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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California state Senate passed a measure Friday to prevent gas prices from spiking in a state where it is notoriously expensive to fill up at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, would give energy regulators the authority to require that refiners keep a certain amount of fuel on hand. The goal is to try to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-price-gov-newsom-spike-1bf913e3cc0b478af557dab034e0435e\">keep prices from increasing suddenly\u003c/a> when refiners go offline for maintenance. Proponents say it would save Californians billions of dollars at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was inspired by findings from the state’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight, which demonstrated that gas price spikes are largely caused by increases in global crude oil prices and unplanned refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat representing Berkeley, said the proposal is about saving money for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While global crude prices are not something we can control, a shortage of refined gasoline is something that we can prepare for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom unveiled the legislation in August, during the last week of the regular legislative session. But lawmakers in the state Assembly said they needed more time to consider it. The governor called the Legislature into a special session to try to pass it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needs final approval by the state Assembly before it can reach Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has received intense pushback from Republican lawmakers, labor groups and the oil industry. Some opponents say it could unintentionally raise overall gas prices and threaten the safety of workers by giving the state more oversight over refinery maintenance schedules. They argued delaying necessary maintenance could lead to accidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association criticized Newsom and the Democratic lawmakers supporting the bill, saying it would not benefit consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they were serious about affordability, they’d be working with our industry on real solutions,” Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the group’s president, said in a statement. “Instead, they’re forcing a system they don’t understand, and Californians will pay the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the highest rates at the pump due to taxes and environmental regulations. The average price for regular unleaded gas in the state is about $4.67 per gallon as of Friday, compared to the national average of $3.21, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle said there shouldn’t have been a special session to weigh the proposal, because the bill does not do anything urgent. The proposal fails to address the state taxes and regulations that contribute to higher gas prices, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, who’s making the money?” Dahle said. “Who’s gouging Californians for every gallon of gas? It’s the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, governors representing Nevada and Arizona, which import gas from California, sent a letter urging Newsom to reconsider the proposal. They said at the time they were concerned it could increase prices in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Newsom has tried to apply pressure on the Legislature to pass oil and gas regulations. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">called a special session in 2022\u003c/a> to pass a tax on oil company profits. The governor then said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-sacramento-gavin-newsom-f67b8f4a8e0d7a978d4bf34ada1ea256\">he wanted a penalty, not a tax\u003c/a>. The law he ended up signing months later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-oil-company-profits-penalty-bill-7092c33a80bcab63658e118bbcbabf11\">gave state regulators the power\u003c/a> to penalize oil companies for making too much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire, a Democrat representing the North Coast, said the bill lawmakers advanced Friday would help address a problem that drastically impacts people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting mechanisms in place to help prevent costs from spiking and sending family budgets into a tailspin benefits us all, and working together, we’ve been able to do just that,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010794/votar-elecciones-presidenciales-california-atencion-cuatro-cosas\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be hard to believe, but the 2024 general election is just a few weeks away. And if \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">you’ve registered to vote\u003c/a>, your ballot should be landing in your mailbox very soon if it hasn’t arrived already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even for seasoned voters, this year’s California ballot might contain a few surprises that could leave you looking twice — or even wondering if there’s a misprint on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Why am I voting twice on the same Senate seat?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#B\">Why is the numbering on the statewide propositions funky?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#C\">Do I have to vote for the presidential candidate from the party I’m registered with?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#D\">Do I have to 100% complete my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“There are a number of tricky landmines on the ballot that you need to navigate as you’re working your way through,” said Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan California Voter Foundation. And when it comes to the not-so-intuitive aspects of voting, Alexander said the message her organization is “always trying to get across is: it’s not you. It’s the elections process, which is unnecessarily mysterious.”[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']So to avoid any confusion when you’re filling out your ballot, keep reading for the four aspects of your California ballot that could trip you up this election season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re looking for information about races and candidates, you can consult \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>. This year, the voter guide covers every measure and race in the Bay Area — even contests like city council and school board. We’ve also got information on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\">how to correct a mistake on your ballot\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction#signature-problem-ballot\">how to address common issues with your signature\u003c/a> on your ballot envelope.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>You’ll be asked to vote twice for the same Senate seat\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The part of your ballot that invites you to vote two times for the same U.S. Senate seat isn’t a mistake, and here’s why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/senator\">KQED’s Voter Guide explains\u003c/a>: When longtime California Senator Dianne Feinstein died in September 2023, Gov. Gavin Newsom appointed Laphonza Butler to serve the remainder of her term. However, shortly after, Butler announced that she would not run for a full six-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law requires a special election to fill this vacancy in the U.S. Senate. The race referred to as “short-term,” “unexpired term” or “partial term” on your ballot is technically that special election. The winner will serve from when the election is certified in December to when the current Senate term ends in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein’s seat also happens to be up for reelection this year — for a full six-year term beginning in January. That’s the “full term” race on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short, you can make your senate choice for that short window from December to January and then pick a senator for the next full term, from January 2025 through January 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that sounds confusing, here’s some relief: the candidates running for both Senate terms are the same: Republican Steve Garvey and Democrat Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/senator\">Read more about the U.S. Senate race in KQED’s Voter Guide.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"B\">\u003c/a>The propositions on your ballot are numbered — but not listed in order\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Your ballot will contain 10 statewide propositions, asking you to vote on everything from climate funding and rent control to enshrining the right to same-sex marriage in the California constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a few wrinkles to know: Those propositions are numbered, but those numbers aren’t 1–10. The propositions will also appear out of order on your ballot. And they won’t run sequentially — after Proposition 6, for example, there’s a big jump to Proposition 32.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason is that the state Legislature placed Propositions 2 through 6 on the ballot, and they thought placing measures higher up on the ballot would make them more appealing to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Basically, “they’re not in understandable order,” Alexander said — but don’t worry, your ballot hasn’t been misprinted. For the avoidance of doubt, here’s what the 10 statewide propositions on your ballot will be called:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Proposition 2: School Bond\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 3: Same-Sex Marriage\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 4: Climate Bond\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 5: Housing Votes\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 6: Prison Labor\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 32: Minimum Wage\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 33: Rent Control\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 34: Prescription Drug Spending\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 35: Medi-Cal Funding\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 36: Criminal Penalties\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california\">Read more about the California propositions on your ballot in KQED’s Voter Guide.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"C\">\u003c/a>You can vote for any presidential candidate — even if they’re not with the political party you’re registered with\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When you register to vote, you’re asked to select whether you’d like to register with a political party — like the Republican Party or Democratic Party — or as a “no party preference” (NPP) voter, also known as an independent voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in a primary election — like the one we had back in March — NPP voters automatically received ballots with no presidential party candidates. That’s because \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974134/no-party-preference-how-to-vote-california-presidential-primary\">NPP voters have to take specific action to be able to vote for a presidential candidate in a primary race\u003c/a>, and depending on which party that candidate belongs to, those actions include requesting a “crossover ballot” or straight-up re-registering with new political party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The good news for this time around: In a general election like this one, you can vote for any candidate — not just the candidate with the party you’re registered with. “It doesn’t matter what party you’re registered with or if you’re registered with any party,” confirmed Alexander. “You can vote for any candidate of any party in all the contests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"D\">\u003c/a>And finally, you don’t have to vote on everything on your ballot\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In an ideal world, you’d have the time to read up on every measure and candidate on your ballot and make an informed choice about your vote on every single race. (This is the part where we remind you of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">the KQED Voter Guide\u003c/a>, which breaks down every race in the Bay Area.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sometimes, things don’t work out that way — and while you might \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president\">know your choice for president\u003c/a> or how you want to vote in the U.S. Senate contest, perhaps you’re less certain about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california\">the statewide propositions\u003c/a> or water district, and you’re running out of time to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, remember: You can vote in as many or as few races on your ballot as you want, and leaving certain races blank won’t invalidate your ballot or the other things you \u003cem>have \u003c/em>voted on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m always reminding people that it’s not a test,” Alexander said. “You can vote for the things that you feel confident about, and you can leave other choices blank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you only want to vote on one thing, that’s fine. If you want to vote on everything, that’s fine too,” Alexander said. “But if you don’t feel good about voting on something, it’s fine to skip it and move on to the next item.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010794/votar-elecciones-presidenciales-california-atencion-cuatro-cosas\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be hard to believe, but the 2024 general election is just a few weeks away. And if \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">you’ve registered to vote\u003c/a>, your ballot should be landing in your mailbox very soon if it hasn’t arrived already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even for seasoned voters, this year’s California ballot might contain a few surprises that could leave you looking twice — or even wondering if there’s a misprint on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Why am I voting twice on the same Senate seat?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#B\">Why is the numbering on the statewide propositions funky?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#C\">Do I have to vote for the presidential candidate from the party I’m registered with?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#D\">Do I have to 100% complete my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“There are a number of tricky landmines on the ballot that you need to navigate as you’re working your way through,” said Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan California Voter Foundation. And when it comes to the not-so-intuitive aspects of voting, Alexander said the message her organization is “always trying to get across is: it’s not you. It’s the elections process, which is unnecessarily mysterious.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>So to avoid any confusion when you’re filling out your ballot, keep reading for the four aspects of your California ballot that could trip you up this election season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re looking for information about races and candidates, you can consult \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>. This year, the voter guide covers every measure and race in the Bay Area — even contests like city council and school board. We’ve also got information on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\">how to correct a mistake on your ballot\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction#signature-problem-ballot\">how to address common issues with your signature\u003c/a> on your ballot envelope.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>You’ll be asked to vote twice for the same Senate seat\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The part of your ballot that invites you to vote two times for the same U.S. Senate seat isn’t a mistake, and here’s why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/senator\">KQED’s Voter Guide explains\u003c/a>: When longtime California Senator Dianne Feinstein died in September 2023, Gov. Gavin Newsom appointed Laphonza Butler to serve the remainder of her term. However, shortly after, Butler announced that she would not run for a full six-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law requires a special election to fill this vacancy in the U.S. Senate. The race referred to as “short-term,” “unexpired term” or “partial term” on your ballot is technically that special election. The winner will serve from when the election is certified in December to when the current Senate term ends in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein’s seat also happens to be up for reelection this year — for a full six-year term beginning in January. That’s the “full term” race on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short, you can make your senate choice for that short window from December to January and then pick a senator for the next full term, from January 2025 through January 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that sounds confusing, here’s some relief: the candidates running for both Senate terms are the same: Republican Steve Garvey and Democrat Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/senator\">Read more about the U.S. Senate race in KQED’s Voter Guide.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"B\">\u003c/a>The propositions on your ballot are numbered — but not listed in order\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Your ballot will contain 10 statewide propositions, asking you to vote on everything from climate funding and rent control to enshrining the right to same-sex marriage in the California constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a few wrinkles to know: Those propositions are numbered, but those numbers aren’t 1–10. The propositions will also appear out of order on your ballot. And they won’t run sequentially — after Proposition 6, for example, there’s a big jump to Proposition 32.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason is that the state Legislature placed Propositions 2 through 6 on the ballot, and they thought placing measures higher up on the ballot would make them more appealing to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Basically, “they’re not in understandable order,” Alexander said — but don’t worry, your ballot hasn’t been misprinted. For the avoidance of doubt, here’s what the 10 statewide propositions on your ballot will be called:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Proposition 2: School Bond\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 3: Same-Sex Marriage\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 4: Climate Bond\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 5: Housing Votes\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 6: Prison Labor\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 32: Minimum Wage\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 33: Rent Control\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 34: Prescription Drug Spending\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 35: Medi-Cal Funding\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 36: Criminal Penalties\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california\">Read more about the California propositions on your ballot in KQED’s Voter Guide.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"C\">\u003c/a>You can vote for any presidential candidate — even if they’re not with the political party you’re registered with\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When you register to vote, you’re asked to select whether you’d like to register with a political party — like the Republican Party or Democratic Party — or as a “no party preference” (NPP) voter, also known as an independent voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in a primary election — like the one we had back in March — NPP voters automatically received ballots with no presidential party candidates. That’s because \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974134/no-party-preference-how-to-vote-california-presidential-primary\">NPP voters have to take specific action to be able to vote for a presidential candidate in a primary race\u003c/a>, and depending on which party that candidate belongs to, those actions include requesting a “crossover ballot” or straight-up re-registering with new political party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The good news for this time around: In a general election like this one, you can vote for any candidate — not just the candidate with the party you’re registered with. “It doesn’t matter what party you’re registered with or if you’re registered with any party,” confirmed Alexander. “You can vote for any candidate of any party in all the contests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"D\">\u003c/a>And finally, you don’t have to vote on everything on your ballot\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In an ideal world, you’d have the time to read up on every measure and candidate on your ballot and make an informed choice about your vote on every single race. (This is the part where we remind you of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">the KQED Voter Guide\u003c/a>, which breaks down every race in the Bay Area.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sometimes, things don’t work out that way — and while you might \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president\">know your choice for president\u003c/a> or how you want to vote in the U.S. Senate contest, perhaps you’re less certain about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california\">the statewide propositions\u003c/a> or water district, and you’re running out of time to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, remember: You can vote in as many or as few races on your ballot as you want, and leaving certain races blank won’t invalidate your ballot or the other things you \u003cem>have \u003c/em>voted on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m always reminding people that it’s not a test,” Alexander said. “You can vote for the things that you feel confident about, and you can leave other choices blank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you only want to vote on one thing, that’s fine. If you want to vote on everything, that’s fine too,” Alexander said. “But if you don’t feel good about voting on something, it’s fine to skip it and move on to the next item.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling 'Silenced Again' by State",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in April 2024. The audio was first broadcast Oct. 11, 2024. Since the story first published, the compensation board has now approved a total of 118 applicants. It has denied 432 – or roughly 75% – of applicants. State agencies have now spent roughly $180,000 on memorials to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization. Dr. James Heinrich passed away in January 2024.Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">signed a bill on Sept. 30 \u003c/a>that gives more time to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization to appeal their case if they were denied reparations. They have until Jan. 1, 2025 to file an appeal.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine\">The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more reparations stories\" postID=\"news_12008246,news_11965926\"]The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Reparations Stories' postID='news_11981271,news_11975584,news_11961026']Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a reporter with the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in April 2024. The audio was first broadcast Oct. 11, 2024. Since the story first published, the compensation board has now approved a total of 118 applicants. It has denied 432 – or roughly 75% – of applicants. State agencies have now spent roughly $180,000 on memorials to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization. Dr. James Heinrich passed away in January 2024.Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">signed a bill on Sept. 30 \u003c/a>that gives more time to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization to appeal their case if they were denied reparations. They have until Jan. 1, 2025 to file an appeal.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine\">The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a reporter with the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "East Bay Politicians Speak Out Against Recall of Alameda County DA Pamela Price",
