatment.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I’ll note that there’s nothing in this ballot measure to increase funding for treatment. And so I think there are open questions about whether if this were to pass, there would actually be enough beds for all the folks who might get arrested and prosecuted under Prop 36. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Alright, and how would Prop 36 impact theft crimes?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, I mean under Prop 36, if you’re a repeat thief, you can also be charged with a felony, even if it’s for a small amount of something, you know, worth less than $950. And this is for people who have two previous convictions. So, prosecutors could send you to prison or county jail for repeatedly stealing things. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is one of the kind of hearts of the prop 47 criticisms is that one person could sort of repeatedly go into the same store and never face a felony, even if they’re targeting the same place and, you know, really racking up big losses for that store and putting the employees at risk. So this kind of tries to get at that by saying, “hey, look, we’re not going to throw the book at you the first time you steal a small amount of something. But if you keep doing it, we can charge you with a felony by aggregating those offenses together.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And can you just break down for people who aren’t sort of living in the criminal justice world? Felony, misdemeanor. What is the difference there?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. So a misdemeanor is a crime. It can net you up to a year in county jail and fines. So if you get arrested for a misdemeanor, there’s some sort of discretion for a police officer whether they’re going to cite you right there, say a jaywalking ticket, or maybe if you get arrested for something more serious that they can take you and book you into county jail, you know, a misdemeanor DUI, for example, or something like that. A felony generally comes with more serious criminal penalties, including jail or prison time. It also tends to stick on your record longer. It can affect your ability to get a job later on. It can affect your ability to get housing to coach Little League, things like that. It’s a far more serious criminal penalty and one that has kind of longer lasting impacts on somebody’s life beyond just whatever the sentences for the felony that they’re convicted of.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop 36 also ups the stakes for people who are charged with selling or providing drugs. Can you sort of explain that, that part of this?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> So essentially, Prop 36 says that if you are caught selling or providing drugs to somebody, you could be admonished in court that if you continue to do this, you could get charged with murder. So, for example, if a dealer is given this warning in court, and then someone were to die because of drugs they sold, a prosecutor would have a better case for a murder charge and it definitely is something that harkens back to the kind of tough on crime laws of the 90s.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, on the ballot, this prop is titled The Increased Drug and Theft Penalties and Reduce Homelessness Initiative. But we haven’t talked that much about homelessness. What does this prop have to do with homelessness?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I mean, nothing directly. But as I said before, I think some of the proponents are really connecting the dots between poverty, drug use and homelessness, and particularly drug use and homelessness. You know, Jeff Reisig, the Yolo County D.A., has talked to me extensively about his nephew, who is a drug user, who is homeless and who has a very supportive, large family, who is willing to support him and get him into treatment, and he will not do it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Reisig:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> My nephew, I told you, is a poster child for this whole deal. I mean, literally the poster child because he started using heroin in 2014, and he’s been on the streets ever since, and he steals every day to support his habit. And it’s all misdemeanors. And it’s just a big like, we want to force him into treatment. We want him to be compelled into treatment, but there’s no tool for that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so for someone like Reisig, he feels like if people are homeless and using drugs and they just keep getting essentially misdemeanor tickets for stealing or for that drug use, they’re just going to continue to hurt themselves and the communities around them and that this could be a way to essentially get them into that treatment that they need, that it could push them to do something that they may not be willing to do otherwise.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If Prop 36 passes, what kind of impact could this have on our prison population and thus the budget?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Right. So it would definitely cut into that $800 million that we have been saving because of Prop 47. The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office did do their own analysis of this. They’re not sure exactly what will happen because we don’t know, you know, how many people will get caught stealing or doing drugs, how many people prosecutors will choose to charge with felonies. But they’re estimating that it could cost tens of millions of dollars a year, to hundreds of millions of dollars a year in added incarceration costs. It’s a lot of money. It is still in the context of a over $100 billion state budget, a tiny percentage of that, something like one half of 1%. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But, you know, I think that you can argue that there will be obviously huge implications for the people who end up locked up. They say that up to a few thousand people could end up in jail and prison who would not be there otherwise. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And then also any of these programs that are doing good work in communities around rehabilitation or reentry, if they’re losing out on that money, there could be sort of domino effects there, because it’s not just the people that are going to be, you know, prosecuted under this. The people who will miss out on opportunities to get help because that money is now being spent on those prosecutions and jailings.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What are supporters of Prop 36 sort of arguing and who are they?