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"content": "\u003cp>Voters across vast Santa Clara County will have a rare chance this upcoming election to choose a new Superior Court judge in a heated contest between two veteran county prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jay Boyarsky and Johnene Stebbins, who have served for decades together in the county District Attorney’s Office, are facing off for a seat on the bench — one of 77 in the county — left vacant earlier this year with the retirement of Judge Vincent Chiarello.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters seldom have the opportunity to select county judges, as incumbent judges don’t often face challengers when they seek another term and, absent any opponents, are essentially reelected automatically \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.courts.ca.gov/branch-facts/judicial-selection-how-california-chooses-its-judges-and-justices\">without even appearing on the ballot\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, if judges vacate their seats in the middle of their six-year terms, the governor typically appoints their replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges in the Superior Court system often rotate through different assignments and oversee various civil and criminal cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates in this race both work for the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office: Boyarsky, 59, is the chief assistant district attorney and has worked in the office for 30 years, and Stebbins, 55, is a deputy district attorney who has 26 years of experience in the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, 55, told KQED she wants to become a judge because she’s done all she can do in her current role as a deputy district attorney. In her 26 years in the office, Stebbins said, she prosecuted a vast range of criminal cases — from domestic violence and murder to environmental and consumer protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t really think of any crimes left that I haven’t prosecuted,” said Stebbins, who also teaches law enforcement agencies how to investigate sexual assault, child molestation and internet crimes cases. “But I’m not done with public service. I’m not done with the law. I specifically became a D.A. because I wanted to be in the courtroom.”[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/santaclara,Santa Clara County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Santa-Clara-County-1200x1200-1.png]“I feel like my breadth of knowledge, the things that I teach, the things that I do, my experience in the courtroom, make moving on to judge a natural progression,” she added “And I think I could be an asset to the bench.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, the chief assistant district attorney, began working in the DA’s office in 1994 and told KQED he quickly became interested in prosecuting hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s actually the one main reason I wanted to become a prosecutor, is I wanted to stand up for people who were victimized simply because of who they were,” said Boyarsky, adding that he later also developed a knack for prosecuting sexual offenders, child molesters and rapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky also ran Jeff Rosen’s successful campaign for DA in 2011 and was subsequently promoted by Rosen — who he calls his “best friend” — to his current position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It all ended up working out way better than I ever could have thought because I got to help transform and improve the District Attorney’s Office,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky said becoming a judge feels like an excellent way to continue his work in public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to try to make the community and the world better. And I owe that in light of the sacrifice that my father and his generation made for freedom, for democracy, for the rule of law, and to serve this country,” said Boyarsky, whose father fought in World War II and helped liberate Jewish people from Nazi concentration camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, who first ran unsuccessfully for judgeship in 2008, also applied for a governor’s appointment to the bench in 2007 and 2023 but was not selected either time. He said the latest application is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each candidate has received a hefty tranche of endorsements: Both have gotten the support of roughly 30 current and former judges. Rosen and George Kennedy have also endorsed Boyarsky — the DA before him — along with several other current and former district attorneys throughout the state and a broad array of politicians and civil rights groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, meanwhile, is endorsed by Chiarello — the judge vacating the bench — along with Dolores Carr, a former county DA. And although the unions representing officers of the county’s two largest law enforcement agencies — San José Police and the Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office — endorsed both candidates, Stebbins underscores that she collected the sole endorsement of all other police unions in the county, along with the county union that represents both deputy district attorneys and public defenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it speaks volumes as to how law enforcement thinks (the DA’s office is) doing that they do not support the second in command to the top law enforcement official in the county,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']Stebbins said judges need to listen to both sides carefully and be willing to work fairly with each party without getting “run over” by either side, a skill she said she has consistently demonstrated throughout her career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins argues she has the on-the-ground experience to become an effective judge, noting that she still practices law daily and works in courtrooms with judges, public defenders, defendants and victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the courtroom every day, and a lot has changed in the law in the last decade,” she said. “So I’m actually seeing how that all plays out and what changes have been made and how that’s affecting all of the stakeholders in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience is also the basis for her biggest criticism of Boyarsky, who she said is too far removed from the current day-to-day realities of the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s “supervising the supervisors that supervise,” she said. “I’m the surgeon doing the surgeries every day. … “He’s in the medical office blocks away, hiring the doctors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also argues that Boyarsky’s rise to chief assistant “was not a rise based on merit” but rather on “a friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Boyarsky points to his extensive administrative and management experience overseeing 190 attorneys as a major strength that will contribute to his efficacy on the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I do is I make a lot of decisions every day, and I communicate them,” he said. “And they’re about people’s lives. They’re about people’s careers. They’re about accountability. They’re about the media, they’re about policy, they’re about the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said judges do much more than just oversee trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s primarily making decisions and weighing facts and evidence and taking competing interests into account,” he said. “That’s what someone who’s running a very large organization has to do every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read more about Boyarsky’s positions and endorsements \u003ca href=\"https://www.jayboyarsky.com/\">here\u003c/a>, and Stebbins’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.johnenelindastebbinsforjudge.org/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, 55, told KQED she wants to become a judge because she’s done all she can do in her current role as a deputy district attorney. In her 26 years in the office, Stebbins said, she prosecuted a vast range of criminal cases — from domestic violence and murder to environmental and consumer protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t really think of any crimes left that I haven’t prosecuted,” said Stebbins, who also teaches law enforcement agencies how to investigate sexual assault, child molestation and internet crimes cases. “But I’m not done with public service. I’m not done with the law. I specifically became a D.A. because I wanted to be in the courtroom.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I feel like my breadth of knowledge, the things that I teach, the things that I do, my experience in the courtroom, make moving on to judge a natural progression,” she added “And I think I could be an asset to the bench.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, the chief assistant district attorney, began working in the DA’s office in 1994 and told KQED he quickly became interested in prosecuting hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s actually the one main reason I wanted to become a prosecutor, is I wanted to stand up for people who were victimized simply because of who they were,” said Boyarsky, adding that he later also developed a knack for prosecuting sexual offenders, child molesters and rapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky also ran Jeff Rosen’s successful campaign for DA in 2011 and was subsequently promoted by Rosen — who he calls his “best friend” — to his current position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It all ended up working out way better than I ever could have thought because I got to help transform and improve the District Attorney’s Office,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky said becoming a judge feels like an excellent way to continue his work in public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to try to make the community and the world better. And I owe that in light of the sacrifice that my father and his generation made for freedom, for democracy, for the rule of law, and to serve this country,” said Boyarsky, whose father fought in World War II and helped liberate Jewish people from Nazi concentration camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, who first ran unsuccessfully for judgeship in 2008, also applied for a governor’s appointment to the bench in 2007 and 2023 but was not selected either time. He said the latest application is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each candidate has received a hefty tranche of endorsements: Both have gotten the support of roughly 30 current and former judges. Rosen and George Kennedy have also endorsed Boyarsky — the DA before him — along with several other current and former district attorneys throughout the state and a broad array of politicians and civil rights groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, meanwhile, is endorsed by Chiarello — the judge vacating the bench — along with Dolores Carr, a former county DA. And although the unions representing officers of the county’s two largest law enforcement agencies — San José Police and the Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office — endorsed both candidates, Stebbins underscores that she collected the sole endorsement of all other police unions in the county, along with the county union that represents both deputy district attorneys and public defenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it speaks volumes as to how law enforcement thinks (the DA’s office is) doing that they do not support the second in command to the top law enforcement official in the county,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Stebbins said judges need to listen to both sides carefully and be willing to work fairly with each party without getting “run over” by either side, a skill she said she has consistently demonstrated throughout her career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins argues she has the on-the-ground experience to become an effective judge, noting that she still practices law daily and works in courtrooms with judges, public defenders, defendants and victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the courtroom every day, and a lot has changed in the law in the last decade,” she said. “So I’m actually seeing how that all plays out and what changes have been made and how that’s affecting all of the stakeholders in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience is also the basis for her biggest criticism of Boyarsky, who she said is too far removed from the current day-to-day realities of the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s “supervising the supervisors that supervise,” she said. “I’m the surgeon doing the surgeries every day. … “He’s in the medical office blocks away, hiring the doctors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also argues that Boyarsky’s rise to chief assistant “was not a rise based on merit” but rather on “a friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Boyarsky points to his extensive administrative and management experience overseeing 190 attorneys as a major strength that will contribute to his efficacy on the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I do is I make a lot of decisions every day, and I communicate them,” he said. “And they’re about people’s lives. They’re about people’s careers. They’re about accountability. They’re about the media, they’re about policy, they’re about the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said judges do much more than just oversee trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s primarily making decisions and weighing facts and evidence and taking competing interests into account,” he said. “That’s what someone who’s running a very large organization has to do every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read more about Boyarsky’s positions and endorsements \u003ca href=\"https://www.jayboyarsky.com/\">here\u003c/a>, and Stebbins’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.johnenelindastebbinsforjudge.org/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-recall-vote-nears-alameda-county-da-says-shes-faced-resistance-her-entire-term",
"title": "As Recall Vote Nears, Alameda County DA Says She’s Faced Resistance Her Entire Term",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been a tough few weeks for Alameda County District Attorney Price, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">faces a recall election\u003c/a> Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall has been endorsed by her longtime political opponent, former Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010683/former-alameda-county-da-nancy-omalley-endorses-recall-pamela-price\">Nancy O’Malley\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/endorsement-pamela-price-recall-alameda-da-19831707.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/25/alameda-county-district-attorney-recall-pamela-price-editorial/\">\u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), who represents southeastern Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">supports the recall\u003c/a> and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/g5dfnv45ya1mpn74zxf8l/SWALWELL-Price-Ltr-FINAL.pdf?rlkey=ytiyanej1fmu9o486crarpuww&e=1&st=mcxu8m10&dl=0\">threatening to sue\u003c/a> Price for defamation after her anti-recall campaign suggested in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=845953397720684&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> that Swalwell engaged in misconduct during his time as a deputy district attorney under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a poll released last week by the Oakland Chamber of Commerce, 56% of Oakland voters support the recall. Oakland is the county’s largest city and was home to much of her \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/12/23/berkeley-vote-california-alameda-county-election-2022-maps\">base\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, about 16% of Alameda County voters have returned their ballots, according to Political Data, Inc. That could mean the vast majority of voters are still making up their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Price’s inauguration in January 2023, KQED spoke to her about her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935709/change-is-hard-alameda-da-elect-pamela-price-talks-about-the-road-ahead\">vision for the office\u003c/a>. In an Oct. 24 conversation with KQED, Price described the challenges of leading the office through a transition, responded to criticism and outlined what she will do if she defeats the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The interview has been edited for brevity and clarity\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Making big transitions in any office is hard, especially when some of the people who are in office don’t want that change. What have you prioritized?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My first priority was to stabilize the workforce. We had to calm everybody down and make sure that we were addressing what people’s fears were, what their needs were and that they had a decent place to work. There’s a lot of trauma in the office, and it may be that it’s secondary trauma from the work that we do. So, we amplified the mental health resources. We did a lot of improvements to the physical plant and started majorly working on the technology because the office was, as my IT person says, literally in the Stone Age in terms of how they use the technology. A lot of training needed to happen and still needs to happen to get people to use the technology, and then also to be able to work more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009700 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-11_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are some things that you had to let go of?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are practices in this office that I think I know are not serving this community, but it’s how we’ve always done it. This issue around arrest warrants in this county — we mail out notifications to people that they have a court date. And if they don’t come to a court date, a bench warrant may be issued, but we don’t communicate that very well. Bail is another problem in this community. We had to say, “OK, what is the long-term impact of changing money bail, and how does that interact with our other partners in the criminal justice system?” It’s been a longer discussion around how we fix money bail out in Alameda County. It’s also been a longer discussion about how we address some of the in-custody deaths at Santa Rosa County Jail. Very serious issues, but we just kind of scratched the surface. My sense is that we’ve done amazing things, but we would have been able to move faster if we did not have so much resistance both within and without.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you think the last two years would have been different if you hadn’t had to focus on responding to a recall effort?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think the anxiety that people in office are feeling now would not have ever risen to this level, and it would have allowed them to be more open about the challenges that they were facing. I think that once the people who no longer wanted to be here found an opportunity and got support for having a recall, it undermined the stability of the people who were here. That they were under pressure. We have 422 employees. These folks come to work every day committed to do their job the best that they can do. And on the outside, all that they are hearing over and over again — that they’re doing a terrible job. That the DA is creating a hostile work environment. It demoralizes my team. I think that we would have been able to heal and reduce some of the anxiety that people felt about change and the transition if we had not had a lot of fomenting from the outside and people trying to destabilize the office. There’s a lot to do, and we’ve stayed focused, and we have done a lot. I don’t know that we would have done more, but I think it just would have been a lot easier for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955803\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman wearing a dark, sleeveless floral-printed dress, stands with her hands together in an office filled with books.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price at her office in Oakland on July 16, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your administration has had some caustic exchanges, sometimes on social media, with the county sheriff’s office, the governor, the California Highway Patrol, and the former district attorney you replaced, Nancy O’Malley. Why do you think there have been so many disagreements between high-level officials and your administration?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement has for decades controlled the decision-making and the conversation about what justice looks like in district attorney’s offices. In November of 2022, the voters said we want to have a different conversation. It was driven by our efforts in 2018 to show people that the district attorney’s office is an elected office, and that it belongs to this community, and that we should have a voice in determining what kind of justice we’re going to be receiving from our district attorney’s office. The conversation became more intense nationally in the George Floyd period. For the most part, law enforcement and police unions weren’t really part of that conversation. Not in Alameda County. So it was only after we won that suddenly they woke up and said, “Wait a minute, somebody else who we don’t control is now leading that conversation.” I think that that’s part of the backlash and what people have to anticipate when you have a change as dramatic as the one that we’ve had in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> Price unsuccessfully ran against O’Malley in 2018.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001150 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240821-ANTIRECALL-AF-05-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Critics have accused you of nepotism, in part because of the hiring of Antwon Cloird, with whom you have a personal relationship. They’ve also accused you of hiring unqualified employees. In response, you’ve pointed out that O’Malley hired her sister and said you are being held to a double standard. Do you think it’s unfair for the public to want those practices to stop?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t know that the public is requesting that it not happen anymore. I think that the critics are political operatives and have made this a political issue. My predecessor hired far more family members than just her sister. Her predecessor hired the family members of judges in this county. That was a way of creating the kind of familial relationships between this office and the Alameda County bench that continue to exist. I have 11 employees whose parents were either judges or they worked in this office. This was a legacy office for many, many decades. The branch head of our East County Hall of Justice is Jim Meehan. His father hired him 38 years ago. So it’s not something that just recently happened. The county has never had an anti-nepotism policy. So, I think that to the extent that some people have expressed concerns about my hiring practices, I just find it interesting that no one was concerned about the hiring practices until the Black woman became the district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> John J. Meehan, the father of Jim Meehan, served as Alameda County District Attorney between 1981-1994. KQED could not confirm that an additional 10 employees in the office are related to judges or have family members who are current or former employees.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham and Carl Chan, leaders of the campaign to recall Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price, join demonstrators as they yell chants during a kickoff rally outside the René C. Davidson Courthouse in Oakland on June 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The San Francisco Chronicle reported that more than 1,000 misdemeanor crimes will go unevaluated and uncharged after your office allows the statute of limitations on them to expire. You’ve acknowledged there is a backlog and an unknown number of police reports have now passed the statute of limitations. Why should Alameda County residents who may become the victims of crime trust your office will evaluate their case?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because that is what we do every day. We receive over 12,000 police reports from 22 different police agencies. The problem that was identified and highlighted at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse apparently has existed for decades, and it was only revealed to us when we began asking questions about certain cases. We started digging into it, and what I found is that a backlog of unreviewed reports had become normalized because of the workload. It was normalized for people to be overwhelmed in the work that they were doing. And they didn’t have the kind of systems in place to support them in their work. What the public should know is that now we understand what the problem is, and we’ve done a deep dive. The team that I said I would put on to this problem on Monday, Oct. 21, actually has started. We now have four and five lawyers who are going to address the backlog. My IT team successfully modified the computer system Wednesday, Oct. 23. We’ve determined it’s not a thousand cases [that passed the statute of limitations], but it appears to be under 600. We will clean this up by Dec. 31, if not sooner. We fix the problem as we find problems, as we have been doing for the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> In August, the California Highway Patrol said in a statement to KQED that 72% of cases referred to the Alameda County DA since February 2024 hadn’t been acted on. Price told KQED that the CHP complaint is what tipped her off to the problem in her office’s law enforcement report review process at Wiley W. Manuel. At a press conference on Oct. 16, Price told reporters she was expanding the number of attorneys working to address the backlog and updating the office’s case management software to better track how long attorneys have to charge a case before the statute of limitations kicks in.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda,Alameda County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Looking forward, what do you think a well-functioning criminal justice system in Alameda County would look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A well-running criminal justice system in Alameda County, number one, would respect the people who we impact, both victims and defendants. Victims are not well treated in this system. My office will do more to make sure we bring an online text messaging system so that people don’t show up at court and there’s no court, or they show up at court and the court date gets continued. We want to expand the number of victim-witness advocates. My goal is to have 50. We only have 33 who are hands-on, trauma-informed right now. The other 11 are claims people. So, for me, a fully functional, well-running criminal justice system would have at least 100 advocates, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have a full, robust, collaborative court program that has a full menu of options for young people ages 18 to 26. Right now, we have two, maybe 1 1/2 courts that actually address the needs or really respond to criminal activity by transitional-aged youth. We need far more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing that I think will reflect a fully functioning, appropriate criminal justice system for this community will be a fully functioning restorative justice process that is embedded in the DA’s office. A restorative justice process is about healing for victims. It’s not about the defendant. The defendant ultimately is going to be held accountable, whatever that looks like. But it really is an opportunity for the victims to not just be tools and witnesses and people who come to court and see something — then they have got to go out and fix their own lives. They actually get to participate in the process. And at some point, if the process is successful, they get to ask the person, “Why did you kill my loved one?” And it’s starting to happen. We’ve got one case I can’t really talk about, but it’s happening. In five years, we hope we will have a fully functioning restorative justice practice inside the DA’s office. And 10 years from now, people will look back and say, “How come they didn’t have restorative justice back then?” It will be normalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been a tough few weeks for Alameda County District Attorney Price, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">faces a recall election\u003c/a> Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall has been endorsed by her longtime political opponent, former Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010683/former-alameda-county-da-nancy-omalley-endorses-recall-pamela-price\">Nancy O’Malley\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/endorsement-pamela-price-recall-alameda-da-19831707.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/25/alameda-county-district-attorney-recall-pamela-price-editorial/\">\u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), who represents southeastern Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">supports the recall\u003c/a> and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/g5dfnv45ya1mpn74zxf8l/SWALWELL-Price-Ltr-FINAL.pdf?rlkey=ytiyanej1fmu9o486crarpuww&e=1&st=mcxu8m10&dl=0\">threatening to sue\u003c/a> Price for defamation after her anti-recall campaign suggested in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=845953397720684&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> that Swalwell engaged in misconduct during his time as a deputy district attorney under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a poll released last week by the Oakland Chamber of Commerce, 56% of Oakland voters support the recall. Oakland is the county’s largest city and was home to much of her \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/12/23/berkeley-vote-california-alameda-county-election-2022-maps\">base\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, about 16% of Alameda County voters have returned their ballots, according to Political Data, Inc. That could mean the vast majority of voters are still making up their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Price’s inauguration in January 2023, KQED spoke to her about her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935709/change-is-hard-alameda-da-elect-pamela-price-talks-about-the-road-ahead\">vision for the office\u003c/a>. In an Oct. 24 conversation with KQED, Price described the challenges of leading the office through a transition, responded to criticism and outlined what she will do if she defeats the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The interview has been edited for brevity and clarity\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Making big transitions in any office is hard, especially when some of the people who are in office don’t want that change. What have you prioritized?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My first priority was to stabilize the workforce. We had to calm everybody down and make sure that we were addressing what people’s fears were, what their needs were and that they had a decent place to work. There’s a lot of trauma in the office, and it may be that it’s secondary trauma from the work that we do. So, we amplified the mental health resources. We did a lot of improvements to the physical plant and started majorly working on the technology because the office was, as my IT person says, literally in the Stone Age in terms of how they use the technology. A lot of training needed to happen and still needs to happen to get people to use the technology, and then also to be able to work more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are some things that you had to let go of?