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"content": "\u003cp>The last call for drinks is 2 a.m. in California, but the state will soon carve out an exception to allow alcohol to be served until 4 a.m. for one private, members-only club located in \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/sports-technology-nba-nhl-los-angeles-clippers-c2d937b78072daf9088e792c14089d3b\">the Los Angeles Clippers’ new state-of-the-art arena\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom over the weekend will allow about 100 club members to be served wine, beer and other liquor until 4 a.m. in private suites inside the Intuit Dome after game days and concerts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was sponsored by a group owned by Steve Ballmer, the current Clippers owner and former CEO of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/06cd71793f7e4ebc82c436ef7674d73f\">Microsoft\u003c/a>. Ballmer funded the Intuit Dome and his wife, Connie Ballmer, gave Newsom’s campaign \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2598713&amendid=0\">$1 million\u003c/a> in 2021 to help fight a recall election against the governor. The group owned by Steve Ballmer also spent roughly $220,000 this year to sway lawmakers on the legislation, among other proposals, according to lobbying reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure drew criticism from some, including ethics experts, for granting an exception benefiting a major campaign donor’s family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly going to become an issue for his opponents and critics to point to the fact that he seemed to provide a special favor to a wealthy sports franchise owner and its facility and its wealthy fans,” said John Pelissero, director of government ethics at Santa Clara University. “It just doesn’t look good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s spokesperson Izzy Gardon said, “The governor’s decisions on legislation are made solely on the merits of each bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time the governor has faced a backlash for carving out exceptions for a select few. He was lambasted for attending \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/gavin-newsom-birthdays-california-coronavirus-pandemic-b89221b870cb137e3eb1695631000f9e\">a birthday party\u003c/a> in 2020 at the pricy French Laundry restaurant in wine country north of San Francisco, breaking the very rules he preached to the public to slow the spread of the coronavirus during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007639\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007639\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Ballmer, the owner of the Los Angeles Clippers, speaks onstage at the ribbon-cutting ceremony during the opening night of the Intuit Dome on Aug. 15, 2024, in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Kevin Winter/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new California law allowing the exception for the private club members comes after California lawmakers spent years unsuccessfully pushing to extend \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/4baec7b626104ec0bc15e08e0679d0ec\">the last call for drinks\u003c/a> in a few cities. Several states, including New York and Tennessee, have already passed legislation extending serving hours beyond 2 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they think opening venues and having drinking until 4 o’clock in the morning is good for just exclusive groups, then it should be for everyone, and my contention is, it’s not good for anyone,” Republican state Sen. Kelly Seyarto said in August of the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives working for Steve Ballmer didn’t immediately respond to calls about the new law and potential influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arena located in Inglewood — 12 miles from the team’s old arena in downtown Los Angeles — officially opened in August with 18,000 seats. It is scheduled to host the 2026 All-Star Game and serve as the basketball venue for the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the new California law said it’s a pilot program that will boost the local economy and attract more visitors to the entertainment hub in the city of Inglewood, which boasts several iconic venues, including the Rams’ SoFi stadium, the Forum, and now the new Intuit Dome. Under the law, the exception will sunset in January 2030, and the new last-call rule still needs final approval from the city. Opponents worry the new last-call hours will lead to more drunk driving and promote excessive drinking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a signing message, Newsom also said he would direct California Highway Patrol to work with local police to monitor drunken driving incidents in the area and report back findings to lawmakers for further consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remain cognizant of the potential risks to public safety posed by extending service hours for alcoholic beverage service, which could lead to an increase in driving under the influence-related crashes and fatalities,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The last call for drinks is 2 a.m. in California, but the state will soon carve out an exception to allow alcohol to be served until 4 a.m. for one private, members-only club located in \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/sports-technology-nba-nhl-los-angeles-clippers-c2d937b78072daf9088e792c14089d3b\">the Los Angeles Clippers’ new state-of-the-art arena\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom over the weekend will allow about 100 club members to be served wine, beer and other liquor until 4 a.m. in private suites inside the Intuit Dome after game days and concerts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was sponsored by a group owned by Steve Ballmer, the current Clippers owner and former CEO of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/06cd71793f7e4ebc82c436ef7674d73f\">Microsoft\u003c/a>. Ballmer funded the Intuit Dome and his wife, Connie Ballmer, gave Newsom’s campaign \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2598713&amendid=0\">$1 million\u003c/a> in 2021 to help fight a recall election against the governor. The group owned by Steve Ballmer also spent roughly $220,000 this year to sway lawmakers on the legislation, among other proposals, according to lobbying reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure drew criticism from some, including ethics experts, for granting an exception benefiting a major campaign donor’s family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly going to become an issue for his opponents and critics to point to the fact that he seemed to provide a special favor to a wealthy sports franchise owner and its facility and its wealthy fans,” said John Pelissero, director of government ethics at Santa Clara University. “It just doesn’t look good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s spokesperson Izzy Gardon said, “The governor’s decisions on legislation are made solely on the merits of each bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time the governor has faced a backlash for carving out exceptions for a select few. He was lambasted for attending \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/gavin-newsom-birthdays-california-coronavirus-pandemic-b89221b870cb137e3eb1695631000f9e\">a birthday party\u003c/a> in 2020 at the pricy French Laundry restaurant in wine country north of San Francisco, breaking the very rules he preached to the public to slow the spread of the coronavirus during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007639\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007639\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-2166945159-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Ballmer, the owner of the Los Angeles Clippers, speaks onstage at the ribbon-cutting ceremony during the opening night of the Intuit Dome on Aug. 15, 2024, in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Kevin Winter/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new California law allowing the exception for the private club members comes after California lawmakers spent years unsuccessfully pushing to extend \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/4baec7b626104ec0bc15e08e0679d0ec\">the last call for drinks\u003c/a> in a few cities. Several states, including New York and Tennessee, have already passed legislation extending serving hours beyond 2 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they think opening venues and having drinking until 4 o’clock in the morning is good for just exclusive groups, then it should be for everyone, and my contention is, it’s not good for anyone,” Republican state Sen. Kelly Seyarto said in August of the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives working for Steve Ballmer didn’t immediately respond to calls about the new law and potential influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arena located in Inglewood — 12 miles from the team’s old arena in downtown Los Angeles — officially opened in August with 18,000 seats. It is scheduled to host the 2026 All-Star Game and serve as the basketball venue for the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the new California law said it’s a pilot program that will boost the local economy and attract more visitors to the entertainment hub in the city of Inglewood, which boasts several iconic venues, including the Rams’ SoFi stadium, the Forum, and now the new Intuit Dome. Under the law, the exception will sunset in January 2030, and the new last-call rule still needs final approval from the city. Opponents worry the new last-call hours will lead to more drunk driving and promote excessive drinking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a signing message, Newsom also said he would direct