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Right. So I mentioned the prosecutors, the District Attorney Association of California as the biggest proponent. We also saw major retailers like Target, Wal-Mart, Walgreens, Home Depot and initially back this. I’m waiting to hear if they’re going to continue to support this or if they’re just going to stay neutral. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I think most interestingly, big city mayors – San Francisco’s London Breed, San Jose’s Matt Mahan, San Diego’s Todd Gloria. These are all pretty liberal Democrats who are backing this. I think that they see what we’re seeing reflected in polls, which show that this is wildly popular and that people are blaming them for a lot of these very visible issues both on the streets and in stores.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The California Republican Party is in support and I would say in the state legislature, we’ve seen kind of a split between more moderate members who do support this and more liberal members who are very reticent to return to any sort of tough on crime laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And let’s talk opposition. What’s the case being made there and who’s making it? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The most high profile opponent of Prop 36 is definitely our Democratic governor, Gavin Newsom. He’s really been a long time proponent for these criminal justice reforms. He also backed Prop 64 to legalize marijuana, which had the effect of essentially like wiping a lot of people’s records. And so this is something I think he feels really strongly about. And he has been really reticent to admit any problems with Prop 47 because it is something that he has backed and I think believes in.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gov. Gavin Newsom: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Everyone I know is rushing to reform Prop 47 to raise the threshold. OK. That’s not the fundamental issue. The fundamental issue is the other issues that are not 47 related. And that is the nature of retail theft has changed. It’s not just the onesie, twosies – yes, that’s an issue, I don’t deny that – but it’s also become deeply organized. And that’s what we need to go after. And that’s a whole different thing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He’s out there. You have the legislative leadership who also shepherded a lot of these bills to tackle organized retail theft in opposition. The state Democratic Party has voted to oppose it. And then you have, I think, what you would expect, which is a lot of these criminal justice reform and civil liberties groups. Californians for Safety and Justice, who wrote Prop 47, the ACLU, the Anti Recidivism Coalition. These are groups that are largely on the ground working with the populations that were impacted by 47 that would be impacted by 36. And they say we’ve been down this road before and it didn’t work.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I sat down this year with Tinisch Hollins. She leads Californians for Safety and Justice, which originally wrote Prop 47 and has been one of the biggest leaders in pushing criminal justice reforms.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tinisch Hollins:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We’ve tried tough on crime right? Right. You tried. We’ve tried different policy. We don’t. We not only have scientific data or we have lived experience, and we have decades of proof that that doesn’t work. It doesn’t work as appropriate interventions for addiction.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Another thing, talking to Tinisch and a lot of folks within this world is that they feel like police and law enforcement have not been using the tools that they have at their disposal already to get at these problems. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I mentioned before, you know, you can arrest someone for a misdemeanor. We’ve seen a real pulling back by police since Prop 47 passed. Crime rates have held largely steady in a lot of these kind of property crimes. But clearance rates, which is essentially the arrest rates — how likely are you to get arrested for something? — have gone down by almost half in the last decade or two. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so if you’re in San Francisco and you commit a property crime, only 5% of those people get arrested. That’s not to say prosecuted, just arrested. And prosecutors can’t make a case if there’s no arrest. So Tinisch, I think, feels like this is not necessarily calling for a change in law and policy, but a change in how we apply the laws that already exist.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tinisch Hollins: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We already have laws on the books to address those issues, right? Like selling fentanyl is a crime is a felony, right? People can go to jail or prison for that. The question is, “what is the challenge with making arrests?” I’m from San Francisco. I see this all the time. Right? So there’s a lot of public concern around it, and rightfully so, because the tools that law enforcement currently have are not being used. They’re being underutilized.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And how are things looking on the spending front for this one?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is very uneven. I think about $9 million has been raised on the pro-Prop 36 side versus less than $200,000 for the opposition. Again, I think that this campaign is really just starting in earnest. Having someone like the governor on your side, on the no side, is a huge opportunity for what’s called earned media, right? You don’t have to go out and spend money if you’re the governor. You just talk and people put you on TV. But it does seem to me like the criminal justice reform advocates and the people on the no side, in some ways aren’t spending a lot of political capital and money to try to fight this, maybe because they feel like it’s kind of a foregone conclusion.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Such a fascinating topic. Thank you for breaking it all down for us, Marisa. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thank you.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Marisa Lagos is KQED’s politics correspondent and co-host of the podcast Political Breakdown.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alrighty, here’s a semi-condensed review of all that….