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are practices in this office that I think I know are not serving this community, but it’s how we’ve always done it. This issue around arrest warrants in this county — we mail out notifications to people that they have a court date. And if they don’t come to a court date, a bench warrant may be issued, but we don’t communicate that very well. Bail is another problem in this community. We had to say, “OK, what is the long-term impact of changing money bail, and how does that interact with our other partners in the criminal justice system?” It’s been a longer discussion around how we fix money bail out in Alameda County. It’s also been a longer discussion about how we address some of the in-custody deaths at Santa Rosa County Jail. Very serious issues, but we just kind of scratched the surface. My sense is that we’ve done amazing things, but we would have been able to move faster if we did not have so much resistance both within and without.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you think the last two years would have been different if you hadn’t had to focus on responding to a recall effort?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think the anxiety that people in office are feeling now would not have ever risen to this level, and it would have allowed them to be more open about the challenges that they were facing. I think that once the people who no longer wanted to be here found an opportunity and got support for having a recall, it undermined the stability of the people who were here. That they were under pressure. We have 422 employees. These folks come to work every day committed to do their job the best that they can do. And on the outside, all that they are hearing over and over again — that they’re doing a terrible job. That the DA is creating a hostile work environment. It demoralizes my team. I think that we would have been able to heal and reduce some of the anxiety that people felt about change and the transition if we had not had a lot of fomenting from the outside and people trying to destabilize the office. There’s a lot to do, and we’ve stayed focused, and we have done a lot. I don’t know that we would have done more, but I think it just would have been a lot easier for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955803\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman wearing a dark, sleeveless floral-printed dress, stands with her hands together in an office filled with books.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price at her office in Oakland on July 16, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your administration has had some caustic exchanges, sometimes on social media, with the county sheriff’s office, the governor, the California Highway Patrol, and the former district attorney you replaced, Nancy O’Malley. Why do you think there have been so many disagreements between high-level officials and your administration?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement has for decades controlled the decision-making and the conversation about what justice looks like in district attorney’s offices. In November of 2022, the voters said we want to have a different conversation. It was driven by our efforts in 2018 to show people that the district attorney’s office is an elected office, and that it belongs to this community, and that we should have a voice in determining what kind of justice we’re going to be receiving from our district attorney’s office. The conversation became more intense nationally in the George Floyd period. For the most part, law enforcement and police unions weren’t really part of that conversation. Not in Alameda County. So it was only after we won that suddenly they woke up and said, “Wait a minute, somebody else who we don’t control is now leading that conversation.” I think that that’s part of the backlash and what people have to anticipate when you have a change as dramatic as the one that we’ve had in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> Price unsuccessfully ran against O’Malley in 2018.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Critics have accused you of nepotism, in part because of the hiring of Antwon Cloird, with whom you have a personal relationship. They’ve also accused you of hiring unqualified employees. In response, you’ve pointed out that O’Malley hired her sister and said you are being held to a double standard. Do you think it’s unfair for the public to want those practices to stop?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t know that the public is requesting that it not happen anymore. I think that the critics are political operatives and have made this a political issue. My predecessor hired far more family members than just her sister. Her predecessor hired the family members of judges in this county. That was a way of creating the kind of familial relationships between this office and the Alameda County bench that continue to exist. I have 11 employees whose parents were either judges or they worked in this office. This was a legacy office for many, many decades. The branch head of our East County Hall of Justice is Jim Meehan. His father hired him 38 years ago. So it’s not something that just recently happened. The county has never had an anti-nepotism policy. So, I think that to the extent that some people have expressed concerns about my hiring practices, I just find it interesting that no one was concerned about the hiring practices until the Black woman became the district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> John J. Meehan, the father of Jim Meehan, served as Alameda County District Attorney between 1981-1994. KQED could not confirm that an additional 10 employees in the office are related to judges or have family members who are current or former employees.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham and Carl Chan, leaders of the campaign to recall Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price, join demonstrators as they yell chants during a kickoff rally outside the René C. Davidson Courthouse in Oakland on June 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The San Francisco Chronicle reported that more than 1,000 misdemeanor crimes will go unevaluated and uncharged after your office allows the statute of limitations on them to expire. You’ve acknowledged there is a backlog and an unknown number of police reports have now passed the statute of limitations. Why should Alameda County residents who may become the victims of crime trust your office will evaluate their case?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because that is what we do every day. We receive over 12,000 police reports from 22 different police agencies. The problem that was identified and highlighted at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse apparently has existed for decades, and it was only revealed to us when we began asking questions about certain cases. We started digging into it, and what I found is that a backlog of unreviewed reports had become normalized because of the workload. It was normalized for people to be overwhelmed in the work that they were doing. And they didn’t have the kind of systems in place to support them in their work. What the public should know is that now we understand what the problem is, and we’ve done a deep dive. The team that I said I would put on to this problem on Monday, Oct. 21, actually has started. We now have four and five lawyers who are going to address the backlog. My IT team successfully modified the computer system Wednesday, Oct. 23. We’ve determined it’s not a thousand cases [that passed the statute of limitations], but it appears to be under 600. We will clean this up by Dec. 31, if not sooner. We fix the problem as we find problems, as we have been doing for the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> In August, the California Highway Patrol said in a statement to KQED that 72% of cases referred to the Alameda County DA since February 2024 hadn’t been acted on. Price told KQED that the CHP complaint is what tipped her off to the problem in her office’s law enforcement report review process at Wiley W. Manuel. At a press conference on Oct. 16, Price told reporters she was expanding the number of attorneys working to address the backlog and updating the office’s case management software to better track how long attorneys have to charge a case before the statute of limitations kicks in.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Looking forward, what do you think a well-functioning criminal justice system in Alameda County would look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A well-running criminal justice system in Alameda County, number one, would respect the people who we impact, both victims and defendants. Victims are not well treated in this system. My office will do more to make sure we bring an online text messaging system so that people don’t show up at court and there’s no court, or they show up at court and the court date gets continued. We want to expand the number of victim-witness advocates. My goal is to have 50. We only have 33 who are hands-on, trauma-informed right now. The other 11 are claims people. So, for me, a fully functional, well-running criminal justice system would have at least 100 advocates, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have a full, robust, collaborative court program that has a full menu of options for young people ages 18 to 26. Right now, we have two, maybe 1 1/2 courts that actually address the needs or really respond to criminal activity by transitional-aged youth. We need far more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing that I think will reflect a fully functioning, appropriate criminal justice system for this community will be a fully functioning restorative justice process that is embedded in the DA’s office. A restorative justice process is about healing for victims. It’s not about the defendant. The defendant ultimately is going to be held accountable, whatever that looks like. But it really is an opportunity for the victims to not just be tools and witnesses and people who come to court and see something — then they have got to go out and fix their own lives. They actually get to participate in the process. And at some point, if the process is successful, they get to ask the person, “Why did you kill my loved one?” And it’s starting to happen. We’ve got one case I can’t really talk about, but it’s happening. In five years, we hope we will have a fully functioning restorative justice practice inside the DA’s office. And 10 years from now, people will look back and say, “How come they didn’t have restorative justice back then?” It will be normalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]F[/dropcap]or years, only a couple of people would show up to observe staff at the Shasta County Elections office on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, after November 2020, the office saw a dramatic increase in observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the night of the June 2022 primary, then-registrar of voters Cathy Darling Allen and her staff experienced bullying and interference from a group of residents who claimed they wanted to protect against election fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Cathy%20Darling%20Allen%20-%20Shasta%20County,%20CA.pdf\">according to prepared testimony she submitted to the Senate Judiciary Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee held a hearing entitled Protecting Our Democracy’s Frontline Workers, which featured testimony from elections officials across the country who had experienced threats and harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen wrote that some poll workers had canceled or simply not shown up for work, possibly due to the behavior of observers who had attended a recent training. At one point in the night, someone attached a trail camera in the alley behind the elections office to surveil the back entrance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Election observation in Shasta County has become weaponized,” Darling Allen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010906\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010906\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Cathy Darling Allen at the Lake Redding Boat Ramp in Redding. Right: Joanna Francescut displays a ballot envelope during a training session for an elections employee. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, Shasta County has been a hotbed of election denialism, with a vocal minority of residents and the board of supervisors’ far-right majority encouraging distrust in California’s voting systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen retired earlier this year due to a heart failure diagnosis, citing a need to avoid work-related stress. To take her place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991539/shasta-countys-new-registrar-of-voters-has-no-experience-running-elections\">the board appointed Tom Toller, a former county prosecutor with no experience running elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller, who came into the office with his own concerns about election integrity, said his perspective has changed after several months of working inside the office. Now, as he prepares for one of the most fraught elections in recent history, he finds himself pushing back on a tide of skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m constantly sent emails from people suggesting that I need to stop using this technology or I need to start implementing this other procedure,” Toller said. “My universal response has been, I don’t see any evidence of this. But if you can give me credible evidence that it’s happening here in Shasta County, I will definitely look into it. And if there’s a problem, I will resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010881\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010881\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1173\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Toller is appointed the new Shasta County clerk and registrar of voters by the county’s Board of Supervisors on June 19, 2024, in Redding. \u003ccite>(Roman Battaglia/JPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To accommodate the increase in observers, the county elections office in downtown Redding has been remodeled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A black metal gate accessible only via key card separates the front entrance from an area where elections staff have been preparing to tabulate votes on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upstairs, observers can watch staff on four wall-mounted TV monitors. The county’s vote counting machines, set up in a room nicknamed “the bat cave,” are also visible through a window in the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011738\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011738\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, opens a metal doorway at the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011702\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011702\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Video cameras monitor the interior of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On election night, the office will be completely full with observers, assistant registrar Joanna Francescut said. But being here isn’t always enough to allay their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The majority of those people have been sitting here with us for multiple elections,” said Francescut, who worked for 16 years under Darling Allen and was passed over for the registrar job. “But they’re also not listening to what we have to say about what we’re actually doing. They’re trusting other things, other media that is going after them that has their attention in a different way. They’re trusting what’s being said on YouTube or Truth Social or whatever website they’re looking at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ballots come in, observers will be allowed to view ballot tabulation and results reporting. Certain activities, like challenging signatures on vote-by-mail ballots, won’t be permitted, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.shastacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/11052024-Observer-Guidelines.pdf\">according to the elections office website (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller is facing pushback for not making more changes, with some of the strongest criticisms coming from Supervisor Patrick Jones, one of three members of the board who voted to appoint him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been some people that are being placed at six feet apart, six feet from meaningful observation. It needs to be three. If that was his decision, then that is a bad decision,” Jones said. “The further you push people back, the further you’re trying to cover something up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A black box’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shasta County has been in conflict with the state of California over how to conduct its elections since at least 2023. That’s when the board of supervisors voted to end the county’s contract with Dominion Voting Systems, whose machines were the target of conspiracy theories that the 2020 election was rigged. Supervisors voted to hand count ballots instead but were thwarted when Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 969, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/08/1198395036/shasta-county-hand-counting-ballots-california-legislation\">urgent legislation that banned hand counting\u003c/a> except in narrow circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1866px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011741\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1866\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg 1866w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1866px) 100vw, 1866px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of the Shasta County Board of Supervisors hang in the board offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the law, calls for the county to use hand counting persist. At a board meeting in late September, security guards wearing tactical vests flanked the dais as people approached the podium during public comment. Several insisted that the county use hand counting in this year’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One speaker detailed amateur sleuthing, which she said had uncovered voter registration tied to nonexistent addresses. Another read a letter calling on the county sheriff to launch a criminal investigation of Francescut for alleged perjury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day earlier, some of the same speakers had attended a meeting of the Shasta County Elections Commission, a panel Jones \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/resources/pdf/7e2ed968-3bfb-466b-b53b-054ffb022ebe-c4_ordinance_no._scc_202307.pdf\">pushed to create last year\u003c/a> to advise the board on elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, including a commissioner who resigned in March, have called the panel a \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/news/local/shasta-county-election-commission-criticized-disbandment-called-for-at-supervisors-meeting\">waste of time\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.actionnewsnow.com/news/former-shasta-county-elections-commissioner-resigns-claiming-it-was-a-waste-of-time-and-money/article_97c5a0a8-eb0a-11ee-949b-0b9f7ab7c413.html\">money\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission has recommended that the county not only hand count ballots but also return to limited absentee voting and one-day elections — all of which would violate California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think their attitude is that even if something is futile legally, it has some type of symbolic value,” Toller said about the commission. “And I understand why they’re doing what they’re doing. I just don’t think it’s going to bear much fruit. And it may have unintended consequences that would not necessarily be positive for our county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the board has not acted on the recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an October board meeting, commissioner Patty Plumb, a Jones appointee, expressed disappointment in Toller’s leadership of the elections office so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing has really taken place to change our system of voting even though we did get a new [registrar of voters],” Plumb said. “We had our hopes that things would be changed. Nothing has really changed to make our voting system and our process transparent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011737\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots known as a ‘test deck’ at theShasta County Elections offices. The test ballots go through the ballot counting system to test the accuracy of the vote count. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Distrust in Shasta County’s elections office had already begun to simmer in 2022, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902718/militia-led-recall-targets-republican-supervisor-in-shasta-county\">a campaign backed by a local militia successfully recalled Supervisor Leonard Moty\u003c/a>, a moderate Republican and former Redding police chief who they felt hadn’t pushed back hard enough on COVID-19 mandates, among other complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, after the county canceled its contract with Dominion, it signed a new contract to use voting machines from Texas-based Hart InterCivic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, skepticism about the trustworthiness of Dominion’s software and that of other voting machines lingers today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have a black box,” Kari Chilson, a Shasta County property manager, told KQED in reference to Dominion’s machines after a recent meeting of the elections commission. “They’re proprietary software. And so the public is not even allowed to audit their machines, which is a huge red flag for anybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re run by WiFi or internet,” said Antonia Palacio, who works in home care, about the machines. “It’s been proven that they can be hacked. If you don’t have an audit, hand counting, they can put in as many extra votes or whatever in there, and we would never know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County resident Teresa Romero, right, points out to her husband Charles how the number increased by one on a Dominion voting machine to indicate that his ballot was successfully scanned after being entered into the machine on Nov. 8, 2022, at the Shasta County Elections offices \u003ccite>(Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Researchers and hackers have identified vulnerabilities in voting machines, but officials with the federal Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency say that because of the decentralized nature of the United States’ elections system, it would be impossible for hackers to have a material impact on the outcome of a presidential election without being detected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Hart InterCivic, Dominion and ES&S, the three companies that supply voting machines to most California counties, told KQED that their machines do not connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked when they first became skeptical of the county’s voting processes, Chilson and Palacio described reports of “abnormalities” in the 2020 election and signed affidavits alleging voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statements alleging irregularities or misconduct were a common element of the 64 legal cases brought by former President Donald Trump and his allies challenging the 2020 election. Plaintiffs prevailed in only one of those cases, which involved too few votes to overturn the results, according to a 2022 study.[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]Chilson also shared articles that had raised her suspicions from sites like The Epoch Times, One America News and The Gateway Pundit, all of which have promoted conspiracy theories about the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Georgia election workers settled defamation lawsuits with The Gateway Pundit and OAN after each published stories falsely accusing them of ballot fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller said he spends a lot of time trying to reassure people that Shasta County’s voting machines don’t connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s compared the machines that count ballots to the ones that count money in casinos: they sort quicker than any human could, but they’re not connected to the internet, and they don’t misreport the number of $100 bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think ultimately, probably the 80% of folks that are sort of the silent majority get that,” Toller said. “But there’s always going to be people sort of on the fringe who no amount of explanation is going to satisfy them. They simply want to return to the way it was years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also evaluated the county’s drop boxes and removed the ones that were underutilized. The elections office will replace the remaining 13 with a heavier version and a video camera that can monitor the ballot slot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011699\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011699\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ballot drop box sits outside of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a situation where some people understand what I’m trying to do, and they recognize that it’s a more secure situation,” Toller said. “But other people are adamant that the only solution is to eliminate the boxes entirely. And you simply can’t do that in a county like ours that’s so large geographically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta isn’t the only California county that’s responded to drop box concerns. San Benito County created a ride-along program in 2021 for members of the public to observe elections staff collect vote-by-mail ballots from drop boxes. Last year, Kern County installed surveillance cameras at its drop boxes and allowed members of the public to view the footage at the elections office during business hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she is concerned that making concessions to quell skeptics could legitimize distrust in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spent all of 2023 trying to beat back policy changes that were based on junk science and junk statistics and lies told around the nation about elections administration,” Darling Allen said. “We were somewhat successful, but at a pretty high cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Baptism by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Toller interviewed for the job, he appeared willing to join in a potential fight over hand counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He pointed out that AB 969 hadn’t been challenged in court and should the county decide to act, he would participate in any way the board wanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would in no way be beholden to the Secretary of State in Sacramento as if her interpretation was chapter and verse of Holy Writ,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.shastacounty.gov/sites/default/files/fileattachments/community/page/4803/rov_applications_-_redacted.pdf\">read a cover letter submitted as part of Toller’s job application\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about voting machines, Toller said he wasn’t a big fan and would consider hand counting if the law allowed it. The county has over 115,000 registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was good enough for years and years,” Toller said. “I think it’s a system that’s capable of being implemented and observed for transparency and fairness — and accurate. I don’t see any reason why it can’t go forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller was hired despite his lack of experience. He later told KQED that he considered himself the “compromise choice,” having beat out Francescut and Clint Curtis, a Florida attorney who appeared to be the choice of election skeptics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011701\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, works in her office at the Shasta County Elections offices on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, after four months on the job, Toller said some of his perspectives have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had my baptism by fire, so to speak,” Toller said. “I’ve actually rolled up my sleeves and gotten my hands underneath the hood, into the engine, and figured out how things work,” Toller said. “And in the process of doing that, I have learned an incredible amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the things he said he has learned: hand counting is slow and expensive, and voting machines are fast — and accurate — when used properly by trained staff.[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']While Toller said he personally never bought into theories of mass election rigging, he did have concerns about election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, while working on a campaign to unseat Shasta County’s district attorney, Toller said the official results from election night and in the days following, compared with early tabulation data posted at the individual precincts, raised questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now believes problems that cropped up in past elections were almost entirely due to the kind of mistakes that happen in a high-stress environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest switch I’ve made is rather than try to assume that there was any malfeasance or intentional activity with respect to election results, that most of the problems are a result of human error,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller told KQED he will make no major changes to how elections are administered in Shasta County prior to Tuesday, and so far, he hasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not pleasing his critics, including Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Patrick Jones in his family’s gun shop, Jones’ Fort, in Redding, on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If we wanted to do things the same, we would have picked Joanna,” Jones said. “He knows the vast majority of us are looking for more transparency, meaningful observation, chain of custody. Will he deliver? That’s up to him. There will be a lot of criticism if he doesn’t live up to what he knows the public wants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A gut feeling\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Toller and his office face pressure to successfully pull off the November election, the future of the board’s conservative majority, which has steered many of Shasta County’s recent decisions on elections, is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Jones will be replaced by Matt Plummer, a young moderate who ran on a platform of reducing homelessness, cutting crime and fixing Shasta County’s roads. Plummer said he knocked on over 9,000 doors while campaigning and those were the issues people brought up over and over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011700\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011700\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County Supervisor-elect Matt Plummer stands on the Diestelhorst Bridge in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The other thing was, like, just stop the chaos and stop the craziness, which has kind of characterized our county board over the last three to four years,” Plummer said at a Redding ice cream shop one evening in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County election data show Jones lost his bid for reelection to Plummer in the primary by nearly 20%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jones alleged he won the election and will be stepping down because there was cheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing is the effort does not match the result,” Jones said. “And your gut feeling is something’s not right when you outdo your opponent, and yet you did not prevail. And that’s just a gut feeling from the candidate that only the candidate would know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A November runoff between Supervisor Mary Rickert, a moderate incumbent, and Corkey Harmon, a political newcomer, could also shift the board’s makeup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The MAGA movement here is fading away faster than they ever thought it would be,” said Supervisor Tim Garman, who is stepping down at the end of his term because of redistricting. “Not as fast as I think some of us would like it to go, but it is fading away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Jones is already casting doubt on the results of Tuesday’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No matter what happens this November, there will be no trust,” Jones said. “And what the public will do, I don’t know. Hopefully, all goes well, but we have not fixed our elections, and people are getting mad. They’re getting upset. Because we’re selecting people, we’re not voting them incorrectly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she believes Shasta County elections staff will be criticized, regardless of the outcome of any of the races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Jones] is going to say the election was a failure,” Darling Allen predicted. “Especially if he actually comes to believe that Mr. Toller is not going to carry the water for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope Mr. Toller continues to stand strong and continues to defend the process and follow the law,” she said. “And maybe Shasta County can become less well known for election problems or the attention on elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "A Far-Right California County Appointed Him Registrar. Now His Election Views Have Changed | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">F\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>or years, only a couple of people would show up to observe staff at the Shasta County Elections office on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, after November 2020, the office saw a dramatic increase in observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the night of the June 2022 primary, then-registrar of voters Cathy Darling Allen and her staff experienced bullying and interference from a group of residents who claimed they wanted to protect against election fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Cathy%20Darling%20Allen%20-%20Shasta%20County,%20CA.pdf\">according to prepared testimony she submitted to the Senate Judiciary Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee held a hearing entitled Protecting Our Democracy’s Frontline Workers, which featured testimony from elections officials across the country who had experienced threats and harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen wrote that some poll workers had canceled or simply not shown up for work, possibly due to the behavior of observers who had attended a recent training. At one point in the night, someone attached a trail camera in the alley behind the elections office to surveil the back entrance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Election observation in Shasta County has become weaponized,” Darling Allen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010906\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010906\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Cathy Darling Allen at the Lake Redding Boat Ramp in Redding. Right: Joanna Francescut displays a ballot envelope during a training session for an elections employee. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, Shasta County has been a hotbed of election denialism, with a vocal minority of residents and the board of supervisors’ far-right majority encouraging distrust in California’s voting systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen retired earlier this year due to a heart failure diagnosis, citing a need to avoid work-related stress. To take her place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991539/shasta-countys-new-registrar-of-voters-has-no-experience-running-elections\">the board appointed Tom Toller, a former county prosecutor with no experience running elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller, who came into the office with his own concerns about election integrity, said his perspective has changed after several months of working inside the office. Now, as he prepares for one of the most fraught elections in recent history, he finds himself pushing back on a tide of skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m constantly sent emails from people suggesting that I need to stop using this technology or I need to start implementing this other procedure,” Toller said. “My universal response has been, I don’t see any evidence of this. But if you can give me credible evidence that it’s happening here in Shasta County, I will definitely look into it. And if there’s a problem, I will resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010881\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010881\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1173\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Toller is appointed the new Shasta County clerk and registrar of voters by the county’s Board of Supervisors on June 19, 2024, in Redding. \u003ccite>(Roman Battaglia/JPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To accommodate the increase in observers, the county elections office in downtown Redding has been remodeled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A black metal gate accessible only via key card separates the front entrance from an area where elections staff have been preparing to tabulate votes on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upstairs, observers can watch staff on four wall-mounted TV monitors. The county’s vote counting machines, set up in a room nicknamed “the bat cave,” are also visible through a window in the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011738\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011738\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, opens a metal doorway at the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011702\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011702\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Video cameras monitor the interior of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On election night, the office will be completely full with observers, assistant registrar Joanna Francescut said. But being here isn’t always enough to allay their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The majority of those people have been sitting here with us for multiple elections,” said Francescut, who worked for 16 years under Darling Allen and was passed over for the registrar job. “But they’re also not listening to what we have to say about what we’re actually doing. They’re trusting other things, other media that is going after them that has their attention in a different way. They’re trusting what’s being said on YouTube or Truth Social or whatever website they’re looking at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ballots come in, observers will be allowed to view ballot tabulation and results reporting. Certain activities, like challenging signatures on vote-by-mail ballots, won’t be permitted, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.shastacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/11052024-Observer-Guidelines.pdf\">according to the elections office website (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller is facing pushback for not making more changes, with some of the strongest criticisms coming from Supervisor Patrick Jones, one of three members of the board who voted to appoint him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been some people that are being placed at six feet apart, six feet from meaningful observation. It needs to be three. If that was his decision, then that is a bad decision,” Jones said. “The further you push people back, the further you’re trying to cover something up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A black box’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shasta County has been in conflict with the state of California over how to conduct its elections since at least 2023. That’s when the board of supervisors voted to end the county’s contract with Dominion Voting Systems, whose machines were the target of conspiracy theories that the 2020 election was rigged. Supervisors voted to hand count ballots instead but were thwarted when Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 969, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/08/1198395036/shasta-county-hand-counting-ballots-california-legislation\">urgent legislation that banned hand counting\u003c/a> except in narrow circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1866px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011741\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1866\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg 1866w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1866px) 100vw, 1866px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of the Shasta County Board of Supervisors hang in the board offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the law, calls for the county to use hand counting persist. At a board meeting in late September, security guards wearing tactical vests flanked the dais as people approached the podium during public comment. Several insisted that the county use hand counting in this year’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One speaker detailed amateur sleuthing, which she said had uncovered voter registration tied to nonexistent addresses. Another read a letter calling on the county sheriff to launch a criminal investigation of Francescut for alleged perjury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day earlier, some of the same speakers had attended a meeting of the Shasta County Elections Commission, a panel Jones \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/resources/pdf/7e2ed968-3bfb-466b-b53b-054ffb022ebe-c4_ordinance_no._scc_202307.pdf\">pushed to create last year\u003c/a> to advise the board on elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, including a commissioner who resigned in March, have called the panel a \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/news/local/shasta-county-election-commission-criticized-disbandment-called-for-at-supervisors-meeting\">waste of time\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.actionnewsnow.com/news/former-shasta-county-elections-commissioner-resigns-claiming-it-was-a-waste-of-time-and-money/article_97c5a0a8-eb0a-11ee-949b-0b9f7ab7c413.html\">money\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission has recommended that the county not only hand count ballots but also return to limited absentee voting and one-day elections — all of which would violate California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think their attitude is that even if something is futile legally, it has some type of symbolic value,” Toller said about the commission. “And I understand why they’re doing what they’re doing. I just don’t think it’s going to bear much fruit. And it may have unintended consequences that would not necessarily be positive for our county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the board has not acted on the recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an October board meeting, commissioner Patty Plumb, a Jones appointee, expressed disappointment in Toller’s leadership of the elections office so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing has really taken place to change our system of voting even though we did get a new [registrar of voters],” Plumb said. “We had our hopes that things would be changed. Nothing has really changed to make our voting system and our process transparent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011737\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots known as a ‘test deck’ at theShasta County Elections offices. The test ballots go through the ballot counting system to test the accuracy of the vote count. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Distrust in Shasta County’s elections office had already begun to simmer in 2022, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902718/militia-led-recall-targets-republican-supervisor-in-shasta-county\">a campaign backed by a local militia successfully recalled Supervisor Leonard Moty\u003c/a>, a moderate Republican and former Redding police chief who they felt hadn’t pushed back hard enough on COVID-19 mandates, among other complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, after the county canceled its contract with Dominion, it signed a new contract to use voting machines from Texas-based Hart InterCivic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, skepticism about the trustworthiness of Dominion’s software and that of other voting machines lingers today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have a black box,” Kari Chilson, a Shasta County property manager, told KQED in reference to Dominion’s machines after a recent meeting of the elections commission. “They’re proprietary software. And so the public is not even allowed to audit their machines, which is a huge red flag for anybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re run by WiFi or internet,” said Antonia Palacio, who works in home care, about the machines. “It’s been proven that they can be hacked. If you don’t have an audit, hand counting, they can put in as many extra votes or whatever in there, and we would never know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County resident Teresa Romero, right, points out to her husband Charles how the number increased by one on a Dominion voting machine to indicate that his ballot was successfully scanned after being entered into the machine on Nov. 8, 2022, at the Shasta County Elections offices \u003ccite>(Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Researchers and hackers have identified vulnerabilities in voting machines, but officials with the federal Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency say that because of the decentralized nature of the United States’ elections system, it would be impossible for hackers to have a material impact on the outcome of a presidential election without being detected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Hart InterCivic, Dominion and ES&S, the three companies that supply voting machines to most California counties, told KQED that their machines do not connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked when they first became skeptical of the county’s voting processes, Chilson and Palacio described reports of “abnormalities” in the 2020 election and signed affidavits alleging voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statements alleging irregularities or misconduct were a common element of the 64 legal cases brought by former President Donald Trump and his allies challenging the 2020 election. Plaintiffs prevailed in only one of those cases, which involved too few votes to overturn the results, according to a 2022 study.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chilson also shared articles that had raised her suspicions from sites like The Epoch Times, One America News and The Gateway Pundit, all of which have promoted conspiracy theories about the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Georgia election workers settled defamation lawsuits with The Gateway Pundit and OAN after each published stories falsely accusing them of ballot fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller said he spends a lot of time trying to reassure people that Shasta County’s voting machines don’t connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s compared the machines that count ballots to the ones that count money in casinos: they sort quicker than any human could, but they’re not connected to the internet, and they don’t misreport the number of $100 bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think ultimately, probably the 80% of folks that are sort of the silent majority get that,” Toller said. “But there’s always going to be people sort of on the fringe who no amount of explanation is going to satisfy them. They simply want to return to the way it was years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also evaluated the county’s drop boxes and removed the ones that were underutilized. The elections office will replace the remaining 13 with a heavier version and a video camera that can monitor the ballot slot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011699\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011699\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ballot drop box sits outside of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a situation where some people understand what I’m trying to do, and they recognize that it’s a more secure situation,” Toller said. “But other people are adamant that the only solution is to eliminate the boxes entirely. And you simply can’t do that in a county like ours that’s so large geographically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta isn’t the only California county that’s responded to drop box concerns. San Benito County created a ride-along program in 2021 for members of the public to observe elections staff collect vote-by-mail ballots from drop boxes. Last year, Kern County installed surveillance cameras at its drop boxes and allowed members of the public to view the footage at the elections office during business hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she is concerned that making concessions to quell skeptics could legitimize distrust in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spent all of 2023 trying to beat back policy changes that were based on junk science and junk statistics and lies told around the nation about elections administration,” Darling Allen said. “We were somewhat successful, but at a pretty high cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Baptism by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Toller interviewed for the job, he appeared willing to join in a potential fight over hand counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He pointed out that AB 969 hadn’t been challenged in court and should the county decide to act, he would participate in any way the board wanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would in no way be beholden to the Secretary of State in Sacramento as if her interpretation was chapter and verse of Holy Writ,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.shastacounty.gov/sites/default/files/fileattachments/community/page/4803/rov_applications_-_redacted.pdf\">read a cover letter submitted as part of Toller’s job application\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about voting machines, Toller said he wasn’t a big fan and would consider hand counting if the law allowed it. The county has over 115,000 registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was good enough for years and years,” Toller said. “I think it’s a system that’s capable of being implemented and observed for transparency and fairness — and accurate. I don’t see any reason why it can’t go forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller was hired despite his lack of experience. He later told KQED that he considered himself the “compromise choice,” having beat out Francescut and Clint Curtis, a Florida attorney who appeared to be the choice of election skeptics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011701\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, works in her office at the Shasta County Elections offices on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, after four months on the job, Toller said some of his perspectives have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had my baptism by fire, so to speak,” Toller said. “I’ve actually rolled up my sleeves and gotten my hands underneath the hood, into the engine, and figured out how things work,” Toller said. “And in the process of doing that, I have learned an incredible amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the things he said he has learned: hand counting is slow and expensive, and voting machines are fast — and accurate — when used properly by trained staff.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While Toller said he personally never bought into theories of mass election rigging, he did have concerns about election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, while working on a campaign to unseat Shasta County’s district attorney, Toller said the official results from election night and in the days following, compared with early tabulation data posted at the individual precincts, raised questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now believes problems that cropped up in past elections were almost entirely due to the kind of mistakes that happen in a high-stress environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest switch I’ve made is rather than try to assume that there was any malfeasance or intentional activity with respect to election results, that most of the problems are a result of human error,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller told KQED he will make no major changes to how elections are administered in Shasta County prior to Tuesday, and so far, he hasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not pleasing his critics, including Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Patrick Jones in his family’s gun shop, Jones’ Fort, in Redding, on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If we wanted to do things the same, we would have picked Joanna,” Jones said. “He knows the vast majority of us are looking for more transparency, meaningful observation, chain of custody. Will he deliver? That’s up to him. There will be a lot of criticism if he doesn’t live up to what he knows the public wants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A gut feeling\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Toller and his office face pressure to successfully pull off the November election, the future of the board’s conservative majority, which has steered many of Shasta County’s recent decisions on elections, is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Jones will be replaced by Matt Plummer, a young moderate who ran on a platform of reducing homelessness, cutting crime and fixing Shasta County’s roads. Plummer said he knocked on over 9,000 doors while campaigning and those were the issues people brought up over and over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011700\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011700\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County Supervisor-elect Matt Plummer stands on the Diestelhorst Bridge in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The other thing was, like, just stop the chaos and stop the craziness, which has kind of characterized our county board over the last three to four years,” Plummer said at a Redding ice cream shop one evening in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County election data show Jones lost his bid for reelection to Plummer in the primary by nearly 20%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jones alleged he won the election and will be stepping down because there was cheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing is the effort does not match the result,” Jones said. “And your gut feeling is something’s not right when you outdo your opponent, and yet you did not prevail. And that’s just a gut feeling from the candidate that only the candidate would know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A November runoff between Supervisor Mary Rickert, a moderate incumbent, and Corkey Harmon, a political newcomer, could also shift the board’s makeup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The MAGA movement here is fading away faster than they ever thought it would be,” said Supervisor Tim Garman, who is stepping down at the end of his term because of redistricting. “Not as fast as I think some of us would like it to go, but it is fading away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Jones is already casting doubt on the results of Tuesday’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No matter what happens this November, there will be no trust,” Jones said. “And what the public will do, I don’t know. Hopefully, all goes well, but we have not fixed our elections, and people are getting mad. They’re getting upset. Because we’re selecting people, we’re not voting them incorrectly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she believes Shasta County elections staff will be criticized, regardless of the outcome of any of the races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Jones] is going to say the election was a failure,” Darling Allen predicted. “Especially if he actually comes to believe that Mr. Toller is not going to carry the water for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope Mr. Toller continues to stand strong and continues to defend the process and follow the law,” she said. “And maybe Shasta County can become less well known for election problems or the attention on elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>There are only a few days left until Election Day on Nov. 5, 2024. And beyond the presidential race, voters in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">have a long list of important issues to vote on\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a few different ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">return your mail-in ballot \u003c/a>at this stage, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">early in-person voting is now also available across the Bay Area\u003c/a>. And, of course, you can go to a vote site on Election Day itself and vote in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump to: \u003ca href=\"#request-time-off-to-vote\">When is my last chance to request time off to vote on Nov. 5?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But what if you’ll be working on Nov. 5? Can you request time off from work to go vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The quick answer is: Yes, in California, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">voters can take as much time off from work on Election Day as they need to go and vote at a polling booth. \u003c/a>But \u003cem>only \u003c/em>two hours of that time will be paid, and if you work Monday-Friday you’ll need to \u003ca href=\"#request-time-off-to-vote\">request this time as soon as possible\u003c/a>, and by Friday Nov. 1 at the very latest .\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While employers are required by state law to respect the time workers need to go vote, there are a few things to keep in mind. Keep reading for what you need to know about requesting time off from your employer to vote on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What to know about rights as a worker and a voter on Election Day\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"request-time-off-to-vote\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>You need to give advance notice ASAP\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re scheduled to work on Nov. 5 and are planning to vote in person, let your boss know \u003cem>as soon as possible\u003c/em> that you will need to take some time off that day. This is important because state law allows employers \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">to require advance notice for any voting-related scheduling requests\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How far in advance of Election Day do you need to ask your boss for time to go vote? According to the California Elections Code, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">you must notify your employer at least two working days prior to the election\u003c/a>. So, if you work Monday through Friday and Election Day is on Tuesday, Nov. 5, you should talk to your boss by Friday, Nov. 1, about taking time off to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Consider how much time off to request and when you’ll vote\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you have this conversation with your boss, let them know how much time you think you need to go to the polling station, fill out your ballot and come back to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can have more than two hours off, but only two of those must be paid, said Brittany Stonesifer, senior staff attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Northern California.[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']“If you’re supposed to work an eight-hour shift, and you spend two of those hours voting on Election Day and six of them working, your pay stubs should reflect eight hours of paid work [for that day],” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, figure out with your boss ahead of time \u003cem>when \u003c/em>during the day is best to go vote. State law specifies that the hours you take off should be at the beginning or end of your regular work shift, whichever option gives you more time to vote and takes less time from your shift. You \u003cem>can \u003c/em>ask for time in the middle of the day, but your employer is not required to give you that specific block of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls are open statewide on Nov. 5 for Election Day from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m., and you can find your polling place using \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/polling-place\">California’s Find Your Polling Place\u003c/a> tool. Keep in mind that Bay Area counties have different rules about where you can cast your ballot. Voters registered in Contra Costa, San Francisco and Solano counties are assigned to a specific location for in-person voting. Voters in Alameda, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Sonoma counties can cast their ballots at any voting center in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your travel time can be included in your time off to vote \u003c/strong>—\u003cstrong> it just might not be paid\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if where you work is quite far from where you need to vote, and you may need more than two hours to go vote and come back?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After two hours, your employer is not required to pay you for that time,” Stonesifer said. A worker can still take the time they need to finish voting, she adds, “but they just won’t be paid after the two hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the two-hour mark is approaching and you’re still in line waiting to vote, another option is to return to the polling place \u003cem>once \u003c/em>your shift is done if it ends before 8 p.m. Remember that polling stations in California are open till 8 p.m. and if you’re still in line when the clock strikes 8 p.m., Stonesifer recommends that voters “should stay in line, because they have the right to vote if they’re in line when polls close, however long that line is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Remember that voting by mail is still an option\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re reading this ahead of Nov. 5, and you already know that your schedule will be packed with work and personal stuff, another option is to fill out the ballot you automatically received in the mail during your free time before Election Day and return it — to make sure you don’t miss the opportunity to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mail-in ballots can be submitted into a official drop box or at a voting location before polls close at 8 p.m. on Nov. 5 — both of which are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011386/why-is-my-county-saying-i-should-mail-in-my-ballot-a-whole-week-before-election-day\">recommended at this stage over mailing your ballot via USPS\u003c/a>, to make sure it reaches your county elections office in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you do still choose to mail your ballot, the return postage is already paid but USPS must postmark your ballot envelope by the end of Election Day for your vote to count, so avoid using a USPS collection box that’s already had its last collection for the day on Nov. 5. Many boxes have their last collection at 5 p.m., or earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have more tips on how to submit your ballot \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide#faq\">in the FAQ section of KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I spoke to my boss and they rejected my request for time off to vote. What now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you are eligible to vote in California and asked your employer for time to go and vote on Nov. 5, at least two working days in advance, and they rejected your request, they could be in violation of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an employer threatens a worker for making this request, the ACLU’s Stonesifer said this “would be a violation of that person’s voting rights — that is not legal to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your employer might not be familiar with the state’s voting laws, so consider sharing the Secretary of State’s \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">Notice To Employers Regarding Employee Time Off For Voting (PDF)\u003c/a> when discussing the request. This document confirms that California law protects the right of voters to take time off from work to vote in person on Election Day and that employers are required to respect this right. State law also requires all employers to post this notice somewhere in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One more thing your boss is not allowed to do: Employers cannot require workers to bring or complete their vote-by-mail ballots at work. That is, your boss cannot tell you to “just bring in your ballot on Nov. 5 and complete it during your shift” as an alternative to giving you time off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s prohibited under state law because, obviously, that could open up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">opportunities for influencing people’s votes unfairly\u003c/a>,” Stonesifer said. “People have the right to vote with their vote-by-mail ballot if they choose, or they can go and vote in person if they prefer or need to. And it’s not up to the employer to influence that decision in any way.” (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">Read KQED’s guide on how to keep your voting choices private\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re still having trouble with your employer, you have a few options:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call the Secretary of State’s Voter Hotline at 800-345-VOTE (8683). You can discuss your specific situation or request more information on how to talk to your employer about voting rights.