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"title": "Newsom Has Not Solved California's Housing Crisis. 3 Lessons for Kamala Harris",
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"content": "\u003cp>For California political observers, the housing plan that Kamala Harris recently unveiled may have caused a twinge of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/press.kamalaharris.com/vice-president-harris-lays-out-agenda-to-lower-costs-for-american-families\">central plank of her agenda\u003c/a> to “lower costs for American families,” the Democratic presidential nominee pledged in August to build 3 million additional affordable homes and rentals over the next four years to address “a serious housing shortage across America” — echoing Gov. Gavin Newsom’s platform during his first gubernatorial campaign in 2018, when he called for California to add 3.5 million housing units by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing policy experts are enthusiastic about many of the ideas that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/Kamala-Harris/\">Harris\u003c/a> floated to promote production, which include creating a new tax incentive for developers who build starter homes for first-time homebuyers, expanding a tax incentive for affordable rental housing projects and establishing a $40 billion “innovation fund” to finance construction, as well as repurposing some federal land for housing and streamlining the permitting processes for projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Lens, a professor of urban planning and public policy at UCLA, called it a wonk’s wish list: “This is all of the stuff we talk about at dorky academic conferences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But transforming the housing market from the top is difficult, as Newsom’s experience has demonstrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California has increased production during his time in office — about 112,000 units were completed last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">according to the Department of Housing and Community Development\u003c/a>, compared to about 70,000 in 2018 — it is still only building at a fifth of the rate necessary to meet his original target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has since acknowledged that 3.5 million units “was always a stretch goal” and scaled back. His office declined an interview request for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with new policy priorities in place, high construction costs, onerous regulations, lack of public funding and community resistance remain major hurdles to supercharging homebuilding in California — offering lessons for a potential Harris administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to be limited in your ability to change things on the ground,” said Ben Metcalf, a former state and federal housing official who is now managing director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley. “Even when you are trying to move carrots and sticks, you find years later, what do you have to show?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-set-manageable-goals\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Set manageable goals\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The high cost of housing has long been a top concern for Californians, but the problem is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/22/business/economy/housing-crisis-kalamazoo-michigan.html\">spreading across the nation\u003c/a>. Industry data indicates that home prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2024/housing-market-price-trends-zip-code-map/\">exploded over the past five years\u003c/a>, up more than 50% since 2019, while rent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/rent-cost-us-2024-housing-national/\">surged by about a third\u003c/a> during that time, outstripping raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People moving \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/07/cheap-places-to-live-california/\">from expensive cities to outlying areas\u003c/a> for more affordable housing or moving into bigger homes during the coronavirus pandemic has driven up demand in new places, while even many recent pro-growth boom towns are becoming strained by the natural limits of expansion or a dimming taste for development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is plenty of reason to think that it could get worse, in the sense that California is a bellwether,” Lens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is constrained in California by pricey land, local zoning limits and fees, lengthy permitting processes and the threat of litigation, all of which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">drive up the cost of building\u003c/a> and make it difficult for many projects to pencil out financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear where the Harris campaign came up with its goal of 3 million housing units over the next four years — or how exactly it would measure success, given the emphasis on affordability. A campaign spokesperson did not respond to questions seeking a more detailed explanation, though he did clarify that this would be above current production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would require a President Harris to immediately boost construction nationwide by 50%, to levels not seen since before the housing market crashed during the 2008 financial crisis. The country built about 1.45 million new homes last year, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrc/data/series.html\">U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy carries some political risk. Newsom set an ambitious housing goal as a candidate for governor, which would have required California to build 500,000 new homes per year, and then \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">faced criticism for falling short\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom during a press conference where he signed new gun legislation into law at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on Sept. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Metcalf noted that Harris’ plan for 3 million homes is more aggressive than the 2 million figure that President Joe Biden was campaigning on before he dropped out of the race this summer, but far below the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/documents/LEGS_CHRON_JUNE2014.PDF\">Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 (PDF)\u003c/a>, which targeted the construction or rehabilitation of 26 million units over the next decade, including six million for low- and moderate-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last time we saw an incoming president really putting a big, bold number on the board was that,” Metcalf said. “She wants to be able to campaign for a second term saying, ‘Hey, we did it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-clear-regulatory-hurdles\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Clear regulatory hurdles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California officials are undertaking a serious push to make it easier to build housing. Over the past several years, they have passed major legislation that allows landowners to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">add additional units on single-family lots\u003c/a> in residential neighborhoods, streamlines the process for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/08/california-housing-crisis-labor-deal/\">turning empty commercial properties into housing\u003c/a>, shields certain affordable projects \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/09/affordable-housing-california/\">from lengthy environmental reviews and legal challenges\u003c/a>, opens up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-housing-laws-2024/\">land owned by religious institutions and colleges\u003c/a> for construction, and gives developers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/04/builders-remedy-bills/\">more tools to speed up permitting\u003c/a> in uncooperative cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates projected these policies could unlock millions of new homes across the state, but the impact so far has been significantly more modest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a precursor to making a lot of these things work,” Lens said. “We have to make housing more allowable in more places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006974\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New housing construction in Elk Grove on July 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A series of laws to encourage more “accessory dwelling units” has been a promising exception, according to Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor with an expertise in land use and housing law. Since California forced local governments to waive fees and affordability requirements and grant faster approval for backyard cottages and other secondary units, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/11/adu-san-diego/\">has seen a boom of ADU construction\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said Harris’ proposed tax incentive for starter homes — which is not an official category, but generally refers to more modest housing that provides a cheaper entry point into the market — could similarly provide a quick jolt to the housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the goal is to promote small, inexpensive, market-rate homes, that’s really different than what California has been doing,” Elmendorf said. “California has been able to pass a lot of laws, but it hasn’t been able to pass many laws that make housing economically feasible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts argue that California has not been able to maximize the effectiveness of its new pro-housing laws because it is prioritizing so many other goals — demands to use union labor, requirements for more deed-restricted affordable units to reduce gentrification, environmental considerations to discourage sprawl and climate risks — that it’s still too expensive to build here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12002010,forum_2010101906781,forum_2010101906944\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high costs for workers, materials and local regulations have been compounded lately by elevated interest rates, which drive up the price tag to finance projects and may actually be \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-02/california-is-building-fewer-homes-the-state-could-get-even-more-expensive\">reversing California’s progress on construction\u003c/a>. Metcalf compared it to a straw breaking the camel’s back for the building industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we’ve made almost no progress on as a state,” he said. “Once you have the table set, if the costs are too high, then nothing gets built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s of particular concern for affordable housing developers, who rely heavily on public funding. Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of the affordable housing advocacy group Housing California, said that despite state laws that have made it easier to plan projects, developers continue to struggle to pull together enough money to get them over the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is hopeful about a surge in financial support — through the tax incentives and innovation fund in Harris’ plan — that has been unavailable from state or local governments, which she said have not generally prioritized money for affordable housing because constituents do not understand the benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a narrative challenge that we’re grappling with that often translates into a political challenge,” Flegal said. “That’s a way the federal government could be impactful in a way the state could never be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-use-sticks-as-well-as-carrots\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Use sticks as well as carrots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though Newsom made clear his desire to boost housing production in California, not everyone has been on board with his approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, particularly wealthy or coastal suburbs, have vigorously fought to restrict additional development in their own communities, resisting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/03/state-plan-calls-for-2-5-million-new-homes-by-2030/\">state mandate to plan for far more housing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-housing-law-charter-city/\">suing to exempt themselves\u003c/a> or overturn new laws that make it easier to build more densely. They contend these policies would destroy the character of their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who argues that everyone must do their part to solve the crisis, has cracked down by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-housing-podcast-enforcement/\">creating a new enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the state housing department and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/story/2023-04-11/state-of-california-goes-after-huntington-beach-following-housing-plan-rejection\">suing the most intransigent cities\u003c/a> for failing to approve housing plans or \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/community/elk-grove/article291934245.html\">even specific projects\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006975\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A framer works to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the federal government does not have the same legal authority that California has given itself to demand local communities build more housing, and there’s no guarantee that Congress would be willing to step in to play more of a role in what has traditionally been a local matter in most states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plans don’t translate into outcomes if people don’t want to build housing,” Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to reach her goal of 3 million new homes, Harris would have to rely more on the proposed incentives, such as the tax breaks for starter homes and affordable rentals and the innovation fund, for voluntary compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts believe she has a good political opportunity to actually get her plan passed. Congress will be under pressure next year to extend a series of tax cuts made under former President Donald Trump that are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/05/18/trump-tcja-tax-cuts-are-slated-to-expire-after-next-year.html\">set to expire at the end of 2025\u003c/a>, which could be used as a bargaining chip for Harris’ housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government also has the power of the purse on a scale well beyond California, which it could amplify through regulations — such as tying transportation dollars to building more housing — that make supporting development the more desirable option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has tried this type of regulatory incentive, encouraging local governments to remove obstacles to construction with grant money and creating a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/prohousing-designation-program\">pro-housing designation\u003c/a>” for cities that adopt streamlined development policies, which gives them privileged access to state funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, that pro-housing designation is not based on outcomes. So that’s a fundamental problem,” Elmendorf said. “That’s something Harris will have to figure out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Kamala Harris pledges to build 3 million affordable homes and apartments in her first term as president, but Gov. Newsom has fallen short on a similar campaign promise in California. What lessons can she learn?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For California political observers, the housing plan that Kamala Harris recently unveiled may have caused a twinge of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/press.kamalaharris.com/vice-president-harris-lays-out-agenda-to-lower-costs-for-american-families\">central plank of her agenda\u003c/a> to “lower costs for American families,” the Democratic presidential nominee pledged in August to build 3 million additional affordable homes and rentals over the next four years to address “a serious housing shortage across America” — echoing Gov. Gavin Newsom’s platform during his first gubernatorial campaign in 2018, when he called for California to add 3.5 million housing units by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing policy experts are enthusiastic about many of the ideas that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/Kamala-Harris/\">Harris\u003c/a> floated to promote production, which include creating a new tax incentive for developers who build starter homes for first-time homebuyers, expanding a tax incentive for affordable rental housing projects and establishing a $40 billion “innovation fund” to finance construction, as well as repurposing some federal land for housing and streamlining the permitting processes for projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Lens, a professor of urban planning and public policy at UCLA, called it a wonk’s wish list: “This is all of the stuff we talk about at dorky academic conferences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But transforming the housing market from the top is difficult, as Newsom’s experience has demonstrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California has increased production during his time in office — about 112,000 units were completed last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">according to the Department of Housing and Community Development\u003c/a>, compared to about 70,000 in 2018 — it is still only building at a fifth of the rate necessary to meet his original target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has since acknowledged that 3.5 million units “was always a stretch goal” and scaled back. His office declined an interview request for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with new policy priorities in place, high construction costs, onerous regulations, lack of public funding and community resistance remain major hurdles to supercharging homebuilding in California — offering lessons for a potential Harris administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to be limited in your ability to change things on the ground,” said Ben Metcalf, a former state and federal housing official who is now managing director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley. “Even when you are trying to move carrots and sticks, you find years later, what do you have to show?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-set-manageable-goals\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Set manageable goals\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The high cost of housing has long been a top concern for Californians, but the problem is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/22/business/economy/housing-crisis-kalamazoo-michigan.html\">spreading across the nation\u003c/a>. Industry data indicates that home prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2024/housing-market-price-trends-zip-code-map/\">exploded over the past five years\u003c/a>, up more than 50% since 2019, while rent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/rent-cost-us-2024-housing-national/\">surged by about a third\u003c/a> during that time, outstripping raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People moving \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/07/cheap-places-to-live-california/\">from expensive cities to outlying areas\u003c/a> for more affordable housing or moving into bigger homes during the coronavirus pandemic has driven up demand in new places, while even many recent pro-growth boom towns are becoming strained by the natural limits of expansion or a dimming taste for development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is plenty of reason to think that it could get worse, in the sense that California is a bellwether,” Lens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is constrained in California by pricey land, local zoning limits and fees, lengthy permitting processes and the threat of litigation, all of which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">drive up the cost of building\u003c/a> and make it difficult for many projects to pencil out financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear where the Harris campaign came up with its goal of 3 million housing units over the next four years — or how exactly it would measure success, given the emphasis on affordability. A campaign spokesperson did not respond to questions seeking a more detailed explanation, though he did clarify that this would be above current production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would require a President Harris to immediately boost construction nationwide by 50%, to levels not seen since before the housing market crashed during the 2008 financial crisis. The country built about 1.45 million new homes last year, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrc/data/series.html\">U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy carries some political risk. Newsom set an ambitious housing goal as a candidate for governor, which would have required California to build 500,000 new homes per year, and then \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">faced criticism for falling short\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom during a press conference where he signed new gun legislation into law at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on Sept. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Metcalf noted that Harris’ plan for 3 million homes is more aggressive than the 2 million figure that President Joe Biden was campaigning on before he dropped out of the race this summer, but far below the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/documents/LEGS_CHRON_JUNE2014.PDF\">Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 (PDF)\u003c/a>, which targeted the construction or rehabilitation of 26 million units over the next decade, including six million for low- and moderate-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last time we saw an incoming president really putting a big, bold number on the board was that,” Metcalf said. “She wants to be able to campaign for a second term saying, ‘Hey, we did it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-clear-regulatory-hurdles\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Clear regulatory hurdles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California officials are undertaking a serious push to make it easier to build housing. Over the past several years, they have passed major legislation that allows landowners to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">add additional units on single-family lots\u003c/a> in residential neighborhoods, streamlines the process for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/08/california-housing-crisis-labor-deal/\">turning empty commercial properties into housing\u003c/a>, shields certain affordable projects \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/09/affordable-housing-california/\">from lengthy environmental reviews and legal challenges\u003c/a>, opens up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-housing-laws-2024/\">land owned by religious institutions and colleges\u003c/a> for construction, and gives developers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/04/builders-remedy-bills/\">more tools to speed up permitting\u003c/a> in uncooperative cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates projected these policies could unlock millions of new homes across the state, but the impact so far has been significantly more modest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a precursor to making a lot of these things work,” Lens said. “We have to make housing more allowable in more places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006974\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New housing construction in Elk Grove on July 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A series of laws to encourage more “accessory dwelling units” has been a promising exception, according to Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor with an expertise in land use and housing law. Since California forced local governments to waive fees and affordability requirements and grant faster approval for backyard cottages and other secondary units, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/11/adu-san-diego/\">has seen a boom of ADU construction\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said Harris’ proposed tax incentive for starter homes — which is not an official category, but generally refers to more modest housing that provides a cheaper entry point into the market — could similarly provide a quick jolt to the housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the goal is to promote small, inexpensive, market-rate homes, that’s really different than what California has been doing,” Elmendorf said. “California has been able to pass a lot of laws, but it hasn’t been able to pass many laws that make housing economically feasible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts argue that California has not been able to maximize the effectiveness of its new pro-housing laws because it is prioritizing so many other goals — demands to use union labor, requirements for more deed-restricted affordable units to reduce gentrification, environmental considerations to discourage sprawl and climate risks — that it’s still too expensive to build here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high costs for workers, materials and local regulations have been compounded lately by elevated interest rates, which drive up the price tag to finance projects and may actually be \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-02/california-is-building-fewer-homes-the-state-could-get-even-more-expensive\">reversing California’s progress on construction\u003c/a>. Metcalf compared it to a straw breaking the camel’s back for the building industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we’ve made almost no progress on as a state,” he said. “Once you have the table set, if the costs are too high, then nothing gets built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s of particular concern for affordable housing developers, who rely heavily on public funding. Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of the affordable housing advocacy group Housing California, said that despite state laws that have made it easier to plan projects, developers continue to struggle to pull together enough money to get them over the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is hopeful about a surge in financial support — through the tax incentives and innovation fund in Harris’ plan — that has been unavailable from state or local governments, which she said have not generally prioritized money for affordable housing because constituents do not understand the benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a narrative challenge that we’re grappling with that often translates into a political challenge,” Flegal said. “That’s a way the federal government could be impactful in a way the state could never be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-use-sticks-as-well-as-carrots\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Use sticks as well as carrots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though Newsom made clear his desire to boost housing production in California, not everyone has been on board with his approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, particularly wealthy or coastal suburbs, have vigorously fought to restrict additional development in their own communities, resisting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/03/state-plan-calls-for-2-5-million-new-homes-by-2030/\">state mandate to plan for far more housing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-housing-law-charter-city/\">suing to exempt themselves\u003c/a> or overturn new laws that make it easier to build more densely. They contend these policies would destroy the character of their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who argues that everyone must do their part to solve the crisis, has cracked down by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-housing-podcast-enforcement/\">creating a new enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the state housing department and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/story/2023-04-11/state-of-california-goes-after-huntington-beach-following-housing-plan-rejection\">suing the most intransigent cities\u003c/a> for failing to approve housing plans or \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/community/elk-grove/article291934245.html\">even specific projects\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006975\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A framer works to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the federal government does not have the same legal authority that California has given itself to demand local communities build more housing, and there’s no guarantee that Congress would be willing to step in to play more of a role in what has traditionally been a local matter in most states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plans don’t translate into outcomes if people don’t want to build housing,” Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to reach her goal of 3 million new homes, Harris would have to rely more on the proposed incentives, such as the tax breaks for starter homes and affordable rentals and the innovation fund, for voluntary compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts believe she has a good political opportunity to actually get her plan passed. Congress will be under pressure next year to extend a series of tax cuts made under former President Donald Trump that are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/05/18/trump-tcja-tax-cuts-are-slated-to-expire-after-next-year.html\">set to expire at the end of 2025\u003c/a>, which could be used as a bargaining chip for Harris’ housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government also has the power of the purse on a scale well beyond California, which it could amplify through regulations — such as tying transportation dollars to building more housing — that make supporting development the more desirable option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has tried this type of regulatory incentive, encouraging local governments to remove obstacles to construction with grant money and creating a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/prohousing-designation-program\">pro-housing designation\u003c/a>” for cities that adopt streamlined development policies, which gives them privileged access to state funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, that pro-housing designation is not based on outcomes. So that’s a fundamental problem,” Elmendorf said. “That’s something Harris will have to figure out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "more-trans-teens-attempted-suicide-after-states-passed-anti-trans-laws-study-shows",
"title": "More Trans Teens Attempted Suicide After States Passed Anti-Trans Laws, Study Shows",
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"headTitle": "More Trans Teens Attempted Suicide After States Passed Anti-Trans Laws, Study Shows | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>States that passed anti-transgender laws aimed at minors saw suicide attempts by transgender and gender nonconforming teenagers increase by as much as 72% in the following years, a new study by \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/\">The Trevor Project\u003c/a> says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The peer-reviewed study, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-024-01979-5\">published Thursday\u003c/a> in the journal \u003cem>Nature Human Behavior\u003c/em>, looked at survey data from young people in 19 states, comparing rates of suicide attempts before and after bans passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past few years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">d\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">ozens of states\u003c/a> have passed laws affecting how transgender young people do things like play sports, go to the bathroom at school, and access gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s findings are not theoretical for some families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know my child is dead,” Kentucky Senator Karen Berg \u003ca href=\"https://ket.org/legislature/archives/2023/regular/senate-chambers-200833\">says at the statehouse\u003c/a> during the debate over that state’s anti-trans bill in February 2023. Her transgender son had died by suicide two months earlier at age 24. “Your vote yes on this bill means one of two things: either you believe that trans children do not exist, or you believe that trans children do not deserve to exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-trans bill in Kentucky passed, at least 26 other states now have \u003ca href=\"https://www.lgbtmap.org/equality-maps\">similar laws on the books\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these laws were being enacted, there was already a lot of research showing a strong association between anti-transgender policies and negative mental health outcomes, explains \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/research/\">Ronita Nath\u003c/a>. She runs research at The Trevor Project, which offers 24–7 crisis services to LGBTQ+ youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers and supporters of these laws argued that the evidence of negative mental health effects was weak, she says. “So we clearly knew we needed to very firmly establish causality, and that’s why we really prioritized this research,” she explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do that, they gathered data from transgender and nonbinary young people aged 13–24 from all over the country. “We do social media ads,” Nath says. “Once we reach our sample size in California or New York, we shut those ads down, and we amplify the ads in these harder-to-reach states, let’s say Wyoming or Idaho.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Nath and her colleagues used a sample of 61,240 young people surveyed from 2018–2022, a period during which 19 states passed a variety of anti-trans laws. They looked to see how the rate of attempted suicides in the previous year changed for residents of those states after the laws were passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found a very sharp and statistically significant rise in suicide attempt rates after enactment of the laws,” she says. A small rise was seen in a state soon after laws were enacted, followed by a sharper rise two or three years later. Among 13–17-year-olds, two years after a law took effect, the likelihood of a past-year suicide attempt was 72% higher than it was before passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath notes a randomized control trial would not be possible for this kind of research since you can’t randomly assign someone to live in one state or another. Instead, they analyzed the survey data for each state over time, comparing rates before and after laws were passed. The analysis took months, she says, and controlled for a variety of potentially confounding factors in order to isolate the impact of these laws on past-year suicide attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"arts_13958699,arts_13926077,news_11995853\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To see these numbers after everything was taken into account and the model still held — it’s terrifying,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This study is the first of its kind, Nath adds. “These findings demonstrate that — regardless of a person’s political beliefs — if you live in a state that has passed an anti-transgender law, transgender, nonbinary young people in your home state are significantly more likely to attempt to take their own life,” she says. “This is the reality for these young people, and it’s not acceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associate Professor \u003ca href=\"https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/profile/brittany-charlton/\">Brittany Charlton\u003c/a> of Harvard Medical School, who wasn’t involved with the study, finds it impressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This study is just so important,” she says. “It’s contributing to the growing body of evidence that demonstrates that these discriminatory anti-LGBTQ policies have harmful effects on health.” It does so convincingly, she says, with a large sample size and strong research methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath adds that none of this is inevitable. “Trans and nonbinary young people are not inherently prone to increased suicide risk because of their gender identity,” she says. “They are placed at higher risk because of how they’re mistreated and stigmatized by others, including by the implementation of discriminatory policies like the ones examined in the study.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"ad-header \">\n\u003cp>She says future research will explore data from 2023, which saw the largest number of anti-trans state bills to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text 9-8-8 to reach the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cem>Suicide & Crisis Lifeline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "More Trans Teens Attempted Suicide After States Passed Anti-Trans Laws, Study Shows | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>States that passed anti-transgender laws aimed at minors saw suicide attempts by transgender and gender nonconforming teenagers increase by as much as 72% in the following years, a new study by \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/\">The Trevor Project\u003c/a> says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The peer-reviewed study, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-024-01979-5\">published Thursday\u003c/a> in the journal \u003cem>Nature Human Behavior\u003c/em>, looked at survey data from young people in 19 states, comparing rates of suicide attempts before and after bans passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past few years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">d\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">ozens of states\u003c/a> have passed laws affecting how transgender young people do things like play sports, go to the bathroom at school, and access gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s findings are not theoretical for some families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know my child is dead,” Kentucky Senator Karen Berg \u003ca href=\"https://ket.org/legislature/archives/2023/regular/senate-chambers-200833\">says at the statehouse\u003c/a> during the debate over that state’s anti-trans bill in February 2023. Her transgender son had died by suicide two months earlier at age 24. “Your vote yes on this bill means one of two things: either you believe that trans children do not exist, or you believe that trans children do not deserve to exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-trans bill in Kentucky passed, at least 26 other states now have \u003ca href=\"https://www.lgbtmap.org/equality-maps\">similar laws on the books\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these laws were being enacted, there was already a lot of research showing a strong association between anti-transgender policies and negative mental health outcomes, explains \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/research/\">Ronita Nath\u003c/a>. She runs research at The Trevor Project, which offers 24–7 crisis services to LGBTQ+ youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers and supporters of these laws argued that the evidence of negative mental health effects was weak, she says. “So we clearly knew we needed to very firmly establish causality, and that’s why we really prioritized this research,” she explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do that, they gathered data from transgender and nonbinary young people aged 13–24 from all over the country. “We do social media ads,” Nath says. “Once we reach our sample size in California or New York, we shut those ads down, and we amplify the ads in these harder-to-reach states, let’s say Wyoming or Idaho.