\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A vote yes on 36 means…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">You want to increase sentences for certain drug and theft crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">You want to establish a new classification of crime, called a \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">treatment-mandated felony \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">that could be issued for certain drug offenses. These would give people charged with some drug felonies the option to get drug treatment instead, and have their record expunged.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">You want judges to be able to warn drug distributors that they could face murder charges if they are caught distributing drugs that lead to a death.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A vote no would keep things they way they are now.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And that’s a wrap on Prop Fest!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Pfew! It has been a journey, but thank you so much for coming along on the ride. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> If you found Prop Fest helpful, please share it with a friend, or give us some love on social media. We want to get the word out so everyone can listen before those ballots are due!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If you’re a new listener, welcome! We hope you’ll stick around. I’m Olivia Allen-Price, the host of Bay Curious, which is a weekly podcast that explores the hidden true stories of the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay. We are local, Bay Area news to keep you rooted.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Subscribe to both shows to feel more connected to your Bay Area community, and in the know about what’s going on here!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Prop Fest is made with love by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Olivia Allen-Price, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeda Amaral, and me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We get extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan …\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">…and the whole KQED family. Thank you so much for listening!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We hope we’ve helped you to vote with confidence. Have a good one.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Ana De Almeida Amaral contributed to this episode. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Californians passed Prop 47, a criminal justice reform measure aimed at sending fewer low-level offenders for drug and theft crimes to prison. Now, Californians are being asked if they want to roll back some of those reforms, and increase the penalties. KQED Politics Correspondent and co-host of Political Breakdown Marisa Lagos takes us through the history, data and arguments of this prop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2352266478&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So, recently I was in one of those big box stores in search of a humble can of shaving cream… I make my way to the pharmacy section. Find the right aisle. But then I get to the shelf and … my shaving cream is locked behind plexiglass.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Been there before. But with toothpaste. And Tums. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Right. I mean, we’re talking about a can of shaving cream that costs $2.19… and yet, there I was. Ringing a bell, having someone unlock this cabinet for me, annoyed that this is the state of affairs where I live…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Also I don’t know if it’s \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">just a me thing, \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">but I get super self conscious about inconveniencing employees for some toothpaste. But I digress …\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Same. The proliferation of these plexiglass cases for shaving cream and toothpaste, is just one example of how rising concerns about crime and theft are changing how we live. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But proponents of Prop 36 want to take these measures even further – waaaaay beyond some plexiglass case at the local Target. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay. And y’all – we’ve made it! To the final episode of Prop Fest, our ten part series that goes deep on the California propositions.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All so you can vote with confidence! Today we’re digging into Proposition 36, which would increase penalties for some drug and theft-related crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It’s a rollback of criminal justice reforms from a decade ago – and would put more people behind bars in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> But doing so would cost the state money that would otherwise be used for treatment programs that are working.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We’ll get into it all, right after this. Stay with us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR MESSAGE\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alrighty, for our final day of Prop Fest, we’re discussing Prop 36, which will read about like this on your ballot..\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Samantha Lim:\u003c/b> Prop 36 is a statute that allows felony charges and increases sentences for certain drug and theft crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To help us understand what’s at stake with Prop 36, I’m joined by KQED politics correspondent and co-host of the podcast Political Breakdown, Marisa Lagos. Hey, Marisa.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hey, Olivia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So Prop 36 has a lot of parts to it which will break down one at a time in just a minute. But to kick us off broadly, what is Prop 36 flooking to do?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I mean, essentially it is looking to crack down on both shoplifting and sort of low level thefts and drug use, which its backers say are sort of the responsible for a lot of the homelessness and kind of the crisis you see in retail stores where everything is locked up. And what they see is really a chaotic sort of state of play on the ground here in California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, Prop 36 has undone some of the changes that voters ushered in in 2014 with the passage of Prop 47, which, you know, is one of the probably biggest criminal justice reforms that California has ever passed. Let’s walk through a little bit like what did that prop do? Because so much of 36 is about unwinding, undoing 47.