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact the ACLU of Northern California at 415-621-2488 or \u003ca href=\"https://intake.aclunc.org/\">submit an online form\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law at their Election Protection hotline: 866-OUR-VOTE.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But remember: It’s \u003cem>a\u003c/em> \u003cem>lot \u003c/em>easier to get support for your situation ahead of time than on Nov. 5 itself, as both the Secretary of State and legal aid groups will be a lot busier that day. This is yet another reason to make a plan for voting — and talk to your employer about Election Day — as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This guide includes reporting from KQED’s Carly Severn, and was originally published on Oct. 14.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>There are only a few days left until Election Day on Nov. 5, 2024. And beyond the presidential race, voters in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">have a long list of important issues to vote on\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a few different ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">return your mail-in ballot \u003c/a>at this stage, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">early in-person voting is now also available across the Bay Area\u003c/a>. And, of course, you can go to a vote site on Election Day itself and vote in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump to: \u003ca href=\"#request-time-off-to-vote\">When is my last chance to request time off to vote on Nov. 5?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But what if you’ll be working on Nov. 5? Can you request time off from work to go vote?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The quick answer is: Yes, in California, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">voters can take as much time off from work on Election Day as they need to go and vote at a polling booth. \u003c/a>But \u003cem>only \u003c/em>two hours of that time will be paid, and if you work Monday-Friday you’ll need to \u003ca href=\"#request-time-off-to-vote\">request this time as soon as possible\u003c/a>, and by Friday Nov. 1 at the very latest .\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While employers are required by state law to respect the time workers need to go vote, there are a few things to keep in mind. Keep reading for what you need to know about requesting time off from your employer to vote on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What to know about rights as a worker and a voter on Election Day\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"request-time-off-to-vote\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>You need to give advance notice ASAP\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re scheduled to work on Nov. 5 and are planning to vote in person, let your boss know \u003cem>as soon as possible\u003c/em> that you will need to take some time off that day. This is important because state law allows employers \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">to require advance notice for any voting-related scheduling requests\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How far in advance of Election Day do you need to ask your boss for time to go vote? According to the California Elections Code, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">you must notify your employer at least two working days prior to the election\u003c/a>. So, if you work Monday through Friday and Election Day is on Tuesday, Nov. 5, you should talk to your boss by Friday, Nov. 1, about taking time off to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Consider how much time off to request and when you’ll vote\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you have this conversation with your boss, let them know how much time you think you need to go to the polling station, fill out your ballot and come back to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can have more than two hours off, but only two of those must be paid, said Brittany Stonesifer, senior staff attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Northern California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If you’re supposed to work an eight-hour shift, and you spend two of those hours voting on Election Day and six of them working, your pay stubs should reflect eight hours of paid work [for that day],” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, figure out with your boss ahead of time \u003cem>when \u003c/em>during the day is best to go vote. State law specifies that the hours you take off should be at the beginning or end of your regular work shift, whichever option gives you more time to vote and takes less time from your shift. You \u003cem>can \u003c/em>ask for time in the middle of the day, but your employer is not required to give you that specific block of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls are open statewide on Nov. 5 for Election Day from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m., and you can find your polling place using \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/polling-place\">California’s Find Your Polling Place\u003c/a> tool. Keep in mind that Bay Area counties have different rules about where you can cast your ballot. Voters registered in Contra Costa, San Francisco and Solano counties are assigned to a specific location for in-person voting. Voters in Alameda, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Sonoma counties can cast their ballots at any voting center in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your travel time can be included in your time off to vote \u003c/strong>—\u003cstrong> it just might not be paid\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if where you work is quite far from where you need to vote, and you may need more than two hours to go vote and come back?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After two hours, your employer is not required to pay you for that time,” Stonesifer said. A worker can still take the time they need to finish voting, she adds, “but they just won’t be paid after the two hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the two-hour mark is approaching and you’re still in line waiting to vote, another option is to return to the polling place \u003cem>once \u003c/em>your shift is done if it ends before 8 p.m. Remember that polling stations in California are open till 8 p.m. and if you’re still in line when the clock strikes 8 p.m., Stonesifer recommends that voters “should stay in line, because they have the right to vote if they’re in line when polls close, however long that line is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Remember that voting by mail is still an option\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re reading this ahead of Nov. 5, and you already know that your schedule will be packed with work and personal stuff, another option is to fill out the ballot you automatically received in the mail during your free time before Election Day and return it — to make sure you don’t miss the opportunity to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mail-in ballots can be submitted into a official drop box or at a voting location before polls close at 8 p.m. on Nov. 5 — both of which are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011386/why-is-my-county-saying-i-should-mail-in-my-ballot-a-whole-week-before-election-day\">recommended at this stage over mailing your ballot via USPS\u003c/a>, to make sure it reaches your county elections office in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you do still choose to mail your ballot, the return postage is already paid but USPS must postmark your ballot envelope by the end of Election Day for your vote to count, so avoid using a USPS collection box that’s already had its last collection for the day on Nov. 5. Many boxes have their last collection at 5 p.m., or earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have more tips on how to submit your ballot \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide#faq\">in the FAQ section of KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I spoke to my boss and they rejected my request for time off to vote. What now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you are eligible to vote in California and asked your employer for time to go and vote on Nov. 5, at least two working days in advance, and they rejected your request, they could be in violation of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an employer threatens a worker for making this request, the ACLU’s Stonesifer said this “would be a violation of that person’s voting rights — that is not legal to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your employer might not be familiar with the state’s voting laws, so consider sharing the Secretary of State’s \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/pdfs/tov-english.pdf\">Notice To Employers Regarding Employee Time Off For Voting (PDF)\u003c/a> when discussing the request. This document confirms that California law protects the right of voters to take time off from work to vote in person on Election Day and that employers are required to respect this right. State law also requires all employers to post this notice somewhere in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One more thing your boss is not allowed to do: Employers cannot require workers to bring or complete their vote-by-mail ballots at work. That is, your boss cannot tell you to “just bring in your ballot on Nov. 5 and complete it during your shift” as an alternative to giving you time off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s prohibited under state law because, obviously, that could open up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">opportunities for influencing people’s votes unfairly\u003c/a>,” Stonesifer said. “People have the right to vote with their vote-by-mail ballot if they choose, or they can go and vote in person if they prefer or need to. And it’s not up to the employer to influence that decision in any way.” (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">Read KQED’s guide on how to keep your voting choices private\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re still having trouble with your employer, you have a few options:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call the Secretary of State’s Voter Hotline at 800-345-VOTE (8683). You can discuss your specific situation or request more information on how to talk to your employer about voting rights.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact the ACLU of Northern California at 415-621-2488 or \u003ca href=\"https://intake.aclunc.org/\">submit an online form\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contact the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law at their Election Protection hotline: 866-OUR-VOTE.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But remember: It’s \u003cem>a\u003c/em> \u003cem>lot \u003c/em>easier to get support for your situation ahead of time than on Nov. 5 itself, as both the Secretary of State and legal aid groups will be a lot busier that day. This is yet another reason to make a plan for voting — and talk to your employer about Election Day — as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This guide includes reporting from KQED’s Carly Severn, and was originally published on Oct. 14.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/arnold-schwarzenegger\">Arnold Schwarzenegger\u003c/a> is endorsing Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Schwarzenegger/status/1851627802027758005\">a long post on social media platform X\u003c/a>, the Republican said he hates politics and wants to tune out, but he can’t because of what former President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> has done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rejecting the results of an election is as un-American as it gets,” Schwarzenegger said. “To someone like me who talks to people all over the world and still knows America is the shining city on a hill, calling America … a trash can for the world is so unpatriotic, it makes me furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I will always be an American before I am a Republican,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger held up the idea of bipartisanship and noted that his time as governor taught him “to love policy and ignore politics.” He said that while he isn’t pleased with either party, a second Trump administration would only leave the country “angrier, more divided, and more hateful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate who won’t respect your vote unless it is for him, a candidate who will send his followers to storm the Capitol while he watches with a Diet Coke, a candidate who has shown no ability to work to pass any policy besides a tax cut that helped his donors and other rich people like me but helped no one else … a candidate who thinks Americans who disagree with him are the bigger enemies than China, Russia, or North Korea — that won’t solve our problems,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger continued that it’s time “to close the door on this chapter of American history” and move forward as a country — and that even though he has plenty of disagreements with their platform, the only way to do that is with Harris and running mate Tim Walz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vote this week,” he said. “Turn the page and put this junk behind us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he posted his statement, Schwarzenegger reposted a handful of comments from people who disagreed with him, citing them as examples of respectful political discourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former bodybuilder and movie star \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886134/the-schwarzenegger-effect-how-californias-recall-effort-worked-out-for-republicans-last-time-around\">was elected governor\u003c/a> in 2003 when voters recalled Democratic Gov. Gray Davis from office, and his reelection in 2006 marked the last time a Republican won statewide office in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now chairs the USC Schwarzenegger Institute for State and Global Policy, which seeks to move past the partisan divide to advance public policy, and where he said in his statement, “We fight for clean air and stripping the power from the politicians who rig the system against the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bwatt\">Brian Watt\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jservantez\">Jared Servantez\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/arnold-schwarzenegger\">Arnold Schwarzenegger\u003c/a> is endorsing Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Schwarzenegger/status/1851627802027758005\">a long post on social media platform X\u003c/a>, the Republican said he hates politics and wants to tune out, but he can’t because of what former President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> has done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rejecting the results of an election is as un-American as it gets,” Schwarzenegger said. “To someone like me who talks to people all over the world and still knows America is the shining city on a hill, calling America … a trash can for the world is so unpatriotic, it makes me furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I will always be an American before I am a Republican,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger held up the idea of bipartisanship and noted that his time as governor taught him “to love policy and ignore politics.” He said that while he isn’t pleased with either party, a second Trump administration would only leave the country “angrier, more divided, and more hateful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate who won’t respect your vote unless it is for him, a candidate who will send his followers to storm the Capitol while he watches with a Diet Coke, a candidate who has shown no ability to work to pass any policy besides a tax cut that helped his donors and other rich people like me but helped no one else … a candidate who thinks Americans who disagree with him are the bigger enemies than China, Russia, or North Korea — that won’t solve our problems,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger continued that it’s time “to close the door on this chapter of American history” and move forward as a country — and that even though he has plenty of disagreements with their platform, the only way to do that is with Harris and running mate Tim Walz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vote this week,” he said. “Turn the page and put this junk behind us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he posted his statement, Schwarzenegger reposted a handful of comments from people who disagreed with him, citing them as examples of respectful political discourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former bodybuilder and movie star \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886134/the-schwarzenegger-effect-how-californias-recall-effort-worked-out-for-republicans-last-time-around\">was elected governor\u003c/a> in 2003 when voters recalled Democratic Gov. Gray Davis from office, and his reelection in 2006 marked the last time a Republican won statewide office in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now chairs the USC Schwarzenegger Institute for State and Global Policy, which seeks to move past the partisan divide to advance public policy, and where he said in his statement, “We fight for clean air and stripping the power from the politicians who rig the system against the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bwatt\">Brian Watt\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jservantez\">Jared Servantez\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-the-diploma-divide-is-reshaping-politics-in-a-key-california-house-race",
"title": "In Orange County, a Divided District Reflects a Divided Country",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n a Sunday evening in early October, dozens of people mingled in a backyard overlooking a canyon in the posh Turtle Rock neighborhood of Irvine for a local Democratic club fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine is the largest city in the 47th Congressional District, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/23/nx-s1-5155122/which-party-controls-the-house-could-be-determined-by-deeply-blue-california\">House swing seats in California that could decide control of Congress in November\u003c/a>. But on this balmy evening, conversation over wine and hors d’oeuvres drifted to the topic of the district’s second-largest city, just up the 405: Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One local school board member told of a recent trip to a Huntington Beach pickleball court, where she was alarmed to find a vendor selling Make America Great Again hats. Democratic elected officials warned those gathered of the conservative policies gaining traction in Huntington Beach: flag bans, voter ID law and lawsuits over transgender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re lucky to live in Irvine, where we don’t have the craziness,” Dave Min, the Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009870/dave-min-scott-baugh-vie-for-competitive-orange-county-house-seat\">running for Congress in the 47th District\u003c/a>, told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Democrats and Republicans are evenly registered in the 47th District, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008793/how-the-diploma-divide-is-shaping-a-toss-up-house-race-in-orange-county\">a stark political divide exists between its two largest cities\u003c/a>. In the 2022 election, incumbent Democrat Katie Porter carried Irvine by a margin of 63% to 37% on her way to victory over Republican Scott Baugh, a former state legislator. But in Huntington Beach, Baugh won 55% to 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To win the district this year, Min and Baugh will need to find a way to bridge the gap — or increase their margins in the polarized communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine, like Orange County as a whole, has moved leftward since the emergence of Donald Trump as the Republican Party’s standard bearer — reflecting suburban opposition to the former president and the GOP’s rightward move on issues like abortion. Huntington Beach appears to be moving in the opposite direction: the city is a hub for conservative activism and local voters have recently backed conservative councilmembers and ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘This tale of two cities’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The split between the two cities could be explained by a gap in educational attainment, which Jon Gould, dean of the School of Social Ecology at the University of California, Irvine, called the most important demarcation in OC politics. Over 72% of Irvine residents hold college degrees, compared to around 44% in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing happening here in Orange County is the real divide of left to right, Democrat to Republican, is college education versus non-college education,” said Gould, who heads the UC Irvine poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called “diploma divide” has helped shift Orange County from a GOP stronghold to a political battleground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be that the college-educated would typically be more Republican,” Gould added. “What we’re seeing right now in the Trump era is the college-educated are much more strongly Democratic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling conducted by Gould shows the education trend beginning to extend across racial and ethnic groups in a county where just 37% of residents are white. A UC Irvine poll of county voters in April found support for President Joe Biden’s reelection stood at 41% with both white and non-white voters without a college degree. Meanwhile, support for Biden among white and non-white voters with a diploma stood at 55% and 54%, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing this diploma divide actually overtake, in many instances, race and ethnicity as driving behavior,” said Mike Madrid, a longtime California political consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This education gap, along with divergent trends in population growth and housing policy, has left Irvine and Huntington Beach at loggerheads: two communities embodying a larger divide in national politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why you’ve got this tale of two cities,” said Tammy Kim, an Irvine city council member.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>With growth, Irvine moves to the left\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Irvine’s story is one of rapid growth. A master-planned community built on the Irvine Company Ranch, the city wasn’t officially incorporated until 1971. Since 1990, the city’s population has nearly tripled as city leaders have approved ambitious developments to house new residents, including many arriving from Asia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are building the most, not in terms of just market priced homes, but we are actually the regional leader in affordable housing,” said Kim, a native of Korea who is running to be Irvine’s next mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we are growing, we’re growing to be more diverse and more progressive,” Kim added. “We have the largest Persian community anywhere in Orange County. We have the largest Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean communities here in Irvine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2024-08-16/the-nations-hottest-housing-market-irvine\">According to the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Irvine has added more residents than any other California city in the past three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those new arrivals is Ren Kondo, who moved from Austin this summer to a house just down the street from the Turtle Rock fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose Irvine because I think Irvine is a very advanced and chill community for Asians,” said Kondo, who met the hosts of the Democratic gathering at his own housewarming party the week before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kim, what unites Irvine’s diverse residents is their shared emphasis on education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very highly educated people that make their way to Irvine,” she added. “They choose to have their home in Irvine, and they come here because of the education system so their children can also have access to the best education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011656\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011656 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1920x1278.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students wait in line to cast their ballot at a polling station on the campus of the University of California, Irvine, on Nov. 6, 2018, in Irvine, California, on Election Day. (Robyn Beck/Getty Contributor)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine is the political heart of the congressional district for Democrats. Both Porter and Min were UC Irvine professors before launching campaigns for office. And Democratic success in the area can often hinge on whether candidates are able to drive a large enough turnout among student voters on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Irvine is this hot spot of youth voters who are really, really passionate about politics,” said Khushi Patel, activism director for the Orange County Young Democrats. “A lot of the voter percentage here is Democratic, so it’s really important that we’re making sure not only that everyone is registered to vote, but they’re educated on where to vote and also how to vote and all the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans see Huntington Beach as their counterweight to Irvine in the 47th District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to offset the votes that go against Scott Baugh in Irvine, that we make sure we win dramatically here in Huntington Beach to get him across the finish line,” said Tony Strickland, a Huntington Beach city councilmember.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A working-class beach community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Huntington Beach was Surf City, it was Oil City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A century ago, oil derricks lined the coastline and drew workers from petroleum states like Texas and Oklahoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s working-class roots are still visible, from the oil drilling platforms on the horizon to the city’s high school mascot: the Oilers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely a working-class community,” Strickland said. “It’s different than any other beach community, especially here in Orange County. It’s not Newport Beach. It’s not overwhelmingly wealthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12009870,news_12008793\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was once one of the fastest-growing cities in California. In the 1960s, it expanded from 11,492 to 115,962 residents after the city annexed surrounding farmland and greenlit housing projects in seaside wetlands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Ali arrived in town in the late ’60s. He came with “a few thousand dollars and a ‘65 Impala and a young wife,” and for years has run a beachside concession stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I moved to Huntington Beach, 95% of the population were middle-class working white people,” Ali said. “A lot of the people who came down here and bought houses in the ‘60s and the ‘70s are dying or selling their home, and [they] go somewhere else, and the kids take over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more recent population growth has brought racial diversity to cities like Irvine, white residents still make up a majority in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Huntington Beach’s population growth has leveled off, city leaders have vehemently resisted efforts to plan for new housing. That has resulted in a series of legal clashes with Gov. Gavin Newsom, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943154/they-asked-for-this-california-sues-huntington-beach-for-flouting-laws-meant-to-ease-housing-crisis\">who has called the city “Exhibit A” among municipalities\u003c/a> failing to address housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a small town where people know each other, they watch for each other, there’s Neighborhood Watch,” Strickland said. “And even though we have 200,000 people, it has a suburban coastal community and kind of a neighborhood feel, unlike Irvine, which is…a lot of high-rise, high-density apartment buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A hub for conservative activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Decades ago, Huntington Beach developed a reputation for right-wing extremism. A 1993\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-07-25-me-16750-story.html\">headline asked whether\u003c/a> it was the “Skinhead Capital of the County” and described the city as a gathering place for groups of white supremacists. Just last month, a man accused of leading a white supremacist group in the city pled guilty to a charge of inciting a riot during a political rally in the city in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many locals point to the pandemic as an inflection point for its role as a hub for conservative activism. The Huntington Beach waterfront and pier became a gathering spot for protests against beach and business closures and curfews that often doubled as rallies in support of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011663\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011663 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1920x1281.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huntington Beach, California, Saturday, Nov. 21, 2020. As COVID-19 cases reached record numbers in the U.S. and California, hundreds gathered at the pier and Pacific Coast Highway to protest a State-mandated curfew of 10 p.m. (Robert Gauthier/ Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As opposed to, say, Newport Beach, where the Republicans there are what we would have previously called the ‘business Republicans’ or the ‘country club Republicans,’ there is a larger percentage of the Republicans in Huntington Beach who would be the Trump true believers who want to own the libs, who want to focus on particular social issues,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Garcia joined the protests in Huntington Beach after losing her job as a cook during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four months of waiting for the restaurant to reopen, she gathered her savings and started something new: a Trump merchandise stand with homemade hats and T-shirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her stand now is a fixture at local rallies and Republican meetings — where she sells shirts like “MAGA Fight Club,” “Felon and Hillbilly 2024,” and her favorite, which depicts the biblical angel Gabriel draped over Trump during this year’s assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My values are family, marriage between a woman and a man, having kids, no abortion,” she said. “And I believe in God, so [Trump] represents everything that I believe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spirit of MAGA activism has infused the Huntington Beach city council. In 2022, conservatives won a majority on the local board and made headlines for laws \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/health/covid-mandate-ban\">banning local vaccine and mask requirements\u003c/a> — and more recently a \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/huntington-beach-sues-the-state-over-parental-notification-ban\">“notification” ordinance requiring city staff to alert parents\u003c/a> about a child’s sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Competing for the 47th District\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many local Democrats believe the rightward swing in Huntington Beach is more fleeting than the consolidation of liberal strength in Irvine. They point to the close divide on the Huntington Beach city council (split four to three in favor of conservatives) and the Republican turnout edge in the 2022 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strickland is confident the council majority has the backing of Surf City residents. After all, when proposals to restrict flags such as the Pride flag from city buildings and enact a local requirement for voter ID were put before voters in March, they both were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people said we were out of step with our city, we put it to the vote,” Strickland said. “And overwhelmingly, the flag ordinance passed, I believe, by 14%. And even after all the money and everything was spent on the other side, voter ID passed by, I think, a healthy 7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid predicts the diploma divide between communities like Irvine and Huntington Beach will continue to push cultural issues to the forefront of political campaigns, intensifying fights over changing gender and identity norms that “Democrats, in large part because of a function of the college education, are more comfortable with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024 and beyond, Madrid said he is watching to see if these education dividing lines begin to chip away at the longstanding ethnic, partisan loyalties that have defined politics in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This becomes the existential battle that you’re seeing in the 47th District or Orange County more broadly,” Madrid said. “And the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With control of the House at stake, California’s 47th Congressional District has become a battleground for the national partisan divide. Shifting demographics and a gap in college education levels are reshaping the Orange County electorate.",