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"content": "\u003cp>Less than a month from the November election, a group of high-profile East Bay politicians are speaking out against the recall effort targeting Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a> as she pushes back against criticism over public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee and state Sen. Nancy Skinner, both of whom represent the northern end of Alameda County, announced this week that they oppose the potential recalls of Price Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao. The volley of support for the embattled officials comes a week after Rep. Eric Swalwell, who has long been a critic of Price, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">endorsed the recall campaign against her\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on the social media platform X, Skinner said that, like Lee, she opposes recalls on principle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Except in rare circumstances of serious misconduct, recalls are undemocratic and a waste of public funds,” Skinner wrote. “That’s especially true in the case of the Nov. 5 recalls, when the incumbents have only been in office for 2 years and will be up for reelection just 2 years from now. Wealthy interests should not be able to circumvent the regular democratic process and pay to put a recall on the ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcements follow prior anti-recall endorsements from Alameda County Supervisor Keith Carson and the Alameda County Democratic Central Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/BarbaraLee_CA/status/1843448291251359838\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether we are Democrats or not, it should make us sick to our stomach that a few people, in this case, real estate developers and hedge fund managers, can use their money to undo our democratic vote,” Yoana Tchoukleva, co-chair of Alameda County Democrats’ legislation committee, said at a press conference on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Swalwell, who represents southeastern Alameda County, was joined by all 14 law enforcement unions in Alameda County in announcing support for the recall of Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot use reform rhetoric to allow criminals to continue victimizing our citizens with little to no consequences,” law enforcement union leaders said in a joint statement on Saturday. “Those of us who literally patrol the streets of Alameda County, we see first-hand how District Attorney Pamela Price is failing to keep us safe and hold criminals accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008986\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sam Singer (center), spokesperson for Alameda County’s 14 law enforcement unions, holds up a $5,000 donation check from the Hayward Police Officers Association during a press conference in Emeryville on Saturday, Oct. 5, 2024. He is joined by Carl Chan (left) and Brenda Grisham (right), principal officers for Save Alameda For Everyone (SAFE), the group leading the recall effort against Alameda County DA Pamela Price. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s press conference, Price said the county’s police unions are upset because she has brought criminal charges against law enforcement officers who killed civilians in the line of duty, something Price’s predecessor Nancy O’Malley did once during her nearly 14 years in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The days when police and rogue police officers and police unions controlled this office are over,” Price said. “When you have a solution to the problem, then you become the problem to people who have prospered, participated and profited off of our pain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008407/2-of-3-alameda-officers-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-have-their-case-dismissed\">involuntary manslaughter charges were dismissed\u003c/a> against two of the three Alameda police officers that Price’s office had sought to prosecute over the 2021 death of Mario Gonzalez. A judge ruled that prosecutors failed to file the necessary paperwork in time to bring charges within the statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price stands with Oakland residents and members of the Protect the Win campaign during a Thursday morning press conference at Everett & Jones Barbeque in Jack London Square. The group gathered to rally support against the recall effort. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Price had announced those charges in April, reversing a decision by O’Malley just days after the recall effort qualified for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last two weeks, law enforcement unions in the county donated $47,500 to the campaign to recall Price, according to campaign finance filings with the Alameda County Registrar of Voters. The union representing prosecutors in Price’s office contributed $40,000, and O’Malley gave $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001150 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240821-ANTIRECALL-AF-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the recall campaign released a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HB7uJPs8rdg\">video advertisement\u003c/a> attacking Price, alleging that she refuses to prosecute crimes. According to last year’s annual report from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/ACDAO-2023-ANNUAL-REPORT-4.pdf\">Alameda County district attorney’s office\u003c/a>, prosecutors filed criminal charges that year at a rate similar to that of the final four years of O’Malley’s administration. The report does not provide details on what types of charges were filed; Price has said the format of the office’s electronic case management system does not allow it to extract data with that level of detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has been criticized for charging and settling cases for less than the most severe punishment possible. She was elected on a platform that promised to use alternatives to incarceration and rehabilitation programs for people convicted of crimes to reduce mass incarceration and racial inequities in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ad features a clip from a press conference with Gov. Gavin Newsom from July when he announced his decision to rescind an offer to send state attorneys to assist with drug prosecutions by Price’s office. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996494/newsom-tried-to-send-a-prosecutor-to-help-alameda-county-da-heres-why-it-collapsed\">Price said the offer would not have benefited her office as much as the governor contended.\u003c/a> Newsom’s campaign manager did not respond to a request for comment about whether he supports the Price recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Off the campaign trail, Price this week announced what she called “the largest grant investment in the history of the Alameda County district attorney’s office.” The $6 million state grant will go toward expanding the Alameda County Community Assessment Referral Engagement Services (CARES) Navigation Center, which provides programs where law enforcement officers can send people experiencing drug use or mental health-related challenges without having to make an arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Rep. Barbara Lee and state Sen. Nancy Skinner put out anti-recall statements a week after Rep. Eric Swalwell endorsed the bid to remove Price from office.",
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"title": "East Bay Politicians Speak Out Against Recall of Alameda County DA Pamela Price | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Less than a month from the November election, a group of high-profile East Bay politicians are speaking out against the recall effort targeting Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a> as she pushes back against criticism over public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee and state Sen. Nancy Skinner, both of whom represent the northern end of Alameda County, announced this week that they oppose the potential recalls of Price Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao. The volley of support for the embattled officials comes a week after Rep. Eric Swalwell, who has long been a critic of Price, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">endorsed the recall campaign against her\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on the social media platform X, Skinner said that, like Lee, she opposes recalls on principle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Except in rare circumstances of serious misconduct, recalls are undemocratic and a waste of public funds,” Skinner wrote. “That’s especially true in the case of the Nov. 5 recalls, when the incumbents have only been in office for 2 years and will be up for reelection just 2 years from now. Wealthy interests should not be able to circumvent the regular democratic process and pay to put a recall on the ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcements follow prior anti-recall endorsements from Alameda County Supervisor Keith Carson and the Alameda County Democratic Central Committee.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“Whether we are Democrats or not, it should make us sick to our stomach that a few people, in this case, real estate developers and hedge fund managers, can use their money to undo our democratic vote,” Yoana Tchoukleva, co-chair of Alameda County Democrats’ legislation committee, said at a press conference on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Swalwell, who represents southeastern Alameda County, was joined by all 14 law enforcement unions in Alameda County in announcing support for the recall of Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot use reform rhetoric to allow criminals to continue victimizing our citizens with little to no consequences,” law enforcement union leaders said in a joint statement on Saturday. “Those of us who literally patrol the streets of Alameda County, we see first-hand how District Attorney Pamela Price is failing to keep us safe and hold criminals accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008986\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sam Singer (center), spokesperson for Alameda County’s 14 law enforcement unions, holds up a $5,000 donation check from the Hayward Police Officers Association during a press conference in Emeryville on Saturday, Oct. 5, 2024. He is joined by Carl Chan (left) and Brenda Grisham (right), principal officers for Save Alameda For Everyone (SAFE), the group leading the recall effort against Alameda County DA Pamela Price. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s press conference, Price said the county’s police unions are upset because she has brought criminal charges against law enforcement officers who killed civilians in the line of duty, something Price’s predecessor Nancy O’Malley did once during her nearly 14 years in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The days when police and rogue police officers and police unions controlled this office are over,” Price said. “When you have a solution to the problem, then you become the problem to people who have prospered, participated and profited off of our pain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008407/2-of-3-alameda-officers-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-have-their-case-dismissed\">involuntary manslaughter charges were dismissed\u003c/a> against two of the three Alameda police officers that Price’s office had sought to prosecute over the 2021 death of Mario Gonzalez. A judge ruled that prosecutors failed to file the necessary paperwork in time to bring charges within the statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price stands with Oakland residents and members of the Protect the Win campaign during a Thursday morning press conference at Everett & Jones Barbeque in Jack London Square. The group gathered to rally support against the recall effort. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Price had announced those charges in April, reversing a decision by O’Malley just days after the recall effort qualified for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last two weeks, law enforcement unions in the county donated $47,500 to the campaign to recall Price, according to campaign finance filings with the Alameda County Registrar of Voters. The union representing prosecutors in Price’s office contributed $40,000, and O’Malley gave $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the recall campaign released a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HB7uJPs8rdg\">video advertisement\u003c/a> attacking Price, alleging that she refuses to prosecute crimes. According to last year’s annual report from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/ACDAO-2023-ANNUAL-REPORT-4.pdf\">Alameda County district attorney’s office\u003c/a>, prosecutors filed criminal charges that year at a rate similar to that of the final four years of O’Malley’s administration. The report does not provide details on what types of charges were filed; Price has said the format of the office’s electronic case management system does not allow it to extract data with that level of detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has been criticized for charging and settling cases for less than the most severe punishment possible. She was elected on a platform that promised to use alternatives to incarceration and rehabilitation programs for people convicted of crimes to reduce mass incarceration and racial inequities in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ad features a clip from a press conference with Gov. Gavin Newsom from July when he announced his decision to rescind an offer to send state attorneys to assist with drug prosecutions by Price’s office. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996494/newsom-tried-to-send-a-prosecutor-to-help-alameda-county-da-heres-why-it-collapsed\">Price said the offer would not have benefited her office as much as the governor contended.\u003c/a> Newsom’s campaign manager did not respond to a request for comment about whether he supports the Price recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Off the campaign trail, Price this week announced what she called “the largest grant investment in the history of the Alameda County district attorney’s office.” The $6 million state grant will go toward expanding the Alameda County Community Assessment Referral Engagement Services (CARES) Navigation Center, which provides programs where law enforcement officers can send people experiencing drug use or mental health-related challenges without having to make an arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction",
"title": "Election 2024: How to Correct a Mistake on Your Ballot",
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"headTitle": "Election 2024: How to Correct a Mistake on Your Ballot | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010256/elecciones-2024-cometio-un-error-al-llenar-su-boleta-electoral\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 9:30 a.m. Nov. 5: Reading this on Election Day? Remember you have the option to \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">go to an open voting location before polls close at 8 p.m. and request a replacement ballot \u003c/a>if you’re really worried about a mistake you’ve made on your ballot. You can also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011221/how-to-check-my-ballot-was-counted-results-election-2024-harris-trump\">sign up to track your ballot\u003c/a> after you submit it, to find out quickly whether there are any issues with it. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012472/election-2024-where-do-i-vote-in-person-find-my-polling-place\">Find your polling place, closest secure ballot drop box or voting location.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]E[/dropcap]lection Day — your last day to vote — is on Tuesday, Nov. 5. And if you’re a registered California voter, your ballot should be arriving in your mailbox very soon, if it hasn’t already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what if you make a mistake on your ballot as you’re filling it out? Or are you just not sure how to fill it out in the first place?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to learn how to fill out your ballot, how important your signature is and your options if you need to start again with a fresh ballot. Or jump straight to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-correct-mistake-ballot\">What are my Bay Area county’s rules on fixing ballot mistakes?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#signature-problem-ballot\">What happens if I messed up my signature on my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#date-on-ballot-envelope\">I’m worried I wrote the wrong date on my ballot’s envelope\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you’re looking for information about what’s on your ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">take a look at KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>, which unpacks ballot measures and compares candidates in every race in the Bay Area. (And if you want to make sure you’re actually registered to vote correctly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">read our guide to checking your voter registration \u003c/a>— including why you might need to re-register.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841798\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident drops their mail-in ballot into a mailbox. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-correct-mistake-ballot\">\u003c/a>I messed up. How do I fix a mistake on my ballot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First, don’t panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People make mistakes on ballots, and they also find good ways to correct them. The job of county elections officials — once they’ve verified your signature — is to make sure your ballot can be read correctly. If that means that your corrections on your ballot have resulted in readability issues, officials working in teams of two will actually remake it for you according to the intent you’ve signaled with your corrections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main thing to know is that there’s no one-size-fits-all approach to correcting a mistake on your ballot in California — how a voter corrects a goof is up to the county, and sometimes those “how to fix it” instructions are different from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your own county’s advice for how to fix a mistake on your ballot is almost certainly printed \u003cem>on\u003c/em> your ballot, so check there first. But here’s what each county’s registrar told KQED about fixing a mistake, so scroll down to find your county or use the quick links below. If they sent us a visual guide, we’ve included that, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you have a specific question about your ballot that isn’t answered here, you can always \u003ca href=\"#contact\">contact your local county elections office for advice and instructions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11842571\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11842571\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident hands their mail-in ballot to a US Postal Service employee. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alameda\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County did not respond to repeated requests about their instructions to voters who make a mistake on their ballot, but the county’s ballot instructs voters to request a fresh ballot if they make a mistake, rather than try to correct it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">Jump straight to how you can get a new ballot\u003c/a>. You can also call the Alameda County Registrar of Voters at 510-267-8683 or 800-345-VOTE(8683) with questions about your individual ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you make a mistake, Contra Costa County Registrar Kristin Connelly said, “A simple X through the oval of the incorrect choice and a filled-in oval on their correct choice is enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[A]s long as we can determine what the voter’s intent is, we can make sure we count their vote correctly,” Connelly said. But if you’re still worried about your vote, you can always \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">ask for a replacement ballot,\u003c/a> to either mail back or use to vote in person. “It’s totally up to the voter and what makes them comfortable and secure that their vote will be counted,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Goltiao, associate communications officer with Santa Clara County’s Registrar of Voters, said you can “correct it by crossing out the wrong choice and filling out the correct oval as shown in the picture” below. You should not sign or initial the correction, Goltiao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005425\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005425\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"100\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT.png 500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT-160x32.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How Santa Clara County recommends voters correct their ballot. \u003ccite>(Santa Clara Department of Elections)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can also \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a> by calling 408-299-VOTE [8683] or toll-free 866-430-VOTE [8683]. “Voters may also use the Remote Accessible Vote by Mail System (RAVBM) to download a copy of the ballot that can be printed and returned by mail,” Goltiao said. \u003ca href=\"https://vote.santaclaracounty.gov/vote-mail/how-mark-your-vote-mail-ballot\">Read more information for Santa Clara voters about marking and returning ballots.\u003c/a> [aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[V]oters can \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request replacement ballots\u003c/a> if they make a mistake marking a selection,” San Francisco Department of Elections Director John Arntz told KQED. You can request that new ballot in person at your polling place and, from the San Francisco elections office at City Hall, and by \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/departments/department-elections\">calling or emailing the Department of Election (scroll to the bottom of this link for contact details.) \u003c/a>You can also use their \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.org/tools/portal/\">Voter Portal\u003c/a> online to request a replacement ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if a voter doesn’t want to (or can’t) request a replacement ballot, Arntz said, “We tell them they can also cross out the incorrect selection, fill in the correct oval, and note on the card they made a mistake.” The reason this is OK, Artnz said, is because the vote-counting machines will recognize and flag any ballot that contains more than the allowed number of votes for a particular race. The ballot is then “moved to manual review or adjudication,” and elections staffers will personally look at the ballot to work out what that voter, in fact, meant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When voters indicate they made a mistake, our personnel will remedy the overvote to reflect the voters’ intent, and the card is then tabulated,” Artnz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Mateo\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"431\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-800x180.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-1020x229.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-160x36.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-1536x345.