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Nath and her colleagues used a sample of 61,240 young people surveyed from 2018–2022, a period during which 19 states passed a variety of anti-trans laws. They looked to see how the rate of attempted suicides in the previous year changed for residents of those states after the laws were passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found a very sharp and statistically significant rise in suicide attempt rates after enactment of the laws,” she says. A small rise was seen in a state soon after laws were enacted, followed by a sharper rise two or three years later. Among 13–17-year-olds, two years after a law took effect, the likelihood of a past-year suicide attempt was 72% higher than it was before passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath notes a randomized control trial would not be possible for this kind of research since you can’t randomly assign someone to live in one state or another. Instead, they analyzed the survey data for each state over time, comparing rates before and after laws were passed. The analysis took months, she says, and controlled for a variety of potentially confounding factors in order to isolate the impact of these laws on past-year suicide attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To see these numbers after everything was taken into account and the model still held — it’s terrifying,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This study is the first of its kind, Nath adds. “These findings demonstrate that — regardless of a person’s political beliefs — if you live in a state that has passed an anti-transgender law, transgender, nonbinary young people in your home state are significantly more likely to attempt to take their own life,” she says. “This is the reality for these young people, and it’s not acceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associate Professor \u003ca href=\"https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/profile/brittany-charlton/\">Brittany Charlton\u003c/a> of Harvard Medical School, who wasn’t involved with the study, finds it impressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This study is just so important,” she says. “It’s contributing to the growing body of evidence that demonstrates that these discriminatory anti-LGBTQ policies have harmful effects on health.” It does so convincingly, she says, with a large sample size and strong research methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath adds that none of this is inevitable. “Trans and nonbinary young people are not inherently prone to increased suicide risk because of their gender identity,” she says. “They are placed at higher risk because of how they’re mistreated and stigmatized by others, including by the implementation of discriminatory policies like the ones examined in the study.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"ad-header \">\n\u003cp>She says future research will explore data from 2023, which saw the largest number of anti-trans state bills to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text 9-8-8 to reach the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cem>Suicide & Crisis Lifeline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With just over a month left before Election Day, Vice President Kamala Harris spoke to a boisterous and rapt crowd at a fundraiser for her presidential campaign in San Francisco — the city where she first was elected to public office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It really is good to be home — so many friends, my goodness,” she said to sustained applause and wild cheering. “OK, c’mon — we have work to do. Let’s sit down\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thousands of people gathered inside the cavernous Palace of Fine Arts along San Francisco’s northern waterfront — a Greco-Roman building originally built for the 1915 Panama-Pacific International Exposition. They packed into chairs and onto a balcony to hear Harris lay out her vision for America in a truncated stump speech that hit on her main messages, including her plans to strengthen the middle class, lower costs and sign a national abortion law.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She also warned the adoring crowd of the danger of returning former President Donald Trump to the White House.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In many ways, he is an unserious man, he is an unserious man — however the consequences of putting him back in the White House are extremely serious,” Harris said before listing some of what she sees as those consequences including: cuts to Social Security and Medicaid, ending the Affordable Care Act, and imposing tariffs on foreign goods, which she called the “Trump tax hike.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harris warned the crowd that this was a “margin of error race,” saying she believed she was the underdog and imploring them to work hard for the next 38 days. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We are leaving it all on the field,” she said. “The leaders in this room have done so much already — and I am gonna ask for a little bit more. Each one of you is part of large networks, and I am asking you to activate those networks, tell your friends and colleagues and neighbors what is at stake, tell them why you came out today.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tickets for the fundraiser started at $500 and went up to $926,300 for the title of event chair, as well as four tickets, a reception with Harris, lunch and a photo with the vice president. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to an invite sent out last week, San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu is among the hosts. In the invitation, Chiu wrote that he’s known Harris for 26 years since they were prosecutors together and that with the presidential race, “incredibly close … she needs our support more than ever.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harris traveled to the Bay Area after\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/27/nx-s1-5127374/harris-arizona-border-migration-asylum\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> spending Friday at the border in Arizona\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, where she made her first detailed remarks on how she plans to tackle border security and immigration reform since declaring her candidacy in July. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The crowd in San Francisco was packed with a who’s who of local and state elected leaders, including California Lt. Governor Eleni Kounalakis, Treasurer Fiona Ma and Controller Malia Cohen. Also in attendance was longtime Harris friend and BART Board member Lateefah Simon, who is running for the Oakland congressional seat long held by Rep. Barbara Lee, \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Among those firing up the crowd ahead of Harris: Former Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who gave brief remarks, and R&B singer Andra Day. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After the event, Cohen said she hoped that Harris — who she considers a mentor — inspired attendees to get out and campaign.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Today was very special. I brought my 4-year-old daughter,” she said. “Personally, I’m very proud and excited of Kamala. I’m fired up. I’m energized … I hope everyone gets off the sideline and gets into the game and really does more than just put up a sign.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With just over a month left before Election Day, Vice President Kamala Harris spoke to a boisterous and rapt crowd at a fundraiser for her presidential campaign in San Francisco — the city where she first was elected to public office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It really is good to be home — so many friends, my goodness,” she said to sustained applause and wild cheering. “OK, c’mon — we have work to do. Let’s sit down\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thousands of people gathered inside the cavernous Palace of Fine Arts along San Francisco’s northern waterfront — a Greco-Roman building originally built for the 1915 Panama-Pacific International Exposition. They packed into chairs and onto a balcony to hear Harris lay out her vision for America in a truncated stump speech that hit on her main messages, including her plans to strengthen the middle class, lower costs and sign a national abortion law.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She also warned the adoring crowd of the danger of returning former President Donald Trump to the White House.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In many ways, he is an unserious man, he is an unserious man — however the consequences of putting him back in the White House are extremely serious,” Harris said before listing some of what she sees as those consequences including: cuts to Social Security and Medicaid, ending the Affordable Care Act, and imposing tariffs on foreign goods, which she called the “Trump tax hike.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harris warned the crowd that this was a “margin of error race,” saying she believed she was the underdog and imploring them to work hard for the next 38 days. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We are leaving it all on the field,” she said. “The leaders in this room have done so much already — and I am gonna ask for a little bit more. Each one of you is part of large networks, and I am asking you to activate those networks, tell your friends and colleagues and neighbors what is at stake, tell them why you came out today.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tickets for the fundraiser started at $500 and went up to $926,300 for the title of event chair, as well as four tickets, a reception with Harris, lunch and a photo with the vice president. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to an invite sent out last week, San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu is among the hosts. In the invitation, Chiu wrote that he’s known Harris for 26 years since they were prosecutors together and that with the presidential race, “incredibly close … she needs our support more than ever.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harris traveled to the Bay Area after\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/27/nx-s1-5127374/harris-arizona-border-migration-asylum\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> spending Friday at the border in Arizona\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, where she made her first detailed remarks on how she plans to tackle border security and immigration reform since declaring her candidacy in July. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The crowd in San Francisco was packed with a who’s who of local and state elected leaders, including California Lt. Governor Eleni Kounalakis, Treasurer Fiona Ma and Controller Malia Cohen. Also in attendance was longtime Harris friend and BART Board member Lateefah Simon, who is running for the Oakland congressional seat long held by Rep. Barbara Lee, \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Among those firing up the crowd ahead of Harris: Former Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who gave brief remarks, and R&B singer Andra Day. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After the event, Cohen said she hoped that Harris — who she considers a mentor — inspired attendees to get out and campaign.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Today was very special. I brought my 4-year-old daughter,” she said. “Personally, I’m very proud and excited of Kamala. I’m fired up. I’m energized … I hope everyone gets off the sideline and gets into the game and really does more than just put up a sign.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 6 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has vetoed a bill that would have required most passenger vehicles sold in California to have additional passive intelligent speed assistance systems to alert drivers when they go 10 miles per hour or more over the speed limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco pedestrian advocates had been ramping up pressure on Newsom to sign the state bill, saying it would have helped reduce traffic-related deaths and serious injuries in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The calls for Newsom to sign the bill, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, intensified after two pedestrians were killed on Lombard St. in just the last two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walk SF’s Marta Lindsey said that, despite the efforts by officials to curtail traffic-related fatalities, the data speaks for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are dealing with a multi-headed beast,” Lindsey said. “How our streets are designed is so important in terms of how drivers behave, and so in the last 10 years, the city has been doing a lot of the right things, but it hasn’t happened at the scale or the number of layers needed to address the fact that the threat has risen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rise in road deaths in California is a completely preventable tragedy,” Wiener said in a statement. “The evidence is clear: Rising levels of dangerous speeding are placing all Californians in danger, and by taking prudent steps to improve safety, we can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police are still pursuing their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10413631/san-francisco-fire-department-signs-on-to-vision-zero-pedestrian-safety-plan\">Vision Zero \u003c/a>goal, six months after the deadline that the city set in its 2014 initiative to reduce citywide traffic-related deaths to zero within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"pedestrian-safety\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco has seemingly made little consistent progress on that front: \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/traffic-fatalities#traffic-fatalities\">39 pedestrians \u003c/a>were killed in 2022 alone, the deadliest year for traffic-related fatalities since 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the city’s Department of Public Health has already reported 23 traffic fatalities so far this year, exceeding the 22 recorded in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Riggs, a USCF professor who focuses on mobility and transportation issues, believes that educating the public in simple terms is an often overlooked piece of the Vision Zero puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we consider Vision Zero, I think we forget substantive components about how we influence not only drivers but bicyclists and pedestrians to be responsible roadway users,” Riggs said. He points to a unique approach that San Francisco police took last week when an officer donned an inflatable chicken suit and crossed the road at the intersection of Alemany Boulevard and Rousseau Street in the city’s Excelsior neighborhood, where a 76-year-old man \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/pedestrian-dies-hit-and-run-s-f-18690047.php\"> was killed in a hit-and-run earlier this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who didn’t stop for the officer in the chicken suit were immediately flagged by other officers standing by and issued citations for failing to yield to a pedestrian. A video of the chicken exercise was \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/collinrugg/status/1837639499247178090?s=12\"> posted on X\u003c/a>, drawing about 6 million views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many different kinds of educational frames we can put on what is happening on the roadway that don’t involve planner speak or engineering speak,” Riggs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a formal veto request letter to Newsom, the California Senate Republican Caucus called SB 961 “overly prescriptive” and said that “the real focus should be on increasing law enforcement presence in our communities and appropriately punishing those who blatantly disregard traffic laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cathy Chase, the president of Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety, which supported the bill, said, “We need to flip the script and think about how many people are being killed on our roadways — preventably — when we have solutions at hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We need a multipronged approach where there is more effective law enforcement of traffic safety violations, and also the use of available technology to slow cars down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsey, of Walk SF, said she was not at all surprised about pushback against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They fought seatbelts, by the way, they fought windshield wipers, they fought airbags, they fought the rearview cameras,” she said, referring to the auto industry and anti-regulatory lawmakers. “They fight all of this stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are dealing with a multi-headed beast,” Lindsey said. “How our streets are designed is so important in terms of how drivers behave, and so in the last 10 years, the city has been doing a lot of the right things, but it hasn’t happened at the scale or the number of layers needed to address the fact that the threat has risen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rise in road deaths in California is a completely preventable tragedy,” Wiener said in a statement. “The evidence is clear: Rising levels of dangerous speeding are placing all Californians in danger, and by taking prudent steps to improve safety, we can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police are still pursuing their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10413631/san-francisco-fire-department-signs-on-to-vision-zero-pedestrian-safety-plan\">Vision Zero \u003c/a>goal, six months after the deadline that the city set in its 2014 initiative to reduce citywide traffic-related deaths to zero within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco has seemingly made little consistent progress on that front: \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/traffic-fatalities#traffic-fatalities\">39 pedestrians \u003c/a>were killed in 2022 alone, the deadliest year for traffic-related fatalities since 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the city’s Department of Public Health has already reported 23 traffic fatalities so far this year, exceeding the 22 recorded in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Riggs, a USCF professor who focuses on mobility and transportation issues, believes that educating the public in simple terms is an often overlooked piece of the Vision Zero puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we consider Vision Zero, I think we forget substantive components about how we influence not only drivers but bicyclists and pedestrians to be responsible roadway users,” Riggs said. He points to a unique approach that San Francisco police took last week when an officer donned an inflatable chicken suit and crossed the road at the intersection of Alemany Boulevard and Rousseau Street in the city’s Excelsior neighborhood, where a 76-year-old man \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/pedestrian-dies-hit-and-run-s-f-18690047.php\"> was killed in a hit-and-run earlier this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who didn’t stop for the officer in the chicken suit were immediately flagged by other officers standing by and issued citations for failing to yield to a pedestrian. A video of the chicken exercise was \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/collinrugg/status/1837639499247178090?s=12\"> posted on X\u003c/a>, drawing about 6 million views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many different kinds of educational frames we can put on what is happening on the roadway that don’t involve planner speak or engineering speak,” Riggs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a formal veto request letter to Newsom, the California Senate Republican Caucus called SB 961 “overly prescriptive” and said that “the real focus should be on increasing law enforcement presence in our communities and appropriately punishing those who blatantly disregard traffic laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cathy Chase, the president of Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety, which supported the bill, said, “We need to flip the script and think about how many people are being killed on our roadways — preventably — when we have solutions at hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We need a multipronged approach where there is more effective law enforcement of traffic safety violations, and also the use of available technology to slow cars down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsey, of Walk SF, said she was not at all surprised about pushback against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They fought seatbelts, by the way, they fought windshield wipers, they fought airbags, they fought the rearview cameras,” she said, referring to the auto industry and anti-regulatory lawmakers. “They fight all of this stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/long-covid\">Long COVID\u003c/a> patients and advocates in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> have spent years pushing for a concerted effort toward research, prevention and a cure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re now hopeful that the increasingly widespread chronic condition that follows many COVID-19 infections will soon be better understood, thanks to legislation introduced Friday in the House of Representatives that would provide $10 billion in funding for long COVID research and education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long COVID Research Moonshot Act, proposed by Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and co-sponsored by Rep.