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"title": "In Orange County, a Divided District Reflects a Divided Country | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n a Sunday evening in early October, dozens of people mingled in a backyard overlooking a canyon in the posh Turtle Rock neighborhood of Irvine for a local Democratic club fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine is the largest city in the 47th Congressional District, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/23/nx-s1-5155122/which-party-controls-the-house-could-be-determined-by-deeply-blue-california\">House swing seats in California that could decide control of Congress in November\u003c/a>. But on this balmy evening, conversation over wine and hors d’oeuvres drifted to the topic of the district’s second-largest city, just up the 405: Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One local school board member told of a recent trip to a Huntington Beach pickleball court, where she was alarmed to find a vendor selling Make America Great Again hats. Democratic elected officials warned those gathered of the conservative policies gaining traction in Huntington Beach: flag bans, voter ID law and lawsuits over transgender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re lucky to live in Irvine, where we don’t have the craziness,” Dave Min, the Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009870/dave-min-scott-baugh-vie-for-competitive-orange-county-house-seat\">running for Congress in the 47th District\u003c/a>, told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Democrats and Republicans are evenly registered in the 47th District, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008793/how-the-diploma-divide-is-shaping-a-toss-up-house-race-in-orange-county\">a stark political divide exists between its two largest cities\u003c/a>. In the 2022 election, incumbent Democrat Katie Porter carried Irvine by a margin of 63% to 37% on her way to victory over Republican Scott Baugh, a former state legislator. But in Huntington Beach, Baugh won 55% to 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To win the district this year, Min and Baugh will need to find a way to bridge the gap — or increase their margins in the polarized communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine, like Orange County as a whole, has moved leftward since the emergence of Donald Trump as the Republican Party’s standard bearer — reflecting suburban opposition to the former president and the GOP’s rightward move on issues like abortion. Huntington Beach appears to be moving in the opposite direction: the city is a hub for conservative activism and local voters have recently backed conservative councilmembers and ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘This tale of two cities’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The split between the two cities could be explained by a gap in educational attainment, which Jon Gould, dean of the School of Social Ecology at the University of California, Irvine, called the most important demarcation in OC politics. Over 72% of Irvine residents hold college degrees, compared to around 44% in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing happening here in Orange County is the real divide of left to right, Democrat to Republican, is college education versus non-college education,” said Gould, who heads the UC Irvine poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called “diploma divide” has helped shift Orange County from a GOP stronghold to a political battleground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be that the college-educated would typically be more Republican,” Gould added. “What we’re seeing right now in the Trump era is the college-educated are much more strongly Democratic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling conducted by Gould shows the education trend beginning to extend across racial and ethnic groups in a county where just 37% of residents are white. A UC Irvine poll of county voters in April found support for President Joe Biden’s reelection stood at 41% with both white and non-white voters without a college degree. Meanwhile, support for Biden among white and non-white voters with a diploma stood at 55% and 54%, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing this diploma divide actually overtake, in many instances, race and ethnicity as driving behavior,” said Mike Madrid, a longtime California political consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This education gap, along with divergent trends in population growth and housing policy, has left Irvine and Huntington Beach at loggerheads: two communities embodying a larger divide in national politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why you’ve got this tale of two cities,” said Tammy Kim, an Irvine city council member.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>With growth, Irvine moves to the left\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Irvine’s story is one of rapid growth. A master-planned community built on the Irvine Company Ranch, the city wasn’t officially incorporated until 1971. Since 1990, the city’s population has nearly tripled as city leaders have approved ambitious developments to house new residents, including many arriving from Asia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are building the most, not in terms of just market priced homes, but we are actually the regional leader in affordable housing,” said Kim, a native of Korea who is running to be Irvine’s next mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we are growing, we’re growing to be more diverse and more progressive,” Kim added. “We have the largest Persian community anywhere in Orange County. We have the largest Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean communities here in Irvine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2024-08-16/the-nations-hottest-housing-market-irvine\">According to the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Irvine has added more residents than any other California city in the past three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those new arrivals is Ren Kondo, who moved from Austin this summer to a house just down the street from the Turtle Rock fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose Irvine because I think Irvine is a very advanced and chill community for Asians,” said Kondo, who met the hosts of the Democratic gathering at his own housewarming party the week before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kim, what unites Irvine’s diverse residents is their shared emphasis on education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very highly educated people that make their way to Irvine,” she added. “They choose to have their home in Irvine, and they come here because of the education system so their children can also have access to the best education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011656\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011656 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1920x1278.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students wait in line to cast their ballot at a polling station on the campus of the University of California, Irvine, on Nov. 6, 2018, in Irvine, California, on Election Day. (Robyn Beck/Getty Contributor)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine is the political heart of the congressional district for Democrats. Both Porter and Min were UC Irvine professors before launching campaigns for office. And Democratic success in the area can often hinge on whether candidates are able to drive a large enough turnout among student voters on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Irvine is this hot spot of youth voters who are really, really passionate about politics,” said Khushi Patel, activism director for the Orange County Young Democrats. “A lot of the voter percentage here is Democratic, so it’s really important that we’re making sure not only that everyone is registered to vote, but they’re educated on where to vote and also how to vote and all the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans see Huntington Beach as their counterweight to Irvine in the 47th District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to offset the votes that go against Scott Baugh in Irvine, that we make sure we win dramatically here in Huntington Beach to get him across the finish line,” said Tony Strickland, a Huntington Beach city councilmember.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A working-class beach community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Huntington Beach was Surf City, it was Oil City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A century ago, oil derricks lined the coastline and drew workers from petroleum states like Texas and Oklahoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s working-class roots are still visible, from the oil drilling platforms on the horizon to the city’s high school mascot: the Oilers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely a working-class community,” Strickland said. “It’s different than any other beach community, especially here in Orange County. It’s not Newport Beach. It’s not overwhelmingly wealthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was once one of the fastest-growing cities in California. In the 1960s, it expanded from 11,492 to 115,962 residents after the city annexed surrounding farmland and greenlit housing projects in seaside wetlands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Ali arrived in town in the late ’60s. He came with “a few thousand dollars and a ‘65 Impala and a young wife,” and for years has run a beachside concession stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I moved to Huntington Beach, 95% of the population were middle-class working white people,” Ali said. “A lot of the people who came down here and bought houses in the ‘60s and the ‘70s are dying or selling their home, and [they] go somewhere else, and the kids take over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more recent population growth has brought racial diversity to cities like Irvine, white residents still make up a majority in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Huntington Beach’s population growth has leveled off, city leaders have vehemently resisted efforts to plan for new housing. That has resulted in a series of legal clashes with Gov. Gavin Newsom, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943154/they-asked-for-this-california-sues-huntington-beach-for-flouting-laws-meant-to-ease-housing-crisis\">who has called the city “Exhibit A” among municipalities\u003c/a> failing to address housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a small town where people know each other, they watch for each other, there’s Neighborhood Watch,” Strickland said. “And even though we have 200,000 people, it has a suburban coastal community and kind of a neighborhood feel, unlike Irvine, which is…a lot of high-rise, high-density apartment buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A hub for conservative activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Decades ago, Huntington Beach developed a reputation for right-wing extremism. A 1993\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-07-25-me-16750-story.html\">headline asked whether\u003c/a> it was the “Skinhead Capital of the County” and described the city as a gathering place for groups of white supremacists. Just last month, a man accused of leading a white supremacist group in the city pled guilty to a charge of inciting a riot during a political rally in the city in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many locals point to the pandemic as an inflection point for its role as a hub for conservative activism. The Huntington Beach waterfront and pier became a gathering spot for protests against beach and business closures and curfews that often doubled as rallies in support of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011663\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011663 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1920x1281.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huntington Beach, California, Saturday, Nov. 21, 2020. As COVID-19 cases reached record numbers in the U.S. and California, hundreds gathered at the pier and Pacific Coast Highway to protest a State-mandated curfew of 10 p.m. (Robert Gauthier/ Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As opposed to, say, Newport Beach, where the Republicans there are what we would have previously called the ‘business Republicans’ or the ‘country club Republicans,’ there is a larger percentage of the Republicans in Huntington Beach who would be the Trump true believers who want to own the libs, who want to focus on particular social issues,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Garcia joined the protests in Huntington Beach after losing her job as a cook during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four months of waiting for the restaurant to reopen, she gathered her savings and started something new: a Trump merchandise stand with homemade hats and T-shirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her stand now is a fixture at local rallies and Republican meetings — where she sells shirts like “MAGA Fight Club,” “Felon and Hillbilly 2024,” and her favorite, which depicts the biblical angel Gabriel draped over Trump during this year’s assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My values are family, marriage between a woman and a man, having kids, no abortion,” she said. “And I believe in God, so [Trump] represents everything that I believe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spirit of MAGA activism has infused the Huntington Beach city council. In 2022, conservatives won a majority on the local board and made headlines for laws \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/health/covid-mandate-ban\">banning local vaccine and mask requirements\u003c/a> — and more recently a \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/huntington-beach-sues-the-state-over-parental-notification-ban\">“notification” ordinance requiring city staff to alert parents\u003c/a> about a child’s sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Competing for the 47th District\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many local Democrats believe the rightward swing in Huntington Beach is more fleeting than the consolidation of liberal strength in Irvine. They point to the close divide on the Huntington Beach city council (split four to three in favor of conservatives) and the Republican turnout edge in the 2022 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strickland is confident the council majority has the backing of Surf City residents. After all, when proposals to restrict flags such as the Pride flag from city buildings and enact a local requirement for voter ID were put before voters in March, they both were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people said we were out of step with our city, we put it to the vote,” Strickland said. “And overwhelmingly, the flag ordinance passed, I believe, by 14%. And even after all the money and everything was spent on the other side, voter ID passed by, I think, a healthy 7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid predicts the diploma divide between communities like Irvine and Huntington Beach will continue to push cultural issues to the forefront of political campaigns, intensifying fights over changing gender and identity norms that “Democrats, in large part because of a function of the college education, are more comfortable with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024 and beyond, Madrid said he is watching to see if these education dividing lines begin to chip away at the longstanding ethnic, partisan loyalties that have defined politics in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This becomes the existential battle that you’re seeing in the 47th District or Orange County more broadly,” Madrid said. “And the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s very unlikely — but \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/2024-election-forecast/\">theoretically possible\u003c/a> — that the presidential election ends with a 269–269 tie in the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would mean that neither Kamala Harris nor Donald Trump, who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/15/nx-s1-5153420/swing-state-map-donald-trump-kamala-harris-polls\">locked in a toss-up race\u003c/a>, wins enough electoral votes to become president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This hasn’t happened in modern American politics — \u003ca href=\"https://www.britannica.com/event/United-States-presidential-election-of-1800\">it did happen back in 1800\u003c/a> — and after a renewed effort to change how Nebraska allocates its electoral votes \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/24/nx-s1-5123871/a-republican-push-to-change-how-nebraska-awards-its-electoral-votes-stalls\">failed\u003c/a>, the prospect of a tie is now looking even less[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]But if this year’s election did end 269–269, the U.S. Constitution does have a plan for what happens next. Experts and scholars point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-happens-if-trump-and-biden-tie-in-the-electoral-college/\">Article II\u003c/a> as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/what-happens-when-there-is-a-tie-in-the-electoral-college\">12th Amendment\u003c/a> to outline how this would work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elaine Kamarck, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution who has written a lot about presidential elections and presidential nominations, said we “have a pretty good rulebook” for where things go if there is a tie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, she said, the election moves to the U.S. House of Representatives, where the newly elected members of Congress would first have to be sworn in and then vote on who becomes president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each state – regardless of the size of the state’s delegation – would then get one vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if they would deliberate or not or just take a poll,” Kamarck said. “In some cases, it’d be pretty easy. And they would cast their vote for one of the people who finished in the Electoral College.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because it is unlikely \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/25/nx-s1-5111891/independent-third-party-candidates-swing-state-ballots\">third-party candidates\u003c/a> will win any electoral votes this year, so each state would have to vote for either Trump or Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n“The Constitution says you need a majority of the House delegations,” Kamarck said. “So that would be 26 House delegations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans currently have an edge if it were to come to this because the party right now has control of 26 U.S. House delegations, compared to the 22 controlled by Democrats. Two states — Minnesota and North Carolina — have split delegations. This, of course, could all change depending on what happens in this year’s general election.[aside postID=lowdown_3825 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2016/10/RS59244_Early_Voting_003-qut-1020x681.jpg']“What we’re really saying here is if the Electoral College was really in a tie, then the outcome of House races and Senate races would be absolutely critical to the outcome of the [presidential] election,” Kamarck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar process, she said, would play out in the U.S. Senate to decide who would become vice president. In that case, though, each senator gets a vote — instead of one vote per state like in the House. The candidate that gets to 51 votes becomes the vice president. And because these are separate votes, it’s possible that the president and vice president could end up being from different political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the House can’t get to 26 votes for a presidential candidate the first time, they would have to keep voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if no candidate gets to 26 by Inauguration Day, the person chosen as vice president by the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R40504/7\">will be acting president\u003c/a> while the House continues to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The House keeps voting and voting until the tie is broken,” Kamarck said. “So, there is an end to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s very unlikely — but \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/2024-election-forecast/\">theoretically possible\u003c/a> — that the presidential election ends with a 269–269 tie in the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would mean that neither Kamala Harris nor Donald Trump, who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/15/nx-s1-5153420/swing-state-map-donald-trump-kamala-harris-polls\">locked in a toss-up race\u003c/a>, wins enough electoral votes to become president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This hasn’t happened in modern American politics — \u003ca href=\"https://www.britannica.com/event/United-States-presidential-election-of-1800\">it did happen back in 1800\u003c/a> — and after a renewed effort to change how Nebraska allocates its electoral votes \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/24/nx-s1-5123871/a-republican-push-to-change-how-nebraska-awards-its-electoral-votes-stalls\">failed\u003c/a>, the prospect of a tie is now looking even less\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But if this year’s election did end 269–269, the U.S. Constitution does have a plan for what happens next. Experts and scholars point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-happens-if-trump-and-biden-tie-in-the-electoral-college/\">Article II\u003c/a> as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/what-happens-when-there-is-a-tie-in-the-electoral-college\">12th Amendment\u003c/a> to outline how this would work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elaine Kamarck, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution who has written a lot about presidential elections and presidential nominations, said we “have a pretty good rulebook” for where things go if there is a tie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, she said, the election moves to the U.S. House of Representatives, where the newly elected members of Congress would first have to be sworn in and then vote on who becomes president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each state – regardless of the size of the state’s delegation – would then get one vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if they would deliberate or not or just take a poll,” Kamarck said. “In some cases, it’d be pretty easy. And they would cast their vote for one of the people who finished in the Electoral College.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because it is unlikely \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/25/nx-s1-5111891/independent-third-party-candidates-swing-state-ballots\">third-party candidates\u003c/a> will win any electoral votes this year, so each state would have to vote for either Trump or Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“The Constitution says you need a majority of the House delegations,” Kamarck said. “So that would be 26 House delegations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans currently have an edge if it were to come to this because the party right now has control of 26 U.S. House delegations, compared to the 22 controlled by Democrats. Two states — Minnesota and North Carolina — have split delegations. This, of course, could all change depending on what happens in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What we’re really saying here is if the Electoral College was really in a tie, then the outcome of House races and Senate races would be absolutely critical to the outcome of the [presidential] election,” Kamarck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar process, she said, would play out in the U.S. Senate to decide who would become vice president. In that case, though, each senator gets a vote — instead of one vote per state like in the House. The candidate that gets to 51 votes becomes the vice president. And because these are separate votes, it’s possible that the president and vice president could end up being from different political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the House can’t get to 26 votes for a presidential candidate the first time, they would have to keep voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if no candidate gets to 26 by Inauguration Day, the person chosen as vice president by the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R40504/7\">will be acting president\u003c/a> while the House continues to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The House keeps voting and voting until the tie is broken,” Kamarck said. “So, there is an end to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco judge sentenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David Wayne DePape\u003c/a> to life in prison without the possibility of parole Tuesday morning for kidnapping and other felony charges related to the attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco home two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002363/callousness-of-paul-pelosi-attack-justifies-potential-life-sentence-judge-says\">Judge Harry Dorfman\u003c/a> ordered that DePape, 44, serve his sentence concurrently with the 30-year sentence a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">handed him in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went in to attack a leader of our federal government. I can’t ignore that fact,” Dorfman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Christine Pelosi read a statement from her father, Paul, whom DePape attacked with a hammer. She read that Oct. 28, 2022, was the last peaceful night sleep he had before being awoken in the early morning to DePape standing over him, yelling, “Where’s Nancy?” a phrase he said still echoes in his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who has embraced conspiracy theories about “Russiagate” and others, told Paul Pelosi he was on “a political mission” because of the House speaker’s treatment of Donald Trump. He wanted to film a video of her confessing to crimes, but she wasn’t home. Instead, he hit Paul in the head with a hammer as Capitol police responded to the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t remove the stain in the front entryway where I bled,” Paul Pelosi wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described still dealing with dizziness, vertigo and a sense of fear shared with spouses of other elected officials since the unprecedented attack. The Pelosis don’t answer their door or phone, and Nancy Pelosi remains under 24-hour security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole Pelosi family wanted the fullest punishment possible, Christine Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">federal sentencing\u003c/a>, DePape apologized to Paul Pelosi, who wasn’t in the courtroom then or at Tuesday’s hearing in state court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape took a much more conspiratorial route on Tuesday, starting with a single sentence: “9/11 was an inside job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next hour, DePape meandered through conspiracy theories involving 9/11, COVID-19 and the 2020 election, even calling those convicted and charged with crimes following Jan. 6 “political prisoners.” He claimed to have psychic abilities and said his ex-wife — fellow “9/11 truther” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990966/state-case-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband-is-in-jurys-hands\">Gypsy Taub\u003c/a> — had been replaced by a body double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman repeatedly asked DePape if he wanted to address issues related to his charges, trial or sentence, but DePape kept returning to unsubstantiated conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not hear any expression of remorse,” Dorfman said when DePape finished his statement. “If you tried to persuade me in your remarks, Mr. DePape, you did not persuade me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11996329 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-685195553.