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When Prop 47 passed, we were kind of in this era of trying to reverse a lot of the tough on crime laws. And that wasn’t just out of the goodness of everybody’s heart in California, it’s because the Supreme Court of the United States told California, your prisons are overcrowded. It’s resulting in unsafe conditions for prisoners, and you must figure out a way to reduce the prison population, or we’re just going to start letting people out of the state prisons. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so this was one in a series of initiatives that were put forward both by the Democratic governor at the time, Jerry Brown, passed by lawmakers. And then this one was one that kind of came from the outside. Proponents gathered signatures and put it on the ballot. And essentially their argument at the time was, hey, why are we wasting bed space on people who aren’t actually a danger to society? They’re drug users. They’re poor people who are stealing because they’re poor. They should not be in state prison. They should be getting help. And if we pass this, we can use the money we’d save on putting them in prison to actually help them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s use it for reentry programs, for drug treatment, programs, for rehabilitation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop 47 passed in 2014 with nearly 60% California voters voting in favor. How’s it all gone over?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I think you can argue it did what it set out to do. It saved $800 million a year in prison costs. And that money was invested into programs that have largely had very successful track records. I mean, if you look at the recidivism rates of people who are just let out of state prison versus those who go into Prop 47-funded programs, there’s no comparison. People who participate in these 47 funded programs are incredibly unlikely to re-offend. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so I think part of what we’re talking about here is like. It’s almost like folks are having two different conversations because the proponents of Prop 47 would say, look, we saved this money. We helped people in the process. And the folks on the other side are like, Yeah, but we still have problems with homelessness and drug use and theft. And so, you know, I don’t think anybody who promoted Prop 47 argued that this would end those other issues. I think the question is whether Prop 47 contributed to them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And that’s a question that’s tricky to answer from a data perspective. What can we say about?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Alright well first let’s talk about theft. In truth, really, a lot of the of problems we’ve seen from a numbers perspective actually only went up in the last couple of years. The first several years after Prop 47 passed, there was n ot a huge spike in shoplifting, there was not a huge spike in a lot of the types of, you know, retail theft that have gotten so much attention. But since the pandemic, we have seen some upticks. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’ll just flag because this is who’s backing this: law enforcement never liked Prop 47. And so a lot of what we’re seeing now, I think, is a reaction to a policy that was always sort of reviled within the police and prosecutor community.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So you talked a little bit about how Prop 47 worked. What were some of the critiques that people have had about Prop 47?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Right. So I think people who are critical of this see it as kind of letting people off the hook. They think that a misdemeanor is not a serious enough consequence. If somebody is repeatedly shoplifting, if somebody is going into a store again and again and stealing an amount that’s under $950, which is that felony threshold. But that, you know, they know they can get away with it, essentially. And so what we have seen is a real decrease in the number of arrests that are made for those types of thefts. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And then obviously, we have seen just an explosion of the fentanyl crisis on our streets. You know, in our hospitals. You just have such a dire situation with this incredibly addictive drug that also is so strong that it leads to a lot of overdoses. And so, you know, I think the people backing Prop 36 think that there is a tie between what changed in 2014 with Prop 47 and the fentanyl crisis, and it’s not just because the drugs are stronger, but it’s because. There is not an incentive for drug users to accept treatment if they get arrested. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I know this is a pretty important nuance in this one – can you explain how those incentives have changed?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> So prior to Prop 47, a lot of district attorneys, if they had somebody who was clearly a drug addict, not necessarily somebody selling drugs, would say, “Hey, you have an option here. You can either take a year in prison or jail. Or you could take drug treatment. And if you complete this drug treatment program, we will wipe that off your record. You will not have a felony drug possession charge anymore.” And a lot of people would take that. But if you’re told it’s going to be a slap on the wrist and a small fine, or maybe you don’t even get arrested at all, you might say, I’m going to keep using.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What we have seen since Prop 47 passed is a real decrease in the number of people who are willing to go into these diversion programs like drug court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I talked to Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig. He’s a big proponent of Prop 36, and he says that he has seen this reality in his own county, even as they’ve really tried to put resources into these drug courts.