\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973684\"> Barbara Lee\u003c/a> (D-Oakland), is a companion bill to one that Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/senate-bill/4964/cosponsors?s=2&r=2&q=%7B%22search%22%3A%22bernie+sanders%22%7D\">introduced\u003c/a> in the Senate in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s huge for us,” said Lisa McCorkell, an Oakland resident who co-founded the Patient-Led Research Collaborative. The PLRC is a group of researchers living with long COVID and other related chronic conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really shows that this bill has broad support — as it should — because it’s aiming to address the crisis of long COVID in a way that puts the resources that are necessary behind it,” McCorkell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986724/after-months-long-coma-this-latino-immigrant-worker-is-still-fighting-mysterious-symptoms\">symptoms of long COVID\u003c/a> often include brain fog and fatigue. Many people found to have it have also been diagnosed with conditions like \u003ca href=\"https://solvecfs.org/me-cfs-long-covid/about-the-disease/\">myalgic encephalomyelitis/chronic fatigue syndrome\u003c/a> (ME/CF) and \u003ca href=\"https://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/health/conditions-and-diseases/postural-orthostatic-tachycardia-syndrome-pots\">postural orthostatic tachycardia syndrome\u003c/a> (POTS). These chronic, complex immune diseases can profoundly limit the wellness and productivity of patients and, like long COVID, are often triggered by an infection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have also found that COVID-19 can cause immune system \u003ca href=\"https://www.yalemedicine.org/news/the-long-covid-puzzle-autoimmunity-inflammation-and-other-possible-causes#:~:text=The%20theory%20is%20that%20COVID,in%20those%20with%20Long%20COVID.\">dysfunction\u003c/a>, allowing dormant infections, like the virus that causes Epstein-Barr disease or the bacteria that causes Lyme disease, to reemerge. And while vaccines have ensured bouts of COVID-19 are less likely to be deadly than they were at the pandemic’s start, every infection makes you more \u003ca href=\"https://www.unmc.edu/healthsecurity/transmission/2023/12/27/every-covid-infection-increases-your-risk-of-long-covid-study-warns/\">susceptible \u003c/a>to contracting long COVID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006600 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1668874864-1020x646.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Linda Geng, co-director of the Stanford Post-Acute COVID-19 Syndrome Clinic, said long COVID has become a “huge public health problem,” affecting millions of people in the United States long term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though physicians have an FDA-approved therapeutic toolkit for COVID-19, they currently have “minimal to no evidence-based strategies” to help those who have long COVID or who may develop it in the future, Geng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long COVID Research Moonshot Act would create a new research center within the National Institutes of Health to study the condition and other related illnesses, like ME/CFS and POTS. The center would house a new database tracking long COVID cases, an advisory board, and new grant processes to accelerate clinical trials, according to a report by \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/09/ilhan-omar-bernie-long-covid-house-bill/\">\u003cem>Mother Jones\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation would also fund public health education and clinics dedicated to long COVID care, especially in underserved communities — and would require any new treatments developed through the act to be reasonably priced and accessible to more patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area’s Umoja Health, which serves the COVID-19 and health needs of people of color, was an early sponsor of the Sanders bill. Co-founder Kim Rhoads described how long COVID can transform patients’ lives and contribute to long-term disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve heard stories of folks who now have a hospital bed in their house where the family member who was affected by long COVID lives,” Rhoads said. “Folks who do not like to get out of bed, have burning feet and difficulty walking or have exertional malaise, which is basically a fatigue that can come over people after just doing simple things like cooking a meal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhoads said the disease has largely been ignored or treated like a seasonal virus, such as the flu. “There are political reasons to deny that there are any long-term effects of COVID,” Rhoads said, “to allow for us to ‘get back to normal.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her work, Rhoads has seen firsthand how communities of color and disabled people have been disproportionately harmed by long COVID. Historically marginalized groups are also on the frontlines of infections and suffer from the highest mortality rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disabled people \u003ca href=\"https://www.cidrap.umn.edu/covid-19/long-covid-rate-among-disabled-people-double-able-bodied\">are twice as likely\u003c/a> to contract long COVID as nondisabled people, said Sabrina Epstein, a policy analyst with Disability Rights California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is deeply an equity and justice issue,” said Epstein, whose disability makes her at risk for long COVID. “The research proposed by this bill has the potential to benefit folks in the disability and chronic illness community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/long-covid\">Long COVID\u003c/a> patients and advocates in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> have spent years pushing for a concerted effort toward research, prevention and a cure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re now hopeful that the increasingly widespread chronic condition that follows many COVID-19 infections will soon be better understood, thanks to legislation introduced Friday in the House of Representatives that would provide $10 billion in funding for long COVID research and education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long COVID Research Moonshot Act, proposed by Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and co-sponsored by Rep.\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973684\"> Barbara Lee\u003c/a> (D-Oakland), is a companion bill to one that Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/senate-bill/4964/cosponsors?s=2&r=2&q=%7B%22search%22%3A%22bernie+sanders%22%7D\">introduced\u003c/a> in the Senate in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s huge for us,” said Lisa McCorkell, an Oakland resident who co-founded the Patient-Led Research Collaborative. The PLRC is a group of researchers living with long COVID and other related chronic conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really shows that this bill has broad support — as it should — because it’s aiming to address the crisis of long COVID in a way that puts the resources that are necessary behind it,” McCorkell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986724/after-months-long-coma-this-latino-immigrant-worker-is-still-fighting-mysterious-symptoms\">symptoms of long COVID\u003c/a> often include brain fog and fatigue. Many people found to have it have also been diagnosed with conditions like \u003ca href=\"https://solvecfs.org/me-cfs-long-covid/about-the-disease/\">myalgic encephalomyelitis/chronic fatigue syndrome\u003c/a> (ME/CF) and \u003ca href=\"https://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/health/conditions-and-diseases/postural-orthostatic-tachycardia-syndrome-pots\">postural orthostatic tachycardia syndrome\u003c/a> (POTS). These chronic, complex immune diseases can profoundly limit the wellness and productivity of patients and, like long COVID, are often triggered by an infection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have also found that COVID-19 can cause immune system \u003ca href=\"https://www.yalemedicine.org/news/the-long-covid-puzzle-autoimmunity-inflammation-and-other-possible-causes#:~:text=The%20theory%20is%20that%20COVID,in%20those%20with%20Long%20COVID.\">dysfunction\u003c/a>, allowing dormant infections, like the virus that causes Epstein-Barr disease or the bacteria that causes Lyme disease, to reemerge. And while vaccines have ensured bouts of COVID-19 are less likely to be deadly than they were at the pandemic’s start, every infection makes you more \u003ca href=\"https://www.unmc.edu/healthsecurity/transmission/2023/12/27/every-covid-infection-increases-your-risk-of-long-covid-study-warns/\">susceptible \u003c/a>to contracting long COVID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Linda Geng, co-director of the Stanford Post-Acute COVID-19 Syndrome Clinic, said long COVID has become a “huge public health problem,” affecting millions of people in the United States long term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though physicians have an FDA-approved therapeutic toolkit for COVID-19, they currently have “minimal to no evidence-based strategies” to help those who have long COVID or who may develop it in the future, Geng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long COVID Research Moonshot Act would create a new research center within the National Institutes of Health to study the condition and other related illnesses, like ME/CFS and POTS. The center would house a new database tracking long COVID cases, an advisory board, and new grant processes to accelerate clinical trials, according to a report by \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/09/ilhan-omar-bernie-long-covid-house-bill/\">\u003cem>Mother Jones\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation would also fund public health education and clinics dedicated to long COVID care, especially in underserved communities — and would require any new treatments developed through the act to be reasonably priced and accessible to more patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area’s Umoja Health, which serves the COVID-19 and health needs of people of color, was an early sponsor of the Sanders bill. Co-founder Kim Rhoads described how long COVID can transform patients’ lives and contribute to long-term disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve heard stories of folks who now have a hospital bed in their house where the family member who was affected by long COVID lives,” Rhoads said. “Folks who do not like to get out of bed, have burning feet and difficulty walking or have exertional malaise, which is basically a fatigue that can come over people after just doing simple things like cooking a meal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhoads said the disease has largely been ignored or treated like a seasonal virus, such as the flu. “There are political reasons to deny that there are any long-term effects of COVID,” Rhoads said, “to allow for us to ‘get back to normal.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her work, Rhoads has seen firsthand how communities of color and disabled people have been disproportionately harmed by long COVID. Historically marginalized groups are also on the frontlines of infections and suffer from the highest mortality rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disabled people \u003ca href=\"https://www.cidrap.umn.edu/covid-19/long-covid-rate-among-disabled-people-double-able-bodied\">are twice as likely\u003c/a> to contract long COVID as nondisabled people, said Sabrina Epstein, a policy analyst with Disability Rights California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is deeply an equity and justice issue,” said Epstein, whose disability makes her at risk for long COVID. “The research proposed by this bill has the potential to benefit folks in the disability and chronic illness community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, arts and culture columnist Pendarvis Harshaw joins us to break down Prop. 6, an amendment to the California Constitution that would ban forced labor in prisons.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This episode has been updated to clarify the status of California’s volunteer firefighter program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1694673417&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:02] Let’s take it back to history class real quick. In 1865, the U.S. ratified the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, otherwise known as the Prohibition Clause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:17] This is the clause that we were all taught banned slavery and involuntary servitude in the United States once and for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:25] Which it did, except not completely. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:32] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. And you’re listening to Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious where we help you get smart on all the statewide propositions on your ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:45] The Constitution says slavery and involuntary servitude are prohibited except as punishment for convicted crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:54] That exception has allowed dozens of states, including California, to force incarcerated people to work in prisons whether they want to or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:04] Proposition 6 hopes to close that loophole once and for all and begin limiting forced labor in California state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] Today, we’re going to break down Proposition 6 for you right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:22] Today we’re talking about Proposition 6. Here’s how it will read on your ballot. Prop 6 amends the California Constitution to remove current provision that allows jails and prisons to impose involuntary servitude to punish crime, i.e., forcing incarcerated persons to work. Today, we talk with KQED arts and culture columnist Pendarvis Harshaw to help us break down what Prop 6 is all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:51] Your story on prison labor mentions a poultry processing enterprise at a state prison near the Central Valley. I mean, there’s really it seems like a really wide range of jobs that California inmates are doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:02:24] It’s the notion of what you can see, you know about, what you don’t see. You have no idea. People who are residents of different institutions around the state work on everything from furniture that appears in college dorm rooms to license plates and and things of that nature, even working internally and doing maintenance. Somebody told me about working on the big industrial dryers inside of a women’s facility. There are a lot of education or jobs or even counseling jobs that people who are incarcerated do as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:59] And some of this is, I mean, really dangerous work, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:03:04] Yeah. There’s the maintenance work that that can be done inside of prisons. Definitely dangerous. And not all jobs are blue collar or a front line. There are a lot of education or jobs or even counseling jobs that people who are incarcerated do as well. Folks have shared with me that some of them make $0.11 an hour or $0.14 an hour. And a lot of that goes not even directly into their pocket, can go into anything from health care to restitution. There are people who work for ducats or tokens, which essentially goes to time earned against their sentence. So they might get out sooner because of their labor. In southern states you’ve seen there are examples of people who work in chain gangs. And so the parallels between that and slavery are like clear present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:55] Because there are also consequences for some folks inside of prisons. If you don’t want to work right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:02] If you get assigned a job and you do not work, then yes, you can be penalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:06] So enter then Prop 6 Pen, which would amend California’s constitution and prohibit the state from punishing inmates with involuntary work assignments. Can you talk a little bit more about the changes that Prop 6 would make exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:27] Prop six would essentially ban involuntary servitude in California prisons. California’s just the latest to try to close this loophole in the past two years. Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont have all passed legislation in order to change this. This is a byproduct of years of work from different organizations and legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Asm. Lori Wilson \u003c/strong>[00:04:48] California is among only 16 states with an exception clause for involuntary servitude.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:55] This particular year, Legislative Black Caucus. Lori Wilson did a lot of work to get this off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Asm. Lori Wilson \u003c/strong>[00:05:01] Slavery takes on the modern form of involuntary servitude, including forced labor in prisons. Slavery is wrong, and all forms in California should be clear and denouncing that in our Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:16] There’s been a lot of support by the organization that I talked to, all of us or None, which is a community group that’s based in Oakland, California. Their work is to help formerly incarcerated folks return to society, as well as to get behind initiatives like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:05:33] We want to give people the choice of whether or not they choose to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:38] Lawrence Cox is one of three people that I talk to who work for All of Us Or None. They filled me in on some background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:05:44] For us here in California. This is the fourth consecutive year that we’ve attempted to make that reach the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:51] Saying it’s about humanity, it’s about labor rights. And then beyond that, it’s about this capitalist system. And Lawrence Cox talked about this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:06:00] We’re not only trying to change the Constitution because we’re not talking about symbolism. We’re focused on creating airtight solutions that prevent the exploitation of individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:12] Who else do we know is for Prop six?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:06:17] Other organizations that are in favor of Prop six are orgs that do the work for people who are incarcerated, families who are incarcerated and people who are reentering society. So the anti recidivism coalition, ACLU of Northern California, organizations that are on the frontlines working with these folks who have been impacted by the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:37] And do we know what like the money is looking like in terms of support for Prop six? Who’s throwing coin basically into the Yes on Prop six campaign?