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Adam Lipson said DePape suffered from schizotypal personality disorder, which affects his ability to maintain personal relationships and makes him distrustful of others. He received that diagnosis after the attack on the Pelosi home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a man who lived a very solitary life and got involved in a lot of online conspiracy theory and engagement farming, and given his mental health condition, it led him to sort of these intractable beliefs which he’s expressed and fully believes in,” Lipson told reporters after the hearing. “His condition, combined with the sort of just kind of the terrible stuff that’s out there, just seeking engagement with people, led him down this horrible path, and this is where we wound up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the sentencing, Lipson again argued for a new trial, saying the ransom enhancement of the kidnapping charge that carried the mandatory life sentence was brought as part of a “vindictive prosecution” after he asked a judge to dismiss three charges, including attempted murder, which carried a mandatory sentence of life with the possibility of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense successfully argued that DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">facing double jeopardy\u003c/a> — or being tried twice for the same crimes — in state court after being convicted in federal court of similar crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson argued that the timing of the kidnapping charge after the trial had already begun showed prosecutors’ vindictiveness. The defense filed its motion to have three charges dismissed on a Friday, and prosecutors filed the kidnapping charge with the harsher mandatory sentence the following Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dorfman ruled against that argument, saying California law was “liberal” on when prosecutors can file additional charges, which includes up to when a jury begins deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A brick house on a hill is seen from behind police caution tape.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police tape is seen in front of the home of Rep. Nancy Pelosi on Oct. 28, 2022, in San Francisco. Her husband, Paul Pelosi, was violently beaten by an intruder. Pelosi was not at home at the time of the attack. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense in both the federal and local prosecution hinged on why he targeted Nancy Pelosi. His attorneys argued unsuccessfully that he was motivated not by her position as a public official but by her activities as a politician. Judges and juries in both cases rejected that distinction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense also argued against the ransom-related enhancement in the kidnapping charge. Lipson argued what DePape ultimately wanted — a video of the House speaker confessing to alleged crimes — had no value, while prosecutors said it did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would pay good money to see a video of a prominent political figure confessing to crimes,” Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request for a new trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a kidnapping conviction in an unprecedented fashion, as he was convicted of essentially a ransom kidnapping charge where there were no ransom demands or anything of the sort,” Lipson told reporters. “So, it’s used in a very different way. It was brought at the last minute in retaliation for his asserting his federal due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson said those and other issues with the case will be brought up on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should those appeals be successful, Dorfman said he wants the appellate court to have DePape resentenced in his courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hearing, Dorfman said he had no control over DePape’s federal sentence, which he will complete before serving his life sentence on state charges, and no control over what a future president might do, implying a second Trump administration could involve a pardon for DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no authority over what the president of the country can do,” Dorfman said. “I can’t predict the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A San Francisco judge sentenced David DePape to life in prison without parole for kidnapping and other felonies related to the 2022 attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s home.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco judge sentenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David Wayne DePape\u003c/a> to life in prison without the possibility of parole Tuesday morning for kidnapping and other felony charges related to the attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco home two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002363/callousness-of-paul-pelosi-attack-justifies-potential-life-sentence-judge-says\">Judge Harry Dorfman\u003c/a> ordered that DePape, 44, serve his sentence concurrently with the 30-year sentence a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">handed him in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went in to attack a leader of our federal government. I can’t ignore that fact,” Dorfman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Christine Pelosi read a statement from her father, Paul, whom DePape attacked with a hammer. She read that Oct. 28, 2022, was the last peaceful night sleep he had before being awoken in the early morning to DePape standing over him, yelling, “Where’s Nancy?” a phrase he said still echoes in his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who has embraced conspiracy theories about “Russiagate” and others, told Paul Pelosi he was on “a political mission” because of the House speaker’s treatment of Donald Trump. He wanted to film a video of her confessing to crimes, but she wasn’t home. Instead, he hit Paul in the head with a hammer as Capitol police responded to the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t remove the stain in the front entryway where I bled,” Paul Pelosi wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described still dealing with dizziness, vertigo and a sense of fear shared with spouses of other elected officials since the unprecedented attack. The Pelosis don’t answer their door or phone, and Nancy Pelosi remains under 24-hour security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole Pelosi family wanted the fullest punishment possible, Christine Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">federal sentencing\u003c/a>, DePape apologized to Paul Pelosi, who wasn’t in the courtroom then or at Tuesday’s hearing in state court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape took a much more conspiratorial route on Tuesday, starting with a single sentence: “9/11 was an inside job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next hour, DePape meandered through conspiracy theories involving 9/11, COVID-19 and the 2020 election, even calling those convicted and charged with crimes following Jan. 6 “political prisoners.” He claimed to have psychic abilities and said his ex-wife — fellow “9/11 truther” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990966/state-case-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband-is-in-jurys-hands\">Gypsy Taub\u003c/a> — had been replaced by a body double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman repeatedly asked DePape if he wanted to address issues related to his charges, trial or sentence, but DePape kept returning to unsubstantiated conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not hear any expression of remorse,” Dorfman said when DePape finished his statement. “If you tried to persuade me in your remarks, Mr. DePape, you did not persuade me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Adam Lipson said DePape suffered from schizotypal personality disorder, which affects his ability to maintain personal relationships and makes him distrustful of others. He received that diagnosis after the attack on the Pelosi home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a man who lived a very solitary life and got involved in a lot of online conspiracy theory and engagement farming, and given his mental health condition, it led him to sort of these intractable beliefs which he’s expressed and fully believes in,” Lipson told reporters after the hearing. “His condition, combined with the sort of just kind of the terrible stuff that’s out there, just seeking engagement with people, led him down this horrible path, and this is where we wound up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the sentencing, Lipson again argued for a new trial, saying the ransom enhancement of the kidnapping charge that carried the mandatory life sentence was brought as part of a “vindictive prosecution” after he asked a judge to dismiss three charges, including attempted murder, which carried a mandatory sentence of life with the possibility of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense successfully argued that DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">facing double jeopardy\u003c/a> — or being tried twice for the same crimes — in state court after being convicted in federal court of similar crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson argued that the timing of the kidnapping charge after the trial had already begun showed prosecutors’ vindictiveness. The defense filed its motion to have three charges dismissed on a Friday, and prosecutors filed the kidnapping charge with the harsher mandatory sentence the following Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dorfman ruled against that argument, saying California law was “liberal” on when prosecutors can file additional charges, which includes up to when a jury begins deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A brick house on a hill is seen from behind police caution tape.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police tape is seen in front of the home of Rep. Nancy Pelosi on Oct. 28, 2022, in San Francisco. Her husband, Paul Pelosi, was violently beaten by an intruder. Pelosi was not at home at the time of the attack. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense in both the federal and local prosecution hinged on why he targeted Nancy Pelosi. His attorneys argued unsuccessfully that he was motivated not by her position as a public official but by her activities as a politician. Judges and juries in both cases rejected that distinction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense also argued against the ransom-related enhancement in the kidnapping charge. Lipson argued what DePape ultimately wanted — a video of the House speaker confessing to alleged crimes — had no value, while prosecutors said it did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would pay good money to see a video of a prominent political figure confessing to crimes,” Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request for a new trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a kidnapping conviction in an unprecedented fashion, as he was convicted of essentially a ransom kidnapping charge where there were no ransom demands or anything of the sort,” Lipson told reporters. “So, it’s used in a very different way. It was brought at the last minute in retaliation for his asserting his federal due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson said those and other issues with the case will be brought up on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should those appeals be successful, Dorfman said he wants the appellate court to have DePape resentenced in his courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hearing, Dorfman said he had no control over DePape’s federal sentence, which he will complete before serving his life sentence on state charges, and no control over what a future president might do, implying a second Trump administration could involve a pardon for DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no authority over what the president of the country can do,” Dorfman said. “I can’t predict the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "if-proposition-33-passes-these-bay-area-cities-would-see-big-rent-control-changes",
"title": "If Proposition 33 Passes, These Bay Area Cities Would See Big Rent Control Changes",
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"headTitle": "If Proposition 33 Passes, These Bay Area Cities Would See Big Rent Control Changes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>If Californians vote to approve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007197/transcript-proposition-33-would-end-state-limits-on-rent-control\">a rent control measure on the ballot\u003c/a>, thousands of Berkeley tenants could immediately see new limits on how much their landlords can raise their rent each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families who are living in units that aren’t right for them will have a chance to move without losing their affordability,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a longtime tenant lawyer and chair of the city’s rent board. “For some people, it will keep them housed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same scenario, in which the city could cap rent increases on single-family homes and apartments more than 20 years old and units with new tenants, is a nightmare for Krista Gulbransen, who heads the Berkeley Property Owners Association, representing the city’s landlords. “We would revert back to the 1980s, and it wouldn’t just be roller skates or rainbow headbands. It would be a lot worse,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008424]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would repeal a state housing law limiting how cities can regulate rents, letting local governments make that decision. Most California cities wouldn’t see an immediate change. However, in a few cities like Berkeley, local laws already contain language, allowing much more sweeping regulation than current state law. In those cities and in others where left-leaning elected officials have expressed public support for expanding rent control, renters could see the soonest benefit from Proposition 33 — and landlords the soonest headaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30 cities in California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/california-rent-control-law.html\">place some limits on rent increases\u003c/a>, with caps ranging from 3% to 10% annually for covered units, some pegged to inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the state level, California caps rent increases for apartments and corporate-owned houses more than 15 years old at 10% per year — a rate that tenant advocates have said can still place a significant burden on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those local ordinances were once much stricter. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, concern about soaring housing costs led a few cities to limit rent increases even when a new tenant moves in — known as vacancy control. However, the 1995 law that Proposition 33 would repeal, known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, put a stop to that, along with any rent control on single-family homes or those built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the ban on rent control for single-family homes that most bothers Melvin Willis, a city council member in Richmond, one of the Bay Area’s few remaining solidly working-class cities. Many families in his district rent their houses, he said, and some complain to him about steep rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hard conversation to have with someone when they say, ‘My rent increased, but we have rent control,’ ” he said. Willis recalled explaining to one family whose rent had doubled that the city’s 3% cap on rent bumps doesn’t apply to single-family homes. “I’ve had that conversation multiple times and it doesn’t feel good,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond’s rent ordinance leaves out any housing “exempt from rent control pursuant to the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.” Willis and other affordable housing advocates take that to mean that if Costa-Hawkins goes away, single-family homes and other dwellings that the state law excluded would automatically fall under rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicolas Traylor, the executive director of Richmond’s rent program, was more cautious. The ordinance could be referring to units actually exempt under Costa-Hawkins, he said, or just the types of units, like single-family homes, that Costa-Hawkins excluded. If Proposition 33 passes, he said, the rent program’s general counsel would have to recommend how to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, city supervisors avoided that ambiguity by unanimously passing legislation that would kick in if Proposition 33 passes, bringing rent control to an estimated 16,000 additional units. Mayor London Breed has said \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/10/15/rent-control-san-francisco-prop-33-london-breed/\">she will sign it\u003c/a> if the proposition passes, the San Francisco Standard reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco belongs to a group of cities — along with Berkeley, Oakland, Los Angeles, and the southern California cities of West Hollywood and Santa Monica — with longstanding rent control that current state law especially constrains. That’s because Costa-Hawkins grandfathered in any exemptions they had for more newly built units. So, in San Francisco, apartments built after 1979 are considered “new construction” and exempt from rent control. In Los Angeles, it’s 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s completely arbitrary that we can create rent control for buildings from 1978, but we can’t do it for 1980,” said Los Angeles City Council member Hugo Soto-Martínez, pointing to the city’s homelessness crisis. “Every year, we continue to lose more of our rent-stabilized housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council last week passed a resolution, authored by Soto-Martínez, endorsing Proposition 33.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those kinds of actions by cities trouble landlords, who point out that their costs for utilities and insurance are rising, in some cases, outpacing inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email newsletter sent to housing providers Friday, real estate firm Bornstein Law warned its clients that “there is a real possibility that Proposition 33 will pass because of the widespread belief that the rents are too damn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm urged landlords, in preparation for the potential policy shift, “to raise the rents to market rate if landlords are able to do so” and to consider offering voluntary buyouts to tenants paying below-market rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 opponents have also raised concerns that cities will enact rent control so strict it will stifle new housing construction at a time when the state desperately needs it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has done so much to remove barriers to building housing and to incentivize affordable housing construction, but Proposition 33 would give NIMBY cities a really powerful weapon to do an end run around those rules,” said Nathan Click, a spokesperson for the No on 33 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, San Francisco shows that, given the flexibility to craft new policies, even cities with strong histories of tenant advocacy might opt for more modest changes to rent control that can win broad political support. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin had originally proposed that the city expand rent control to cover housing built before 2024 but walked that back to 1994, an idea that won backing from both the city government’s progressive and moderate wings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local rent control expansion “is also going to depend on not just tenant and housing organizations but other civil society organizations in those communities,” said Shanti Singh, legislative director for Tenants Together. “Are they going to be ready to or willing to push for it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel Pastor, director of the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute, said his research shows that rent stabilization without vacancy control helps prevent displacement by keeping rents more affordable while avoiding slowing new construction since there are still incentives to build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If cities start capping rent increases when new tenants move in, he said, the effects become more difficult to predict. That’s in part because the last time California cities experimented with vacancy control was more than 30 years ago — back when more multifamily housing was being built and before the tech boom put unprecedented pressure on Northern California’s housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing that is likely, he said: California would see geographic variation, with more progressive coastal cities putting in stricter rent caps while inland cities with moderate politics seek to lure development with looser rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the proponents of Prop. 33 think this will solve our housing crisis, they’re mistaken,” he said. “If the opponents of Prop. 33 think that this will result in housing armageddon, they’re mistaken as well.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 33 would allow local governments to expand rent control — and elected officials in San Francisco and Los Angeles have already shown interest in doing so.",
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"title": "If Proposition 33 Passes, These Bay Area Cities Would See Big Rent Control Changes | KQED",
"description": "Proposition 33 would allow local governments to expand rent control — and elected officials in San Francisco and Los Angeles have already shown interest in doing so.",
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"headline": "If Proposition 33 Passes, These Bay Area Cities Would See Big Rent Control Changes",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If Californians vote to approve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007197/transcript-proposition-33-would-end-state-limits-on-rent-control\">a rent control measure on the ballot\u003c/a>, thousands of Berkeley tenants could immediately see new limits on how much their landlords can raise their rent each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families who are living in units that aren’t right for them will have a chance to move without losing their affordability,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a longtime tenant lawyer and chair of the city’s rent board. “For some people, it will keep them housed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same scenario, in which the city could cap rent increases on single-family homes and apartments more than 20 years old and units with new tenants, is a nightmare for Krista Gulbransen, who heads the Berkeley Property Owners Association, representing the city’s landlords. “We would revert back to the 1980s, and it wouldn’t just be roller skates or rainbow headbands. It would be a lot worse,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would repeal a state housing law limiting how cities can regulate rents, letting local governments make that decision. Most California cities wouldn’t see an immediate change. However, in a few cities like Berkeley, local laws already contain language, allowing much more sweeping regulation than current state law. In those cities and in others where left-leaning elected officials have expressed public support for expanding rent control, renters could see the soonest benefit from Proposition 33 — and landlords the soonest headaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30 cities in California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/california-rent-control-law.html\">place some limits on rent increases\u003c/a>, with caps ranging from 3% to 10% annually for covered units, some pegged to inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the state level, California caps rent increases for apartments and corporate-owned houses more than 15 years old at 10% per year — a rate that tenant advocates have said can still place a significant burden on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those local ordinances were once much stricter. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, concern about soaring housing costs led a few cities to limit rent increases even when a new tenant moves in — known as vacancy control. However, the 1995 law that Proposition 33 would repeal, known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, put a stop to that, along with any rent control on single-family homes or those built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the ban on rent control for single-family homes that most bothers Melvin Willis, a city council member in Richmond, one of the Bay Area’s few remaining solidly working-class cities. Many families in his district rent their houses, he said, and some complain to him about steep rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hard conversation to have with someone when they say, ‘My rent increased, but we have rent control,’ ” he said. Willis recalled explaining to one family whose rent had doubled that the city’s 3% cap on rent bumps doesn’t apply to single-family homes. “I’ve had that conversation multiple times and it doesn’t feel good,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond’s rent ordinance leaves out any housing “exempt from rent control pursuant to the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.” Willis and other affordable housing advocates take that to mean that if Costa-Hawkins goes away, single-family homes and other dwellings that the state law excluded would automatically fall under rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicolas Traylor, the executive director of Richmond’s rent program, was more cautious. The ordinance could be referring to units actually exempt under Costa-Hawkins, he said, or just the types of units, like single-family homes, that Costa-Hawkins excluded. If Proposition 33 passes, he said, the rent program’s general counsel would have to recommend how to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, city supervisors avoided that ambiguity by unanimously passing legislation that would kick in if Proposition 33 passes, bringing rent control to an estimated 16,000 additional units. Mayor London Breed has said \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/10/15/rent-control-san-francisco-prop-33-london-breed/\">she will sign it\u003c/a> if the proposition passes, the San Francisco Standard reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco belongs to a group of cities — along with Berkeley, Oakland, Los Angeles, and the southern California cities of West Hollywood and Santa Monica — with longstanding rent control that current state law especially constrains. That’s because Costa-Hawkins grandfathered in any exemptions they had for more newly built units. So, in San Francisco, apartments built after 1979 are considered “new construction” and exempt from rent control. In Los Angeles, it’s 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s completely arbitrary that we can create rent control for buildings from 1978, but we can’t do it for 1980,” said Los Angeles City Council member Hugo Soto-Martínez, pointing to the city’s homelessness crisis. “Every year, we continue to lose more of our rent-stabilized housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council last week passed a resolution, authored by Soto-Martínez, endorsing Proposition 33.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those kinds of actions by cities trouble landlords, who point out that their costs for utilities and insurance are rising, in some cases, outpacing inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email newsletter sent to housing providers Friday, real estate firm Bornstein Law warned its clients that “there is a real possibility that Proposition 33 will pass because of the widespread belief that the rents are too damn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm urged landlords, in preparation for the potential policy shift, “to raise the rents to market rate if landlords are able to do so” and to consider offering voluntary buyouts to tenants paying below-market rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 opponents have also raised concerns that cities will enact rent control so strict it will stifle new housing construction at a time when the state desperately needs it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has done so much to remove barriers to building housing and to incentivize affordable housing construction, but Proposition 33 would give NIMBY cities a really powerful weapon to do an end run around those rules,” said Nathan Click, a spokesperson for the No on 33 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, San Francisco shows that, given the flexibility to craft new policies, even cities with strong histories of tenant advocacy might opt for more modest changes to rent control that can win broad political support. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin had originally proposed that the city expand rent control to cover housing built before 2024 but walked that back to 1994, an idea that won backing from both the city government’s progressive and moderate wings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local rent control expansion “is also going to depend on not just tenant and housing organizations but other civil society organizations in those communities,” said Shanti Singh, legislative director for Tenants Together. “Are they going to be ready to or willing to push for it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel Pastor, director of the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute, said his research shows that rent stabilization without vacancy control helps prevent displacement by keeping rents more affordable while avoiding slowing new construction since there are still incentives to build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If cities start capping rent increases when new tenants move in, he said, the effects become more difficult to predict. That’s in part because the last time California cities experimented with vacancy control was more than 30 years ago — back when more multifamily housing was being built and before the tech boom put unprecedented pressure on Northern California’s housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing that is likely, he said: California would see geographic variation, with more progressive coastal cities putting in stricter rent caps while inland cities with moderate politics seek to lure development with looser rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the proponents of Prop. 33 think this will solve our housing crisis, they’re mistaken,” he said. “If the opponents of Prop. 33 think that this will result in housing armageddon, they’re mistaken as well.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Tough on Crime Initiative Divides South Bay Democratic Candidates",