California Highway Patrol to work with local police to monitor drunken driving incidents in the area and report back findings to lawmakers for further consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remain cognizant of the potential risks to public safety posed by extending service hours for alcoholic beverage service, which could lead to an increase in driving under the influence-related crashes and fatalities,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort against Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price gained the backing of a prominent East Bay politician ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">November’s election\u003c/a> with the endorsement of Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“District Attorney Pam Price has failed the residents of Alameda County,” Swalwell told KQED on Wednesday. “She has essentially put in place pro-criminal policies where the cops catch the bad guys and she releases them back into the community, and that has made us less safe and has created anxiety among citizens. And you see the effects of this all throughout the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price was elected in 2022 on a platform focused on reducing incarceration and racial disparities in the criminal legal system. Her policies include not charging some types of sentencing enhancements and not charging minors as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell specifically pointed out Price’s refusal to seek gun enhancements, saying that “if you’re taking an approach of not going after violent criminals, people who use guns — if that’s your baseline, the most dangerous people who have access to the most dangerous weapons are not being charged with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Price said gun enhancements are applied on a case-by-case basis, as outlined by office \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/SPECIAL-DIRECTIVE-23-01-FAQ.04142023.pdf\">policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort to recall Price says her policies led to a \u003ca href=\"https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/exploration/crime-statistics/crimes-clearances\">spike in crime in the county in 2023\u003c/a>. So far this year, available \u003ca href=\"https://cityofoakland2.app.box.com/s/sjiq7usfy27gy9dfe51hp8arz5l1ixad/file/1638302557778\">crime data\u003c/a> for Oakland shows the rate there has been declining, mirroring a \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/08/13/violent-crime-oakland-and-nationwide-declining-2024/#:~:text=Between%20Jan.,Shootings%20are%20down%2023%25.\">national downtrend\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://nij.ojp.gov/topics/articles/five-things-about-deterrence\">Research from the National Institute of Justice\u003c/a>, meanwhile, suggests that more severe jail and prison sentences are not an effective deterrent of crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007624\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham, victim’s advocate and leader of the recall campaign, speaks during a press conference outside of Hayward City Hall in Hayward on Oct. 2, 2024, announcing Congressman Eric Swalwell’s support for the recall of Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At a press conference in Hayward Wednesday, Swalwell, who represents southeastern Alameda County in the House of Representatives, said he saw the need for criminal justice reforms, pointing out that sentences for people whose crimes stem from addiction or mental health should be minimized. He also said Price’s policies are too friendly to people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell has long been a critic of Price. When Price ran for office in 2022, he donated to her opponent. Last May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/eric-swalwell-pamela-price-19458135.php\">they squabbled online\u003c/a>, with Swalwell, a former Alameda County prosecutor, accusing Price of being “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RepSwalwell/status/1788945467868635556\">soft on crime\u003c/a>” after the robbery of a Dublin mail carrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s campaign \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/PPrice_Cares/status/1790070830900064588\">retorted by accusing Swalwell\u003c/a> of holding Price to a higher standard than her predecessor — Swalwell’s former boss, Nancy O’Malley — and pointed out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/thieves-targeting-mail-keys-in-east-bay-usps-carrier-robberies\">robberies targeting mail carriers are a longstanding problem\u003c/a> that Swalwell only started blaming the district attorney’s office for after a Black woman was elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has been highly critical of O’Malley, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/09/12/pamela-price-alameda-county-district-attorney-interview-recall/\">accusing her\u003c/a> of leaving behind an office in disarray. In 2019, O’Malley gave the introductory remarks at the campaign launch of Swalwell’s short-lived run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to its 2023 Annual Report, Price’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">took action on approximately the same percentage of cases\u003c/a> brought to it by police as in the previous four years under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='elections_2775' label='Alameda County 2024 Elections: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates & Issues on Your Ballot' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell gained national attention when he became the House manager leading the second impeachment proceedings against former President Donald Trump in 2021. He later \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/05/politics/trump-lawsuit-insurrection-eric-swalwell/index.html\">sued Trump\u003c/a> over the Jan. 6 insurrection. That case is ongoing. Since then, Swalwell has kept up a drumbeat of media critiques of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He appears to be the first elected official from the county to endorse the recall effort against Price. \u003ca href=\"https://www.protectthewin.org/endorsements\">A handful\u003c/a> of local leaders and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/joegarofoli/article/sheng-thao-pamela-price-recalls-19761967.php\">Alameda County Democratic Party Central Committee\u003c/a> have endorsed the campaign to keep Price in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on Wednesday, the pro-Price campaign questioned the motives of Swalwell’s endorsement and sought to frame it as out of step with the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congressman Swalwell’s actions have raised questions about whom he truly represents and what impact his support may have on Democratic values in our community,” a spokesperson for the campaign said. “His support for an effort that undermines a fellow Democrat and rejects the position of local Democrats has left many of his constituents feeling betrayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement comes as both the recall campaign and the anti-recall effort kick into high gear in the last month before the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This past week, one of the recall campaign committees, called Supporters of Recall Pamela Price, received $152,500 in donations from the San Leandro Police Officers Association, the Deputy Sheriffs’ Association of Alameda County and a San Rafael-based group called Revitalize East Bay. Meanwhile, yard signs opposing the recall are popping up in front of houses and roadway medians across the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin) has long opposed embattled District Attorney Pamela Price. Now, he’s made his endorsement of her recall official.",
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"title": "Recall Targeting Alameda County DA Is Endorsed by East Bay Congressman | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort against Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price gained the backing of a prominent East Bay politician ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">November’s election\u003c/a> with the endorsement of Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“District Attorney Pam Price has failed the residents of Alameda County,” Swalwell told KQED on Wednesday. “She has essentially put in place pro-criminal policies where the cops catch the bad guys and she releases them back into the community, and that has made us less safe and has created anxiety among citizens. And you see the effects of this all throughout the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price was elected in 2022 on a platform focused on reducing incarceration and racial disparities in the criminal legal system. Her policies include not charging some types of sentencing enhancements and not charging minors as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell specifically pointed out Price’s refusal to seek gun enhancements, saying that “if you’re taking an approach of not going after violent criminals, people who use guns — if that’s your baseline, the most dangerous people who have access to the most dangerous weapons are not being charged with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Price said gun enhancements are applied on a case-by-case basis, as outlined by office \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/SPECIAL-DIRECTIVE-23-01-FAQ.04142023.pdf\">policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort to recall Price says her policies led to a \u003ca href=\"https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/exploration/crime-statistics/crimes-clearances\">spike in crime in the county in 2023\u003c/a>. So far this year, available \u003ca href=\"https://cityofoakland2.app.box.com/s/sjiq7usfy27gy9dfe51hp8arz5l1ixad/file/1638302557778\">crime data\u003c/a> for Oakland shows the rate there has been declining, mirroring a \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/08/13/violent-crime-oakland-and-nationwide-declining-2024/#:~:text=Between%20Jan.,Shootings%20are%20down%2023%25.