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:06:49] It’s it’s a tilted scale. Nearly $500,000 worth of support behind Prop six. And there have been $0 spent on the no side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:03] There’s no official opposition to Prop six, but the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association has said it opposes it. There have also been a few newspaper editorial boards that call on voters to reject Prop six. The Bay Area News Group argued in a recent op ed that says, quote, Requiring inmates to sweep floors, clean the bathrooms or cook in the kitchen is reasonable. If we expect the same of ourselves and our children, if we insist members of the military conduct those chores, certainly we can ask incarcerated, convicted criminals to do the same, unquote. This also isn’t the first time advocates have tried to pass a similar idea. Back in 2020, the End Slavery in California Act was first introduced. But after two years in the legislature, it failed because lawmakers were worried about how much it would cost. That’s why this time, Prop six allows inmates to volunteer for work assignments without pay, but only if they want to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:18] Well, I know you visited San Quentin earlier this year, and I’m curious where you heard from people. Did any of this sort of conversation that we’re having now come up in your visit there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:08:31] It came up naturally. I was in San Quentin in early August, tagging along with a group of journalists, doing a more or less a media day just to get a sense of the media that was being produced out of San Quentin. And of course, if you’re producing media, you’re working and you should be compensated for your work. And so naturally, the conversation would come up like, how much do you make? It was mind blowing because it was said like it was just common or even laughed at like here, you know, just making a little $0.14 here and there, almost saying it in jest or saying it and moving on to the next topic. People have told me that they are looking for employment or some type of work because busy hands stay out of trouble, more or less. The people that I talked to much older understand how prison works and know that by being occupied with their time, it’s a benefit to them. How much do people get compensated? How many people can work? What type of rights do they have? It’s start of a much larger discussion, or probably even the continuation of a conversation that’s been happening for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:34] Well, Pen, thank you so much for breaking this down for us. We really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:09:39] Thank you. Thank you for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:44] In a nutshell, a yes vote on Prop six means involuntary servitude would not be allowed as punishment for crime and that California prisons would not be allowed to discipline people in prison who refuse to work. A no vote means involuntary servitude would continue to be allowed as punishment for a crime in California. And that is it for today’s episode of Prop Fest. If you missed our other episodes, you can always find them at kqed.org/prop fest. Stay locked in and make sure you are subscribed so you don’t miss out on the next ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:10:30] Prop fest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious Podcasts. It is produced by Alan Montecillo, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Christopher Beale, Amanda Font, Jessica Kariisa, and me, Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:45] We get extra support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, and Holly Kernan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:10:52] And the whole KQED family. For more super helpful info on both state and local elections, make sure to bookmark KQED is handy Election guide at kqed.org/voter Guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:11:08] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back next week with an explainer on prop 32, which would raise California’s minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:16] Talk to you then.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, arts and culture columnist Pendarvis Harshaw joins us to break down Prop. 6, an amendment to the California Constitution that would ban forced labor in prisons.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This episode has been updated to clarify the status of California’s volunteer firefighter program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1694673417&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:02] Let’s take it back to history class real quick. In 1865, the U.S. ratified the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, otherwise known as the Prohibition Clause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:17] This is the clause that we were all taught banned slavery and involuntary servitude in the United States once and for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:25] Which it did, except not completely. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:32] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. And you’re listening to Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious where we help you get smart on all the statewide propositions on your ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:45] The Constitution says slavery and involuntary servitude are prohibited except as punishment for convicted crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:54] That exception has allowed dozens of states, including California, to force incarcerated people to work in prisons whether they want to or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:04] Proposition 6 hopes to close that loophole once and for all and begin limiting forced labor in California state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] Today, we’re going to break down Proposition 6 for you right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:22] Today we’re talking about Proposition 6. Here’s how it will read on your ballot. Prop 6 amends the California Constitution to remove current provision that allows jails and prisons to impose involuntary servitude to punish crime, i.e., forcing incarcerated persons to work. Today, we talk with KQED arts and culture columnist Pendarvis Harshaw to help us break down what Prop 6 is all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:51] Your story on prison labor mentions a poultry processing enterprise at a state prison near the Central Valley. I mean, there’s really it seems like a really wide range of jobs that California inmates are doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:02:24] It’s the notion of what you can see, you know about, what you don’t see. You have no idea. People who are residents of different institutions around the state work on everything from furniture that appears in college dorm rooms to license plates and and things of that nature, even working internally and doing maintenance. Somebody told me about working on the big industrial dryers inside of a women’s facility. There are a lot of education or jobs or even counseling jobs that people who are incarcerated do as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:59] And some of this is, I mean, really dangerous work, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:03:04] Yeah. There’s the maintenance work that that can be done inside of prisons. Definitely dangerous. And not all jobs are blue collar or a front line. There are a lot of education or jobs or even counseling jobs that people who are incarcerated do as well. Folks have shared with me that some of them make $0.11 an hour or $0.14 an hour. And a lot of that goes not even directly into their pocket, can go into anything from health care to restitution. There are people who work for ducats or tokens, which essentially goes to time earned against their sentence. So they might get out sooner because of their labor. In southern states you’ve seen there are examples of people who work in chain gangs. And so the parallels between that and slavery are like clear present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:55] Because there are also consequences for some folks inside of prisons. If you don’t want to work right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:02] If you get assigned a job and you do not work, then yes, you can be penalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:06] So enter then Prop 6 Pen, which would amend California’s constitution and prohibit the state from punishing inmates with involuntary work assignments. Can you talk a little bit more about the changes that Prop 6 would make exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:27] Prop six would essentially ban involuntary servitude in California prisons. California’s just the latest to try to close this loophole in the past two years. Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont have all passed legislation in order to change this. This is a byproduct of years of work from different organizations and legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Asm. Lori Wilson \u003c/strong>[00:04:48] California is among only 16 states with an exception clause for involuntary servitude.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:55] This particular year, Legislative Black Caucus. Lori Wilson did a lot of work to get this off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Asm. Lori Wilson \u003c/strong>[00:05:01] Slavery takes on the modern form of involuntary servitude, including forced labor in prisons. Slavery is wrong, and all forms in California should be clear and denouncing that in our Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:16] There’s been a lot of support by the organization that I talked to, all of us or None, which is a community group that’s based in Oakland, California. Their work is to help formerly incarcerated folks return to society, as well as to get behind initiatives like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:05:33] We want to give people the choice of whether or not they choose to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:38] Lawrence Cox is one of three people that I talk to who work for All of Us Or None. They filled me in on some background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:05:44] For us here in California. This is the fourth consecutive year that we’ve attempted to make that reach the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:51] Saying it’s about humanity, it’s about labor rights. And then beyond that, it’s about this capitalist system. And Lawrence Cox talked about this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:06:00] We’re not only trying to change the Constitution because we’re not talking about symbolism. We’re focused on creating airtight solutions that prevent the exploitation of individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:12] Who else do we know is for Prop six?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:06:17] Other organizations that are in favor of Prop six are orgs that do the work for people who are incarcerated, families who are incarcerated and people who are reentering society. So the anti recidivism coalition, ACLU of Northern California, organizations that are on the frontlines working with these folks who have been impacted by the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:37] And do we know what like the money is looking like in terms of support for Prop six? Who’s throwing coin basically into the Yes on Prop six campaign?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:06:49] It’s it’s a tilted scale. Nearly $500,000 worth of support behind Prop six. And there have been $0 spent on the no side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:03] There’s no official opposition to Prop six, but the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association has said it opposes it. There have also been a few newspaper editorial boards that call on voters to reject Prop six. The Bay Area News Group argued in a recent op ed that says, quote, Requiring inmates to sweep floors, clean the bathrooms or cook in the kitchen is reasonable. If we expect the same of ourselves and our children, if we insist members of the military conduct those chores, certainly we can ask incarcerated, convicted criminals to do the same, unquote. This also isn’t the first time advocates have tried to pass a similar idea. Back in 2020, the End Slavery in California Act was first introduced. But after two years in the legislature, it failed because lawmakers were worried about how much it would cost. That’s why this time, Prop six allows inmates to volunteer for work assignments without pay, but only if they want to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:18] Well, I know you visited San Quentin earlier this year, and I’m curious where you heard from people. Did any of this sort of conversation that we’re having now come up in your visit there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:08:31] It came up naturally. I was in San Quentin in early August, tagging along with a group of journalists, doing a more or less a media day just to get a sense of the media that was being produced out of San Quentin. And of course, if you’re producing media, you’re working and you should be compensated for your work. And so naturally, the conversation would come up like, how much do you make? It was mind blowing because it was said like it was just common or even laughed at like here, you know, just making a little $0.14 here and there, almost saying it in jest or saying it and moving on to the next topic. People have told me that they are looking for employment or some type of work because busy hands stay out of trouble, more or less. The people that I talked to much older understand how prison works and know that by being occupied with their time, it’s a benefit to them. How much do people get compensated? How many people can work? What type of rights do they have? It’s start of a much larger discussion, or probably even the continuation of a conversation that’s been happening for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:34] Well, Pen, thank you so much for breaking this down for us. We really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:09:39] Thank you. Thank you for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:44] In a nutshell, a yes vote on Prop six means involuntary servitude would not be allowed as punishment for crime and that California prisons would not be allowed to discipline people in prison who refuse to work. A no vote means involuntary servitude would continue to be allowed as punishment for a crime in California. And that is it for today’s episode of Prop Fest. If you missed our other episodes, you can always find them at kqed.org/prop fest. Stay locked in and make sure you are subscribed so you don’t miss out on the next ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:10:30] Prop fest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious Podcasts. It is produced by Alan Montecillo, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Christopher Beale, Amanda Font, Jessica Kariisa, and me, Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:45] We get extra support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, and Holly Kernan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:10:52] And the whole KQED family. For more super helpful info on both state and local elections, make sure to bookmark KQED is handy Election guide at kqed.org/voter Guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:11:08] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back next week with an explainer on prop 32, which would raise California’s minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The chief investigator for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>’s public watchdog has announced his resignation, citing a “long-term” failure to provide the independent panel with necessary resources even as it probes a number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\">high-profile ethics allegations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon Russell, who has worked on Oakland’s Public Ethics Commission for eight years, including two as its chief enforcement officer, told commission leaders in a letter last week that he will resign in late October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His resignation is due to both personal and “structural” circumstances, the primary being a lack of staffing resources that he believes is “largely deliberate,” according to the letter, first obtained by \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/09/25/oaklands-chief-ethics-investigator-quits/\">\u003cem>Oaklandside\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For several years, I have worked long hours far beyond what is reported on my timecard, attempting to do almost single-handedly what other agencies employ entire teams of attorneys and investigators to accomplish,” Russell wrote in the letter. “I persisted in this because I genuinely cared about doing whatever I could to combat the serious bribery, campaign finance exploitation, and other corruption that was undermining the great people of Oakland’s democratic rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PEC’s enforcement department is just two people, and as of its September report, the commission had 140 open complaints, according to executive director Nicolas Heidorn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chief Russell’s service to the Commission and people of Oakland was exceptional,” Heidorn said in an email. “This is a big loss for the Commission and underscores the urgent need for additional enforcement resources for the Commission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell said in his letter that the city has “continually failed to allocate any meaningful additional resources” to the enforcement division despite his repeated attempts to highlight the understaffing issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can only conclude that this failure is largely deliberate, even despite (or perhaps because of) the considerable public interest in our cases that have been brought partially to light,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005223 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, the PEC has been involved in multiple high-profile probes, including the investigation into an alleged campaign contribution laundering scheme linked to members of the Duong family, the politically connected owners of California Waste Solutions, Oakland’s curbside recycling provider. Attention to the case was reinvigorated in June \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992073/oakland-fbi-raids-and-straw-donor-probe-spur-allegations-of-corruption\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">after the FBI raided a location associated with California Waste Solutions\u003c/a>, along with the homes of the company’s founder, David Duong, and his son, Andy Duong, as well as Mayor Sheng Thao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a declaration filed in a case the PEC brought against one of the alleged straw donors in 2020, Russell alleged that multiple people told him they had received cash from Andy Duong in exchange for checks to political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, members of the Duong family and its company have faced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992073/oakland-fbi-raids-and-straw-donor-probe-spur-allegations-of-corruption\">accusations\u003c/a> that they funneled tens of thousands of dollars through straw donors to various campaigns, including nearly $10,000 to Thao’s 2018 City Council run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, the PEC opened an investigation into Oakland United to Recall Sheng Thao, or OUST, the campaign to recall Oakland’s mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\"> filed a complaint\u003c/a> alleging that OUST was using a recently formed nonprofit and political action committee, Foundational Oakland Unites, as a pass-through to obscure the source of some donations in violation of campaign finance reporting laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell’s last day with the PEC will be Oct. 25. The commission aims to hire a new enforcement chief as soon as possible, Heidorn said, adding that the ability to allocate additional funds to the enforcement division lies with the mayor and City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Oakland residents will vote on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/measures#measure-oo\">Measure OO\u003c/a>, which, if passed, would increase the commission’s staffing requirements to include an additional ethics investigator by July 2026 amid other reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Simon Russell says Oakland has long failed to provide the Public Ethics Commission with necessary staffing, even as it investigates a number of high-profile cases.