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How San Mateo County recommends voters correct their ballot. \u003ccite>(San Mateo County)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mark Church, Assessor-County Clerk-Recorder and Chief Elections Officer for San Mateo County told KQED that “any additional markings a voter makes including an ‘X’ through a selection choice on the ballot” will mean your ballot gets flagged and placed in a “Challenged” state. Then, your ballot is forwarded to one of the county’s adjudication stations, where a staffer will determine how you meant to vote with your markings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thus, it is preferred that a voter \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a> if they make a mistake in marking their ballot,” Church said — which you can do in person by \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">visiting one of the county’s 49 Vote Centers\u003c/a> or calling the Elections Office at 650-312-5222.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin County voters “can X out the mistake and mark the correct vote,” Lynda Roberts, Registrar of Voters, told KQED. “As long as we can see their intent, we can count the vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin voters “should not initial or write their name next to the change, however, since ballots are to remain anonymous,” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Napa\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tuteur, Napa County Registrar of Voters, said that if someone makes a mistake on their ballot, like marking “yes” when they meant to mark “no,” “they should circle the correct choice and draw an arrow to it.” The county’s vote-counting machines — technically known as “optical scanner ballot tabulators” — will automatically flag and forward any ballot that shows an “overvote” like this (i.e., when a race has more answers than is permitted) to staff who are trained to adjudicate these things, and work out what that voter intended with their correction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This process is all documented, Tuteur said, so elections staff always know which adjudicator reviewed which ballot and what they decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Solano\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[L]ike lots of things, it kind of depends on the case and how close to election day it is,” Solano County Assistant Registrar of Voters John Gardner told KQED. But as a general rule, he encourages Solano voters to \u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/contact_us.asp\">“call our office and talk to staff so we can go through the options” or email them. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your options, which an elections staffer can go over with you, include writing notes on your ballot to make your intention clear (“i.e., add arrows to the correct choice and write ‘I want this one’ next to it or something like that,” Gardner said, so the human reviewing your ballot can understand it), along with ways to \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">receive a new ballot\u003c/a> which include requesting a totally fresh one, using a sample ballot or printing a new ballot themselves from a secure site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[W]e do have a lot of options for voters, but it’s really best for them to get in touch with us to help them understand all the possibilities based on their situation and needs,” Gardner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sonoma\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters should put an X over the incorrect choice and mark the correct one,” said Deva Proto, Clerk-Recorder-Assessor and Registrar of Voters of Sonoma County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters can also \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a>, if they feel more comfortable with that, or go to any in-person location to vote or get a replacement ballot,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need to know about voting in 2024?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And remember, there’s \u003cem>always\u003c/em> this option …\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-get-new-ballot\">\u003c/a>What if I just want a new ballot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’ve made a big mistake on your ballot — too big to fix — your best plan of action may be to focus on getting a new one. You can:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call your county elections office and ask them to cancel that ballot and issue a new one to you\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Go to your county elections office with your spoiled ballot during business hours and vote right there at the counter\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Take advantage of the early voting options available in many counties\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Go to a voting site on Election Day, Nov. 5, turn in your spoiled ballot there and get a new ballot\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also do this if you’ve accidentally damaged your ballot in some way (coffee spills happen).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843241\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident puts on an ‘I Voted!’ sticker after completing their mail-in ballot. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"signature-problem-ballot\">\u003c/a>What if I have problems with my signature?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When you’re done filling out your ballot, you must sign the envelope (\u003cem>not\u003c/em> the ballot itself, as these are meant to stay anonymous.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a few big mistakes people can make with their signatures are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Forgetting to sign their ballot envelope entirely\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Accidentally signing the wrong ballot envelope in their household (i.e., mixing up your ballot with your partner’s or roommate’s ballot) or\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Making a signature that doesn’t match the signature they made when they registered to vote\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Why \u003cem>wouldn’t\u003c/em> your signature match the one on file? If you registered to vote at a young age, maybe your signature has changed over time. Or perhaps you registered to vote at the DMV and provided your signature on a screen with a stylus, which doesn’t quite replicate how you’d make your signature with a pen on paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you registered this way, one simple way to avoid any signature problems is to take a quick glance at the signature that’s on your driver’s license or state ID — because that’s the one you want your ballot signature to match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if you didn’t register at the DMV, that signature on your most recent license or state ID is still very likely the one to emulate. That’s because when you register to vote online, your county elections office electronically requests a copy of the signature the DMV \u003cem>currently\u003c/em> has for you, and this information is regularly updated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To further set your mind at rest, know that California isn’t an “exact match” state and doesn’t demand voters’ signatures 100% replicate the signature that’s on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What if I just don’t know my ‘correct’ signature I’m registered to vote with?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> worried about the signature on your envelope not matching the signature you’re registered to vote with, there are two good solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One: If it’s on or before Oct. 21, you can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">re-register to vote with your current signature\u003c/a> to be sure that the state now has your most recent one on file. If you are re-registering after Oct. 21, you’d need to complete the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg/\">same-day voter registration\u003c/a> process (also known as “conditional voting”) and request your ballot in person at your county elections office or polling location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two: In 2021, Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/\">California Voter Foundation\u003c/a>, told us there’s another solution if you’re worried about your signature: Go vote in person, if you’re able.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the signature only goes on your ballot’s \u003cem>envelope\u003c/em> — and if you’re voting in person, there’s no envelope because that ballot then goes straight into the ballot box without needing that envelope at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if you want that satisfaction of seeing your ballot drop in the box and know that it’s not going to get held up because of some signature issue, you can go and vote in person,” Alexander said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Thanks, KQED: I already mailed my ballot, but now I’m paranoid about my signature. What if I messed it up?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rest assured: There’s a whole system in place to help you correct your mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your county’s election office detects a signature mismatch on your ballot, they’ll reach out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. It’s called “curing” a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This system is also applied when it looks like a member of a voter’s family might have signed their ballot instead of the voter. This happens a \u003cem>surprising\u003c/em> amount when one household has several voters who all receive a ballot in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One way to get peace of mind: \u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">Sign up to track your ballot\u003c/a>, and you’ll find out about any issues with your ballot or your signature quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"date-on-ballot-envelope\">\u003c/a>I think I put the wrong date on my envelope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First off, that date should be the date you signed your envelope — not your date of birth. (We had many questions during the 2020 election about this.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you’re worried you messed up the date, don’t worry. Elections officials said that the date they’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> looking for is the date that the ballot is postmarked to make sure it was submitted on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials will only truly scrutinize the date you’ve written if they receive your ballot \u003cem>after\u003c/em> Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like maybe you mailed it Monday before Election Day,” John Gardner, assistant registrar of voters for Solano County, told us in 2020. “That’s when we have to start looking at postmarks on the ballot, or date that the voter signed the envelope, to determine if we can count the ballot or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you haven’t mailed your envelope yet, it’s an easy fix: Just clearly cross out the incorrect date on the envelope and write in the correct one above it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if I use assistive technology to complete forms?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Getting physical assistance with filling out your ballot from someone you trust is always fine, whether you’re voting at home or at a voting site. You just need to make sure your signature is your own and matches the one you’re registered to vote with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disabled voters can also choose to use the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">Remote Accessible Vote-by-Mail \u003c/a>system to vote privately and independently at home, using their usual assistive device on their home computer to fill out the ballot on their screen and then print and mail it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every voting location in California is also equipped with an accessible voting unit. Here, voters with blindness or low vision or who have a disability that limits their dexterity will be able to use the assistive device of their choice that allows them to vote privately and independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I make sure my mail-in ballot gets there on time?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remember, one big reason that ballots get disqualified in elections is that voters mail them too late: either too late on Election Day itself (after U.S. Postal Service mailboxes have already been collected) or after Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be counted in this election, your ballot must be postmarked on Election Day, Nov. 5, at the latest. Your ballot has seven days — until Nov. 12. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/pres-prim-march-2024?mc_cid=638980d345&mc_eid=b5c444f6a0\">— \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/pres-prim-march-2024?mc_cid=638980d345&mc_eid=b5c444f6a0\">to reach your county elections office.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in this election, it’s as crucial as ever to make sure you have a plan for voting on time — and if you’re not voting in person, that means making sure you get your ballot into a USPS mailbox or into \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">a secure voting drop box, at a polling location\u003c/a> or your county elections office, by the time polls close on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re choosing to mail your ballot via USPS, keep in mind that the Postal Service must postmark your ballot envelope by the end of Election Day for your vote to count — and the last collection at many mailboxes is 5 p.m. So, if it’s getting late in the day on Nov. 5, consider using a county drop box instead of a USPS mailbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Read more about how to return your ballot in the Bay Area.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A few other common ballot mistakes to watch out for …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you use a black or blue pen:\u003c/strong> It reads better, and it doesn’t slow workers down when they have to check to see what voter intent was. (Don’t use a felt-tip or a Sharpie that bleeds through the paper and marks other pages on your ballot.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t mail an empty envelope:\u003c/strong> It does happen. Keeping your envelope and your ballot together in your home might be a helpful way of avoiding this problem. And, of course, when you’re ready to mail your ballot, make sure it’s actually inside the envelope before you seal it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t bother with a stamp:\u003c/strong> Your ballot envelope is postage-paid. You don’t need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And again, make sure you’re filling out the ballot — and signing the envelope — with \u003cem>your\u003c/em> name on it:\u003c/strong> It’s common to see roommates or family members accidentally mix up their ballot materials on the kitchen counter. So make sure you’re filling out the ballot and signing the envelope that bears your name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879395\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bei Kao holds her ‘I Voted’ sticker after voting in Oakland on Oct. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>And remember, you don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> to vote by mail\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/vote-mail\">every registered voter in California now receives a mail-in ballot by default, \u003c/a>without having to request it as in previous years. But voting by mail is still one option open to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can still absolutely vote in person, either at an early voting location before or on Election Day (Nov. 5) itself. If you live in Alameda, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa Clara or Sonoma, Vote Centers in your county open on Oct. 26 (or earlier in some cases), where you can go in person. Assigned voting locations will open a little later in San Francisco, Contra Costa or Solano for those counties’ voters, although some early voting sites will be available in those counties — for example, at your county elections office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">See where early voting will open in your county.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"contact\">\u003c/a>Contact your county directly\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acvote.org/index\">Alameda\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us\">Contra Costa\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">Marin\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 415-473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections webpage to \u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\">send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">Napa\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 707-253-4321 or email the elections office at elections@countyofnapa.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org\">San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 415-554-4375 or email sfvote@sfgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">San Mateo\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call toll-free at 866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">Solano\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or 888-933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">Sonoma\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at 800-750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state also has a full list of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices/\">every county elections office in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bookmark \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/voting-california/election-dates-and-resources\">the state’s full list of deadlines for the California Presidential Primary Election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What do you need to know more about when it comes to voting? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. We can’t respond to everyone who sends a question, but what you submit will make our reporting stronger and help us decide what to cover here on our site and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "You made a mistake on your ballot. What now? From signatures to how to correct an answer you didn't intend, we have answers to your questions about voting this fall.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010256/elecciones-2024-cometio-un-error-al-llenar-su-boleta-electoral\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 9:30 a.m. Nov. 5: Reading this on Election Day? Remember you have the option to \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">go to an open voting location before polls close at 8 p.m. and request a replacement ballot \u003c/a>if you’re really worried about a mistake you’ve made on your ballot. You can also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011221/how-to-check-my-ballot-was-counted-results-election-2024-harris-trump\">sign up to track your ballot\u003c/a> after you submit it, to find out quickly whether there are any issues with it. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012472/election-2024-where-do-i-vote-in-person-find-my-polling-place\">Find your polling place, closest secure ballot drop box or voting location.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">E\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>lection Day — your last day to vote — is on Tuesday, Nov. 5. And if you’re a registered California voter, your ballot should be arriving in your mailbox very soon, if it hasn’t already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what if you make a mistake on your ballot as you’re filling it out? Or are you just not sure how to fill it out in the first place?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to learn how to fill out your ballot, how important your signature is and your options if you need to start again with a fresh ballot. Or jump straight to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-correct-mistake-ballot\">What are my Bay Area county’s rules on fixing ballot mistakes?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#signature-problem-ballot\">What happens if I messed up my signature on my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#date-on-ballot-envelope\">I’m worried I wrote the wrong date on my ballot’s envelope\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you’re looking for information about what’s on your ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">take a look at KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>, which unpacks ballot measures and compares candidates in every race in the Bay Area. (And if you want to make sure you’re actually registered to vote correctly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">read our guide to checking your voter registration \u003c/a>— including why you might need to re-register.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841798\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident drops their mail-in ballot into a mailbox. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-correct-mistake-ballot\">\u003c/a>I messed up. How do I fix a mistake on my ballot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First, don’t panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People make mistakes on ballots, and they also find good ways to correct them. The job of county elections officials — once they’ve verified your signature — is to make sure your ballot can be read correctly. If that means that your corrections on your ballot have resulted in readability issues, officials working in teams of two will actually remake it for you according to the intent you’ve signaled with your corrections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main thing to know is that there’s no one-size-fits-all approach to correcting a mistake on your ballot in California — how a voter corrects a goof is up to the county, and sometimes those “how to fix it” instructions are different from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your own county’s advice for how to fix a mistake on your ballot is almost certainly printed \u003cem>on\u003c/em> your ballot, so check there first. But here’s what each county’s registrar told KQED about fixing a mistake, so scroll down to find your county or use the quick links below. If they sent us a visual guide, we’ve included that, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you have a specific question about your ballot that isn’t answered here, you can always \u003ca href=\"#contact\">contact your local county elections office for advice and instructions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11842571\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11842571\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident hands their mail-in ballot to a US Postal Service employee. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alameda\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County did not respond to repeated requests about their instructions to voters who make a mistake on their ballot, but the county’s ballot instructs voters to request a fresh ballot if they make a mistake, rather than try to correct it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">Jump straight to how you can get a new ballot\u003c/a>. You can also call the Alameda County Registrar of Voters at 510-267-8683 or 800-345-VOTE(8683) with questions about your individual ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you make a mistake, Contra Costa County Registrar Kristin Connelly said, “A simple X through the oval of the incorrect choice and a filled-in oval on their correct choice is enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[A]s long as we can determine what the voter’s intent is, we can make sure we count their vote correctly,” Connelly said. But if you’re still worried about your vote, you can always \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">ask for a replacement ballot,\u003c/a> to either mail back or use to vote in person. “It’s totally up to the voter and what makes them comfortable and secure that their vote will be counted,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Goltiao, associate communications officer with Santa Clara County’s Registrar of Voters, said you can “correct it by crossing out the wrong choice and filling out the correct oval as shown in the picture” below. You should not sign or initial the correction, Goltiao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005425\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005425\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"100\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT.png 500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT-160x32.