\">national downtrend\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://nij.ojp.gov/topics/articles/five-things-about-deterrence\">Research from the National Institute of Justice\u003c/a>, meanwhile, suggests that more severe jail and prison sentences are not an effective deterrent of crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007624\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham, victim’s advocate and leader of the recall campaign, speaks during a press conference outside of Hayward City Hall in Hayward on Oct. 2, 2024, announcing Congressman Eric Swalwell’s support for the recall of Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At a press conference in Hayward Wednesday, Swalwell, who represents southeastern Alameda County in the House of Representatives, said he saw the need for criminal justice reforms, pointing out that sentences for people whose crimes stem from addiction or mental health should be minimized. He also said Price’s policies are too friendly to people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell has long been a critic of Price. When Price ran for office in 2022, he donated to her opponent. Last May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/eric-swalwell-pamela-price-19458135.php\">they squabbled online\u003c/a>, with Swalwell, a former Alameda County prosecutor, accusing Price of being “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RepSwalwell/status/1788945467868635556\">soft on crime\u003c/a>” after the robbery of a Dublin mail carrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s campaign \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/PPrice_Cares/status/1790070830900064588\">retorted by accusing Swalwell\u003c/a> of holding Price to a higher standard than her predecessor — Swalwell’s former boss, Nancy O’Malley — and pointed out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/thieves-targeting-mail-keys-in-east-bay-usps-carrier-robberies\">robberies targeting mail carriers are a longstanding problem\u003c/a> that Swalwell only started blaming the district attorney’s office for after a Black woman was elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has been highly critical of O’Malley, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/09/12/pamela-price-alameda-county-district-attorney-interview-recall/\">accusing her\u003c/a> of leaving behind an office in disarray. In 2019, O’Malley gave the introductory remarks at the campaign launch of Swalwell’s short-lived run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to its 2023 Annual Report, Price’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">took action on approximately the same percentage of cases\u003c/a> brought to it by police as in the previous four years under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell gained national attention when he became the House manager leading the second impeachment proceedings against former President Donald Trump in 2021. He later \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/05/politics/trump-lawsuit-insurrection-eric-swalwell/index.html\">sued Trump\u003c/a> over the Jan. 6 insurrection. That case is ongoing. Since then, Swalwell has kept up a drumbeat of media critiques of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He appears to be the first elected official from the county to endorse the recall effort against Price. \u003ca href=\"https://www.protectthewin.org/endorsements\">A handful\u003c/a> of local leaders and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/joegarofoli/article/sheng-thao-pamela-price-recalls-19761967.php\">Alameda County Democratic Party Central Committee\u003c/a> have endorsed the campaign to keep Price in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on Wednesday, the pro-Price campaign questioned the motives of Swalwell’s endorsement and sought to frame it as out of step with the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congressman Swalwell’s actions have raised questions about whom he truly represents and what impact his support may have on Democratic values in our community,” a spokesperson for the campaign said. “His support for an effort that undermines a fellow Democrat and rejects the position of local Democrats has left many of his constituents feeling betrayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement comes as both the recall campaign and the anti-recall effort kick into high gear in the last month before the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This past week, one of the recall campaign committees, called Supporters of Recall Pamela Price, received $152,500 in donations from the San Leandro Police Officers Association, the Deputy Sheriffs’ Association of Alameda County and a San Rafael-based group called Revitalize East Bay. Meanwhile, yard signs opposing the recall are popping up in front of houses and roadway medians across the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "former-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-drops-out-of-congressional-debate",
"title": "Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo Drops Out of Congressional Debate",
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"headTitle": "Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo Drops Out of Congressional Debate | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Updated 7:50 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Mayor Sam Liccardo pulled out of tonight’s scheduled debate with fellow Democrat Assemblymember Evan Low, citing laryngitis and losing his voice, according to his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s decision to drop out of the debate, hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48, comes amid a tense election year for the closely-watched Silicon Valley congressional seat. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">controversial recount in the March primary election\u003c/a> upped the intensity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve unfortunately lost my voice and had to cancel three meet-and-greets yesterday,” Liccardo said in a statement. “We’re canceling other events until my voice recovers. My doctor has given me medication to help with the laryngitis, and I hope to be back out there in a few days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo added that “knocking on doors across our community, participating in nearly 100 meet-and-greets and several debates has taken its toll on my vocal cords.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo and Low are competing to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, 81, who last year announced she would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">not seek re-election\u003c/a>. Eshoo was elected in 1992 and is the first woman and Democrat to represent California’s 16th Congressional District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the March primary, Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian tied for second place, with both garnering exactly 30,249 votes, a first since California launched its top-two primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984495/evan-low-takes-second-place-in-silicon-valley-congressional-race-after-recount-breaks-historic-tie\">Low won a high-profile recount\u003c/a>, requested by a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valle\">former Liccardo campaign staffer\u003c/a>, by just five votes, allowing him to face Liccardo in November. Campaign finance reports revealed the recount process was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a> and a pro-Liccardo super PAC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling released in late September\u003c/a> by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates can break through to voters during debates in ways that door-knocking and mailers might not. But it’s not clear what impact, if any, backing out of tonight’s debate will have on Liccardo’s lead in the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Mayor London Breed recently came under some heat for \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/09/11/san-francisco-mayor-skip-debates-london-breed/\">dropping out\u003c/a> of several mayoral debates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/from-the-ceo-ex-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-hurts-voters-by-ditching-public-candidate-forum-congress-election-2024/\">Liccardo declined to participate in a candidate forum with Low\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extremely suspicious — especially since it comes days after San Jose police and firefighters blasted Liccardo for lying about his record attacking first responders and causing the city to lose 500 cops on the beat,” said Low’s campaign manager, Lindsey Cobia. “The President of the San Jose Police Officer Association said it best. ‘There is a reason why every law enforcement organization has not endorsed Sam Liccardo: we don’t trust him.’ Liccardo should prove it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Liccardo campaign provided KQED with a copy of his medical records Wednesday night dated for an appointment earlier that morning. A doctor recommended five to seven days of voice rest for the former mayor, along with medication to treat laryngitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NBC Bay Area, KQED and Telemundo 48 are working to reschedule the debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed I’m unable to participate in the debate tonight, but I’ve instructed our team to do everything possible to reschedule this televised debate within the next three weeks to ensure voters have an opportunity to hear from both candidates,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmarzorati\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Liccardo has an 11% lead over Assemblymember Evan Low for the Silicon Valley Congressional seat, according to polling released in late September. Liccardo also backed out of a candidate forum with Low in July. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Updated 7:50 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Mayor Sam Liccardo pulled out of tonight’s scheduled debate with fellow Democrat Assemblymember Evan Low, citing laryngitis and losing his voice, according to his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s decision to drop out of the debate, hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48, comes amid a tense election year for the closely-watched Silicon Valley congressional seat. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">controversial recount in the March primary election\u003c/a> upped the intensity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve unfortunately lost my voice and had to cancel three meet-and-greets yesterday,” Liccardo said in a statement. “We’re canceling other events until my voice recovers. My doctor has given me medication to help with the laryngitis, and I hope to be back out there in a few days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo added that “knocking on doors across our community, participating in nearly 100 meet-and-greets and several debates has taken its toll on my vocal cords.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo and Low are competing to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, 81, who last year announced she would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">not seek re-election\u003c/a>. Eshoo was elected in 1992 and is the first woman and Democrat to represent California’s 16th Congressional District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the March primary, Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian tied for second place, with both garnering exactly 30,249 votes, a first since California launched its top-two primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984495/evan-low-takes-second-place-in-silicon-valley-congressional-race-after-recount-breaks-historic-tie\">Low won a high-profile recount\u003c/a>, requested by a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valle\">former Liccardo campaign staffer\u003c/a>, by just five votes, allowing him to face Liccardo in November. Campaign finance reports revealed the recount process was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a> and a pro-Liccardo super PAC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling released in late September\u003c/a> by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates can break through to voters during debates in ways that door-knocking and mailers might not. But it’s not clear what impact, if any, backing out of tonight’s debate will have on Liccardo’s lead in the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Mayor London Breed recently came under some heat for \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/09/11/san-francisco-mayor-skip-debates-london-breed/\">dropping out\u003c/a> of several mayoral debates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/from-the-ceo-ex-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-hurts-voters-by-ditching-public-candidate-forum-congress-election-2024/\">Liccardo declined to participate in a candidate forum with Low\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extremely suspicious — especially since it comes days after San Jose police and firefighters blasted Liccardo for lying about his record attacking first responders and causing the city to lose 500 cops on the beat,” said Low’s campaign manager, Lindsey Cobia. “The President of the San Jose Police Officer Association said it best. ‘There is a reason why every law enforcement organization has not endorsed Sam Liccardo: we don’t trust him.’ Liccardo should prove it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Liccardo campaign provided KQED with a copy of his medical records Wednesday night dated for an appointment earlier that morning. A doctor recommended five to seven days of voice rest for the former mayor, along with medication to treat laryngitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NBC Bay Area, KQED and Telemundo 48 are working to reschedule the debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed I’m unable to participate in the debate tonight, but I’ve instructed our team to do everything possible to reschedule this televised debate within the next three weeks to ensure voters have an opportunity to hear from both candidates,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmarzorati\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San José's Landmark Gun Control Law Free to Move Forward",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">landmark gun control law in San José\u003c/a> is free from legal challenges for the first time since its inception, following an appeals court ruling earlier this month, though it’s likely the issue will receive more scrutiny in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the law say the latest legal victory could push other cities toward adopting similar regulations, envisioned as a partial salve in addressing gun violence locally while national action has long stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are other municipalities that have tried to model ordinances after ours or are contemplating it and have been watching this really carefully,” said Tamarah Prevost, an attorney representing San José in the gun ordinance case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think overall what it shows is that municipalities can come up with creative solutions to what’s obviously a very complex problem. So San Jose’s hope is that it sends a signal and sort of a green light to other municipalities that they should hopefully do the same,” Prevost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjpd.org/records/documents-policies/gun-harm-reduction-ordinance\">Gun Harm Reduction Ordinance\u003c/a> – which requires gun owners in the city to carry a liability insurance policy and to pay a fee toward gun violence prevention – was the first of its kind and was mired in litigation beginning minutes after its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">approval by the City Council in January 2022\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance requirement has been in effect in the city since the start of 2023, though the city is still hammering out plans to enact the fee portion, which has been slowed in part as litigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the city plans to designate a nonprofit organization to collect the fee from gun owners, which could be around $25 annually, and manage the spending of those funds to help “\u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10508335&GUID=F4AC493E-905E-42E8-A69E-8ADE914F4BD2&_cldee=qPwZOesMnS9T4-irKaivTyUialCRez4pqnPIbzdhSyKYxyl6j2CwuXM-oTqDxZwd5kYxPAzkEHEzDujp-grjIw&recipientid=contact-108cc7900465e81189f4000c2917ee57-2c1b26add39b47e497764e35d6d26c02&utm_source=ClickDimensions&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=SD%2014%20-%20Johnson&esid=f912e4e5-c1b5-ec11-a979-005056a52bcd\">reduce the risk\u003c/a> or likelihood of harm from the use of firearms in the city of San Jose,” among other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2023, a federal court in San José dismissed the National Gun Rights Association’s arguments against the insurance mandate portion of the law, saying the new regulations are in line with the country’s “historical traditions” and constitutional guarantees for gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also dismissed the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association’s challenge to the fee portion of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Howard Jarvis group then appealed its concerns with the fee, which it called an “illegal tax” on gun owners, to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in San Francisco. A panel of appeals court judges on Sept. 10 agreed the case should be dismissed, saying it is too soon to challenge the fee portion of the law because it hasn’t been implemented yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No real threat of injury currently exists because the city has not set a precise collection date for the fee,” the panel of judges wrote in their decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More San José Coverage' tag='san-jose']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo, who championed the ordinance while in office, said the ruling is vindicating, and he hopes it will help strengthen the resolve of other local leaders looking to push back on the “epidemic” of gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got called or approached by more than a couple dozen mayors who all told me at one time or another, ‘We really want to do this, and my city attorney won’t let me until we find out that you get through the litigation first,’” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we hope that this will spur the grassroots activity in communities throughout the country, particularly in states like California, where we have communities that are more eager to see sensible gun regulation in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Bittle, chief counsel for the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, said the appeals court ruling was “no surprise,” but he still maintains the fee portion of the law is wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It bothers me that it’s on the books, that it’s still enacted, but I guess…it’s like hibernating,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if his group plans to revive litigation against the city once the fee portion of the law is put into place, Bittle said “yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just going to monitor what the city does in the future,” he said. “We’re still very interested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Prevost and Liccardo acknowledge that more legal challenges could lie ahead as enforcement of the ordinance progresses but feel confident those efforts would fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pioneering efforts are hard, particularly when there are powerful groups on the other side,” Liccardo said. “And certainly, many state legislatures have introduced measures like this only to see them die on the vine under the pressure of the gun lobby. So, of course, it’s going to take time to do this successfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, who is running to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo in the 16th District, said if he is elected to Congress, he doesn’t think the kinds of changes being made by the San José law would be possible at the federal level, though he does hope to push for other lower hanging fruit if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be going into a body where being able to do what we’ve done in San José is not on the table today. It’s really an opportunity for other city halls and other state legislatures,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"headline": "San José's Landmark Gun Control Law Free to Move Forward",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">landmark gun control law in San José\u003c/a> is free from legal challenges for the first time since its inception, following an appeals court ruling earlier this month, though it’s likely the issue will receive more scrutiny in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the law say the latest legal victory could push other cities toward adopting similar regulations, envisioned as a partial salve in addressing gun violence locally while national action has long stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are other municipalities that have tried to model ordinances after ours or are contemplating it and have been watching this really carefully,” said Tamarah Prevost, an attorney representing San José in the gun ordinance case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think overall what it shows is that municipalities can come up with creative solutions to what’s obviously a very complex problem. So San Jose’s hope is that it sends a signal and sort of a green light to other municipalities that they should hopefully do the same,” Prevost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjpd.org/records/documents-policies/gun-harm-reduction-ordinance\">Gun Harm Reduction Ordinance\u003c/a> – which requires gun owners in the city to carry a liability insurance policy and to pay a fee toward gun violence prevention – was the first of its kind and was mired in litigation beginning minutes after its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">approval by the City Council in January 2022\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance requirement has been in effect in the city since the start of 2023, though the city is still hammering out plans to enact the fee portion, which has been slowed in part as litigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the city plans to designate a nonprofit organization to collect the fee from gun owners, which could be around $25 annually, and manage the spending of those funds to help “\u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10508335&GUID=F4AC493E-905E-42E8-A69E-8ADE914F4BD2&_cldee=qPwZOesMnS9T4-irKaivTyUialCRez4pqnPIbzdhSyKYxyl6j2CwuXM-oTqDxZwd5kYxPAzkEHEzDujp-grjIw&recipientid=contact-108cc7900465e81189f4000c2917ee57-2c1b26add39b47e497764e35d6d26c02&utm_source=ClickDimensions&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=SD%2014%20-%20Johnson&esid=f912e4e5-c1b5-ec11-a979-005056a52bcd\">reduce the risk\u003c/a> or likelihood of harm from the use of firearms in the city of San Jose,” among other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2023, a federal court in San José dismissed the National Gun Rights Association’s arguments against the insurance mandate portion of the law, saying the new regulations are in line with the country’s “historical traditions” and constitutional guarantees for gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also dismissed the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association’s challenge to the fee portion of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Howard Jarvis group then appealed its concerns with the fee, which it called an “illegal tax” on gun owners, to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in San Francisco. A panel of appeals court judges on Sept. 10 agreed the case should be dismissed, saying it is too soon to challenge the fee portion of the law because it hasn’t been implemented yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No real threat of injury currently exists because the city has not set a precise collection date for the fee,” the panel of judges wrote in their decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo, who championed the ordinance while in office, said the ruling is vindicating, and he hopes it will help strengthen the resolve of other local leaders looking to push back on the “epidemic” of gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got called or approached by more than a couple dozen mayors who all told me at one time or another, ‘We really want to do this, and my city attorney won’t let me until we find out that you get through the litigation first,’” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we hope that this will spur the grassroots activity in communities throughout the country, particularly in states like California, where we have communities that are more eager to see sensible gun regulation in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Bittle, chief counsel for the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, said the appeals court ruling was “no surprise,” but he still maintains the fee portion of the law is wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It bothers me that it’s on the books, that it’s still enacted, but I guess…it’s like hibernating,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if his group plans to revive litigation against the city once the fee portion of the law is put into place, Bittle said “yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just going to monitor what the city does in the future,” he said. “We’re still very interested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Prevost and Liccardo acknowledge that more legal challenges could lie ahead as enforcement of the ordinance progresses but feel confident those efforts would fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pioneering efforts are hard, particularly when there are powerful groups on the other side,” Liccardo said. “And certainly, many state legislatures have introduced measures like this only to see them die on the vine under the pressure of the gun lobby. So, of course, it’s going to take time to do this successfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, who is running to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo in the 16th District, said if he is elected to Congress, he doesn’t think the kinds of changes being made by the San José law would be possible at the federal level, though he does hope to push for other lower hanging fruit if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be going into a body where being able to do what we’ve done in San José is not on the table today. It’s really an opportunity for other city halls and other state legislatures,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this podcast episode said that nothing would change immediately if Prop 33 passes. In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011500/if-proposition-33-passes-these-bay-area-cities-would-see-big-rent-control-changes\">several communities have laws that would immediately go into effect\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Vanessa Rancaño helps us understand what’s at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3223859608&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I’ve been renting my place here in the Bay Area for 9 years and once a year, around the time when our lease terms are due for renewal. I start to get anxious about what that rent increase might look like.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s a real fear! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Renters in California pay about 50 percent more for housing than renters in other states. Which means a lot of people are spending about as much as they can afford on rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Big rent increases price a lot of people out of their homes every year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One way local governments have tried to give renters a bit more stability is by enacting rent control laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> But caps set by the state mean they can only go so far… I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today we’re moving in on Prop 33, which would give authority back to local governments to enact or change rent control laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We’ve seen similar props in 2018 and 2020, and voters didn’t go for it. But polling shows the tide could be turning.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We’ll get into what exactly Prop 33 would do … plus an overview on the debate about rent control. Does it lower rents? Or have the opposite effect?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s all just ahead on Prop Fest. Stay tuned…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR BREAK\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s dive deep into Proposition 33, which will read like this on your ballot. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Amanda Font: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 33 is a state statue that expands local governments’ authority to enact rent control on residential property. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is one of the big ticket items on this year’s ballot. With tens of millions of dollars being spent on both sides. Because this one impacts people’s wallets. Here to wade through it with us is KQED housing reporter Vanessa Rancaño. Welcome, Vanessa. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hello. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So let’s start big picture. What is Proposition 33 aiming to do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It aims to give local governments more power to regulate rents. They do this via rent control laws. So these are policies that cap annual rent increases. At the moment, there’s a state law that sets some parameters on how far rent control Laws can go in California. But if Prop 33 passes, those limits would be removed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There is rent control already in some Bay Area cities like San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose. So cities do have some ability to enact rent control, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, they definitely do, but they can only go so far. And that’s because of this state law called the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act that’s been around since 1995. And it’s sort of key to understand that before we can unpack Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Well, let’s get into Costa-Hawkins, Where to begin? Walk us through it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sure. So the context for this law is that there was a swell of tenant activism in the 70s and 80s, which led to the passage of a number of local rent control laws. And at the time, people were struggling to pay rent for a bunch of reasons. We weren’t building enough, there was inflation, wages weren’t rising. And in 1978, Prop 13 passed here in California, limiting property taxes homeowners pay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, tenants had been promised that because landlords would be paying less in taxes, those savings were going to trickle down to them and they’d be paying less in rent. But that did not happen. Rents, in fact, rose. And tenants rights groups felt duped. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So in response to all these different factors, we saw a handful of cities pass rent control laws that limited how much a landlord could raise rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What we see then is a backlash against that increase in tenant power. Some people blamed rent control for the housing shortage. They thought rent control scared off developers from building new apartments because they wouldn’t be able to make as high a profit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So that’s the background when in 1995 these two state lawmakers, Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assemblymember Phil Hawkins, put forward legislation to curb rent control. It passes by just one vote and shapes rent control policy across California for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, what exactly does Costa-Hawkins do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it does two big things. It exempts single family homes, condos and anything built after 1995 from rent control. That’s why you see rent controlled units tend to be older. The idea there is that to encourage new construction you’ve got to exempt new apartments from rent control. For cities that had existing rent control laws in place Costa-Hawkins froze the cutoff dates for how old a unit had to be to be eligible for rent control under those laws. So, for example, in Oakland, the cutoff is 1983. Berkeley, it’s 1980. San Jose, San Francisco—nothing built after 1979 can have rent control. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The second really important thing that Costa-Hawkins does is it eliminates what’s called \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy control\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. That ties rent control to an apartment instead of to the tenant. So under Costa-Hawkins we have \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy decontrol\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. It means that if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, the landlord can raise the rent up to market rate, as high as they want. They’re only limited in terms of how much they can raise the rent a year to year after a tenant moves in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At this point Costa-Hawkins has been on the books in California for just shy of 30 years. Can you talk about what kind of impacts have seen?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Well, I think we can say that we see fewer people Living in rent controlled apartments than we might otherwise. We also see rent control apartments getting older. So our stock of rent controlled apartments dwindles because buildings get redeveloped. I think it’s really hard to say if limits on rent control have had any impact on development because there are just so many other factors in play. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But developers would certainly say that they like them, I would assume. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So this year we’re voting on Prop 33. What would it do exactly? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It would take us back to before Costa-Hawkins and hand the power to make decisions on rent control back to local governments. To be clear, it does not mean that suddenly rent control is going to be in every town, affecting every home or anything even close to that. But it does open the door for communities to make local rent control decisions without being limited by state law. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I feel like I’m having déja vu with this one because people have tried to overturn Costa-Hawkins before. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, there were two efforts, one in 2018 and one in 2020, that took aim at the law and voters shot both of those down. There are some powerful interests that really do not want to see the expansion of rent control. Landlord groups, real estate groups. They have put a lot of money into fighting these statewide initiatives and they have so far been successful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, rent control is controversial even among those who want to see lower rents. Can you explain why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. I mean, traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. They argue that rent caps are inefficient, that they create scarcity and drive up rents in non-regulated buildings. I came across this survey from 1992 that found over 90% of economists agreed that these policies drive down the quantity and quality of available housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ya know, Bay Curious actually did an explainer that covered some of those things about rent control back in 2018. So I would say if the efficacy of rent control is really important to how you vote, you might go give that a listen for some additional context. We’ll link to it in our show notes or just head online and search something like: “Bay Curious Rent Control 2018” and it should be the first thing that pops up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, that is a great overview of the arguments. I think the only thing I would add is that more recently we have seen some economists come forward to argue that there is research and there are real world examples that refute this traditional narrative, which they say is based more on economic theory than empirical evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mark Paul is a Rutgers economist who studies rent control and also very much supports it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mark Paul: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most mainstream economists are taught these theoretical models where perfect competition exists, there’s no such thing as market power, you know where landlords have more power than renters. In their models that they’re thinking about this there’s unlimited supply of affordable housing, homelessness doesn’t exist, and corporate landlords that use algorithmic pricing to jack prices up, something that we see the Federal Trade Commission going after corporate landlords for, things like that can’t exist because they would just get outcompeted. But I think people underestimate the bias most economists have against government intervention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hmm so it sounds like not all economists are necessarily on the same page the way they might have been at one time? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. So last year, a group of 32 economists wrote this letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency lobbying for the use of rent control across the country. And what they’re arguing is that all this naysaying that we see about rent control mirrors economists’ traditional opposition to minimum wage laws. They predicted that minimum wage laws were going to lead to widespread joblessness, and we haven’t actually seen that happen. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Hm Interesting. Are there any components of rent control that folks who do study this \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">can \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">agree on?