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The chief investigator for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>’s public watchdog has announced his resignation, citing a “long-term” failure to provide the independent panel with necessary resources even as it probes a number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\">high-profile ethics allegations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon Russell, who has worked on Oakland’s Public Ethics Commission for eight years, including two as its chief enforcement officer, told commission leaders in a letter last week that he will resign in late October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His resignation is due to both personal and “structural” circumstances, the primary being a lack of staffing resources that he believes is “largely deliberate,” according to the letter, first obtained by \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/09/25/oaklands-chief-ethics-investigator-quits/\">\u003cem>Oaklandside\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For several years, I have worked long hours far beyond what is reported on my timecard, attempting to do almost single-handedly what other agencies employ entire teams of attorneys and investigators to accomplish,” Russell wrote in the letter. “I persisted in this because I genuinely cared about doing whatever I could to combat the serious bribery, campaign finance exploitation, and other corruption that was undermining the great people of Oakland’s democratic rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PEC’s enforcement department is just two people, and as of its September report, the commission had 140 open complaints, according to executive director Nicolas Heidorn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chief Russell’s service to the Commission and people of Oakland was exceptional,” Heidorn said in an email. “This is a big loss for the Commission and underscores the urgent need for additional enforcement resources for the Commission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell said in his letter that the city has “continually failed to allocate any meaningful additional resources” to the enforcement division despite his repeated attempts to highlight the understaffing issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can only conclude that this failure is largely deliberate, even despite (or perhaps because of) the considerable public interest in our cases that have been brought partially to light,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, the PEC has been involved in multiple high-profile probes, including the investigation into an alleged campaign contribution laundering scheme linked to members of the Duong family, the politically connected owners of California Waste Solutions, Oakland’s curbside recycling provider. Attention to the case was reinvigorated in June \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992073/oakland-fbi-raids-and-straw-donor-probe-spur-allegations-of-corruption\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">after the FBI raided a location associated with California Waste Solutions\u003c/a>, along with the homes of the company’s founder, David Duong, and his son, Andy Duong, as well as Mayor Sheng Thao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a declaration filed in a case the PEC brought against one of the alleged straw donors in 2020, Russell alleged that multiple people told him they had received cash from Andy Duong in exchange for checks to political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, members of the Duong family and its company have faced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992073/oakland-fbi-raids-and-straw-donor-probe-spur-allegations-of-corruption\">accusations\u003c/a> that they funneled tens of thousands of dollars through straw donors to various campaigns, including nearly $10,000 to Thao’s 2018 City Council run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, the PEC opened an investigation into Oakland United to Recall Sheng Thao, or OUST, the campaign to recall Oakland’s mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\"> filed a complaint\u003c/a> alleging that OUST was using a recently formed nonprofit and political action committee, Foundational Oakland Unites, as a pass-through to obscure the source of some donations in violation of campaign finance reporting laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell’s last day with the PEC will be Oct. 25. The commission aims to hire a new enforcement chief as soon as possible, Heidorn said, adding that the ability to allocate additional funds to the enforcement division lies with the mayor and City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Oakland residents will vote on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/measures#measure-oo\">Measure OO\u003c/a>, which, if passed, would increase the commission’s staffing requirements to include an additional ethics investigator by July 2026 amid other reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bay-area-lebanese-community-unites-amid-growing-sense-of-doom-as-israeli-strikes-mount",
"title": "Bay Area Lebanese Community Unites Amid Growing ‘Sense of Doom’ as Israeli Strikes Mount",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dr. Ramzi Salti met with his new students at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford-university\">Stanford University\u003c/a> earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Arabic language course he has taught at the university for 25 years, students read the news and discuss current events. Salti, an advanced lecturer in the school’s Arabic program, told KQED he’s unsure how to incorporate the most recent conflict in Lebanon into his curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t had time to process any of it,” said Salti, whose family left Lebanon and immigrated to the United States 45 years ago. “But you cannot have a course about current events in the Middle East and not go there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concern and anxiety have gripped the Bay Area’s Lebanese diaspora, a community of more than 5,000 people, according to estimates from the West Coast’s \u003ca href=\"https://honoraryconsulateoflebanon-uswestcoast.org/\">Honorary Consulate of Lebanon\u003c/a>, since Israel began pummeling southern Lebanon with airstrikes on Monday. More than 500 people were reportedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/world/middleeast/lebanon-civilian-death-toll-israel.html\">killed\u003c/a>, including 50 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands fled the region for Beirut, the country’s capital on the Mediterranean coast. The airstrikes follow a series of pager and other device explosions across the country facilitated by Israel. The coordinated attack on Hezbollah killed at least \u003ca href=\"https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/09/24/hezbollah-pager-explosions-lebanon-israel-middle-east-iran-us-policy/\">40 people\u003c/a> and injured 3,000 others. Israel and Hezbollah, an Iran-backed militia and political party in Lebanon, have been locked in almost daily cross-border skirmishes since the Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of Richard Kadi’s family lives near Saida, a city in southern Lebanon. The barrages fuel constant worries about his cousins and uncles. Kadi, who lives in Belmont, checks on them daily. It’s difficult, he said, for them to escape the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006424\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006424\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae on Sept. 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The roads are congested,” Kadi said. “They are really afraid that there won’t be any gas for the cars, or there won’t be any food or bread. People are worried and scared, and they don’t know how far this is going to escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MJ Azzi, who came to the United States as a student six years ago, is in constant communication with her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very scared,” she said. “They say that whatever it is that they have been dreading to happen for the past many months is happening right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti said that the situation has spiraled more dramatically than his friends and family in Lebanon expected. They’re now afraid the country could get dragged into the worst conflict in its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there is a sense of doom, unfortunately, that has overtaken people who maybe had too rosy of a picture before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti remembers what he calls “a beautiful childhood” in the country. Lebanon was a cultural powerhouse for much of the 20th century. It has the most \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-14647308\">liberal media\u003c/a> in any Arab country. Lebanese artists produced Arabic-language pop music, books and movies, and Beirut was known as the “Paris of the Middle East.” Many Lebanese people speak Arabic, English and French, and the country’s many religious and ethnic minorities are guaranteed representation in government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005195 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-018-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordered by Syria to the north and east and Israel to the south, Lebanon was stable for three decades after gaining independence from France in the early 1940s. Salti recalled the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975, which began as a clash between Lebanese Christians and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Then, the U.S., Syria, Israel and Iran got involved in the 15-year conflict that displaced nearly 1 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waves of Lebanese have left the country since. Many fled when Israel invaded and occupied southern Lebanon in 1982 and again in 2006 during the Israel-Hezbollah war. Hezbollah was founded after Israel’s invasion in 1982.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The history looms heavily over this week’s fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been the story of Lebanon for the past 50 years,” said Kadi, who emigrated from Lebanon 24 years ago. “Every now and then, there’s been bombardment attacks or airplanes flying over our heads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Younger Lebanese, like Azzi, have been traumatized by the periodic violence, as well as the port explosion that rocked Beirut in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can never plan for the future,” said Azzi, 27. “I grew up in a climate of instability, and it just feels like it’s been the same for as long as I’ve known.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to the second-largest Lebanese diaspora in the U.S. after Michigan. Thousands gather annually at the Bay Area Lebanese Festival held in August in downtown Redwood City. On weekends, Kadi and friends play soccer and cards together, and they meet on Sundays at Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kadi isn’t part of a political organization, he and others in the community share their opinions about the inflamed tensions in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People see things differently, from different perspectives,” Kadi said. “Of course, people blame Hezbollah. But at the end of the day, it’s the bigger power who can actually serve justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Bay Area politicians have called for an end to the violence. East Bay Congressman Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord), who voted against providing offensive weapons to Israel earlier this year, is among the elected officials urging the Biden administration to pursue a ceasefire in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d like to see America assert that there has to be a regional and international pressure on both sides to stop and to get to a discussion about long-term peace, which means coexistence,” DeSaulnier said. “We’re tempting World War III. Not to be over reactionary, but smaller conflicts, as history has taught us, can escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his final speech addressing the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday, President Joe Biden said, “Nobody wants to see full-scale war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A solution is still possible,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Salti and Kadi hoped for a stronger statement from Biden. As they wait for a ceasefire, they find hope in community and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he’s not teaching, Salti hosts a radio program and podcast called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993183/ramzi-salti-champions-indie-arab-musicians-with-arabology-podcast\">Arabology\u003c/a>. Each \u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/arabology/sets/podcasts\">two-hour episode\u003c/a> is filled with facts about Arabic music and artists, woven through an array of indie-Arabic tracks and remixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s planning an episode on Lebanese music featuring, Salti said, “everything that’s beautiful about Lebanon, not the war and destruction.” Included in the mix is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hb7WKF3WLV0\">I Love You, Lebanon\u003c/a>,” a song released in 1970 by Fairuz, whom he called “the Diva of Lebanon.” The nostalgic lyrics summarize the love that a lot of Lebanese have for their country, Salti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a song about peace, about loving Lebanon through its best times and worst times,” he said. “It’s the best medication I could recommend right now in terms of Lebanese music that can be healing and empowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dr. Ramzi Salti met with his new students at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford-university\">Stanford University\u003c/a> earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Arabic language course he has taught at the university for 25 years, students read the news and discuss current events. Salti, an advanced lecturer in the school’s Arabic program, told KQED he’s unsure how to incorporate the most recent conflict in Lebanon into his curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t had time to process any of it,” said Salti, whose family left Lebanon and immigrated to the United States 45 years ago. “But you cannot have a course about current events in the Middle East and not go there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concern and anxiety have gripped the Bay Area’s Lebanese diaspora, a community of more than 5,000 people, according to estimates from the West Coast’s \u003ca href=\"https://honoraryconsulateoflebanon-uswestcoast.org/\">Honorary Consulate of Lebanon\u003c/a>, since Israel began pummeling southern Lebanon with airstrikes on Monday. More than 500 people were reportedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/world/middleeast/lebanon-civilian-death-toll-israel.html\">killed\u003c/a>, including 50 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands fled the region for Beirut, the country’s capital on the Mediterranean coast. The airstrikes follow a series of pager and other device explosions across the country facilitated by Israel. The coordinated attack on Hezbollah killed at least \u003ca href=\"https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/09/24/hezbollah-pager-explosions-lebanon-israel-middle-east-iran-us-policy/\">40 people\u003c/a> and injured 3,000 others. Israel and Hezbollah, an Iran-backed militia and political party in Lebanon, have been locked in almost daily cross-border skirmishes since the Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of Richard Kadi’s family lives near Saida, a city in southern Lebanon. The barrages fuel constant worries about his cousins and uncles. Kadi, who lives in Belmont, checks on them daily. It’s difficult, he said, for them to escape the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006424\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006424\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae on Sept. 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The roads are congested,” Kadi said. “They are really afraid that there won’t be any gas for the cars, or there won’t be any food or bread. People are worried and scared, and they don’t know how far this is going to escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MJ Azzi, who came to the United States as a student six years ago, is in constant communication with her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very scared,” she said. “They say that whatever it is that they have been dreading to happen for the past many months is happening right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti said that the situation has spiraled more dramatically than his friends and family in Lebanon expected. They’re now afraid the country could get dragged into the worst conflict in its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there is a sense of doom, unfortunately, that has overtaken people who maybe had too rosy of a picture before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti remembers what he calls “a beautiful childhood” in the country. Lebanon was a cultural powerhouse for much of the 20th century. It has the most \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-14647308\">liberal media\u003c/a> in any Arab country. Lebanese artists produced Arabic-language pop music, books and movies, and Beirut was known as the “Paris of the Middle East.” Many Lebanese people speak Arabic, English and French, and the country’s many religious and ethnic minorities are guaranteed representation in government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordered by Syria to the north and east and Israel to the south, Lebanon was stable for three decades after gaining independence from France in the early 1940s. Salti recalled the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975, which began as a clash between Lebanese Christians and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Then, the U.S., Syria, Israel and Iran got involved in the 15-year conflict that displaced nearly 1 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waves of Lebanese have left the country since. Many fled when Israel invaded and occupied southern Lebanon in 1982 and again in 2006 during the Israel-Hezbollah war. Hezbollah was founded after Israel’s invasion in 1982.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The history looms heavily over this week’s fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been the story of Lebanon for the past 50 years,” said Kadi, who emigrated from Lebanon 24 years ago. “Every now and then, there’s been bombardment attacks or airplanes flying over our heads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Younger Lebanese, like Azzi, have been traumatized by the periodic violence, as well as the port explosion that rocked Beirut in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can never plan for the future,” said Azzi, 27. “I grew up in a climate of instability, and it just feels like it’s been the same for as long as I’ve known.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to the second-largest Lebanese diaspora in the U.S. after Michigan. Thousands gather annually at the Bay Area Lebanese Festival held in August in downtown Redwood City. On weekends, Kadi and friends play soccer and cards together, and they meet on Sundays at Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kadi isn’t part of a political organization, he and others in the community share their opinions about the inflamed tensions in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People see things differently, from different perspectives,” Kadi said. “Of course, people blame Hezbollah. But at the end of the day, it’s the bigger power who can actually serve justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Bay Area politicians have called for an end to the violence. East Bay Congressman Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord), who voted against providing offensive weapons to Israel earlier this year, is among the elected officials urging the Biden administration to pursue a ceasefire in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d like to see America assert that there has to be a regional and international pressure on both sides to stop and to get to a discussion about long-term peace, which means coexistence,” DeSaulnier said. “We’re tempting World War III. Not to be over reactionary, but smaller conflicts, as history has taught us, can escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his final speech addressing the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday, President Joe Biden said, “Nobody wants to see full-scale war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A solution is still possible,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Salti and Kadi hoped for a stronger statement from Biden. As they wait for a ceasefire, they find hope in community and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he’s not teaching, Salti hosts a radio program and podcast called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993183/ramzi-salti-champions-indie-arab-musicians-with-arabology-podcast\">Arabology\u003c/a>. Each \u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/arabology/sets/podcasts\">two-hour episode\u003c/a> is filled with facts about Arabic music and artists, woven through an array of indie-Arabic tracks and remixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s planning an episode on Lebanese music featuring, Salti said, “everything that’s beautiful about Lebanon, not the war and destruction.” Included in the mix is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hb7WKF3WLV0\">I Love You, Lebanon\u003c/a>,” a song released in 1970 by Fairuz, whom he called “the Diva of Lebanon.” The nostalgic lyrics summarize the love that a lot of Lebanese have for their country, Salti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a song about peace, about loving Lebanon through its best times and worst times,” he said. “It’s the best medication I could recommend right now in terms of Lebanese music that can be healing and empowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "transcript-proposition-5-would-lower-the-voting-threshold-for-certain-local-bond-measures",