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Reisig: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The percentage of the population that these new prop 47 programs are serving is like 15% or lower of the total population of individuals that used to be present in drug courts across California. It may be even lower than that in some places, but I can the data in Yolo shows that we used to on average have anywhere from 340 to 500 people a year in drug courts. And the only way you get into a drug court is if, you know, you were caught with possession of hard drugs, right? Meth. Heroin. Cocaine. Fentanyl. PCP. And then after prop 47 passed, those drug courts just slowly started to disappear because there was no incentive anymore for people to participate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Voters are now being asked if they want to bring back these harsher penalties. How did this get on the ballot in the first place and why this 180?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. So I mentioned before that this has always been a policy that was very disliked by prosecutors and law enforcement. So district attorneys were kind of the lead folks who crafted Prop 36 and went out to get signatures from voters to put it on the ballot. At the time, as they were collecting these signatures, there was a debate happening in Sacramento about what I’ve alluded to, which is a real crisis for retailers in terms of not just simple shoplifting, people coming in and stealing small amounts of things, but also organized retail theft rings who are coming in. You know, you’ve seen those videos of the smash and grabs, but that’s the tip of the iceberg. You know, we’ve seen a lot of organized criminal gangs essentially target big box stores, small mom and pop stores, steal huge amounts of things and then resell them maybe on online marketplaces or on the street. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As prosecutors were pushing this ballot measure, a lot of these retailers were getting very frustrated that in the past few years, the legislature and Democratic governor hadn’t been willing to take on this issue. And so a lot of them – Home Depot, Wal-Mart, Target – put in $500,000, $1 million to help get this on the ballot there. It is not clear whether they are going to continue to support this ballot measure, because we did see the legislature and Governor Gavin Newsom actually really tackle this issue this year and pass a huge package of laws that are broadly aimed at the more serious organized retail crime issue. But this is something that I think prosecutors had had their eye on for a long time, and they saw the politics shifting as we came out of the pandemic and the visibility of this retail theft issue became so apparent to voters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so, you know, it went viral on social media. We’ve seen so much outrage on cable news and in the media in general. And I think it just really built to a breaking point where they were … it was very easy for them to ask voters to sign this. And we’re seeing polling now that it’s very likely to pass.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">OK, so that all brings us to where we are this year, considering Proposition 36. It proposes a lot of different changes, and I want to step through some of them now. So let’s start with how it would increase punishments for drug crimes.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So Prop 36 would create something they’re calling treatment mandated felonies. Essentially, it would say if you have been arrested and prosecuted \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">previously\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> for drug possession that a prosecutor would have the option to charge you with a felony on a third arrest, and if they did they could also offer you something like drug court, where you participate in treatment, and if you complete that treatment the charge would be expunged and you receive no jail time. So, treatment mandated felony is what they’re calling it, but to be clear, nobody would be forced into treatment … they would have the option to take the felony or go into drug treatment.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I’ll note that there’s nothing in this ballot measure to increase funding for treatment. And so I think there are open questions about whether if this were to pass, there would actually be enough beds for all the folks who might get arrested and prosecuted under Prop 36. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Alright, and how would Prop 36 impact theft crimes?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, I mean under Prop 36, if you’re a repeat thief, you can also be charged with a felony, even if it’s for a small amount of something, you know, worth less than $950. And this is for people who have two previous convictions. So, prosecutors could send you to prison or county jail for repeatedly stealing things. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is one of the kind of hearts of the prop 47 criticisms is that one person could sort of repeatedly go into the same store and never face a felony, even if they’re targeting the same place and, you know, really racking up big losses for that store and putting the employees at risk. So this kind of tries to get at that by saying, “hey, look, we’re not going to throw the book at you the first time you steal a small amount of something. But if you keep doing it, we can charge you with a felony by aggregating those offenses together.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And can you just break down for people who aren’t sort of living in the criminal justice world? Felony, misdemeanor. What is the difference there?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. So a misdemeanor is a crime. It can net you up to a year in county jail and fines. So if you get arrested for a misdemeanor, there’s some sort of discretion for a police officer whether they’re going to cite you right there, say a jaywalking ticket, or maybe if you get arrested for something more serious that they can take you and book you into county jail, you know, a misdemeanor DUI, for example, or something like that. A felony generally comes with more serious criminal penalties, including jail or prison time. It also tends to stick on your record longer. It can affect your ability to get a job later on. It can affect your ability to get housing to coach Little League, things like that. It’s a far more serious criminal penalty and one that has kind of longer lasting impacts on somebody’s life beyond just whatever the sentences for the felony that they’re convicted of.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop 36 also ups the stakes for people who are charged with selling or providing drugs. Can you sort of explain that, that part of this?