\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So here is what I think we can safely say. There is research evidence that rent control does work to hold rents down for tenants in eligible units. But how much varies a lot across policies and studies. There is also evidence that it can have unintended consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the places where there’s agreement about what those consequences are: that it can lead to a decline in housing quality, because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. It can lead to a reduction in the number of rental housing units on the market because landlords convert apartments to condos. So there are studies that have found that more moderate forms of rent control can avoid some of these unintended consequences. And then the economists, those who support rent control argue that if you put in place other regulations, along with rent control, you can get around some of these consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So, for instance, you can do things to try to prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos. You can allow landlords to pass along maintenance costs to renters to sort of incentivize them to continue to maintain their properties. So things like that. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I know one critique of rent control has been it can be pretty blunt in terms of who it actually helps. Can you explain that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I will say that you know, there are many people who argue that even if you put in place the strongest, best rent control policy, it’s not necessarily going to reach the right people, right? Because it is tied to a property rather than a person. Michael Manville is a UCLA Urban planning professor who studies rent control. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Manville: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful, and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people. Because the thing is, even if you have the most powerful, strong rent control law, you could end up holding down the rent for a bunch of people who don’t necessarily need that assistance. And letting a bunch of people who do need that assistance pay a very high housing costs because they aren’t fortunate enough to be in a rent controlled unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Walk us through who is opposing Prop 33 and why. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In general, it’s landlord and real estate interests. And what they argue is that these policies ultimately are counterproductive, that they will lead to less new construction and ultimately housing prices will just go up, that rental prices will go up. I’ve also heard from landlords that, you know, their property taxes keep going up, but they’re seeing stricter caps on how much they can raise the rent and that makes it really tough for them to maintain their properties. And many of them are just really frustrated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Who is supporting this measure and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and its president, Michael Weinstein is the chief proponent of not just Prop 33, but also the last two attempts to roll back Costa-Hawkins in 2018 and 2020. The California Democratic Party is also backing it. Some tenant advocacy groups. Some unions. Francisco Dueñas runs Housing Now California it’s a coalition of organizations advocating for pro renter policies. They very much support Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We see that they help provide stability for tenants. That it helps prevent or protect against, you know, surprise increases in rents. And I think that’s the biggest benefit that people really look towards, is just knowing that their rents are not going to rise 100%, you know, from one month to the next when they’re lease ends.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And in general all these folks argue that the rent is just too high, that people are getting pushed out of cities. People are ending up homeless. And, you know, at the very least that we should do something to protect people from huge surprise rent increases. They point out that while we do have a state rent control law, it passed in 2019 and it limits annual increases to 10%, it’s just too high, they say. And that law sunsets in 2030 in any case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other arguments I’ve heard are that homeowners are benefiting from a form of price control in the form of fixed rate mortgages. And we should, you know, extend similar protections to renters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Beyond all that, there are people who argue that we should rethink how we approach housing in this country, that we should reframe it as a fundamental human right rather than a commodity. And they see rent control as one small step in that direction.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The profit motive shouldn’t be the only thing that leads the policy when it comes to housing because then, you know, everybody but the highest bidder is losing out if our housing policy is only focused on profit and, you know, outcomes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I do want to underline that support coming from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation on this prop, because that plays into what we’ll be talking about tomorrow, Proposition 34, which some have seen as a proposition built specifically to take aim at the AIDS Healthcare Foundation for their advocacy on rent control issues over the years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vanessa, this is one of the most expensive measures from a spending perspective that we’re seeing. Can you tell us how that’s all shaking out so far?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Oh my god. People are spending so much money on this. So to date, it’s over $40 million to support this proposition. The vast majority of that is coming from the AIDS HealthCare Foundation. In terms of opposition, they’ve raised over $65 million. The vast majority of that is coming from the California Apartment Association and the California Association of Realtors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Woo! Spendy. Vanessa Rancaño is a housing reporter at KQED. Vanessa, thanks for breaking this down for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thanks for having me.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s review. A vote yes on Prop 33 means you want local governments to have the power to enact or change their own rent control laws. A vote no on Prop 33 would keep state limits on rent control in place. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s it on Prop 33. You can find audio and transcripts of this episode, and all the others in our Prop Fest series at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. While you’re on the KQED website, be sure to check out our voter guide, which has lots more important information about your statewide and local elections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s made by…\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alan Montecillo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jessica Kariisa\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>Amanda Font\u003cbr>\nChristopher Beale\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ana De Almeda Amaral\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We get extra support from\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jen Chien\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Holly Kernan\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 34, which would limit how some healthcare providers can spend money earned through a federal drug pricing program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It looks like a healthcare bill, but it actually has a lot to do with rent control. We’ll spill the tea on that tomorrow – but be sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Thanks for listening to Prop Fest. Peace.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Reporter Vanessa Rancaño discusses what's at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.",
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"title": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this podcast episode said that nothing would change immediately if Prop 33 passes. In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011500/if-proposition-33-passes-these-bay-area-cities-would-see-big-rent-control-changes\">several communities have laws that would immediately go into effect\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Vanessa Rancaño helps us understand what’s at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3223859608&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I’ve been renting my place here in the Bay Area for 9 years and once a year, around the time when our lease terms are due for renewal. I start to get anxious about what that rent increase might look like.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s a real fear! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Renters in California pay about 50 percent more for housing than renters in other states. Which means a lot of people are spending about as much as they can afford on rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Big rent increases price a lot of people out of their homes every year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One way local governments have tried to give renters a bit more stability is by enacting rent control laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> But caps set by the state mean they can only go so far… I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today we’re moving in on Prop 33, which would give authority back to local governments to enact or change rent control laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We’ve seen similar props in 2018 and 2020, and voters didn’t go for it. But polling shows the tide could be turning.