"title": "Proposition 5 Would Lower the Voting Threshold for Certain Local Bond Measures",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 5 Would Lower the Voting Threshold for Certain Local Bond Measures | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi helps us parse through the nuances of Proposition 5, which asks voters to lower the threshold to pass local bonds for affordable housing and public infrastructure from a two-thirds majority to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This episode has been updated from a previous version to clarify ramifications of Proposition 13.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3997284697&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s take a quick trip through some recent election results for local bond measures around California, shall we…?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2020. Measure A. San Diego. A $900 million bond for low-income, substance abuse, and mental health service housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 57% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Measure L. City of Berkeley. A $650 million bond to fund housing and infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 59% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Proposition A. San Francisco. A $400 million bond for transit improvements and repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 65% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I’m noticing a trend…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Indeed! California makes it difficult for local governments to borrow money. They have to ask voters for permission – and then get a SUPERMAJORITY of votes – that’s two-thirds of the vote or 66.67%. That’s meant a lot of local bond measures fail, even when they have a lot of public support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> But Proposition 5 could change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olivia Allen-Price: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay. This is Prop Fest – our podcast series that goes deep on explaining the props on California’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We’re covering ten props in ten days, all so you can vote with confidence this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Prop 5 is looking to lower the threshold of voter support needed to pass local bond measures for housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I know it sounds pretty wonky – but this one could have a big impact for local budgets … and for homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Because if more bonds start passing someone has to pay for them. And it’s probably you … or your landlord … who then passes that cost on to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> We’ll get into the details on Proposition 5 just ahead on Prop Fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SPONSOR MESSAGE\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s get into it on Proposition 5. Here’s how it will appear on your ballot…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover:\u003c/strong> Proposition 5 ALLOWS LOCAL BONDS FOR AFFORDABLE HOUSING AND PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE WITH 55% VOTER APPROVAL. It’s a constitutional amendment that was placed on the ballot by the state legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> To help explain what’s at stake with Prop 5. I’m joined by reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi Hey, Adhiti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Hey, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 impacts how we pass local bonds in this state. So I want to start with a quick refresher for people. What exactly is a bond?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Okay, so bonds are a way for state and local governments to raise money for big projects that they want to do now, but pay over time. You might think of it as sort of like a 30-year mortgage you might have on a house, right? The bank gives you a bunch of money upfront to buy the house, and then you pay it back in small installments with interest over time. Government bonds work kind of the same way, except instead of being used to buy a house, the government uses the money for all sorts of things like renovating schools, fixing potholes, funding public transportation, things like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And right now, if a local government in California wants to borrow money, they always have to get voter approval. And not just the majority of the vote, but actually two thirds of the vote. The state, on the other hand, only needs 55% of voters’ support for their bonds. So it’s essentially harder for a city or county to pass a bond than it is for the state. What could Prop 5 change about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 wants to lower that threshold of votes that local governments would need to get from two thirds to 55%, but only for two types of bonds, affordable housing and for public infrastructure projects. Affordable housing bonds would mean money to build new affordable housing funding, down payment assistance programs, or a low income housing support, for example. Public infrastructure bonds could mean money for road repairs, water management, parks, hospitals, stuff like that. This prop also includes a rule that local governments have to put accountability measures in place so if they issue a bond. Taxpayers know where their money is going. And the interesting thing to note here is that back in 2000, voters passed a proposition that lowered the voter threshold to 55% for school bonds. So this is already something that has come up before the voters and they approved it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Can you walk through why there’s this focus specifically on housing affordability and public infrastructure bonds?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah. I mean, California’s housing affordability crisis impacts everyone. And it’s growing worse and worse every year. So much so that more people are losing their homes or moving out of the state entirely. Public infrastructure is also hard to fund. There are some hospitals that are falling into disrepair, and it’s been hard for them to get funding. Even just getting a bike lane installed on a road can be really expensive. And, you know, bond measures have some results. For example, in 2019, San Francisco passed Prop eight, which approved $600 million in bonds for affordable housing. And some of that money went to fund Shirley Chisholm Village, a development for educators in the San Francisco Unified School District. So, teacher housing. And it’s set to open this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And why lower the voter threshold?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> In short, they want more of these local bonds to have a better chance of passing. A lot of local bond measures have failed recently, despite having incredibly strong voter support. Here’s Edie Irons, who works for All Homes, an affordable housing advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Edie Irons:\u003c/strong> I was just looking at a list of like ten measures for housing across the state in the last just handful of years that failed. Because they got 55%, 59%, 60%, 66%. It’s too high of a bar. You know, a two thirds threshold is not actually a functional way to govern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, if Prop 5 passes, do we have a sense of how many more of these local bond measures would pass?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The Legislative Analyst’s Office has done an analysis on recent local election results, and they say an additional 20% to 50% of local bond measures would have passed under Proposition Five’s lower voter approval requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay. Yeah, that’s quite a bit. Now, this two thirds threshold that currently exists was set back in 1978 with the passage of Proposition 13. Folks will remember that Prop 13 was all about limiting property tax increases for homeowners. Can you walk us through why that two thirds threshold was part of Prop 13?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Totally. So when Prop 13 was introduced to the voters in the late 70s, it came at a time when property taxes were fluctuating a lot, partially because there was a huge population boom leading to an increase in demand for housing and a lot of inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s anti-tax activist Howard Jarvis, one of the big proponents of Prop 13, in a 1978 debate…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis (Archival Tape):\u003c/strong> \u003cem>The second objective of the amendment is to enable elderly people unlimited incomes, which there are 3 or 4 million in this state, to be able to retain the homes that they have bought and paid for. And who are in serious danger today, because of rapidly escalating property taxes, of losing their homes.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The property taxes rose so much that some people living on their retirements, who were on a fixed income, couldn’t keep up and some even lost their homes. Prop 13 came in and said, we’re going to make sure property taxes are tied to the home’s value when you bought the home, not the current market value, which could fluctuate. And what it also said is that it would make it harder for local governments to raise those property taxes through bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, our state government is primarily funded by income taxes. So the money you probably see taken out of your paycheck every few weeks. Our local governments are funded primarily through property taxes. So language in Prop 13 set the threshold to pass a local bond to two thirds to make it harder to pass bonds and thus less likely, homeowners would see property tax increases.\u003cbr>\nSo if Prop 5 this year passes, local governments will have an easier time approving bond measures, and it’s more likely that homeowners will see property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s the thing. Opponents of Prop 5 are worried about that. It chips away at some of those protections Prop 13 has held in place for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> There are many critiques of Prop 13, and the implications it’s had on everything from the cost of housing to income inequality … but for the purposes of this episode, know Prop 13 had a drastic and immediate impact on the amount of money going to local governments. And that’s taken a toll on everything that’s traditionally funded by local government – like schools and local infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Adhiti, Prop 13 has long been called, you know, a political third rail, something that just cannot be touched because it’s so popular with many homeowners in California. Is that still the case if we’re seeing, you know, things like Prop 5 on our ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I wanted to figure that out. And so I talked to Mark Baldassare from the Public Policy Institute of California for this. Back in 2018, he had done a survey on how people felt about Prop 13 at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Baldassare:\u003c/strong> Pretty consistently. More than 6 in 10 people in California in our polling say that they feel overall Proposition 13 has been mostly a good thing. So convincing people that something that the voters passed even a long time ago needs to be changed is a hurdle. And it might impact their own taxes and ultimately their cost of living at a time when people are very sensitive about rising costs of living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, to be fair, I don’t know how many people will read Prop 5 text and think about Prop 13. I also don’t know how many people will read about Prop 5 and think about their property taxes increasing because not everyone realizes that local bond measures are funded through property tax hikes. But if Prop 5 passes, it could be a bellwether for Prop 13 future as we see more of its protections chipped away year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, I know there’s been some controversy about the language of the measure or basically what voters will read on the ballot. What are opponents saying about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, there has been a lot of concern about the language of this prop. It doesn’t specify that the 55% threshold is a decrease from the existing two thirds threshold. And many, like former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis, are concerned that voters won’t fully understand what they’re voting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis\u003c/strong>: I think it’s misleading. The best I can say is it’s a proposition that is going to be reducing the threshold to passing a new tax when in fact the language on the ballot makes you feel like you’re increasing the voting threshold. So I think it’s misleading and dishonest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> There was even a court case over the language on the ballot, but ultimately, the language on the ballot was permitted to remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> This prop has a lot of ramifications for property taxes, as we’ve been talking about already. But how does California stack up against other states currently on that front?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, California’s property tax rates aren’t that high when you compare us to other states. In fact, our property tax rates are actually kind of low. But because our property values here are really high, the amount people end up paying can feel like a lot. And because property taxes can only increase by a little bit every year, it can be really hard for local governments to keep up with maintaining their cities, especially if they have huge population booms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Which probably accounts for a lot of Bay Area regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Very much so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, how did Prop 5 end up on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The legislature voted to put Prop 5 on the ballot last year. It’s part of a series of attempts to solve the state’s increasingly dire housing crisis. This is just one way local governments could raise money to approach housing affordability at the local level. It’s a change that has to be voted on by Californians because it would mean a change to the state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Take us through who is in support of this one and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Lots of organizations support this proposition, including the California Democratic Party. California YIMBY also known as Yes in My Backyard, California Housing Partnership and the California Apartment Association, among many, many, many others. Affordable housing activists are really excited about this bond, particularly because we’re coming out of a kind of lackluster year when it comes to funding for housing at the state level. We had two multibillion dollar bond measures that were going to go before the voters but died along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some argue that Prop 13 has made it hard for local governments to spend money locally, and they have to rely on the state to pass these big bond measures. And then that money trickles its way down to the cities that need it. I spoke with Amie Fishman from the nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California about this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Amie Fishman\u003c/strong>: Our focus is on how do we empower local communities to directly address their own affordable housing and infrastructure needs. And Prop 5 allows communities to take control of their futures, really, and make the necessary investments without waiting for state intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And who’s lining up in opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Generally, groups that are anti-tax. The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association has been against this initiative since it was just a proposal. The California Chamber of Commerce is against it and the very powerful California Association of Realtors. Here’s former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis:\u003c/strong> It actually reverses a lot of the protections that we had under Prop 13. It actually makes it much easier to pass new bonds, new, you know, which I think that we do need a good infrastructure. We do need things. But I also am very cognizant of the fact that my mom received her property tax bill in November that she has to pay. And there’s currently, you know, my mom, who’s retired and is on a limited income has 17– already 17 taxes that are not her property tax. So these are 17 parcel measures from anything from the water district to the county to the school boards to the you name it. There’s 17 currently. You know, I think that this could open the floodgates to new propositions and taxes and make and make it much harder for seniors like my mother to live in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, this proposition does have some accountability measures there, but people worry about whether the rules will actually be followed. Bond money is sometimes misappropriated, even with accountability measures in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And how is the campaign spending shaking out here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> As of mid-September, when we’re recording this conversation, the opponents of Prop 5 have raised almost $30 million to fight this. Meanwhile, the ‘yes’ camp has raised about 5 million. But I should add, a lot of that $30 million from the ‘no’ camp came from realty groups, but their opposition has cooled slightly because the legislature made some concessions before this was placed on the ballot. There is now language in Prop 5 that bans local governments from using the bond money to buy up existing single family homes and converting them into affordable units, something the realty groups didn’t want to happen. And just to make it clear, this proposition lowers the voter threshold, but people still have to vote in order for a bond measure to pass. So it’s not like cities can just pass bond measures without say so from the taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right. Well, thank you for walking us through this one. It was way more complicated than I anticipated when I first read it. Housing reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi, thanks again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Thanks for having me. This was really complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We made it through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In summary, a vote yes on Prop 5 means you want the threshold of voter support needed for local affordable housing and public infrastructure bonds to be lowered from two thirds to 55%. This means it’s more likely that bonds will pass and more funding will be available for those types of projects. A vote no on Prop 5 means you want to keep that two thirds threshold in place and you want to maintain Prop 13 protections against property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> That’s a wrap on Prop 5. Thanks for tuning in to Prop Fest – a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> If you’re finding these episodes valuable, please share them with a friend, tell your neighbors, post about them on social media… We put a ton of work into these episodes and we really want people to find them before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> Prop Fest is produced by Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeda Amaral, Olivia Allen-Price, Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, And me Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, And the whole KQED family\u003cbr>\nEricka Cruz Guevarra: You can find audio and transcripts for this series at KQED.org/PropFest …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Our show is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. Join your friends and neighbors and support our work today. Give at KQED.org/donate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I’m Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on Proposition 6 – which looks to end involuntary servitude for incarcerated people. Thanks for listening.