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How Santa Clara County recommends voters correct their ballot. \u003ccite>(Santa Clara Department of Elections)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can also \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a> by calling 408-299-VOTE [8683] or toll-free 866-430-VOTE [8683]. “Voters may also use the Remote Accessible Vote by Mail System (RAVBM) to download a copy of the ballot that can be printed and returned by mail,” Goltiao said. \u003ca href=\"https://vote.santaclaracounty.gov/vote-mail/how-mark-your-vote-mail-ballot\">Read more information for Santa Clara voters about marking and returning ballots.\u003c/a> \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[V]oters can \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request replacement ballots\u003c/a> if they make a mistake marking a selection,” San Francisco Department of Elections Director John Arntz told KQED. You can request that new ballot in person at your polling place and, from the San Francisco elections office at City Hall, and by \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/departments/department-elections\">calling or emailing the Department of Election (scroll to the bottom of this link for contact details.) \u003c/a>You can also use their \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.org/tools/portal/\">Voter Portal\u003c/a> online to request a replacement ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if a voter doesn’t want to (or can’t) request a replacement ballot, Arntz said, “We tell them they can also cross out the incorrect selection, fill in the correct oval, and note on the card they made a mistake.” The reason this is OK, Artnz said, is because the vote-counting machines will recognize and flag any ballot that contains more than the allowed number of votes for a particular race. The ballot is then “moved to manual review or adjudication,” and elections staffers will personally look at the ballot to work out what that voter, in fact, meant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When voters indicate they made a mistake, our personnel will remedy the overvote to reflect the voters’ intent, and the card is then tabulated,” Artnz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Mateo\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"431\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-800x180.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-1020x229.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-160x36.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-1536x345.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How San Mateo County recommends voters correct their ballot. \u003ccite>(San Mateo County)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mark Church, Assessor-County Clerk-Recorder and Chief Elections Officer for San Mateo County told KQED that “any additional markings a voter makes including an ‘X’ through a selection choice on the ballot” will mean your ballot gets flagged and placed in a “Challenged” state. Then, your ballot is forwarded to one of the county’s adjudication stations, where a staffer will determine how you meant to vote with your markings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thus, it is preferred that a voter \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a> if they make a mistake in marking their ballot,” Church said — which you can do in person by \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">visiting one of the county’s 49 Vote Centers\u003c/a> or calling the Elections Office at 650-312-5222.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin County voters “can X out the mistake and mark the correct vote,” Lynda Roberts, Registrar of Voters, told KQED. “As long as we can see their intent, we can count the vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin voters “should not initial or write their name next to the change, however, since ballots are to remain anonymous,” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Napa\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tuteur, Napa County Registrar of Voters, said that if someone makes a mistake on their ballot, like marking “yes” when they meant to mark “no,” “they should circle the correct choice and draw an arrow to it.” The county’s vote-counting machines — technically known as “optical scanner ballot tabulators” — will automatically flag and forward any ballot that shows an “overvote” like this (i.e., when a race has more answers than is permitted) to staff who are trained to adjudicate these things, and work out what that voter intended with their correction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This process is all documented, Tuteur said, so elections staff always know which adjudicator reviewed which ballot and what they decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Solano\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[L]ike lots of things, it kind of depends on the case and how close to election day it is,” Solano County Assistant Registrar of Voters John Gardner told KQED. But as a general rule, he encourages Solano voters to \u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/contact_us.asp\">“call our office and talk to staff so we can go through the options” or email them. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your options, which an elections staffer can go over with you, include writing notes on your ballot to make your intention clear (“i.e., add arrows to the correct choice and write ‘I want this one’ next to it or something like that,” Gardner said, so the human reviewing your ballot can understand it), along with ways to \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">receive a new ballot\u003c/a> which include requesting a totally fresh one, using a sample ballot or printing a new ballot themselves from a secure site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[W]e do have a lot of options for voters, but it’s really best for them to get in touch with us to help them understand all the possibilities based on their situation and needs,” Gardner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sonoma\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters should put an X over the incorrect choice and mark the correct one,” said Deva Proto, Clerk-Recorder-Assessor and Registrar of Voters of Sonoma County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters can also \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a>, if they feel more comfortable with that, or go to any in-person location to vote or get a replacement ballot,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need to know about voting in 2024?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And remember, there’s \u003cem>always\u003c/em> this option …\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-get-new-ballot\">\u003c/a>What if I just want a new ballot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’ve made a big mistake on your ballot — too big to fix — your best plan of action may be to focus on getting a new one. You can:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call your county elections office and ask them to cancel that ballot and issue a new one to you\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Go to your county elections office with your spoiled ballot during business hours and vote right there at the counter\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Take advantage of the early voting options available in many counties\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Go to a voting site on Election Day, Nov. 5, turn in your spoiled ballot there and get a new ballot\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also do this if you’ve accidentally damaged your ballot in some way (coffee spills happen).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843241\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident puts on an ‘I Voted!’ sticker after completing their mail-in ballot. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"signature-problem-ballot\">\u003c/a>What if I have problems with my signature?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When you’re done filling out your ballot, you must sign the envelope (\u003cem>not\u003c/em> the ballot itself, as these are meant to stay anonymous.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a few big mistakes people can make with their signatures are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Forgetting to sign their ballot envelope entirely\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Accidentally signing the wrong ballot envelope in their household (i.e., mixing up your ballot with your partner’s or roommate’s ballot) or\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Making a signature that doesn’t match the signature they made when they registered to vote\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Why \u003cem>wouldn’t\u003c/em> your signature match the one on file? If you registered to vote at a young age, maybe your signature has changed over time. Or perhaps you registered to vote at the DMV and provided your signature on a screen with a stylus, which doesn’t quite replicate how you’d make your signature with a pen on paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you registered this way, one simple way to avoid any signature problems is to take a quick glance at the signature that’s on your driver’s license or state ID — because that’s the one you want your ballot signature to match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if you didn’t register at the DMV, that signature on your most recent license or state ID is still very likely the one to emulate. That’s because when you register to vote online, your county elections office electronically requests a copy of the signature the DMV \u003cem>currently\u003c/em> has for you, and this information is regularly updated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To further set your mind at rest, know that California isn’t an “exact match” state and doesn’t demand voters’ signatures 100% replicate the signature that’s on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What if I just don’t know my ‘correct’ signature I’m registered to vote with?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> worried about the signature on your envelope not matching the signature you’re registered to vote with, there are two good solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One: If it’s on or before Oct. 21, you can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">re-register to vote with your current signature\u003c/a> to be sure that the state now has your most recent one on file. If you are re-registering after Oct. 21, you’d need to complete the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg/\">same-day voter registration\u003c/a> process (also known as “conditional voting”) and request your ballot in person at your county elections office or polling location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two: In 2021, Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/\">California Voter Foundation\u003c/a>, told us there’s another solution if you’re worried about your signature: Go vote in person, if you’re able.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the signature only goes on your ballot’s \u003cem>envelope\u003c/em> — and if you’re voting in person, there’s no envelope because that ballot then goes straight into the ballot box without needing that envelope at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if you want that satisfaction of seeing your ballot drop in the box and know that it’s not going to get held up because of some signature issue, you can go and vote in person,” Alexander said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Thanks, KQED: I already mailed my ballot, but now I’m paranoid about my signature. What if I messed it up?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rest assured: There’s a whole system in place to help you correct your mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your county’s election office detects a signature mismatch on your ballot, they’ll reach out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. It’s called “curing” a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This system is also applied when it looks like a member of a voter’s family might have signed their ballot instead of the voter. This happens a \u003cem>surprising\u003c/em> amount when one household has several voters who all receive a ballot in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One way to get peace of mind: \u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">Sign up to track your ballot\u003c/a>, and you’ll find out about any issues with your ballot or your signature quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"date-on-ballot-envelope\">\u003c/a>I think I put the wrong date on my envelope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First off, that date should be the date you signed your envelope — not your date of birth. (We had many questions during the 2020 election about this.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you’re worried you messed up the date, don’t worry. Elections officials said that the date they’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> looking for is the date that the ballot is postmarked to make sure it was submitted on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials will only truly scrutinize the date you’ve written if they receive your ballot \u003cem>after\u003c/em> Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like maybe you mailed it Monday before Election Day,” John Gardner, assistant registrar of voters for Solano County, told us in 2020. “That’s when we have to start looking at postmarks on the ballot, or date that the voter signed the envelope, to determine if we can count the ballot or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you haven’t mailed your envelope yet, it’s an easy fix: Just clearly cross out the incorrect date on the envelope and write in the correct one above it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if I use assistive technology to complete forms?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Getting physical assistance with filling out your ballot from someone you trust is always fine, whether you’re voting at home or at a voting site. You just need to make sure your signature is your own and matches the one you’re registered to vote with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disabled voters can also choose to use the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">Remote Accessible Vote-by-Mail \u003c/a>system to vote privately and independently at home, using their usual assistive device on their home computer to fill out the ballot on their screen and then print and mail it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every voting location in California is also equipped with an accessible voting unit. Here, voters with blindness or low vision or who have a disability that limits their dexterity will be able to use the assistive device of their choice that allows them to vote privately and independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I make sure my mail-in ballot gets there on time?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remember, one big reason that ballots get disqualified in elections is that voters mail them too late: either too late on Election Day itself (after U.S. Postal Service mailboxes have already been collected) or after Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be counted in this election, your ballot must be postmarked on Election Day, Nov. 5, at the latest. Your ballot has seven days — until Nov. 12. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/pres-prim-march-2024?mc_cid=638980d345&mc_eid=b5c444f6a0\">— \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/pres-prim-march-2024?mc_cid=638980d345&mc_eid=b5c444f6a0\">to reach your county elections office.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in this election, it’s as crucial as ever to make sure you have a plan for voting on time — and if you’re not voting in person, that means making sure you get your ballot into a USPS mailbox or into \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">a secure voting drop box, at a polling location\u003c/a> or your county elections office, by the time polls close on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re choosing to mail your ballot via USPS, keep in mind that the Postal Service must postmark your ballot envelope by the end of Election Day for your vote to count — and the last collection at many mailboxes is 5 p.m. So, if it’s getting late in the day on Nov. 5, consider using a county drop box instead of a USPS mailbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Read more about how to return your ballot in the Bay Area.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A few other common ballot mistakes to watch out for …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you use a black or blue pen:\u003c/strong> It reads better, and it doesn’t slow workers down when they have to check to see what voter intent was. (Don’t use a felt-tip or a Sharpie that bleeds through the paper and marks other pages on your ballot.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t mail an empty envelope:\u003c/strong> It does happen. Keeping your envelope and your ballot together in your home might be a helpful way of avoiding this problem. And, of course, when you’re ready to mail your ballot, make sure it’s actually inside the envelope before you seal it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t bother with a stamp:\u003c/strong> Your ballot envelope is postage-paid. You don’t need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And again, make sure you’re filling out the ballot — and signing the envelope — with \u003cem>your\u003c/em> name on it:\u003c/strong> It’s common to see roommates or family members accidentally mix up their ballot materials on the kitchen counter. So make sure you’re filling out the ballot and signing the envelope that bears your name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879395\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bei Kao holds her ‘I Voted’ sticker after voting in Oakland on Oct. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>And remember, you don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> to vote by mail\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/vote-mail\">every registered voter in California now receives a mail-in ballot by default, \u003c/a>without having to request it as in previous years. But voting by mail is still one option open to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can still absolutely vote in person, either at an early voting location before or on Election Day (Nov. 5) itself. If you live in Alameda, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa Clara or Sonoma, Vote Centers in your county open on Oct. 26 (or earlier in some cases), where you can go in person. Assigned voting locations will open a little later in San Francisco, Contra Costa or Solano for those counties’ voters, although some early voting sites will be available in those counties — for example, at your county elections office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">See where early voting will open in your county.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"contact\">\u003c/a>Contact your county directly\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acvote.org/index\">Alameda\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us\">Contra Costa\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">Marin\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 415-473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections webpage to \u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\">send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">Napa\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 707-253-4321 or email the elections office at elections@countyofnapa.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org\">San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 415-554-4375 or email sfvote@sfgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">San Mateo\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call toll-free at 866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">Solano\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or 888-933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">Sonoma\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at 800-750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state also has a full list of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices/\">every county elections office in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bookmark \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/voting-california/election-dates-and-resources\">the state’s full list of deadlines for the California Presidential Primary Election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What do you need to know more about when it comes to voting? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. We can’t respond to everyone who sends a question, but what you submit will make our reporting stronger and help us decide what to cover here on our site and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It was the fall of 2011, and the American housing market was in freefall — California was ground zero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of Californians had already lost their homes to foreclosure, and millions more were underwater on their mortgages, owing more than their homes were worth. Many were facing exploding mortgage payments as adjustable-rate loans skyrocketed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Mission Economic Development Agency (MEDA) in San Francisco, frantic homeowners streamed in daily, asking for help. It was a scene repeating itself at similar nonprofits across California, which was among the hardest-hit states, suffering around one-third of overall foreclosures nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Jacqueline Marcelos was one of two mortgage counselors at MEDA, an asset development organization that she’d first walked into for help herself: She and her husband were the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/ex-real-estate-agent-sentenced-in-sf-mortgage-scheme-targeting-immigrants/\"> victims of mortgage fraud\u003c/a>, one of more than a dozen families that a real estate agent had bilked out of money. As a result, Marcelos had lost her home to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a counselor at MEDA, Marcelos and her colleagues knew that families seeking their help were likely weeks or months away from losing their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have around 26 clients per month. It was a lot,” she said. “The banks never did respond on time. They were always asking you for more documentation. They were continuing doing the foreclosure procedures even though you were under review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then one day, Kamala Harris came in,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trial by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s newly elected attorney general, Harris, took office as policymakers were grappling with the worst economic crisis in decades, and Californians were suffering: In 2009, as the subprime mortgage crisis began to peak, more than 3.5 million California households were delinquent on their mortgages; Florida was the next highest state with 3.1 million families behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harris assumed her role, other state attorneys general were negotiating as a group with the five largest banks over their outsize responsibility for the foreclosure crisis. But California wasn’t initially part of that group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her autobiography, “The Truths We Hold,” Harris recounts instructing her staff on her first day to join those multi-state settlement talks. By the fall, however, she made the risky decision \u003ca href=\"https://documents.latimes.com/harris-letter-housing-investigation/\">to pull out\u003c/a>, convinced that the banks were gunning for a deal that wouldn’t offer homeowners enough money or new protections — and would shield the banks from future probes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision would prove pivotal in shaping Harris’ political career and public image, becoming a frequent reference point in her campaign narratives — including during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">her speech this summer\u003c/a> at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Attorney General of California, I took on the big banks, delivered $20 billion for middle-class families who faced foreclosure, and helped pass a homeowner bill of rights — one of the first of its kind in the nation,” she told the cheering crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The subprime mortgage crisis wasn’t new to Harris: As San Francisco district attorney, her office had taken on several related mortgage fraud cases, including prosecuting the real estate agent who defrauded Marcelos. But now, as top prosecutor of the largest state in the nation, the stakes were significantly higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a presidential election on the horizon, the Obama administration wanted Harris and the other attorneys general to strike a deal, which most of the other states were eager to do. And the banks were breathing down her neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When she walked away and rejected what was put on the table, there was enormous pressure immediately upon her to show the next steps and … there were a lot of people who were leaning on her to change her mind,” said Nathan Barankin, her chief of staff at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/QbycqFzva5Q\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She felt very, very strongly that the reason why she needed to reject what they had put on the table was because there had not been an adequate investigation into exactly what had happened and, more importantly, what the consequences were of the misbehavior by these big banks,” he said. “Her focus at that time, together with the executive team and so many other folks in the attorney general’s office, was to create and execute that investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This led Harris to a conference room at MEDA on Nov. 22, 2011, alongside Marcelos, and surrounded by San Franciscans who had lost their homes or were in the process of losing them. It was one of several meetings she held around the state with distressed homeowners and their advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I wanted to be here today to hear these stories,” she told the group, according to a video of the meeting. “There are a lot of people who are debating and talking about it and thinking about it from a perspective that is intellectual or perhaps political or academic. But the reality is, this issue is about each of you at this table and the experiences that you’ve had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’re talking about folks who have believed in the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos said that at that meeting, the attorney general was “very friendly, very approachable. ” Harris, she said, “understood the pain of all the families that were present and acknowledged [it],” giving them hope for systemic change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A formative settlement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In January 2012, Harris demanded to talk directly to one of the key players in the settlement talks: JP Morgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon. According to her book, the call devolved into a yelling match, with Dimon accusing Harris of “trying to steal from my shareholders,” to which Harris fired back, “Your shareholders? My shareholders are the homeowners of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within two weeks of that call, Harris and the other attorneys general had \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-secures-18-billion-california-commitment\">struck a deal\u003c/a> with the mortgage lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related coverage\" postID=\"news_12000397,news_10966388,news_10346121\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California ultimately secured $20 billion, far exceeding the original offer of $2 to $4 billion, with the bulk aimed at lowering mortgage principals for homeowners. The main goal was to keep people in their homes and reduce the amount they owed so they weren’t paying a mortgage higher than the worth of their home. More than 84,000 families received principal reductions totaling $9.2 billion,\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/sites/all/files/agweb/pdfs/mortgage_settlement/04-report-by-the-numbers.pdf\"> according to a 2013 report\u003c/a> by the state-appointed monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, many Californians still lost their homes after the settlement, noted Ira Rheingold, the executive director of the National Association of Consumer Advocates. According to the same state monitor’s report, another $9.2 billion of the settlement went toward lowering the amount people owed on mortgages, which resulted in short sales. In those cases, the homeowners avoided foreclosure and were able to walk away without debt or bad credit — but they still lost their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this, Rheingold praised Harris’ work, saying the settlement came out of “the failure of the federal government to take appropriate action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she did the best she could under those circumstances for California homeowners,” he said. ”The only place where principal reduction was being offered to consumers was through the AG settlement. It wasn’t nearly enough, but that was the one place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rheingold said Harris’ involvement ensured two other crucial provisions of the settlement. First, it included reforms to lending operations that “set the stage for later rules and regulations around the mortgage servicing industry.” Second, Harris forced the banks to allow California to appoint its own monitor to ensure compliance with the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That monitor was Katie Porter, a consumer protection attorney who is now a Southern California congresswoman. Porter noted that the settlement itself was hundreds of pages long and incredibly complicated. Her role, as Harris laid out when she called to offer Porter the job, was partly to ensure that the people who needed help could actually navigate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t want these to be hollow promises,” Porter said. “She didn’t view her job as the press conference announcing the settlement. She viewed her job as actually getting the banks to stop doing illegal things and start helping the families that got hurt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter said she’s proud of what the settlement meant for tens of thousands of Californians who were able to get out from underwater mortgages. But she agrees it didn’t include something many would have liked to see: criminal accountability for the bank executives and others who took advantage of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that a lot of these mortgage executives made a lot of money and walked away even as families and homeowners struggled,” Porter said. “And for me, what that illustrates is sort of a larger problem about corporate accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, Harris’ mortgage strike team did prosecute dozens of people for fraud and other mortgage-related crimes when she was attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Porter and Marcelos, from MEDA, highlighted Harris’ next move after negotiating the settlement: successfully pushing state lawmakers to approve the Homeowners Bill of Rights, which codified into law many of the settlement’s rules and reforms that would have otherwise expired after a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No settlement is perfect,” said Porter. But, she added, “If you ask yourself, did this settlement force banks to change illegal unlawful practices that they had been committing for a decade? The answer is yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos agreed, noting that while many of those homeowners Harris met with in November 2011 at MEDA had already lost their homes after the Homeowner Bill of Rights passed, she was repeatedly able to invoke the law to banks, preventing her new clients from losing their homes to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Not ‘someone else’s problem’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter said that Harris’ handling of the mortgage crisis illustrates who she is as a politician and leader as she seeks the presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The important thing in this moment for people who are asking themselves, ‘What do we know about Kamala Harris and how is she going to lead and govern?’ is that she wasn’t someone who said, ‘This is someone else’s problem. Let’s let the federal government solve this. Or sooner or later, Congress will get around to this.’ This is somebody who went and tried a different avenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barankin, her former chief of staff, argues there is a throughline in Harris’ public service: Her insistence on doing the research, sitting down with those impacted and basing a resolution on those real-life conversations. He notes her successful cases as attorney general \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-obtains-11-billion-judgment-against-predatory\">prosecuting a for-profit college \u003c/a>that was preying on low income Californians; and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-announces-criminal-charges-against-senior\">going after a website\u003c/a> that was being used to prostitute and traffic young women. One of those young women \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=backpage+DNC+speech&rlz=1C5GCCM_en___US1096&oq=backp&gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUqCAgAEEUYJxg7MggIABBFGCcYOzIOCAEQRRgnGDsYgAQYigUyBggCEEUYQDIGCAMQRRg5Mg0IBBAAGIMBGLEDGIAEMgYIBRBFGDwyBggGEEUYPDIGCAcQRRg80gEIMjU0MGowajeoAgCwAgA&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8#fpstate=ive&vld=cid:3097828a,vid:yV_de6j_JVY,st:0\">spoke on the vice president’s behalf \u003c/a>at the Democratic convention this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not enough for her to just look at a spreadsheet of mortgages,” Barankin said. “She wanted to go to those neighborhoods. She wanted to meet the homeowners who had lost their homes. She wanted to meet their neighbors. She wanted to see the communities that had been impacted by this misconduct by the banks.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "As California’s attorney general, Kamala Harris took a bold stand against major banks, securing a $20 billion settlement for homeowners facing foreclosure, a move that helped solidify her reputation as a formidable political leader.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was the fall of 2011, and the American housing market was in freefall — California was ground zero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of Californians had already lost their homes to foreclosure, and millions more were underwater on their mortgages, owing more than their homes were worth. Many were facing exploding mortgage payments as adjustable-rate loans skyrocketed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Mission Economic Development Agency (MEDA) in San Francisco, frantic homeowners streamed in daily, asking for help. It was a scene repeating itself at similar nonprofits across California, which was among the hardest-hit states, suffering around one-third of overall foreclosures nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Jacqueline Marcelos was one of two mortgage counselors at MEDA, an asset development organization that she’d first walked into for help herself: She and her husband were the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/ex-real-estate-agent-sentenced-in-sf-mortgage-scheme-targeting-immigrants/\"> victims of mortgage fraud\u003c/a>, one of more than a dozen families that a real estate agent had bilked out of money. As a result, Marcelos had lost her home to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a counselor at MEDA, Marcelos and her colleagues knew that families seeking their help were likely weeks or months away from losing their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have around 26 clients per month. It was a lot,” she said. “The banks never did respond on time. They were always asking you for more documentation. They were continuing doing the foreclosure procedures even though you were under review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then one day, Kamala Harris came in,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trial by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s newly elected attorney general, Harris, took office as policymakers were grappling with the worst economic crisis in decades, and Californians were suffering: In 2009, as the subprime mortgage crisis began to peak, more than 3.5 million California households were delinquent on their mortgages; Florida was the next highest state with 3.1 million families behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harris assumed her role, other state attorneys general were negotiating as a group with the five largest banks over their outsize responsibility for the foreclosure crisis. But California wasn’t initially part of that group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her autobiography, “The Truths We Hold,” Harris recounts instructing her staff on her first day to join those multi-state settlement talks. By the fall, however, she made the risky decision \u003ca href=\"https://documents.latimes.com/harris-letter-housing-investigation/\">to pull out\u003c/a>, convinced that the banks were gunning for a deal that wouldn’t offer homeowners enough money or new protections — and would shield the banks from future probes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision would prove pivotal in shaping Harris’ political career and public image, becoming a frequent reference point in her campaign narratives — including during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">her speech this summer\u003c/a> at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Attorney General of California, I took on the big banks, delivered $20 billion for middle-class families who faced foreclosure, and helped pass a homeowner bill of rights — one of the first of its kind in the nation,” she told the cheering crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The subprime mortgage crisis wasn’t new to Harris: As San Francisco district attorney, her office had taken on several related mortgage fraud cases, including prosecuting the real estate agent who defrauded Marcelos. But now, as top prosecutor of the largest state in the nation, the stakes were significantly higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a presidential election on the horizon, the Obama administration wanted Harris and the other attorneys general to strike a deal, which most of the other states were eager to do. And the banks were breathing down her neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When she walked away and rejected what was put on the table, there was enormous pressure immediately upon her to show the next steps and … there were a lot of people who were leaning on her to change her mind,” said Nathan Barankin, her chief of staff at the time.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/QbycqFzva5Q'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/QbycqFzva5Q'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“She felt very, very strongly that the reason why she needed to reject what they had put on the table was because there had not been an adequate investigation into exactly what had happened and, more importantly, what the consequences were of the misbehavior by these big banks,” he said. “Her focus at that time, together with the executive team and so many other folks in the attorney general’s office, was to create and execute that investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This led Harris to a conference room at MEDA on Nov. 22, 2011, alongside Marcelos, and surrounded by San Franciscans who had lost their homes or were in the process of losing them. It was one of several meetings she held around the state with distressed homeowners and their advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I wanted to be here today to hear these stories,” she told the group, according to a video of the meeting. “There are a lot of people who are debating and talking about it and thinking about it from a perspective that is intellectual or perhaps political or academic. But the reality is, this issue is about each of you at this table and the experiences that you’ve had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’re talking about folks who have believed in the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos said that at that meeting, the attorney general was “very friendly, very approachable. ” Harris, she said, “understood the pain of all the families that were present and acknowledged [it],” giving them hope for systemic change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A formative settlement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In January 2012, Harris demanded to talk directly to one of the key players in the settlement talks: JP Morgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon. According to her book, the call devolved into a yelling match, with Dimon accusing Harris of “trying to steal from my shareholders,” to which Harris fired back, “Your shareholders? My shareholders are the homeowners of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within two weeks of that call, Harris and the other attorneys general had \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-secures-18-billion-california-commitment\">struck a deal\u003c/a> with the mortgage lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California ultimately secured $20 billion, far exceeding the original offer of $2 to $4 billion, with the bulk aimed at lowering mortgage principals for homeowners. The main goal was to keep people in their homes and reduce the amount they owed so they weren’t paying a mortgage higher than the worth of their home. More than 84,000 families received principal reductions totaling $9.2 billion,\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/sites/all/files/agweb/pdfs/mortgage_settlement/04-report-by-the-numbers.pdf\"> according to a 2013 report\u003c/a> by the state-appointed monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, many Californians still lost their homes after the settlement, noted Ira Rheingold, the executive director of the National Association of Consumer Advocates. According to the same state monitor’s report, another $9.2 billion of the settlement went toward lowering the amount people owed on mortgages, which resulted in short sales. In those cases, the homeowners avoided foreclosure and were able to walk away without debt or bad credit — but they still lost their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this, Rheingold praised Harris’ work, saying the settlement came out of “the failure of the federal government to take appropriate action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she did the best she could under those circumstances for California homeowners,” he said. ”The only place where principal reduction was being offered to consumers was through the AG settlement. It wasn’t nearly enough, but that was the one place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rheingold said Harris’ involvement ensured two other crucial provisions of the settlement. First, it included reforms to lending operations that “set the stage for later rules and regulations around the mortgage servicing industry.” Second, Harris forced the banks to allow California to appoint its own monitor to ensure compliance with the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That monitor was Katie Porter, a consumer protection attorney who is now a Southern California congresswoman. Porter noted that the settlement itself was hundreds of pages long and incredibly complicated. Her role, as Harris laid out when she called to offer Porter the job, was partly to ensure that the people who needed help could actually navigate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t want these to be hollow promises,” Porter said. “She didn’t view her job as the press conference announcing the settlement. She viewed her job as actually getting the banks to stop doing illegal things and start helping the families that got hurt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter said she’s proud of what the settlement meant for tens of thousands of Californians who were able to get out from underwater mortgages. But she agrees it didn’t include something many would have liked to see: criminal accountability for the bank executives and others who took advantage of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that a lot of these mortgage executives made a lot of money and walked away even as families and homeowners struggled,” Porter said. “And for me, what that illustrates is sort of a larger problem about corporate accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, Harris’ mortgage strike team did prosecute dozens of people for fraud and other mortgage-related crimes when she was attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Porter and Marcelos, from MEDA, highlighted Harris’ next move after negotiating the settlement: successfully pushing state lawmakers to approve the Homeowners Bill of Rights, which codified into law many of the settlement’s rules and reforms that would have otherwise expired after a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No settlement is perfect,” said Porter. But, she added, “If you ask yourself, did this settlement force banks to change illegal unlawful practices that they had been committing for a decade? The answer is yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos agreed, noting that while many of those homeowners Harris met with in November 2011 at MEDA had already lost their homes after the Homeowner Bill of Rights passed, she was repeatedly able to invoke the law to banks, preventing her new clients from losing their homes to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Not ‘someone else’s problem’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter said that Harris’ handling of the mortgage crisis illustrates who she is as a politician and leader as she seeks the presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The important thing in this moment for people who are asking themselves, ‘What do we know about Kamala Harris and how is she going to lead and govern?’ is that she wasn’t someone who said, ‘This is someone else’s problem. Let’s let the federal government solve this. Or sooner or later, Congress will get around to this.’ This is somebody who went and tried a different avenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barankin, her former chief of staff, argues there is a throughline in Harris’ public service: Her insistence on doing the research, sitting down with those impacted and basing a resolution on those real-life conversations. He notes her successful cases as attorney general \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-obtains-11-billion-judgment-against-predatory\">prosecuting a for-profit college \u003c/a>that was preying on low income Californians; and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-announces-criminal-charges-against-senior\">going after a website\u003c/a> that was being used to prostitute and traffic young women. One of those young women \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=backpage+DNC+speech&rlz=1C5GCCM_en___US1096&oq=backp&gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUqCAgAEEUYJxg7MggIABBFGCcYOzIOCAEQRRgnGDsYgAQYigUyBggCEEUYQDIGCAMQRRg5Mg0IBBAAGIMBGLEDGIAEMgYIBRBFGDwyBggGEEUYPDIGCAcQRRg80gEIMjU0MGowajeoAgCwAgA&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8#fpstate=ive&vld=cid:3097828a,vid:yV_de6j_JVY,st:0\">spoke on the vice president’s behalf \u003c/a>at the Democratic convention this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not enough for her to just look at a spreadsheet of mortgages,” Barankin said. “She wanted to go to those neighborhoods. She wanted to meet the homeowners who had lost their homes. She wanted to meet their neighbors. She wanted to see the communities that had been impacted by this misconduct by the banks.