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> So essentially, Prop 36 says that if you are caught selling or providing drugs to somebody, you could be admonished in court that if you continue to do this, you could get charged with murder. So, for example, if a dealer is given this warning in court, and then someone were to die because of drugs they sold, a prosecutor would have a better case for a murder charge and it definitely is something that harkens back to the kind of tough on crime laws of the 90s.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, on the ballot, this prop is titled The Increased Drug and Theft Penalties and Reduce Homelessness Initiative. But we haven’t talked that much about homelessness. What does this prop have to do with homelessness?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I mean, nothing directly. But as I said before, I think some of the proponents are really connecting the dots between poverty, drug use and homelessness, and particularly drug use and homelessness. You know, Jeff Reisig, the Yolo County D.A., has talked to me extensively about his nephew, who is a drug user, who is homeless and who has a very supportive, large family, who is willing to support him and get him into treatment, and he will not do it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Reisig:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> My nephew, I told you, is a poster child for this whole deal. I mean, literally the poster child because he started using heroin in 2014, and he’s been on the streets ever since, and he steals every day to support his habit. And it’s all misdemeanors. And it’s just a big like, we want to force him into treatment. We want him to be compelled into treatment, but there’s no tool for that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so for someone like Reisig, he feels like if people are homeless and using drugs and they just keep getting essentially misdemeanor tickets for stealing or for that drug use, they’re just going to continue to hurt themselves and the communities around them and that this could be a way to essentially get them into that treatment that they need, that it could push them to do something that they may not be willing to do otherwise.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If Prop 36 passes, what kind of impact could this have on our prison population and thus the budget?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Right. So it would definitely cut into that $800 million that we have been saving because of Prop 47. The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office did do their own analysis of this. They’re not sure exactly what will happen because we don’t know, you know, how many people will get caught stealing or doing drugs, how many people prosecutors will choose to charge with felonies. But they’re estimating that it could cost tens of millions of dollars a year, to hundreds of millions of dollars a year in added incarceration costs. It’s a lot of money. It is still in the context of a over $100 billion state budget, a tiny percentage of that, something like one half of 1%. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But, you know, I think that you can argue that there will be obviously huge implications for the people who end up locked up. They say that up to a few thousand people could end up in jail and prison who would not be there otherwise. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And then also any of these programs that are doing good work in communities around rehabilitation or reentry, if they’re losing out on that money, there could be sort of domino effects there, because it’s not just the people that are going to be, you know, prosecuted under this. The people who will miss out on opportunities to get help because that money is now being spent on those prosecutions and jailings.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What are supporters of Prop 36 sort of arguing and who are they?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Right. So I mentioned the prosecutors, the District Attorney Association of California as the biggest proponent. We also saw major retailers like Target, Wal-Mart, Walgreens, Home Depot and initially back this. I’m waiting to hear if they’re going to continue to support this or if they’re just going to stay neutral. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I think most interestingly, big city mayors – San Francisco’s London Breed, San Jose’s Matt Mahan, San Diego’s Todd Gloria. These are all pretty liberal Democrats who are backing this. I think that they see what we’re seeing reflected in polls, which show that this is wildly popular and that people are blaming them for a lot of these very visible issues both on the streets and in stores.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The California Republican Party is in support and I would say in the state legislature, we’ve seen kind of a split between more moderate members who do support this and more liberal members who are very reticent to return to any sort of tough on crime laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And let’s talk opposition. What’s the case being made there and who’s making it? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The most high profile opponent of Prop 36 is definitely our Democratic governor, Gavin Newsom. He’s really been a long time proponent for these criminal justice reforms. He also backed Prop 64 to legalize marijuana, which had the effect of essentially like wiping a lot of people’s records. And so this is something I think he feels really strongly about. And he has been really reticent to admit any problems with Prop 47 because it is something that he has backed and I think believes in.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gov. Gavin Newsom: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Everyone I know is rushing to reform Prop 47 to raise the threshold. OK. That’s not the fundamental issue. The fundamental issue is the other issues that are not 47 related. And that is the nature of retail theft has changed. It’s not just the onesie, twosies – yes, that’s an issue, I don’t deny that – but it’s also become deeply organized. And that’s what we need to go after. And that’s a whole different thing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He’s out there. You have the legislative leadership who also shepherded a lot of these bills to tackle organized retail theft in opposition. The state Democratic Party has voted to oppose it. And then you have, I think, what you would expect, which is a lot of these criminal justice reform and civil liberties groups. Californians for Safety and Justice, who wrote Prop 47, the ACLU, the Anti Recidivism Coalition. These are groups that are largely on the ground working with the populations that were impacted by 47 that would be impacted by 36. And they say we’ve been down this road before and it didn’t work.