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"headTitle": "Tough on Crime Initiative Divides South Bay Democratic Candidates | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap] \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">tough-on-crime ballot measure\u003c/a> has emerged as a potentially potent wedge issue in the three South Bay races that each pit two Democrats against each other in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a closely-watched race for Congress and two campaigns for state Assembly in Santa Clara County, candidates have come under attack for opposing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> — even in one election where neither candidate plans to vote for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to charge a felony for some drug possession and theft crimes in California by rolling back some of the reforms \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\">passed by voters in a 2014 ballot measure, Proposition 47\u003c/a>. Poll after poll has shown Proposition 36 receiving wide backing from voters, even in the liberal Bay Area — putting Democrats who oppose the measure or have concerns about its language in an awkward position while creating an opening for campaigns and outside groups to draw a clear contrast between candidates from the same political party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South Bay divide is hardly unique this election cycle: Well-known Democrats are on both sides of the Proposition 36 campaign, with state leaders largely opposing the measure, many local officials throwing their support behind it — and other Democrats refusing to take a position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, including the Democratic mayor of the region’s largest city, San José’s Matt Mahan, contend that tougher sentences are needed to discourage rising shoplifting and serve as a stick to compel drug users to accept treatment. Opponents, chiefly the state’s Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, argue there is no connection between previous reforms and theft and that longer sentences will invariably lead to expensive incarceration, not treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of when politics is local and not really about partisanship, but it’s about people’s feelings and perceptions,” said Mark Baldassare, survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California. “It might not actually have to do with the numbers of crimes, but it’s their fears of vulnerability and their interest in trying to do something about those fears.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll released by the PPIC last week found that 73% of likely voters plan to vote yes on Proposition 36 — with an equal share of Bay Area voters in support. A late September survey from the Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies was less bullish but still found a comfortable 60% of likely voters in support. Faced with that signal from the electorate, many high-profile California Democrats, from Sen. Laphonza Butler to Vice President Kamala Harris, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">have refused to make their position on the measure public\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of the reasons that candidates at all levels are not necessarily eager to go out and take a stand on this because it could be a wedge issue,” Baldassare said. “And the candidates and campaigns are not quite sure how voters are going to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the South Bay’s marquee race for Congress, in the 16th District, Democrats Sam Liccardo and Evan Low had said little about Proposition 36 — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QRbxdAxjZ_M&t=2507s\">until they found themselves on opposite sides of the measure in a debate\u003c/a> earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district,Learn about the U.S. House of Representatives, District 16 Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, called the measure “an imperfect proposition” but said it would restore participation in drug courts, programs that offer a chance at reduced punishment if participants complete treatment. With new felony sentences, Liccardo said, judges can present a clear choice for defendants between treatment and time behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now that choice is never presented, as a result our drug courts are completely empty,” Liccardo said. “This is the one mechanism we have to actually break the connection between substance abuse and crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low countered by declaring his opposition: “I refuse to go back to the era of mass incarceration,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Touting his work as a state assemblymember, Low said his votes for bills this year aim to combat retail theft in a different way: by making it easier for police to arrest suspects and aggregate charges rather than by increasing sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fundamental role of government is keeping our communities safe, but we must do so in a surgical way,” said Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within days, an independent group supporting Liccardo, largely funded by former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, jumped at the divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group Neighbors for Results sent a mailer across the district contrasting the candidates’ positions on Proposition 36 and accusing Low of opposing “the common-sense plan to address retail thefts and save consumers billions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011436\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011436\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Proposition 36 mailer paid for by Neighbors for Results. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A similar mailer has landed in mailboxes from Cupertino to Sunnyvale, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-26th-district\">two Democrats are running for the 26th Assembly District seat\u003c/a> currently held by Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Ahrens, a Foothill-DeAnza Community College District trustee and Low’s district director, is running against fellow Democrat Tara Sreekrishnan, a Santa Clara County Board of Education member and legislative advisor to state Sen. Dave Cortese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who Can You Trust to Keep Us Safe?” asked the mailer from a pro-Ahrens super-PAC funded by real estate and landlord lobbies, which added: “Tara opposes Prop 36 to hold criminals accountable and toughen penalties for retail theft and drug crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the mailer failed to mention: Ahrens does not support Proposition 36 either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he remains neutral on the initiative and won’t vote either yes or no. At a recent forum sponsored by the League of Women Voters, Ahrens and Sreekrishnan sounded similar concerns about legislating crime and punishment at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to focus on enforcing [existing] laws rather than another ballot measure,” Sreekrishnan said, while Ahrens added (without revealing he would leave the question blank on his ballot): “We cannot be continuing to govern by tying the hands of the legislature continually.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the mailers attacking Low and Sreekrishnan were funded by outside groups, operating independently from the Liccardo and Ahrens campaigns. Political strategist Marva Diaz said these groups are searching for any compelling contrast, even if their interests aren’t directly tied to public safety, because it’s harder for voters to differentiate among two candidates from the same party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some of the Dem vs. Dem races, what’s really happening is it becomes the issue to define who is the progressive member and who is the more moderate member,” said Diaz, who serves as the publisher of the California Target Book, a nonpartisan election analysis service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011384\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011384\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Opponents of Proposition 36 hold signs at a rally in a San Francisco bookstore on Oct. 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a third South Bay race, the fight over Proposition 36 is playing out in the open. Democrat Lydia Kou, a Palo Alto city councilmember, has made no secret of her support for the measure as she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-23rd-district\">campaigns to unseat Democratic Assemblymember Marc Berman in the 23rd District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kou writes on her website that Proposition 36 is a “good example” of when “State officials too often drift apart from their communities and focus on big donors, special interests and ideological pressure groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop 36 also divides our Assembly District 23: I myself support Prop 36 and recommend a “Yes” vote, and if elected I’ll support related measures where sensible; My opponent, Marc Berman, has been a leading opponent of Prop 36,” Kou wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike many Democrats, Berman has not been shy with his opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One thing to emphasize about [Proposition] 36 is the millions of dollars that it will cost the state, that it will cost our counties if it passes, and how it will take money away from diversion programs,” Berman told KQED. “Instead, it will lock people up for stealing remarkably low-cost items. That third theft, even if it’s a burrito, even if it’s diapers for your kids, could all of a sudden be a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said there is still some risk for campaigns looking to capitalize on the strong polling in favor of Proposition 36. Support for propositions typically narrows closer to the election, and if the measure’s margins slip in the Bay Area, the pro-36 messaging could rub some voters the wrong way, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t know who you are losing, especially with a mailer — it could be going to a household that is split on that issue, and you don’t know how to segment that out,” Diaz said. “It raises a lot of flags, and it becomes risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing seems certain: Proposition 36 is catching the attention of voters. 28% of likely voters told the PPIC they were more interested in Proposition 36 than any other state measure on the ballot, comfortably ahead of the 17% who said they were most interested in Proposition 33, which would allow the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 36, which would increase criminal penalties, is dividing Democrats and resulting in pointed attacks in several South Bay races that pit members of the same party against one another.",
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"title": "Tough on Crime Initiative Divides South Bay Democratic Candidates | KQED",
"description": "Proposition 36, which would increase criminal penalties, is dividing Democrats and resulting in pointed attacks in several South Bay races that pit members of the same party against one another.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">tough-on-crime ballot measure\u003c/a> has emerged as a potentially potent wedge issue in the three South Bay races that each pit two Democrats against each other in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a closely-watched race for Congress and two campaigns for state Assembly in Santa Clara County, candidates have come under attack for opposing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> — even in one election where neither candidate plans to vote for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to charge a felony for some drug possession and theft crimes in California by rolling back some of the reforms \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\">passed by voters in a 2014 ballot measure, Proposition 47\u003c/a>. Poll after poll has shown Proposition 36 receiving wide backing from voters, even in the liberal Bay Area — putting Democrats who oppose the measure or have concerns about its language in an awkward position while creating an opening for campaigns and outside groups to draw a clear contrast between candidates from the same political party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South Bay divide is hardly unique this election cycle: Well-known Democrats are on both sides of the Proposition 36 campaign, with state leaders largely opposing the measure, many local officials throwing their support behind it — and other Democrats refusing to take a position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, including the Democratic mayor of the region’s largest city, San José’s Matt Mahan, contend that tougher sentences are needed to discourage rising shoplifting and serve as a stick to compel drug users to accept treatment. Opponents, chiefly the state’s Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, argue there is no connection between previous reforms and theft and that longer sentences will invariably lead to expensive incarceration, not treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of when politics is local and not really about partisanship, but it’s about people’s feelings and perceptions,” said Mark Baldassare, survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California. “It might not actually have to do with the numbers of crimes, but it’s their fears of vulnerability and their interest in trying to do something about those fears.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll released by the PPIC last week found that 73% of likely voters plan to vote yes on Proposition 36 — with an equal share of Bay Area voters in support. A late September survey from the Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies was less bullish but still found a comfortable 60% of likely voters in support. Faced with that signal from the electorate, many high-profile California Democrats, from Sen. Laphonza Butler to Vice President Kamala Harris, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">have refused to make their position on the measure public\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of the reasons that candidates at all levels are not necessarily eager to go out and take a stand on this because it could be a wedge issue,” Baldassare said. “And the candidates and campaigns are not quite sure how voters are going to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the South Bay’s marquee race for Congress, in the 16th District, Democrats Sam Liccardo and Evan Low had said little about Proposition 36 — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QRbxdAxjZ_M&t=2507s\">until they found themselves on opposite sides of the measure in a debate\u003c/a> earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, called the measure “an imperfect proposition” but said it would restore participation in drug courts, programs that offer a chance at reduced punishment if participants complete treatment. With new felony sentences, Liccardo said, judges can present a clear choice for defendants between treatment and time behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now that choice is never presented, as a result our drug courts are completely empty,” Liccardo said. “This is the one mechanism we have to actually break the connection between substance abuse and crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low countered by declaring his opposition: “I refuse to go back to the era of mass incarceration,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Touting his work as a state assemblymember, Low said his votes for bills this year aim to combat retail theft in a different way: by making it easier for police to arrest suspects and aggregate charges rather than by increasing sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fundamental role of government is keeping our communities safe, but we must do so in a surgical way,” said Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within days, an independent group supporting Liccardo, largely funded by former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, jumped at the divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group Neighbors for Results sent a mailer across the district contrasting the candidates’ positions on Proposition 36 and accusing Low of opposing “the common-sense plan to address retail thefts and save consumers billions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011436\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011436\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Proposition 36 mailer paid for by Neighbors for Results. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A similar mailer has landed in mailboxes from Cupertino to Sunnyvale, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-26th-district\">two Democrats are running for the 26th Assembly District seat\u003c/a> currently held by Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Ahrens, a Foothill-DeAnza Community College District trustee and Low’s district director, is running against fellow Democrat Tara Sreekrishnan, a Santa Clara County Board of Education member and legislative advisor to state Sen. Dave Cortese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who Can You Trust to Keep Us Safe?” asked the mailer from a pro-Ahrens super-PAC funded by real estate and landlord lobbies, which added: “Tara opposes Prop 36 to hold criminals accountable and toughen penalties for retail theft and drug crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the mailer failed to mention: Ahrens does not support Proposition 36 either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he remains neutral on the initiative and won’t vote either yes or no. At a recent forum sponsored by the League of Women Voters, Ahrens and Sreekrishnan sounded similar concerns about legislating crime and punishment at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to focus on enforcing [existing] laws rather than another ballot measure,” Sreekrishnan said, while Ahrens added (without revealing he would leave the question blank on his ballot): “We cannot be continuing to govern by tying the hands of the legislature continually.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the mailers attacking Low and Sreekrishnan were funded by outside groups, operating independently from the Liccardo and Ahrens campaigns. Political strategist Marva Diaz said these groups are searching for any compelling contrast, even if their interests aren’t directly tied to public safety, because it’s harder for voters to differentiate among two candidates from the same party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some of the Dem vs. Dem races, what’s really happening is it becomes the issue to define who is the progressive member and who is the more moderate member,” said Diaz, who serves as the publisher of the California Target Book, a nonpartisan election analysis service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011384\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011384\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Opponents of Proposition 36 hold signs at a rally in a San Francisco bookstore on Oct. 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a third South Bay race, the fight over Proposition 36 is playing out in the open. Democrat Lydia Kou, a Palo Alto city councilmember, has made no secret of her support for the measure as she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-23rd-district\">campaigns to unseat Democratic Assemblymember Marc Berman in the 23rd District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kou writes on her website that Proposition 36 is a “good example” of when “State officials too often drift apart from their communities and focus on big donors, special interests and ideological pressure groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop 36 also divides our Assembly District 23: I myself support Prop 36 and recommend a “Yes” vote, and if elected I’ll support related measures where sensible; My opponent, Marc Berman, has been a leading opponent of Prop 36,” Kou wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike many Democrats, Berman has not been shy with his opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One thing to emphasize about [Proposition] 36 is the millions of dollars that it will cost the state, that it will cost our counties if it passes, and how it will take money away from diversion programs,” Berman told KQED. “Instead, it will lock people up for stealing remarkably low-cost items. That third theft, even if it’s a burrito, even if it’s diapers for your kids, could all of a sudden be a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said there is still some risk for campaigns looking to capitalize on the strong polling in favor of Proposition 36. Support for propositions typically narrows closer to the election, and if the measure’s margins slip in the Bay Area, the pro-36 messaging could rub some voters the wrong way, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t know who you are losing, especially with a mailer — it could be going to a household that is split on that issue, and you don’t know how to segment that out,” Diaz said. “It raises a lot of flags, and it becomes risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing seems certain: Proposition 36 is catching the attention of voters. 28% of likely voters told the PPIC they were more interested in Proposition 36 than any other state measure on the ballot, comfortably ahead of the 17% who said they were most interested in Proposition 33, which would allow the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]S[/dropcap]ix months ago, young people began camping out on college campuses across the country, demanding that President Joe Biden stop military aid to Israel and force an immediate cease-fire. Weeks later, high schoolers joined in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, 18-year-old Anaya Sayal was finishing her senior year in San Ramon. Halimah Houston, 20, was in her first year of community college in Richmond. Both were so upset by Biden’s support of Israel that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996920/young-voters-seek-more-from-harris-on-climate-action-and-a-cease-fire-in-israel\">they told KQED they wouldn’t vote for him\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone’s seeing him as ‘Genocide Joe,’” Houston said about President Joe Biden this spring. “It’s just like disappointment after disappointment; that’s what was going through my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Houston and Sayal believed he wouldn’t take an outright stance against the war because he was too “scared” of losing voters. “So much of the older generations support Israel, but it’s a lot of the younger generations that are supporting Palestine,” Sayal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two first-time voters watched through gritted teeth the ups and downs of the election cycle — from Biden as the Democratic nominee and two assassination attempts on Trump to the presidential debate and Biden’s decision to step down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the only other option is Trump,” said Sayal, who is now in her first semester at UCLA. “You just got to pick the better of the two because there are no great options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Sayal and Houston breathed sighs of relief when Vice President Kamala Harris became the Democratic nominee in August. The hope of change made it somewhat easy for the two to envision Harris as the next president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a lot more excited now because before, it was just choosing between the better of the two evils,” Sayal said. “Overall, she would do a better job in office than Biden. But I think she’ll probably come under more scrutiny because she’s a woman of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011322\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First-time voter Anaya Sayal poses for a photo on the UCLA campus. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anaya Sayal)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Political science experts don’t think the two young women’s last-minute switch is an anomaly. They believe that if enough young people turn out on Nov. 5, they could help sway the election because 18- to 24-year-olds are more numerous than older Americans who vote more frequently. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/fandomvote\">not all young people have changed their minds\u003c/a> like Houston and Sayal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some, the war in Gaza remains a top concern. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007970/1-year-later-the-impact-of-oct-7-siege-of-gaza-on-life-in-the-bay-area\">More than one year has passed\u003c/a> since the Hamas-led attack on Oct. 7 that killed 1,200 people in Israel. Since then, Israel has continued its unrelenting military assault on Gaza, which has killed more than 42,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/08/23/g-s1-19232/kamala-harris-israel-gaza-dnc\">Harris said she was pushing for a cease-fire at an August rally in Arizona\u003c/a>, Houston and Sayal felt slightly better about her as the presidential nominee. But she’s also supported Israel’s right to defend itself and hasn’t said the U.S. should halt aid to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to see the action, and I hope it comes to fruition soon,” Houston said. “By voting for Harris, I feel like there’s a shot of getting a cease-fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000903/some-california-democrats-want-an-arms-embargo-on-israel-how-far-will-they-push-kamala-harris\">not all progressive first-time voters support Harris\u003c/a> due to frustrations over the U.S.’s support for Israel. Aniya Butler, a 19-year-old from Oakland, said she won’t vote for president this election and, instead, will focus on local priorities as a climate organizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a young Black woman, Butler sees a vote for Harris as a betrayal to her ancestors because of the candidate’s lack of action on a cease-fire. Butler identifies with the struggles of Palestinians because her own family experienced slavery. She also said that not voting for president won’t impact California much because the state is deeply blue, and Harris is all but guaranteed to win its electoral votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aniya Butler poses for a portrait at Dimond Park in Oakland on Oct. 22. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With these atrocities now to be on camera for all of us to see — Kamala, as a Black woman, has the responsibility to somehow ease and end that pain as someone who is literally the vice president of the United States,” said Butler, currently taking a gap year before starting at Wesleyan University in Connecticut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has not handled it well at all. It’s absolutely disgusting,” Butler added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Social media’s influence on young voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Polling experts like Mark Baldassare with the Public Policy Institute of California aren’t surprised that young voters like Houston and Sayal would shift their positions on voting for Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An election that was in the abstract after the March primary has now become very real, and the choices people have to make are real,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said the candidate’s use of social media to sway young voters — from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967133/charli-xcx-fans-election-2024-harris-trump\">the brat-ification of Harris’ campaign\u003c/a> to a fake AI-generated Taylor Swift endorsement of Trump — is shaping how young people vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more they see on social media, the more likely they are to go from being an infrequent voter to a voter this time because they want their voices to be heard,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=arts_13967133]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, he said that Harris and Trump’s use of social media over the last six months has shown mixed results. For some young voters like Sayal, Harris’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997449/why-kamala-harris-is-having-a-brat-summer\">use of brat-green on social media\u003c/a> and her appearances on podcasts like “Call Her Daddy” helped convince them to support her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It felt like, for the first time, a political candidate was trying to do something towards getting the attention of Gen Z,” Sayal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Butler, the attention the election has gained on social media, combined with images of war and human suffering, reinforced her view that Harris isn’t taking a cease-fire seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it serves as a reminder that times are oppressed for me, but they’re not [as] rough compared to what other people are experiencing right now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cathy Cohen, a University of Chicago political science professor and author of \u003ca href=\"https://genforwardsurvey.com/all-genforward-data/?fm=10&fy=2024\">a national poll of young voters by GenForward\u003c/a> and the university’s Institute of Politics, said her recent polling mirrors some young voters’ feelings, showing social media has garnered “excitement” for some voters but notes a “significant portion” would prefer a choice apart from Harris or Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of the issues animating their disgust and unhappiness prior to Harris joining the field still animate their concerns,” she said. “They’ve been told the importance of this election. They feel better about the choices, but they’re still not satisfied with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A larger share of the pie’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cohen’s October poll found that 52% of young voters aged 18 to 26 said they would definitely vote. When asked which issue is the country’s most important problem, Gaza ranked behind economic growth, inflation, income equality, immigration and threats to American democracy. Only 4% of the 18- to 26-year-olds she polled cited Gaza as their top concern. Another recent poll from Harvard \u003ca href=\"https://iop.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/2024-09/240922_Harvard%20IOP_Fall%202024%20Topline.pdf\">shows that just 1%\u003c/a> of young Americans surveyed ranked Gaza as the most concerning issue during this election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It does surprise me,” she said. “We found that significant numbers of young people say that they don’t have an opinion on Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011477\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley students at a Gaza Solidarity Encampment in front of Sproul Hall on Apr. 23. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her team also asked which candidate would best handle the war in Gaza and secure a cease-fire — 37% said Trump, and 22% of 18- to 26-year-olds said Harris. Cohen said her polling showcases a pervasive idea that Trump is a “strong leader,” and his promises to end the war in Ukraine may mean he would help end the war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows that Black and AAPI young people felt Harris would handle the war in Gaza better than Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other political experts like Baldassare predict a turnout similar to 2020 when around 50% of eligible voters aged 18 to 24 participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think things are in place at this point for having a high turnout, perhaps exceeding what we saw in 2020,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Baldassare’s polling found that 26% of young voters — which he defines as 18 to 44 — in California were satisfied with the candidate choices this election. By September, that number had doubled to 50%, with “most of the change occurring among people who say they’re voting for Harris and Walz.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a significant increase among the younger voters in California between April and September,” he said. “At this point in California, targeting young voters is working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility that half of all young voters in California could turn out in this election is significant. Mindy Romero, director of the USC Center for Inclusive Democracy, notes that not all young voters agree on who should be president or how the next president should handle the war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people care very much about the world around them, and they want to take action, but because of the disconnection they feel from the political process, and how it doesn’t bring them in, some will feel like voting is not an actionable stamp on the issues they care about,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Romero is unsure if young voters will turn out in force in November even though it’s “an enormously consequential election.” But she said if young people exercised their voting power at the polls, they could make a difference. She said voters between 18 and 24 outnumber those aged 65 to 74, who typically turn out in large numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they voted at the same rate as older voters, they would have a larger share of the pie of voters who broke up the power of voters in November,” she said. “If that happened every election, my God, things would change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sayal, now surrounded by young people at UCLA, longs for the day the presidential race isn’t defined by a two-party system. She’s excited that Harris could become the first woman of color to be president. Sayal knows the race is close but has hope that more Gen Z young adults will be eligible to vote in this election than four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s definitely a lot more. And I think younger Gen Z voters are more likely to vote for Harris,” she said. “I think we could break the election.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "As Election Day nears, young Bay Area voters are grappling with whether to support Kamala Harris despite their frustration over U.S. policy in Gaza. Political experts say younger voters could impact the outcome if they turn out in force.",