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Political Breakdown team continues their series “Balance of Power” covering of the most competitive congressional races in California that could determine control of the House next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Scott and Marisa talk with Guy about Orange County’s purple congressional district 47, currently represented by Democrat Katie Porter. Porter gave up the seat to run for the U.S. Senate and lost in the March primary. Now, Republican Scott Baugh and Democratic state Senator Dave Min are vying to win her seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Political Breakdown team continues their series “Balance of Power” covering of the most competitive congressional races in California that could determine control of the House next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Scott and Marisa talk with Guy about Orange County’s purple congressional district 47, currently represented by Democrat Katie Porter. Porter gave up the seat to run for the U.S. Senate and lost in the March primary. Now, Republican Scott Baugh and Democratic state Senator Dave Min are vying to win her seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For the third time in six years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">California voters will decide\u003c/a> in November whether to grant cities and counties more power to regulate rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-33\">Proposition 33 would repeal a 1995 law that curbs locals’ ability to cap rents\u003c/a>, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\">Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>. The law prohibits cities and counties from imposing rent control on all single-family homes, condos and apartments built after 1995 and ensures landlords can bring rents up to market rate when a new tenant moves in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would do away with those provisions, allowing cities and counties to adopt local rules that control rents on all types of properties and for new tenants. It would also bar the state from passing any new laws limiting local rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844438/californians-reject-rent-control-again-in-defeat-of-proposition-21\">Voters twice rejected similar initiatives\u003c/a> that would have gutted Costa-Hawkins, but rent control has become increasingly popular with advocates and political leaders as they struggle to rein in housing costs. The policy is also gaining traction nationally, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/housing/365063/kamala-harris-housing-rent-control-landlords\">President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris embracing the cause\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling in California tracks this shift in attitudes. A 2018 poll by the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) found \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/many-support-rent-control-but-prop-10-lags/\">52% of likely voters surveyed considered rent control a “good thing.”\u003c/a> However, when it came to actually voting that year on a proposition that would have given cities more power to expand rent control, only \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_10,_Local_Rent_Control_Initiative_(2018)\">about 40% supported it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2024/\">September PPIC poll\u003c/a>, 51% of likely voters said they’d vote yes on Proposition 33, while another September survey, the \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/California-Elections-and-Policy-Poll-Statewide-Poll-Toplines-and-Crosstabs-FINAL.pdf?ref=torched.la\">California Elections & Policy Poll\u003c/a>, found it was nearly tied. In that poll, 37% of respondents said they would vote in favor, 33% against and the rest undecided. Younger voters were more likely to support the initiative, older voters less so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But does rent control work? The short answer is: It’s complicated, and it depends on who you ask. Among economists, rent control is a hugely controversial topic, and the research is mixed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about rent control in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rent control is a form of price control that sets ceilings on rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99646/rent_control._what_does_the_research_tell_us_about_the_effectiveness_of_local_action_1.pdf\">In the U.S., rent control dates back to WWI \u003c/a>in some cities and was expanded during WWII. Early laws put a total freeze on rent hikes. By the ‘50s, most cities abandoned this strict form of rent control, and by the ‘70s, more moderate second-generation rent control policies gained popularity. These laws, sometimes referred to as “rent stabilization,” allow some increases in rents and exempt certain properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the kind of rent control most common in the U.S. today. It’s mostly limited to coastal cities. In much of the country, state laws prohibit cities from passing rent caps.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which California cities already have rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At least 30 out of California’s 482 cities have some form of rent control, including San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, Richmond and others in the Bay Area, according to the tenant advocacy organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tenantstogether.org/resources/list-rent-control-ordinances-city\">Tenants Together\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also has a statewide rent control law, which was passed in 2019. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">Tenant Protection Act\u003c/a> caps annual rent increases at 5% plus inflation, or 10%, whichever is lower. Units built within the last 15 years are exempt, as are most single-family homes and condos, plus duplexes with their owner living in one unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenant Protection Act doesn’t impact local governments’ ability to pass or enforce more restrictive rent caps, but Costa-Hawkins still binds those local laws. Renters’ advocates argue that state law doesn’t go far enough and that cities should be able to decide what type of rent control would best protect tenants locally. That’s one of the big reasons they support repealing Costa-Hawkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The traditional view on rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/4901152_Is_There_a_Consensus_Among_Economists_in_the_1990s\">A 1992 survey\u003c/a> found over 90% of economists agreed the policies are\u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-does-economic-evidence-tell-us-about-the-effects-of-rent-control/\"> inefficient, creating scarcity and driving up rents in non-regulated buildings\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kentclarkcenter.org/surveys/rent-control/\">2012 poll found 81% of economists at prominent American universities opposed it.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119006000635\">Studies have also shown\u003c/a> rent controls can lead to \u003ca href=\"https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/261917\">declines in housing quality\u003c/a> because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119084710096\">studies have shown the policy reduces mobility\u003c/a> — that is, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1051137705000495\">people in rent-controlled apartments tend to stay put longer\u003c/a>. While some argue that’s a good thing because it reduces displacement and contributes to neighborhood stability, others argue it’s a trap that keeps people from moving to take advantage of jobs or educational opportunities. They say that’s bad for individuals and the broader economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, economists have long argued rent control could, in theory, discourage developers from building new rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008458\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008458\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a white rain coat stand in front of several people dressed in green uniforms and holds a sign that says \"Housing Is A Human Right.\"' width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Werkman holds a sign that says, “Housing Is A Human Right” in front of the Santa Clara Superior Court in San Jose on Jan. 27, 2021, during a protest calling for stronger eviction protections in California. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As support for rent stabilization has grown among renters and lawmakers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.9.1.99\">some economists have argued that research and real-world examples are refuting the traditional narrative\u003c/a>, which they say is largely based on economic theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesaction.org/wp-content/uploads/Economist-Sign-on-Letter_-FHFA-RFI-Response-1.pdf\">32 economists penned a letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency\u003c/a> lobbying for the use of rent control across the country as part of a broader campaign advocating for federal renter protections. They argued the naysaying over rent control mirrors economists’ historical opposition to minimum wage laws, which predicted widespread job losses that never actually materialized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As in that debate, they write, “The economics 101 model that predicts rent regulations will have negative effects on the housing sector is being proven wrong by empirical studies that better analyze real-world dynamics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/publications/rent-matters/\">research that finds moderate rent regulations don’t dampen new construction\u003c/a> and highlight the \u003ca href=\"https://matthew-gross.github.io/gross_matthew_JMP.pdf\">societal and\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.anderson.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/document/2024-03/HACAMO_Priced_out__Housing_Affordability_and_Labor_Markets_v2_2%20%281%29.pdf\">economic benefits that come from bolstering neighborhood stability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rent control in the wild\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More recent research into the real-world impacts of rent control describes a nuanced picture as it relates to rental prices, the stock of rental housing, and its impacts on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/aer.20181289\">one study from 2019\u003c/a>, researchers took advantage of a natural experiment by examining the effects of a 1994 ballot measure that expanded rent control to small, multi-family properties in San Francisco that the city’s rent control laws hadn’t previously covered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found tenants in controlled units were 20% more likely to stay in those apartments compared to people who didn’t have access to rent control, and “the vast majority of those incentivized to remain in their rent-controlled apartment would have been displaced from San Francisco had they not been covered.” That was especially true for renters of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding seemed to bolster advocates’ claims that rent control is effective at stemming displacement. But, the research also pointed to evidence that bolstered opponents’ claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found that landlords responded to the policy by converting their properties to condos, selling them or redeveloping. Over time, that led to a 15% drop in rental housing in the city and a shift toward buildings that cater to higher-income residents. As the traditional economists had predicted, it drove up costs for people who weren’t already in rent-controlled apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://prospect.org/infrastructure/housing/2023-05-16-economists-hate-rent-control/\">Rutgers economist Mark Paul, who supports rent control\u003c/a>, argues \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/research/publication/rent-control-and-supply-affordable-housing\">policymakers could prevent this reduction in rental housing stock\u003c/a> by pairing rent caps with other regulations that mitigate such unintended consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, the evidence is quite clear that rent control can be tremendously beneficial,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Extreme vs. moderate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Paul and some other modern economists argue that the trick to rent control is balancing landlords’ needs with those of tenants while taking other steps to address the housing shortage, like building a lot more affordable apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any policy, you can design a helpful version of it, or you can design a potentially harmful version of it,” he said. “We can design smart rent control policies to deliver both affordability and stability for renters while also maintaining a healthy market for people to continue building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"Several people march on the street with two women holding a yellow banner that says "Tenants' Lives Are Under Attack. Repeal the Ellis Act." \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Friends and supporters of Denhi Donis, known as the ‘Flower Lady,’ gather outside of her Bernal Heights home in San Francisco on May 16, 2022, to protest an Ellis Act eviction notice she received. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To stop landlords from shirking maintenance, for instance, Paul said they should be allowed to pass on the costs of improvements to renters. Policymakers can do that by allowing rent increases above the rent control threshold in some cases so property owners can recover their investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos, Paul said lawmakers can put rules in place limiting those conversions. He also argues for policies that hold rents down not just for existing tenants but also for new tenants, a controversial provision referred to as vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Much ado about vacancy control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act allows landlords to reset rents when a new tenant moves in. One of the more controversial aspects of Proposition 33 is a provision in the measure that would do away with that and allow cities to cap rents even for new tenants moving in, aka vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vacancy control makes rent caps far more effective for tenants, but landlords loathe it, said Michael Manville, chair of Urban Planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Places that have long-standing regimes of vacancy control, they do tend to see market declines in the quality of their rental housing,” said Manville, who’s working on a study of rent stabilization in Los Angeles. “It gives the landlords a strong incentive to try and leave the market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s exactly what Gustavo Gonzalez, who owns two small apartment buildings in San Jose, said he would do if Proposition 33 passes and San Jose adopts vacancy controls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to make it real difficult for me to make up the funds to maintain and take care of my building,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manville sees this as the conundrum of rent control: “Strong rent control holds down the rents but creates a real mess. Softer rent control, like California has right now, avoids a lot of those messes but really doesn’t hold the rents down very much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates argue that without vacancy control, tenants are often locked in place since they don’t want to give up their low rent, and that, in turn, encourages property owners to go to great lengths to push them out and raise rents — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945257/california-landlords-can-evict-renters-for-repairs-a-new-bill-could-limit-that\">a problem advocates say is widespread\u003c/a> in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970993/these-new-california-housing-laws-are-going-into-effect-in-2024\">despite laws meant to protect tenants\u003c/a>.[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want people to move in, get discouraged and move out,” said Oakland renter Annmarie Bustamante, who contends that’s what her former landlord did. “We need to switch the incentivization models. We need to create stronger laws and give cities the opportunity to create their own rent control laws so that people will have a stronger voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there are experts, like Manville, who argue that even with vacancy control, regulating rents just isn’t the best way to address the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you have the most elaborate, strong rent control law,” he said, “you really have no control over who’s going to be in that building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who benefits the most from rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As is the case with almost everything to do with rent control, the research is mixed. As one author put it in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1051137724000020?via%3Dihub\"> a recent survey of rent regulation studies from around the world\u003c/a>, “…the overall impact of rent control policy on the welfare of society is not clear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://econpapers.repec.org/article/eeejuecon/v_3a61_3ay_3a2007_3ai_3a1_3ap_3a129-151.htm\">One study found that in Cambridge, Massachusetts, there were more high-income tenants living in rent-controlled apartments\u003c/a> than low-income tenants . \u003ca href=\"https://www.regeringen.se/contentassets/55b8feda4c5f447aad3eb1346ffaae52/edward-l.-glaeser-does-rent-control-reduce-segregation\">Another study looking at rent-controlled properties in New Jersey and California\u003c/a> found tenants tended to be older and single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0094119089900272?via%3Dihub\">A third study of first-generation rent-controlled properties in New York City\u003c/a> found the policy benefited low, middle, and high-income tenants equally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Manville said those who benefit aren’t always the people who most need the help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Paul, a proponent of rent control, said the policy “is not a silver bullet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he argues for \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/opening-door-rent-control\">rent control as one useful tool among the many\u003c/a> we must piece together to tackle a housing crisis as dire as California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that no single solution is going to be enough to fix the huge hole that we find ourselves in here today,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Rent control has long been anathema to economists. Now, some are rethinking it. But the topic remains hugely controversial as Californians prepare to vote on Proposition 33.",
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"title": "Rent Control Is on the Ballot Again. Here’s What to Know | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the third time in six years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">California voters will decide\u003c/a> in November whether to grant cities and counties more power to regulate rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-33\">Proposition 33 would repeal a 1995 law that curbs locals’ ability to cap rents\u003c/a>, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\">Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>. The law prohibits cities and counties from imposing rent control on all single-family homes, condos and apartments built after 1995 and ensures landlords can bring rents up to market rate when a new tenant moves in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would do away with those provisions, allowing cities and counties to adopt local rules that control rents on all types of properties and for new tenants. It would also bar the state from passing any new laws limiting local rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844438/californians-reject-rent-control-again-in-defeat-of-proposition-21\">Voters twice rejected similar initiatives\u003c/a> that would have gutted Costa-Hawkins, but rent control has become increasingly popular with advocates and political leaders as they struggle to rein in housing costs. The policy is also gaining traction nationally, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/housing/365063/kamala-harris-housing-rent-control-landlords\">President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris embracing the cause\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling in California tracks this shift in attitudes. A 2018 poll by the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) found \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/many-support-rent-control-but-prop-10-lags/\">52% of likely voters surveyed considered rent control a “good thing.”\u003c/a> However, when it came to actually voting that year on a proposition that would have given cities more power to expand rent control, only \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_10,_Local_Rent_Control_Initiative_(2018)\">about 40% supported it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2024/\">September PPIC poll\u003c/a>, 51% of likely voters said they’d vote yes on Proposition 33, while another September survey, the \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/California-Elections-and-Policy-Poll-Statewide-Poll-Toplines-and-Crosstabs-FINAL.pdf?ref=torched.la\">California Elections & Policy Poll\u003c/a>, found it was nearly tied. In that poll, 37% of respondents said they would vote in favor, 33% against and the rest undecided. Younger voters were more likely to support the initiative, older voters less so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But does rent control work? The short answer is: It’s complicated, and it depends on who you ask. Among economists, rent control is a hugely controversial topic, and the research is mixed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about rent control in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rent control is a form of price control that sets ceilings on rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99646/rent_control._what_does_the_research_tell_us_about_the_effectiveness_of_local_action_1.pdf\">In the U.S., rent control dates back to WWI \u003c/a>in some cities and was expanded during WWII. Early laws put a total freeze on rent hikes. By the ‘50s, most cities abandoned this strict form of rent control, and by the ‘70s, more moderate second-generation rent control policies gained popularity. These laws, sometimes referred to as “rent stabilization,” allow some increases in rents and exempt certain properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the kind of rent control most common in the U.S. today. It’s mostly limited to coastal cities. In much of the country, state laws prohibit cities from passing rent caps.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which California cities already have rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At least 30 out of California’s 482 cities have some form of rent control, including San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, Richmond and others in the Bay Area, according to the tenant advocacy organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tenantstogether.org/resources/list-rent-control-ordinances-city\">Tenants Together\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also has a statewide rent control law, which was passed in 2019. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">Tenant Protection Act\u003c/a> caps annual rent increases at 5% plus inflation, or 10%, whichever is lower. Units built within the last 15 years are exempt, as are most single-family homes and condos, plus duplexes with their owner living in one unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenant Protection Act doesn’t impact local governments’ ability to pass or enforce more restrictive rent caps, but Costa-Hawkins still binds those local laws. Renters’ advocates argue that state law doesn’t go far enough and that cities should be able to decide what type of rent control would best protect tenants locally. That’s one of the big reasons they support repealing Costa-Hawkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The traditional view on rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/4901152_Is_There_a_Consensus_Among_Economists_in_the_1990s\">A 1992 survey\u003c/a> found over 90% of economists agreed the policies are\u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-does-economic-evidence-tell-us-about-the-effects-of-rent-control/\"> inefficient, creating scarcity and driving up rents in non-regulated buildings\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kentclarkcenter.org/surveys/rent-control/\">2012 poll found 81% of economists at prominent American universities opposed it.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119006000635\">Studies have also shown\u003c/a> rent controls can lead to \u003ca href=\"https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/261917\">declines in housing quality\u003c/a> because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119084710096\">studies have shown the policy reduces mobility\u003c/a> — that is, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1051137705000495\">people in rent-controlled apartments tend to stay put longer\u003c/a>. While some argue that’s a good thing because it reduces displacement and contributes to neighborhood stability, others argue it’s a trap that keeps people from moving to take advantage of jobs or educational opportunities. They say that’s bad for individuals and the broader economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, economists have long argued rent control could, in theory, discourage developers from building new rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008458\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008458\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a white rain coat stand in front of several people dressed in green uniforms and holds a sign that says \"Housing Is A Human Right.\"' width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Werkman holds a sign that says, “Housing Is A Human Right” in front of the Santa Clara Superior Court in San Jose on Jan. 27, 2021, during a protest calling for stronger eviction protections in California. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As support for rent stabilization has grown among renters and lawmakers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.9.1.99\">some economists have argued that research and real-world examples are refuting the traditional narrative\u003c/a>, which they say is largely based on economic theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesaction.org/wp-content/uploads/Economist-Sign-on-Letter_-FHFA-RFI-Response-1.pdf\">32 economists penned a letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency\u003c/a> lobbying for the use of rent control across the country as part of a broader campaign advocating for federal renter protections. They argued the naysaying over rent control mirrors economists’ historical opposition to minimum wage laws, which predicted widespread job losses that never actually materialized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As in that debate, they write, “The economics 101 model that predicts rent regulations will have negative effects on the housing sector is being proven wrong by empirical studies that better analyze real-world dynamics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/publications/rent-matters/\">research that finds moderate rent regulations don’t dampen new construction\u003c/a> and highlight the \u003ca href=\"https://matthew-gross.github.io/gross_matthew_JMP.pdf\">societal and\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.anderson.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/document/2024-03/HACAMO_Priced_out__Housing_Affordability_and_Labor_Markets_v2_2%20%281%29.pdf\">economic benefits that come from bolstering neighborhood stability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rent control in the wild\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More recent research into the real-world impacts of rent control describes a nuanced picture as it relates to rental prices, the stock of rental housing, and its impacts on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/aer.20181289\">one study from 2019\u003c/a>, researchers took advantage of a natural experiment by examining the effects of a 1994 ballot measure that expanded rent control to small, multi-family properties in San Francisco that the city’s rent control laws hadn’t previously covered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found tenants in controlled units were 20% more likely to stay in those apartments compared to people who didn’t have access to rent control, and “the vast majority of those incentivized to remain in their rent-controlled apartment would have been displaced from San Francisco had they not been covered.” That was especially true for renters of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding seemed to bolster advocates’ claims that rent control is effective at stemming displacement. But, the research also pointed to evidence that bolstered opponents’ claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found that landlords responded to the policy by converting their properties to condos, selling them or redeveloping. Over time, that led to a 15% drop in rental housing in the city and a shift toward buildings that cater to higher-income residents. As the traditional economists had predicted, it drove up costs for people who weren’t already in rent-controlled apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://prospect.org/infrastructure/housing/2023-05-16-economists-hate-rent-control/\">Rutgers economist Mark Paul, who supports rent control\u003c/a>, argues \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/research/publication/rent-control-and-supply-affordable-housing\">policymakers could prevent this reduction in rental housing stock\u003c/a> by pairing rent caps with other regulations that mitigate such unintended consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, the evidence is quite clear that rent control can be tremendously beneficial,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Extreme vs. moderate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Paul and some other modern economists argue that the trick to rent control is balancing landlords’ needs with those of tenants while taking other steps to address the housing shortage, like building a lot more affordable apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any policy, you can design a helpful version of it, or you can design a potentially harmful version of it,” he said. “We can design smart rent control policies to deliver both affordability and stability for renters while also maintaining a healthy market for people to continue building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"Several people march on the street with two women holding a yellow banner that says "Tenants' Lives Are Under Attack. Repeal the Ellis Act." \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Friends and supporters of Denhi Donis, known as the ‘Flower Lady,’ gather outside of her Bernal Heights home in San Francisco on May 16, 2022, to protest an Ellis Act eviction notice she received. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To stop landlords from shirking maintenance, for instance, Paul said they should be allowed to pass on the costs of improvements to renters. Policymakers can do that by allowing rent increases above the rent control threshold in some cases so property owners can recover their investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos, Paul said lawmakers can put rules in place limiting those conversions. He also argues for policies that hold rents down not just for existing tenants but also for new tenants, a controversial provision referred to as vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Much ado about vacancy control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act allows landlords to reset rents when a new tenant moves in. One of the more controversial aspects of Proposition 33 is a provision in the measure that would do away with that and allow cities to cap rents even for new tenants moving in, aka vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vacancy control makes rent caps far more effective for tenants, but landlords loathe it, said Michael Manville, chair of Urban Planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Places that have long-standing regimes of vacancy control, they do tend to see market declines in the quality of their rental housing,” said Manville, who’s working on a study of rent stabilization in Los Angeles. “It gives the landlords a strong incentive to try and leave the market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s exactly what Gustavo Gonzalez, who owns two small apartment buildings in San Jose, said he would do if Proposition 33 passes and San Jose adopts vacancy controls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to make it real difficult for me to make up the funds to maintain and take care of my building,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manville sees this as the conundrum of rent control: “Strong rent control holds down the rents but creates a real mess. Softer rent control, like California has right now, avoids a lot of those messes but really doesn’t hold the rents down very much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates argue that without vacancy control, tenants are often locked in place since they don’t want to give up their low rent, and that, in turn, encourages property owners to go to great lengths to push them out and raise rents — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945257/california-landlords-can-evict-renters-for-repairs-a-new-bill-could-limit-that\">a problem advocates say is widespread\u003c/a> in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970993/these-new-california-housing-laws-are-going-into-effect-in-2024\">despite laws meant to protect tenants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want people to move in, get discouraged and move out,” said Oakland renter Annmarie Bustamante, who contends that’s what her former landlord did. “We need to switch the incentivization models. We need to create stronger laws and give cities the opportunity to create their own rent control laws so that people will have a stronger voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there are experts, like Manville, who argue that even with vacancy control, regulating rents just isn’t the best way to address the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you have the most elaborate, strong rent control law,” he said, “you really have no control over who’s going to be in that building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who benefits the most from rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As is the case with almost everything to do with rent control, the research is mixed. As one author put it in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1051137724000020?via%3Dihub\"> a recent survey of rent regulation studies from around the world\u003c/a>, “…the overall impact of rent control policy on the welfare of society is not clear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://econpapers.repec.org/article/eeejuecon/v_3a61_3ay_3a2007_3ai_3a1_3ap_3a129-151.htm\">One study found that in Cambridge, Massachusetts, there were more high-income tenants living in rent-controlled apartments\u003c/a> than low-income tenants . \u003ca href=\"https://www.regeringen.se/contentassets/55b8feda4c5f447aad3eb1346ffaae52/edward-l.-glaeser-does-rent-control-reduce-segregation\">Another study looking at rent-controlled properties in New Jersey and California\u003c/a> found tenants tended to be older and single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0094119089900272?via%3Dihub\">A third study of first-generation rent-controlled properties in New York City\u003c/a> found the policy benefited low, middle, and high-income tenants equally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Manville said those who benefit aren’t always the people who most need the help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Paul, a proponent of rent control, said the policy “is not a silver bullet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he argues for \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/opening-door-rent-control\">rent control as one useful tool among the many\u003c/a> we must piece together to tackle a housing crisis as dire as California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that no single solution is going to be enough to fix the huge hole that we find ourselves in here today,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:25 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A walkout at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> in support of the Palestinian people, one year into the deadly siege that followed Hamas’ surprise attacks in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/israel\">Israel\u003c/a> last October, grew tense on Tuesday afternoon amid a standoff with pro-Israel counterprotesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As hundreds of people gathered at Sproul Plaza, the site of last school year’s pro-Palestinian encampment, a group of about half a dozen counterprotesters draped in Israeli flags walked across the steps behind the speakers and started shouting things like, “Bring them home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the pro-Palestinian protesters formed a circle around them, and both sides shouted at each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the tense mood, students like Yousuf Abubakr of Students for Justice in Palestine were undeterred. He said although he doesn’t believe student protests will be enough to “free Palestine,” he believes it will help move the needle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We enjoy the fact that, you know, we piss off university officials,” Abubakr said. “The fact that they had these new encampment and new masking policies, I smile because it’s like … we have their attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12008683 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students cheer at a rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a man chanted, “No Zionist racists,” Jewish transfer student Ethan Tallman said he came out to show his support for the Israeli community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[My] reasons are for the hostages, for their families, and for the world to see that they matter,” Tallman said, adding that he found the crowd overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Signs carried by the protesters included messages like “No Votes for Genocide,” featuring the image of Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008657\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12008657 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rally attendees hold signs that read “No Votes for Genocide” at a walkout and rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sameeha Ahmed, who studies cognitive science and public health at Berkeley, said Tuesday morning that she planned to take time away from the busy midterm season to participate in the walkout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We’ve gotten to a point in the movement where I think people are able to sort of turn a blind eye toward the horrors that are happening in Gaza just because this has been going on for so long. People are becoming so desensitized to all of the injustice that’s been occurring,” said Ahmed, who added that she is focused on the call for the University of California to divest from Israel and its war effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that makes it all the more imperative for us to … continue showing that we are not going to stand for this any longer,” Ahmed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008655\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12008655 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A walkout and rally for Gaza and Lebanon on the steps of Sproul Hall at the University of California, Berkeley on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a social media \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DA1CDoLPVJa/?img_index=1\">post\u003c/a>, a group calling itself UC Berkeley Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine wrote “The university, too, has blood on its hands. The University of California system has long committed to war and destruction through research and development of nuclear weapons, drones and other military technologies — as well as investments in weapons manufacturing, fossil fuel, and settler industries profiting from this atrocity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group also cited accusations that the UC has supported the firing, arrests and investigations of professors, the approval of military surplus for UC police forces, and the chilling of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005478/university-of-california-is-accused-of-trying-to-silence-faculty-speech-about-war-in-gaza\">free speech\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Stett Holbrook, a UC Office of the President spokesperson, said while most protests over the past year were peaceful and lawful, administrators have had to take steps to address some that were not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some instances, campuses faced significant disruptions due to protests that resulted in violence, vandalism, class and research interruption, and restricted access to public spaces,” he said. “While we provide many opportunities and venues for the expression of diverse viewpoints at UC campuses, activities that violate the law, University policy, or both, will not be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holbrook added that UCPD’s equipment is not military surplus, military-grade nor designed for military use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University’s use of this equipment provides UC police officers with non-lethal alternatives to standard-issue firearms, enabling them to de-escalate situations and respond without the use of deadly force,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008658\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12008658 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ethan Tallman (center), a pro-Israel student at Berkeley, counter-protests a walkout and rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley spokesperson Dan Mogulof said the campus had been planning for walkouts and other events since July. “We’re aware what moment in time we’re in,” said Mogulof.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, at San Francisco State University, protesters were back at the picket lines and faculty-led teachouts after a midday rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the event, a crowd of about 200 broke into chants like, “Not another penny, not another dollar, we won’t pay for Israel’s slaughter,” and “I can’t even pay my rent; still more bombs are being sent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008656\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12008656 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harry Singh (center), a pro-Israel student at Berkeley, counter-protests a walkout and rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speaker Omar Zahzah told the demonstrators that enough was enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are here because we feel the connection because we’re suffering through the connections,” Zahzah said. “So long as they keep putting money towards genocide, we say no. We are here to do a critical education project where all of us are united as students and as teachers and as people embodying multiple roles. And this work that we’re starting today on Oct. 8 is just the beginning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008405 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SFUSDStudentsGetty-1020x681.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFSU student Rithik Hemanth came to support the Students for Gaza picket, in part because he sees conditions for Palestinians and students on campus as connected. He cited Gov. Gavin Newsom’s recent signing of \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/news/uc/newsom-approves-bill-to-prevent-hostile-protest-environments-on-college-campuses/article_c5316348-8217-11ef-8828-5bba697a269a.html\">SB1287\u003c/a>, the “Equity in Higher Education Act: prohibition on violence, harassment, intimidation, and discrimination,” which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001778/students-suspended-over-pro-palestinian-protests-tread-a-fine-line-as-fall-semester-begins-at-bay-area-universities\">some see\u003c/a> as an assault on free speech and student protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re out here to demand that our money, our taxpayer dollars goes to our education, towards these classrooms that are falling apart — every single one that have mold in them and everything — instead of the genocide that’s currently occurring and the war machine across the world,” Hemanth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, pro-Palestinian student organizers announced they had worked with SFSU to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002307/san-francisco-state-divests-from-weapons-makers-after-working-with-student-activists\">identify for divestment\u003c/a> four companies tied to weapons manufacturing or the war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bobby King, an SFSU spokesperson, said the university was not engaged in any unusual planning for Tuesday’s events but said he had not heard of any disruptions to operations at the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SF State has a long tradition of honoring the rights of its community members to peacefully protest while preserving a safe campus environment, and we expect that will continue today,” King said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">\u003cem>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and Samantha Kennedy contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Walkouts at UC Berkeley and San Francisco State come months after the spring’s pro-Palestinian encampments and protests.