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I sat down this year with Tinisch Hollins. She leads Californians for Safety and Justice, which originally wrote Prop 47 and has been one of the biggest leaders in pushing criminal justice reforms.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tinisch Hollins:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We’ve tried tough on crime right? Right. You tried. We’ve tried different policy. We don’t. We not only have scientific data or we have lived experience, and we have decades of proof that that doesn’t work. It doesn’t work as appropriate interventions for addiction.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Another thing, talking to Tinisch and a lot of folks within this world is that they feel like police and law enforcement have not been using the tools that they have at their disposal already to get at these problems. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I mentioned before, you know, you can arrest someone for a misdemeanor. We’ve seen a real pulling back by police since Prop 47 passed. Crime rates have held largely steady in a lot of these kind of property crimes. But clearance rates, which is essentially the arrest rates — how likely are you to get arrested for something? — have gone down by almost half in the last decade or two. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so if you’re in San Francisco and you commit a property crime, only 5% of those people get arrested. That’s not to say prosecuted, just arrested. And prosecutors can’t make a case if there’s no arrest. So Tinisch, I think, feels like this is not necessarily calling for a change in law and policy, but a change in how we apply the laws that already exist.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tinisch Hollins: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We already have laws on the books to address those issues, right? Like selling fentanyl is a crime is a felony, right? People can go to jail or prison for that. The question is, “what is the challenge with making arrests?” I’m from San Francisco. I see this all the time. Right? So there’s a lot of public concern around it, and rightfully so, because the tools that law enforcement currently have are not being used. They’re being underutilized.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And how are things looking on the spending front for this one?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is very uneven. I think about $9 million has been raised on the pro-Prop 36 side versus less than $200,000 for the opposition. Again, I think that this campaign is really just starting in earnest. Having someone like the governor on your side, on the no side, is a huge opportunity for what’s called earned media, right? You don’t have to go out and spend money if you’re the governor. You just talk and people put you on TV. But it does seem to me like the criminal justice reform advocates and the people on the no side, in some ways aren’t spending a lot of political capital and money to try to fight this, maybe because they feel like it’s kind of a foregone conclusion.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Such a fascinating topic. Thank you for breaking it all down for us, Marisa. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Marisa Lagos: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thank you.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Marisa Lagos is KQED’s politics correspondent and co-host of the podcast Political Breakdown.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alrighty, here’s a semi-condensed review of all that….\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A vote yes on 36 means…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">You want to increase sentences for certain drug and theft crimes. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">You want to establish a new classification of crime, called a \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">treatment-mandated felony \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">that could be issued for certain drug offenses. These would give people charged with some drug felonies the option to get drug treatment instead, and have their record expunged.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">You want judges to be able to warn drug distributors that they could face murder charges if they are caught distributing drugs that lead to a death.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A vote no would keep things they way they are now.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And that’s a wrap on Prop Fest!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Pfew! It has been a journey, but thank you so much for coming along on the ride. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> If you found Prop Fest helpful, please share it with a friend, or give us some love on social media. We want to get the word out so everyone can listen before those ballots are due!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If you’re a new listener, welcome! We hope you’ll stick around. I’m Olivia Allen-Price, the host of Bay Curious, which is a weekly podcast that explores the hidden true stories of the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay. We are local, Bay Area news to keep you rooted.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Subscribe to both shows to feel more connected to your Bay Area community, and in the know about what’s going on here!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Prop Fest is made with love by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Olivia Allen-Price, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeda Amaral, and me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We get extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan …\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">…and the whole KQED family. Thank you so much for listening!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We hope we’ve helped you to vote with confidence. Have a good one.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco voters will choose their next mayor this November, and we are going to bring you interviews with all of the top candidates. Today, Marisa and Scott sit down with incumbent mayor London Breed who talks about her tenure as mayor, her family, scandals at city hall and how she’s approaching the city’s ranked-choice election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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