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi helps us parse through the nuances of Proposition 5, which asks voters to lower the threshold to pass local bonds for affordable housing and public infrastructure from a two-thirds majority to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This episode has been updated from a previous version to clarify ramifications of Proposition 13.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3997284697&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s take a quick trip through some recent election results for local bond measures around California, shall we…?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2020. Measure A. San Diego. A $900 million bond for low-income, substance abuse, and mental health service housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 57% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Measure L. City of Berkeley. A $650 million bond to fund housing and infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 59% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Proposition A. San Francisco. A $400 million bond for transit improvements and repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 65% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I’m noticing a trend…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Indeed! California makes it difficult for local governments to borrow money. They have to ask voters for permission – and then get a SUPERMAJORITY of votes – that’s two-thirds of the vote or 66.67%. That’s meant a lot of local bond measures fail, even when they have a lot of public support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> But Proposition 5 could change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olivia Allen-Price: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay. This is Prop Fest – our podcast series that goes deep on explaining the props on California’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We’re covering ten props in ten days, all so you can vote with confidence this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Prop 5 is looking to lower the threshold of voter support needed to pass local bond measures for housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I know it sounds pretty wonky – but this one could have a big impact for local budgets … and for homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Because if more bonds start passing someone has to pay for them. And it’s probably you … or your landlord … who then passes that cost on to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> We’ll get into the details on Proposition 5 just ahead on Prop Fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SPONSOR MESSAGE\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s get into it on Proposition 5. Here’s how it will appear on your ballot…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover:\u003c/strong> Proposition 5 ALLOWS LOCAL BONDS FOR AFFORDABLE HOUSING AND PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE WITH 55% VOTER APPROVAL. It’s a constitutional amendment that was placed on the ballot by the state legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> To help explain what’s at stake with Prop 5. I’m joined by reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi Hey, Adhiti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Hey, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 impacts how we pass local bonds in this state. So I want to start with a quick refresher for people. What exactly is a bond?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Okay, so bonds are a way for state and local governments to raise money for big projects that they want to do now, but pay over time. You might think of it as sort of like a 30-year mortgage you might have on a house, right? The bank gives you a bunch of money upfront to buy the house, and then you pay it back in small installments with interest over time. Government bonds work kind of the same way, except instead of being used to buy a house, the government uses the money for all sorts of things like renovating schools, fixing potholes, funding public transportation, things like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And right now, if a local government in California wants to borrow money, they always have to get voter approval. And not just the majority of the vote, but actually two thirds of the vote. The state, on the other hand, only needs 55% of voters’ support for their bonds. So it’s essentially harder for a city or county to pass a bond than it is for the state. What could Prop 5 change about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 wants to lower that threshold of votes that local governments would need to get from two thirds to 55%, but only for two types of bonds, affordable housing and for public infrastructure projects. Affordable housing bonds would mean money to build new affordable housing funding, down payment assistance programs, or a low income housing support, for example. Public infrastructure bonds could mean money for road repairs, water management, parks, hospitals, stuff like that. This prop also includes a rule that local governments have to put accountability measures in place so if they issue a bond. Taxpayers know where their money is going. And the interesting thing to note here is that back in 2000, voters passed a proposition that lowered the voter threshold to 55% for school bonds. So this is already something that has come up before the voters and they approved it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Can you walk through why there’s this focus specifically on housing affordability and public infrastructure bonds?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah. I mean, California’s housing affordability crisis impacts everyone. And it’s growing worse and worse every year. So much so that more people are losing their homes or moving out of the state entirely. Public infrastructure is also hard to fund. There are some hospitals that are falling into disrepair, and it’s been hard for them to get funding. Even just getting a bike lane installed on a road can be really expensive. And, you know, bond measures have some results. For example, in 2019, San Francisco passed Prop eight, which approved $600 million in bonds for affordable housing. And some of that money went to fund Shirley Chisholm Village, a development for educators in the San Francisco Unified School District. So, teacher housing. And it’s set to open this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And why lower the voter threshold?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> In short, they want more of these local bonds to have a better chance of passing. A lot of local bond measures have failed recently, despite having incredibly strong voter support. Here’s Edie Irons, who works for All Homes, an affordable housing advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Edie Irons:\u003c/strong> I was just looking at a list of like ten measures for housing across the state in the last just handful of years that failed. Because they got 55%, 59%, 60%, 66%. It’s too high of a bar. You know, a two thirds threshold is not actually a functional way to govern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, if Prop 5 passes, do we have a sense of how many more of these local bond measures would pass?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The Legislative Analyst’s Office has done an analysis on recent local election results, and they say an additional 20% to 50% of local bond measures would have passed under Proposition Five’s lower voter approval requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay. Yeah, that’s quite a bit. Now, this two thirds threshold that currently exists was set back in 1978 with the passage of Proposition 13. Folks will remember that Prop 13 was all about limiting property tax increases for homeowners. Can you walk us through why that two thirds threshold was part of Prop 13?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Totally. So when Prop 13 was introduced to the voters in the late 70s, it came at a time when property taxes were fluctuating a lot, partially because there was a huge population boom leading to an increase in demand for housing and a lot of inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s anti-tax activist Howard Jarvis, one of the big proponents of Prop 13, in a 1978 debate…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis (Archival Tape):\u003c/strong> \u003cem>The second objective of the amendment is to enable elderly people unlimited incomes, which there are 3 or 4 million in this state, to be able to retain the homes that they have bought and paid for. And who are in serious danger today, because of rapidly escalating property taxes, of losing their homes.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The property taxes rose so much that some people living on their retirements, who were on a fixed income, couldn’t keep up and some even lost their homes. Prop 13 came in and said, we’re going to make sure property taxes are tied to the home’s value when you bought the home, not the current market value, which could fluctuate. And what it also said is that it would make it harder for local governments to raise those property taxes through bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, our state government is primarily funded by income taxes. So the money you probably see taken out of your paycheck every few weeks. Our local governments are funded primarily through property taxes. So language in Prop 13 set the threshold to pass a local bond to two thirds to make it harder to pass bonds and thus less likely, homeowners would see property tax increases.\u003cbr>\nSo if Prop 5 this year passes, local governments will have an easier time approving bond measures, and it’s more likely that homeowners will see property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s the thing. Opponents of Prop 5 are worried about that. It chips away at some of those protections Prop 13 has held in place for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> There are many critiques of Prop 13, and the implications it’s had on everything from the cost of housing to income inequality … but for the purposes of this episode, know Prop 13 had a drastic and immediate impact on the amount of money going to local governments. And that’s taken a toll on everything that’s traditionally funded by local government – like schools and local infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Adhiti, Prop 13 has long been called, you know, a political third rail, something that just cannot be touched because it’s so popular with many homeowners in California. Is that still the case if we’re seeing, you know, things like Prop 5 on our ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I wanted to figure that out. And so I talked to Mark Baldassare from the Public Policy Institute of California for this. Back in 2018, he had done a survey on how people felt about Prop 13 at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Baldassare:\u003c/strong> Pretty consistently. More than 6 in 10 people in California in our polling say that they feel overall Proposition 13 has been mostly a good thing. So convincing people that something that the voters passed even a long time ago needs to be changed is a hurdle. And it might impact their own taxes and ultimately their cost of living at a time when people are very sensitive about rising costs of living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, to be fair, I don’t know how many people will read Prop 5 text and think about Prop 13. I also don’t know how many people will read about Prop 5 and think about their property taxes increasing because not everyone realizes that local bond measures are funded through property tax hikes. But if Prop 5 passes, it could be a bellwether for Prop 13 future as we see more of its protections chipped away year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, I know there’s been some controversy about the language of the measure or basically what voters will read on the ballot. What are opponents saying about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, there has been a lot of concern about the language of this prop. It doesn’t specify that the 55% threshold is a decrease from the existing two thirds threshold. And many, like former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis, are concerned that voters won’t fully understand what they’re voting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis\u003c/strong>: I think it’s misleading. The best I can say is it’s a proposition that is going to be reducing the threshold to passing a new tax when in fact the language on the ballot makes you feel like you’re increasing the voting threshold. So I think it’s misleading and dishonest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> There was even a court case over the language on the ballot, but ultimately, the language on the ballot was permitted to remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> This prop has a lot of ramifications for property taxes, as we’ve been talking about already. But how does California stack up against other states currently on that front?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, California’s property tax rates aren’t that high when you compare us to other states. In fact, our property tax rates are actually kind of low. But because our property values here are really high, the amount people end up paying can feel like a lot. And because property taxes can only increase by a little bit every year, it can be really hard for local governments to keep up with maintaining their cities, especially if they have huge population booms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Which probably accounts for a lot of Bay Area regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Very much so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, how did Prop 5 end up on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The legislature voted to put Prop 5 on the ballot last year. It’s part of a series of attempts to solve the state’s increasingly dire housing crisis. This is just one way local governments could raise money to approach housing affordability at the local level. It’s a change that has to be voted on by Californians because it would mean a change to the state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Take us through who is in support of this one and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Lots of organizations support this proposition, including the California Democratic Party. California YIMBY also known as Yes in My Backyard, California Housing Partnership and the California Apartment Association, among many, many, many others. Affordable housing activists are really excited about this bond, particularly because we’re coming out of a kind of lackluster year when it comes to funding for housing at the state level. We had two multibillion dollar bond measures that were going to go before the voters but died along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some argue that Prop 13 has made it hard for local governments to spend money locally, and they have to rely on the state to pass these big bond measures. And then that money trickles its way down to the cities that need it. I spoke with Amie Fishman from the nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California about this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Amie Fishman\u003c/strong>: Our focus is on how do we empower local communities to directly address their own affordable housing and infrastructure needs. And Prop 5 allows communities to take control of their futures, really, and make the necessary investments without waiting for state intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And who’s lining up in opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Generally, groups that are anti-tax. The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association has been against this initiative since it was just a proposal. The California Chamber of Commerce is against it and the very powerful California Association of Realtors. Here’s former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis:\u003c/strong> It actually reverses a lot of the protections that we had under Prop 13. It actually makes it much easier to pass new bonds, new, you know, which I think that we do need a good infrastructure. We do need things. But I also am very cognizant of the fact that my mom received her property tax bill in November that she has to pay. And there’s currently, you know, my mom, who’s retired and is on a limited income has 17– already 17 taxes that are not her property tax. So these are 17 parcel measures from anything from the water district to the county to the school boards to the you name it. There’s 17 currently. You know, I think that this could open the floodgates to new propositions and taxes and make and make it much harder for seniors like my mother to live in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, this proposition does have some accountability measures there, but people worry about whether the rules will actually be followed. Bond money is sometimes misappropriated, even with accountability measures in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And how is the campaign spending shaking out here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> As of mid-September, when we’re recording this conversation, the opponents of Prop 5 have raised almost $30 million to fight this. Meanwhile, the ‘yes’ camp has raised about 5 million. But I should add, a lot of that $30 million from the ‘no’ camp came from realty groups, but their opposition has cooled slightly because the legislature made some concessions before this was placed on the ballot. There is now language in Prop 5 that bans local governments from using the bond money to buy up existing single family homes and converting them into affordable units, something the realty groups didn’t want to happen. And just to make it clear, this proposition lowers the voter threshold, but people still have to vote in order for a bond measure to pass. So it’s not like cities can just pass bond measures without say so from the taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right. Well, thank you for walking us through this one. It was way more complicated than I anticipated when I first read it. Housing reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi, thanks again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Thanks for having me. This was really complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We made it through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In summary, a vote yes on Prop 5 means you want the threshold of voter support needed for local affordable housing and public infrastructure bonds to be lowered from two thirds to 55%. This means it’s more likely that bonds will pass and more funding will be available for those types of projects. A vote no on Prop 5 means you want to keep that two thirds threshold in place and you want to maintain Prop 13 protections against property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> That’s a wrap on Prop 5. Thanks for tuning in to Prop Fest – a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> If you’re finding these episodes valuable, please share them with a friend, tell your neighbors, post about them on social media… We put a ton of work into these episodes and we really want people to find them before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> Prop Fest is produced by Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeda Amaral, Olivia Allen-Price, Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, And me Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, And the whole KQED family\u003cbr>\nEricka Cruz Guevarra: You can find audio and transcripts for this series at KQED.org/PropFest …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Our show is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. Join your friends and neighbors and support our work today. Give at KQED.org/donate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I’m Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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