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:25 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A walkout at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> in support of the Palestinian people, one year into the deadly siege that followed Hamas’ surprise attacks in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/israel\">Israel\u003c/a> last October, grew tense on Tuesday afternoon amid a standoff with pro-Israel counterprotesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As hundreds of people gathered at Sproul Plaza, the site of last school year’s pro-Palestinian encampment, a group of about half a dozen counterprotesters draped in Israeli flags walked across the steps behind the speakers and started shouting things like, “Bring them home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the pro-Palestinian protesters formed a circle around them, and both sides shouted at each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the tense mood, students like Yousuf Abubakr of Students for Justice in Palestine were undeterred. He said although he doesn’t believe student protests will be enough to “free Palestine,” he believes it will help move the needle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We enjoy the fact that, you know, we piss off university officials,” Abubakr said. “The fact that they had these new encampment and new masking policies, I smile because it’s like … we have their attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12008683 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/1W9A8664-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students cheer at a rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a man chanted, “No Zionist racists,” Jewish transfer student Ethan Tallman said he came out to show his support for the Israeli community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[My] reasons are for the hostages, for their families, and for the world to see that they matter,” Tallman said, adding that he found the crowd overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Signs carried by the protesters included messages like “No Votes for Genocide,” featuring the image of Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008657\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12008657 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rally attendees hold signs that read “No Votes for Genocide” at a walkout and rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sameeha Ahmed, who studies cognitive science and public health at Berkeley, said Tuesday morning that she planned to take time away from the busy midterm season to participate in the walkout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We’ve gotten to a point in the movement where I think people are able to sort of turn a blind eye toward the horrors that are happening in Gaza just because this has been going on for so long. People are becoming so desensitized to all of the injustice that’s been occurring,” said Ahmed, who added that she is focused on the call for the University of California to divest from Israel and its war effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that makes it all the more imperative for us to … continue showing that we are not going to stand for this any longer,” Ahmed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008655\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12008655 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A walkout and rally for Gaza and Lebanon on the steps of Sproul Hall at the University of California, Berkeley on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a social media \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DA1CDoLPVJa/?img_index=1\">post\u003c/a>, a group calling itself UC Berkeley Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine wrote “The university, too, has blood on its hands. The University of California system has long committed to war and destruction through research and development of nuclear weapons, drones and other military technologies — as well as investments in weapons manufacturing, fossil fuel, and settler industries profiting from this atrocity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group also cited accusations that the UC has supported the firing, arrests and investigations of professors, the approval of military surplus for UC police forces, and the chilling of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005478/university-of-california-is-accused-of-trying-to-silence-faculty-speech-about-war-in-gaza\">free speech\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Stett Holbrook, a UC Office of the President spokesperson, said while most protests over the past year were peaceful and lawful, administrators have had to take steps to address some that were not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some instances, campuses faced significant disruptions due to protests that resulted in violence, vandalism, class and research interruption, and restricted access to public spaces,” he said. “While we provide many opportunities and venues for the expression of diverse viewpoints at UC campuses, activities that violate the law, University policy, or both, will not be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holbrook added that UCPD’s equipment is not military surplus, military-grade nor designed for military use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University’s use of this equipment provides UC police officers with non-lethal alternatives to standard-issue firearms, enabling them to de-escalate situations and respond without the use of deadly force,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008658\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12008658 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ethan Tallman (center), a pro-Israel student at Berkeley, counter-protests a walkout and rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley spokesperson Dan Mogulof said the campus had been planning for walkouts and other events since July. “We’re aware what moment in time we’re in,” said Mogulof.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, at San Francisco State University, protesters were back at the picket lines and faculty-led teachouts after a midday rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the event, a crowd of about 200 broke into chants like, “Not another penny, not another dollar, we won’t pay for Israel’s slaughter,” and “I can’t even pay my rent; still more bombs are being sent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008656\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12008656 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harry Singh (center), a pro-Israel student at Berkeley, counter-protests a walkout and rally for Gaza and Lebanon at the University of California, Berkeley on Oct. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speaker Omar Zahzah told the demonstrators that enough was enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are here because we feel the connection because we’re suffering through the connections,” Zahzah said. “So long as they keep putting money towards genocide, we say no. We are here to do a critical education project where all of us are united as students and as teachers and as people embodying multiple roles. And this work that we’re starting today on Oct. 8 is just the beginning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFSU student Rithik Hemanth came to support the Students for Gaza picket, in part because he sees conditions for Palestinians and students on campus as connected. He cited Gov. Gavin Newsom’s recent signing of \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/news/uc/newsom-approves-bill-to-prevent-hostile-protest-environments-on-college-campuses/article_c5316348-8217-11ef-8828-5bba697a269a.html\">SB1287\u003c/a>, the “Equity in Higher Education Act: prohibition on violence, harassment, intimidation, and discrimination,” which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001778/students-suspended-over-pro-palestinian-protests-tread-a-fine-line-as-fall-semester-begins-at-bay-area-universities\">some see\u003c/a> as an assault on free speech and student protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re out here to demand that our money, our taxpayer dollars goes to our education, towards these classrooms that are falling apart — every single one that have mold in them and everything — instead of the genocide that’s currently occurring and the war machine across the world,” Hemanth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, pro-Palestinian student organizers announced they had worked with SFSU to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002307/san-francisco-state-divests-from-weapons-makers-after-working-with-student-activists\">identify for divestment\u003c/a> four companies tied to weapons manufacturing or the war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bobby King, an SFSU spokesperson, said the university was not engaged in any unusual planning for Tuesday’s events but said he had not heard of any disruptions to operations at the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SF State has a long tradition of honoring the rights of its community members to peacefully protest while preserving a safe campus environment, and we expect that will continue today,” King said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">\u003cem>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and Samantha Kennedy contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Mayor London Breed Says She’s Just Getting Started",
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"headTitle": "Mayor London Breed Says She’s Just Getting Started | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco voters will choose their next mayor this November, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007833/london-breed-makes-her-case-for-re-election\">KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a> is bringing you interviews with all the top candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed, a San Francisco native who steered the city during the COVID-19 pandemic, is promising voters she’ll see through the work she started in a second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five key takeaways from our interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC1471812915\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Personal ties to the overdose crisis motivate her public service\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Growing up in the city’s public housing, Breed said she learned to “balance pride with the real problems” she witnessed, such as violence and drug addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My sister suffered from addiction. She lost her battle with drugs and lost her life,” Breed told KQED. “When I think about why I’m in public service in the first place, it’s because I’m trying to make sure this city makes the right kinds of investments to stop that kind of thing from happening again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly why she appointed Matt Dorsey, who is in recovery and drug addiction, to the Board of Supervisors. Together, the two have pushed for tougher consequences for drug dealers and users, including passing Proposition F in March, a controversial measure that requires drug screening and treatment for welfare recipients in order to receive cash assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008310\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008310\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A hand holds a nasal spray and medication.\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person displays the contents of their harm reduction kit on June 17, 2024. The kit includes new syringes, fentanyl test strips, and Narcan. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When I’ve made hard decisions that I know people have criticized, including the arrest of people suffering from addiction to get them into treatment, or Prop F… that’s coming from people in recovery,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>She wants the mayor to have more power\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While her opponents for mayor have made promises to ax department heads such as the Chief of Police or the Director of Public Health, Breed said that firing department heads is “easier said than done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incumbent has sparred with the police commission, which provides citizen oversight for the police department and would make recommendations for a new chief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not interested in any names they would send me,” Breed said. “This has been a rogue commission. I don’t have the support I need to do anything right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She accused her opponent, Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, of pushing legislation over the years that has increased checks and balances between the mayor and the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Willie Brown could appoint any police commissioner or MTA commissioner without going through the Board of Supervisors,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not suggesting that the mayor doesn’t have a lot of authority. I am saying there are things the public would expect the mayor can do but we need to make changes so the mayor can do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>She says she’s rooting out corruption that predated her time in City Hall\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout Breed’s first term, multiple city officials and department heads were convicted for corruption and are now serving time in prison, including Mohammed Nuru, former head of the Director of Public Works, and former Public Utilities Commission General Manager Harlan Kelly, who was appointed by her predecessor, Mayor Ed Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Back when I first became mayor, it was very devastating. I was just coming in as mayor, and I had to make some really hard decisions, and I did that,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, new corruption allegations have continued to follow Breed’s tenure, like the recent scandal at the Dreamkeeper Initiative, Breed’s hallmark program for the Black community, which is facing allegations of misspending and other ethics violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We took the action to freeze funding, to do investigations, and ask for her resignation,” Breed said, referring to Sheryl Davis, who led the city’s Human Rights Commission until resigning in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am extremely hurt and disappointed by what has transpired. As a leader of the city, when you hire people, you put a lot of trust in them,” Breed said. “Even though I didn’t hire any of them, they still worked under my administration and I have to take responsibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>She vows to get more aggressive in clearing homeless encampments\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008309\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008309\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed.jpg\" alt=\"Tents with various items on a sidewalk next to a large vehicle.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment on Division Street in San Francisco in 2016. \u003ccite>(Amy Mostafa/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Breed received accolades for her handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. At the same time, the city faced increased criticism for an increase in overall homelessness, even as the number of sidewalk encampments has decreased. Breed touted her administration’s expansion of shelter capacity by 60% while also adding more units to the city’s permanent supportive housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='san-francisco-mayor-election']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a Supreme Court ruling in June that allowed cities to enforce anti-camping laws even if there was no available shelter, Breed directed city crews to become more aggressive with issuing citations and removing encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We aren’t saying this is an option. We are saying this is the option,” Breed said. “It’s not to imply that it’s gone away, but we have better tools to combat it. And we are trying to reconnect people with the places that they came from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the majority of people (69%) who are homeless in San Francisco were living in the city at the time that they lost their housing, according to \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/#PIT-Count-Dashboard\">2024 federal data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>She says challenges like homelessness are not ‘what defines us as a city’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Breed was raised by her grandmother in San Francisco’s Western Addition neighborhood before moving to attend the University of California, Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, she said, she experienced real “culture shock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know much about college until 10th grade. I didn’t understand what a higher education option looked like. It was about graduating from high school. That’s what my grandma pushed,” Breed said. “Then a recruiter came to my class, and I thought, ‘This is my way out of poverty.’ So from that point forward, I really worked hard and went above and beyond and tried to improve my grades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience showed her that while San Francisco struggles with unaffordability, homelessness, and overdoses, these problems “shouldn’t be completely what defines us as a city,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What place would someone grow up in the most challenging of circumstances and grow up to be mayor? San Francisco is where, and I take a lot of pride in that.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco voters will choose their next mayor this November, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007833/london-breed-makes-her-case-for-re-election\">KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a> is bringing you interviews with all the top candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed, a San Francisco native who steered the city during the COVID-19 pandemic, is promising voters she’ll see through the work she started in a second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five key takeaways from our interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC1471812915\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Personal ties to the overdose crisis motivate her public service\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Growing up in the city’s public housing, Breed said she learned to “balance pride with the real problems” she witnessed, such as violence and drug addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My sister suffered from addiction. She lost her battle with drugs and lost her life,” Breed told KQED. “When I think about why I’m in public service in the first place, it’s because I’m trying to make sure this city makes the right kinds of investments to stop that kind of thing from happening again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly why she appointed Matt Dorsey, who is in recovery and drug addiction, to the Board of Supervisors. Together, the two have pushed for tougher consequences for drug dealers and users, including passing Proposition F in March, a controversial measure that requires drug screening and treatment for welfare recipients in order to receive cash assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008310\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008310\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A hand holds a nasal spray and medication.\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240617-SyringeExchange-43-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person displays the contents of their harm reduction kit on June 17, 2024. The kit includes new syringes, fentanyl test strips, and Narcan. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When I’ve made hard decisions that I know people have criticized, including the arrest of people suffering from addiction to get them into treatment, or Prop F… that’s coming from people in recovery,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>She wants the mayor to have more power\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While her opponents for mayor have made promises to ax department heads such as the Chief of Police or the Director of Public Health, Breed said that firing department heads is “easier said than done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incumbent has sparred with the police commission, which provides citizen oversight for the police department and would make recommendations for a new chief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not interested in any names they would send me,” Breed said. “This has been a rogue commission. I don’t have the support I need to do anything right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She accused her opponent, Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, of pushing legislation over the years that has increased checks and balances between the mayor and the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Willie Brown could appoint any police commissioner or MTA commissioner without going through the Board of Supervisors,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not suggesting that the mayor doesn’t have a lot of authority. I am saying there are things the public would expect the mayor can do but we need to make changes so the mayor can do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>She says she’s rooting out corruption that predated her time in City Hall\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout Breed’s first term, multiple city officials and department heads were convicted for corruption and are now serving time in prison, including Mohammed Nuru, former head of the Director of Public Works, and former Public Utilities Commission General Manager Harlan Kelly, who was appointed by her predecessor, Mayor Ed Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Back when I first became mayor, it was very devastating. I was just coming in as mayor, and I had to make some really hard decisions, and I did that,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, new corruption allegations have continued to follow Breed’s tenure, like the recent scandal at the Dreamkeeper Initiative, Breed’s hallmark program for the Black community, which is facing allegations of misspending and other ethics violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We took the action to freeze funding, to do investigations, and ask for her resignation,” Breed said, referring to Sheryl Davis, who led the city’s Human Rights Commission until resigning in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am extremely hurt and disappointed by what has transpired. As a leader of the city, when you hire people, you put a lot of trust in them,” Breed said. “Even though I didn’t hire any of them, they still worked under my administration and I have to take responsibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>She vows to get more aggressive in clearing homeless encampments\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008309\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008309\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed.jpg\" alt=\"Tents with various items on a sidewalk next to a large vehicle.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMAG2736_qed-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment on Division Street in San Francisco in 2016. \u003ccite>(Amy Mostafa/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Breed received accolades for her handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. At the same time, the city faced increased criticism for an increase in overall homelessness, even as the number of sidewalk encampments has decreased. Breed touted her administration’s expansion of shelter capacity by 60% while also adding more units to the city’s permanent supportive housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a Supreme Court ruling in June that allowed cities to enforce anti-camping laws even if there was no available shelter, Breed directed city crews to become more aggressive with issuing citations and removing encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We aren’t saying this is an option. We are saying this is the option,” Breed said. “It’s not to imply that it’s gone away, but we have better tools to combat it. And we are trying to reconnect people with the places that they came from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the majority of people (69%) who are homeless in San Francisco were living in the city at the time that they lost their housing, according to \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/#PIT-Count-Dashboard\">2024 federal data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>She says challenges like homelessness are not ‘what defines us as a city’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Breed was raised by her grandmother in San Francisco’s Western Addition neighborhood before moving to attend the University of California, Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, she said, she experienced real “culture shock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know much about college until 10th grade. I didn’t understand what a higher education option looked like. It was about graduating from high school. That’s what my grandma pushed,” Breed said. “Then a recruiter came to my class, and I thought, ‘This is my way out of poverty.’ So from that point forward, I really worked hard and went above and beyond and tried to improve my grades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience showed her that while San Francisco struggles with unaffordability, homelessness, and overdoses, these problems “shouldn’t be completely what defines us as a city,” Breed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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},
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/4s8b",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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