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"title": "These Gen Z Voters Are Choosing Kamala Harris. But Gaza Is Still a Sticking Point | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">S\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ix months ago, young people began camping out on college campuses across the country, demanding that President Joe Biden stop military aid to Israel and force an immediate cease-fire. Weeks later, high schoolers joined in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, 18-year-old Anaya Sayal was finishing her senior year in San Ramon. Halimah Houston, 20, was in her first year of community college in Richmond. Both were so upset by Biden’s support of Israel that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996920/young-voters-seek-more-from-harris-on-climate-action-and-a-cease-fire-in-israel\">they told KQED they wouldn’t vote for him\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone’s seeing him as ‘Genocide Joe,’” Houston said about President Joe Biden this spring. “It’s just like disappointment after disappointment; that’s what was going through my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Houston and Sayal believed he wouldn’t take an outright stance against the war because he was too “scared” of losing voters. “So much of the older generations support Israel, but it’s a lot of the younger generations that are supporting Palestine,” Sayal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two first-time voters watched through gritted teeth the ups and downs of the election cycle — from Biden as the Democratic nominee and two assassination attempts on Trump to the presidential debate and Biden’s decision to step down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the only other option is Trump,” said Sayal, who is now in her first semester at UCLA. “You just got to pick the better of the two because there are no great options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Sayal and Houston breathed sighs of relief when Vice President Kamala Harris became the Democratic nominee in August. The hope of change made it somewhat easy for the two to envision Harris as the next president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a lot more excited now because before, it was just choosing between the better of the two evils,” Sayal said. “Overall, she would do a better job in office than Biden. But I think she’ll probably come under more scrutiny because she’s a woman of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011322\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241025_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First-time voter Anaya Sayal poses for a photo on the UCLA campus. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Anaya Sayal)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Political science experts don’t think the two young women’s last-minute switch is an anomaly. They believe that if enough young people turn out on Nov. 5, they could help sway the election because 18- to 24-year-olds are more numerous than older Americans who vote more frequently. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/fandomvote\">not all young people have changed their minds\u003c/a> like Houston and Sayal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some, the war in Gaza remains a top concern. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007970/1-year-later-the-impact-of-oct-7-siege-of-gaza-on-life-in-the-bay-area\">More than one year has passed\u003c/a> since the Hamas-led attack on Oct. 7 that killed 1,200 people in Israel. Since then, Israel has continued its unrelenting military assault on Gaza, which has killed more than 42,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/08/23/g-s1-19232/kamala-harris-israel-gaza-dnc\">Harris said she was pushing for a cease-fire at an August rally in Arizona\u003c/a>, Houston and Sayal felt slightly better about her as the presidential nominee. But she’s also supported Israel’s right to defend itself and hasn’t said the U.S. should halt aid to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to see the action, and I hope it comes to fruition soon,” Houston said. “By voting for Harris, I feel like there’s a shot of getting a cease-fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000903/some-california-democrats-want-an-arms-embargo-on-israel-how-far-will-they-push-kamala-harris\">not all progressive first-time voters support Harris\u003c/a> due to frustrations over the U.S.’s support for Israel. Aniya Butler, a 19-year-old from Oakland, said she won’t vote for president this election and, instead, will focus on local priorities as a climate organizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a young Black woman, Butler sees a vote for Harris as a betrayal to her ancestors because of the candidate’s lack of action on a cease-fire. Butler identifies with the struggles of Palestinians because her own family experienced slavery. She also said that not voting for president won’t impact California much because the state is deeply blue, and Harris is all but guaranteed to win its electoral votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241022_YOUNGVOTERSGAZA_GC-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aniya Butler poses for a portrait at Dimond Park in Oakland on Oct. 22. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With these atrocities now to be on camera for all of us to see — Kamala, as a Black woman, has the responsibility to somehow ease and end that pain as someone who is literally the vice president of the United States,” said Butler, currently taking a gap year before starting at Wesleyan University in Connecticut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has not handled it well at all. It’s absolutely disgusting,” Butler added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Social media’s influence on young voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Polling experts like Mark Baldassare with the Public Policy Institute of California aren’t surprised that young voters like Houston and Sayal would shift their positions on voting for Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An election that was in the abstract after the March primary has now become very real, and the choices people have to make are real,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare said the candidate’s use of social media to sway young voters — from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967133/charli-xcx-fans-election-2024-harris-trump\">the brat-ification of Harris’ campaign\u003c/a> to a fake AI-generated Taylor Swift endorsement of Trump — is shaping how young people vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more they see on social media, the more likely they are to go from being an infrequent voter to a voter this time because they want their voices to be heard,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, he said that Harris and Trump’s use of social media over the last six months has shown mixed results. For some young voters like Sayal, Harris’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997449/why-kamala-harris-is-having-a-brat-summer\">use of brat-green on social media\u003c/a> and her appearances on podcasts like “Call Her Daddy” helped convince them to support her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It felt like, for the first time, a political candidate was trying to do something towards getting the attention of Gen Z,” Sayal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Butler, the attention the election has gained on social media, combined with images of war and human suffering, reinforced her view that Harris isn’t taking a cease-fire seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it serves as a reminder that times are oppressed for me, but they’re not [as] rough compared to what other people are experiencing right now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cathy Cohen, a University of Chicago political science professor and author of \u003ca href=\"https://genforwardsurvey.com/all-genforward-data/?fm=10&fy=2024\">a national poll of young voters by GenForward\u003c/a> and the university’s Institute of Politics, said her recent polling mirrors some young voters’ feelings, showing social media has garnered “excitement” for some voters but notes a “significant portion” would prefer a choice apart from Harris or Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of the issues animating their disgust and unhappiness prior to Harris joining the field still animate their concerns,” she said. “They’ve been told the importance of this election. They feel better about the choices, but they’re still not satisfied with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A larger share of the pie’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cohen’s October poll found that 52% of young voters aged 18 to 26 said they would definitely vote. When asked which issue is the country’s most important problem, Gaza ranked behind economic growth, inflation, income equality, immigration and threats to American democracy. Only 4% of the 18- to 26-year-olds she polled cited Gaza as their top concern. Another recent poll from Harvard \u003ca href=\"https://iop.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/2024-09/240922_Harvard%20IOP_Fall%202024%20Topline.pdf\">shows that just 1%\u003c/a> of young Americans surveyed ranked Gaza as the most concerning issue during this election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It does surprise me,” she said. “We found that significant numbers of young people say that they don’t have an opinion on Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011477\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley students at a Gaza Solidarity Encampment in front of Sproul Hall on Apr. 23. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her team also asked which candidate would best handle the war in Gaza and secure a cease-fire — 37% said Trump, and 22% of 18- to 26-year-olds said Harris. Cohen said her polling showcases a pervasive idea that Trump is a “strong leader,” and his promises to end the war in Ukraine may mean he would help end the war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows that Black and AAPI young people felt Harris would handle the war in Gaza better than Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other political experts like Baldassare predict a turnout similar to 2020 when around 50% of eligible voters aged 18 to 24 participated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think things are in place at this point for having a high turnout, perhaps exceeding what we saw in 2020,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Baldassare’s polling found that 26% of young voters — which he defines as 18 to 44 — in California were satisfied with the candidate choices this election. By September, that number had doubled to 50%, with “most of the change occurring among people who say they’re voting for Harris and Walz.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a significant increase among the younger voters in California between April and September,” he said. “At this point in California, targeting young voters is working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility that half of all young voters in California could turn out in this election is significant. Mindy Romero, director of the USC Center for Inclusive Democracy, notes that not all young voters agree on who should be president or how the next president should handle the war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people care very much about the world around them, and they want to take action, but because of the disconnection they feel from the political process, and how it doesn’t bring them in, some will feel like voting is not an actionable stamp on the issues they care about,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Romero is unsure if young voters will turn out in force in November even though it’s “an enormously consequential election.” But she said if young people exercised their voting power at the polls, they could make a difference. She said voters between 18 and 24 outnumber those aged 65 to 74, who typically turn out in large numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they voted at the same rate as older voters, they would have a larger share of the pie of voters who broke up the power of voters in November,” she said. “If that happened every election, my God, things would change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sayal, now surrounded by young people at UCLA, longs for the day the presidential race isn’t defined by a two-party system. She’s excited that Harris could become the first woman of color to be president. Sayal knows the race is close but has hope that more Gen Z young adults will be eligible to vote in this election than four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s definitely a lot more. And I think younger Gen Z voters are more likely to vote for Harris,” she said. “I think we could break the election.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-is-my-county-saying-i-should-mail-in-my-ballot-a-whole-week-before-election-day",
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"content": "\u003cp>With Election Day — your last day to vote — just a week away, Bay Area election officials are urging voters to mail their completed ballots by Tuesday, Oct. 29 at the latest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement from the Coalition of Bay Area Election Officials about “important mail ballot deadlines approaching,” election officials from 10 greater Bay Area counties, including Monterey, said the “last recommended day to mail your ballot is Tuesday, October 29.” Your own ballot may have a slightly different recommended date by which you should mail your ballot; for example, Alameda County’s ballot recommends getting it in by Thursday, Oct. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ballot-deadline-mail\">Can I still mail my ballot after Tuesday?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ballot-drop-box\">What are my alternatives to USPS for submitting my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that the final, legal deadline for mailing your ballot through the U.S. Postal Service (USPS) \u003ci>hasn’t \u003c/i>actually changed. That deadline is still Election Day — Tuesday, Nov. 5 — because ballots that are postmarked on or by that day will still be accepted and counted by your county elections office.[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]But in order to count your ballot, your county elections office must receive it no later than Nov. 12, one week after Election Day. And this is why Bay Area election officials are urging voters to err on the side of caution and mail their ballots as soon as possible, said Deva Proto, Sonoma County’s voter registrar — so that USPS has ample time to deliver them where they need to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is going to be a high-turnout election,” Proto said. “So we want to make sure that everybody’s voice is a part of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what you need to know about the deadline for mailing your ballot — and your alternatives to using USPS to submit it — all the way up until polls close at 8 p.m. on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>If the Nov. 5 deadline to mail my ballot hasn’t changed, why are election officials recommending I do it this week instead?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s about making sure USPS processes your ballot in time for it to reach your county’s elections office for your vote to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earlier you mail your ballot, the sooner it should reach your county — and the sooner your vote will be tallied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting your ballot in earlier also leaves more time for your county to address any potential issues with it — like\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\"> if you made a mistake and corrected it or if there’s an issue with the \u003c/a>signature on your envelope. If your county’s election office detects a mismatch with the signature on your ballot envelope, or if it’s missing altogether, they’ll reach out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. It’s called “curing” a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Is USPS experiencing delays that are prompting this recommendation?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No, Proto said, from Sonoma County — this is still “just a general recommendation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything we’re seeing so far, it seems like the post office is working really well to prioritize and get those ballots back,” she said. “And we are in communication with USPS, as are election officials as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the 2024 general election, the nation’s postal network is operating effectively without any major reported disruptions,” USPS said in a statement. The agency is echoing the call of local election officials to mail your ballot one week before Election Day, noting that “it would [be] a good idea to mail it by this Tuesday (October 29).”[aside postID=\"news_12008419\" hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1280030498-1020x680.jpg']“The Postal Service remains fully ready to successfully deliver the nation’s mail-in ballots for voters who choose to use us to vote,” USPS said in its statement. “[E]ven for return ballots that are entered in our system after Tuesday, we will continue to deploy our “extraordinary measures,” which are designed to accelerate the delivery of Ballot Mail in the final weeks of the election season.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those measures include extra deliveries and collections, special pick-ups, and “specialized sort plans at processing facilities to expedite delivery to boards of elections,” USPS said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Is there a chance that my ballot won’t reach my county elections office through USPS in time to be counted, even if it was postmarked by Nov. 5?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, Proto said — sometimes even ballots mailed on time don’t make it to the county elections office by the “one week after Election Day” deadline (Nov. 12) to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the sooner that voters can get their vote-by-mail ballots in, the sooner our offices will be able to process them and the voters will be able to confirm that they are received — so they don’t lose out on that chance,” Proto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USPS said it “anticipates similar service performance as demonstrated in the 2020 general election,” in which 99.89% of ballots mailed from voters nationwide to election officials were delivered within a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This, of course, means that 0.11% of 2020 ballots nationwide were \u003cem>not \u003c/em>successfully delivered to county elections offices in time to be counted — or around 715,000 ballots, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/11/10/most-mail-and-provisional-ballots-got-counted-in-past-u-s-elections-but-many-did-not/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the number of overall ballots cast that year\u003c/a>. While small, this rate may be enough to make you consider following the advice of election officials and USPS by mailing your ballot as soon as possible this week. (Or by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">delivering your ballot by hand to an official drop-box or open voting location\u003c/a> instead.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"ballot-deadline-mail\">\u003c/a>Can I still mail my ballot after this Tuesday, Oct. 29?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Absolutely. As long as your ballot is postmarked by Election Day (Nov. 5) and reaches your county elections office by Nov. 12, your vote will be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you haven’t mailed your completed ballot by Election Day, Proto recommends that you instead place your ballot into \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">a secure voting drop box, either at a voting location\u003c/a> or at your county elections office, by the time polls close at 8 p.m. on Nov. 5.[aside postID=\"news_12008332\" hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-e1729796712493-1020x677.jpg']The reason for this recommendation: Some people who mail their ballot on Election Day before 8 p.m. may \u003ci>think \u003c/i>they’ve successfully gotten it in on time but have accidentally placed it in a USPS collection box that has already had its last collection for the day — which in many places is 5 p.m. or earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means your ballot won’t be postmarked on Nov. 5, and your county elections office can’t count your vote. Delivering your ballot by hand via a drop-box or at a voting location by 8 p.m. on Election Day guarantees it’ll be counted, bringing you peace of mind that you’ve made the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"ballot-drop-box\">\u003c/a>What’s the advantage of delivering my ballot by hand at a drop-box or voting location rather than using USPS?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few reasons you might prefer to hand deliver your completed ballot:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Peace of mind: There’s a satisfaction that comes from knowing your ballot will now travel straight to your county elections office rather than going through USPS’ sometimes sluggish collection, sorting and delivery process.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Timing: If Election Day is drawing near, using a drop-box or a voting location to drop off your ballot directly is the best way to be sure it’ll reach your county elections office in time to be counted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Assistance: If you drop off your ballot at a voting location during operating hours and you have a few lingering questions about your ballot or the process, there’s a good chance you’ll find someone there to help answer them.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Find your closest ballot drop-box or voting location here\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Once I’ve mailed my ballot, how will I know it reached my county elections office for counting?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">Sign up to track your ballot online\u003c/a> through the state’s “Where’s My Ballot” tool. By doing this, you’ll also quickly be alerted of any issues with your ballot or your signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With Election Day — your last day to vote — just a week away, Bay Area election officials are urging voters to mail their completed ballots by Tuesday, Oct. 29 at the latest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement from the Coalition of Bay Area Election Officials about “important mail ballot deadlines approaching,” election officials from 10 greater Bay Area counties, including Monterey, said the “last recommended day to mail your ballot is Tuesday, October 29.” Your own ballot may have a slightly different recommended date by which you should mail your ballot; for example, Alameda County’s ballot recommends getting it in by Thursday, Oct. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ballot-deadline-mail\">Can I still mail my ballot after Tuesday?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#ballot-drop-box\">What are my alternatives to USPS for submitting my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that the final, legal deadline for mailing your ballot through the U.S. Postal Service (USPS) \u003ci>hasn’t \u003c/i>actually changed. That deadline is still Election Day — Tuesday, Nov. 5 — because ballots that are postmarked on or by that day will still be accepted and counted by your county elections office.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But in order to count your ballot, your county elections office must receive it no later than Nov. 12, one week after Election Day. And this is why Bay Area election officials are urging voters to err on the side of caution and mail their ballots as soon as possible, said Deva Proto, Sonoma County’s voter registrar — so that USPS has ample time to deliver them where they need to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is going to be a high-turnout election,” Proto said. “So we want to make sure that everybody’s voice is a part of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what you need to know about the deadline for mailing your ballot — and your alternatives to using USPS to submit it — all the way up until polls close at 8 p.m. on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>If the Nov. 5 deadline to mail my ballot hasn’t changed, why are election officials recommending I do it this week instead?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s about making sure USPS processes your ballot in time for it to reach your county’s elections office for your vote to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earlier you mail your ballot, the sooner it should reach your county — and the sooner your vote will be tallied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting your ballot in earlier also leaves more time for your county to address any potential issues with it — like\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\"> if you made a mistake and corrected it or if there’s an issue with the \u003c/a>signature on your envelope. If your county’s election office detects a mismatch with the signature on your ballot envelope, or if it’s missing altogether, they’ll reach out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. It’s called “curing” a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Is USPS experiencing delays that are prompting this recommendation?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No, Proto said, from Sonoma County — this is still “just a general recommendation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything we’re seeing so far, it seems like the post office is working really well to prioritize and get those ballots back,” she said. “And we are in communication with USPS, as are election officials as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the 2024 general election, the nation’s postal network is operating effectively without any major reported disruptions,” USPS said in a statement. The agency is echoing the call of local election officials to mail your ballot one week before Election Day, noting that “it would [be] a good idea to mail it by this Tuesday (October 29).”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The Postal Service remains fully ready to successfully deliver the nation’s mail-in ballots for voters who choose to use us to vote,” USPS said in its statement. “[E]ven for return ballots that are entered in our system after Tuesday, we will continue to deploy our “extraordinary measures,” which are designed to accelerate the delivery of Ballot Mail in the final weeks of the election season.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those measures include extra deliveries and collections, special pick-ups, and “specialized sort plans at processing facilities to expedite delivery to boards of elections,” USPS said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Is there a chance that my ballot won’t reach my county elections office through USPS in time to be counted, even if it was postmarked by Nov. 5?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, Proto said — sometimes even ballots mailed on time don’t make it to the county elections office by the “one week after Election Day” deadline (Nov. 12) to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the sooner that voters can get their vote-by-mail ballots in, the sooner our offices will be able to process them and the voters will be able to confirm that they are received — so they don’t lose out on that chance,” Proto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USPS said it “anticipates similar service performance as demonstrated in the 2020 general election,” in which 99.89% of ballots mailed from voters nationwide to election officials were delivered within a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This, of course, means that 0.11% of 2020 ballots nationwide were \u003cem>not \u003c/em>successfully delivered to county elections offices in time to be counted — or around 715,000 ballots, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/11/10/most-mail-and-provisional-ballots-got-counted-in-past-u-s-elections-but-many-did-not/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the number of overall ballots cast that year\u003c/a>. While small, this rate may be enough to make you consider following the advice of election officials and USPS by mailing your ballot as soon as possible this week. (Or by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">delivering your ballot by hand to an official drop-box or open voting location\u003c/a> instead.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"ballot-deadline-mail\">\u003c/a>Can I still mail my ballot after this Tuesday, Oct. 29?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Absolutely. As long as your ballot is postmarked by Election Day (Nov. 5) and reaches your county elections office by Nov. 12, your vote will be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you haven’t mailed your completed ballot by Election Day, Proto recommends that you instead place your ballot into \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">a secure voting drop box, either at a voting location\u003c/a> or at your county elections office, by the time polls close at 8 p.m. on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The reason for this recommendation: Some people who mail their ballot on Election Day before 8 p.m. may \u003ci>think \u003c/i>they’ve successfully gotten it in on time but have accidentally placed it in a USPS collection box that has already had its last collection for the day — which in many places is 5 p.m. or earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means your ballot won’t be postmarked on Nov. 5, and your county elections office can’t count your vote. Delivering your ballot by hand via a drop-box or at a voting location by 8 p.m. on Election Day guarantees it’ll be counted, bringing you peace of mind that you’ve made the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"ballot-drop-box\">\u003c/a>What’s the advantage of delivering my ballot by hand at a drop-box or voting location rather than using USPS?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few reasons you might prefer to hand deliver your completed ballot:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Peace of mind: There’s a satisfaction that comes from knowing your ballot will now travel straight to your county elections office rather than going through USPS’ sometimes sluggish collection, sorting and delivery process.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Timing: If Election Day is drawing near, using a drop-box or a voting location to drop off your ballot directly is the best way to be sure it’ll reach your county elections office in time to be counted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Assistance: If you drop off your ballot at a voting location during operating hours and you have a few lingering questions about your ballot or the process, there’s a good chance you’ll find someone there to help answer them.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Find your closest ballot drop-box or voting location here\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Once I’ve mailed my ballot, how will I know it reached my county elections office for counting?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">Sign up to track your ballot online\u003c/a> through the state’s “Where’s My Ballot” tool. By doing this, you’ll also quickly be alerted of any issues with your ballot or your signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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