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We’ll get into what exactly Prop 33 would do … plus an overview on the debate about rent control. Does it lower rents? Or have the opposite effect?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s all just ahead on Prop Fest. Stay tuned…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR BREAK\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s dive deep into Proposition 33, which will read like this on your ballot. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Amanda Font: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 33 is a state statue that expands local governments’ authority to enact rent control on residential property. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is one of the big ticket items on this year’s ballot. With tens of millions of dollars being spent on both sides. Because this one impacts people’s wallets. Here to wade through it with us is KQED housing reporter Vanessa Rancaño. Welcome, Vanessa. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hello. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So let’s start big picture. What is Proposition 33 aiming to do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It aims to give local governments more power to regulate rents. They do this via rent control laws. So these are policies that cap annual rent increases. At the moment, there’s a state law that sets some parameters on how far rent control Laws can go in California. But if Prop 33 passes, those limits would be removed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There is rent control already in some Bay Area cities like San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose. So cities do have some ability to enact rent control, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, they definitely do, but they can only go so far. And that’s because of this state law called the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act that’s been around since 1995. And it’s sort of key to understand that before we can unpack Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Well, let’s get into Costa-Hawkins, Where to begin? Walk us through it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sure. So the context for this law is that there was a swell of tenant activism in the 70s and 80s, which led to the passage of a number of local rent control laws. And at the time, people were struggling to pay rent for a bunch of reasons. We weren’t building enough, there was inflation, wages weren’t rising. And in 1978, Prop 13 passed here in California, limiting property taxes homeowners pay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, tenants had been promised that because landlords would be paying less in taxes, those savings were going to trickle down to them and they’d be paying less in rent. But that did not happen. Rents, in fact, rose. And tenants rights groups felt duped. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So in response to all these different factors, we saw a handful of cities pass rent control laws that limited how much a landlord could raise rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What we see then is a backlash against that increase in tenant power. Some people blamed rent control for the housing shortage. They thought rent control scared off developers from building new apartments because they wouldn’t be able to make as high a profit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So that’s the background when in 1995 these two state lawmakers, Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assemblymember Phil Hawkins, put forward legislation to curb rent control. It passes by just one vote and shapes rent control policy across California for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, what exactly does Costa-Hawkins do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it does two big things. It exempts single family homes, condos and anything built after 1995 from rent control. That’s why you see rent controlled units tend to be older. The idea there is that to encourage new construction you’ve got to exempt new apartments from rent control. For cities that had existing rent control laws in place Costa-Hawkins froze the cutoff dates for how old a unit had to be to be eligible for rent control under those laws. So, for example, in Oakland, the cutoff is 1983. Berkeley, it’s 1980. San Jose, San Francisco—nothing built after 1979 can have rent control. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The second really important thing that Costa-Hawkins does is it eliminates what’s called \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy control\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. That ties rent control to an apartment instead of to the tenant. So under Costa-Hawkins we have \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy decontrol\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. It means that if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, the landlord can raise the rent up to market rate, as high as they want. They’re only limited in terms of how much they can raise the rent a year to year after a tenant moves in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At this point Costa-Hawkins has been on the books in California for just shy of 30 years. Can you talk about what kind of impacts have seen?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Well, I think we can say that we see fewer people Living in rent controlled apartments than we might otherwise. We also see rent control apartments getting older. So our stock of rent controlled apartments dwindles because buildings get redeveloped. I think it’s really hard to say if limits on rent control have had any impact on development because there are just so many other factors in play. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But developers would certainly say that they like them, I would assume. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So this year we’re voting on Prop 33. What would it do exactly? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It would take us back to before Costa-Hawkins and hand the power to make decisions on rent control back to local governments. To be clear, it does not mean that suddenly rent control is going to be in every town, affecting every home or anything even close to that. But it does open the door for communities to make local rent control decisions without being limited by state law. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I feel like I’m having déja vu with this one because people have tried to overturn Costa-Hawkins before. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, there were two efforts, one in 2018 and one in 2020, that took aim at the law and voters shot both of those down. There are some powerful interests that really do not want to see the expansion of rent control. Landlord groups, real estate groups. They have put a lot of money into fighting these statewide initiatives and they have so far been successful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, rent control is controversial even among those who want to see lower rents. Can you explain why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. I mean, traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. They argue that rent caps are inefficient, that they create scarcity and drive up rents in non-regulated buildings. I came across this survey from 1992 that found over 90% of economists agreed that these policies drive down the quantity and quality of available housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ya know, Bay Curious actually did an explainer that covered some of those things about rent control back in 2018. So I would say if the efficacy of rent control is really important to how you vote, you might go give that a listen for some additional context. We’ll link to it in our show notes or just head online and search something like: “Bay Curious Rent Control 2018” and it should be the first thing that pops up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, that is a great overview of the arguments. I think the only thing I would add is that more recently we have seen some economists come forward to argue that there is research and there are real world examples that refute this traditional narrative, which they say is based more on economic theory than empirical evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mark Paul is a Rutgers economist who studies rent control and also very much supports it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mark Paul: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most mainstream economists are taught these theoretical models where perfect competition exists, there’s no such thing as market power, you know where landlords have more power than renters. In their models that they’re thinking about this there’s unlimited supply of affordable housing, homelessness doesn’t exist, and corporate landlords that use algorithmic pricing to jack prices up, something that we see the Federal Trade Commission going after corporate landlords for, things like that can’t exist because they would just get outcompeted. But I think people underestimate the bias most economists have against government intervention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hmm so it sounds like not all economists are necessarily on the same page the way they might have been at one time? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. So last year, a group of 32 economists wrote this letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency lobbying for the use of rent control across the country. And what they’re arguing is that all this naysaying that we see about rent control mirrors economists’ traditional opposition to minimum wage laws. They predicted that minimum wage laws were going to lead to widespread joblessness, and we haven’t actually seen that happen. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Hm Interesting. Are there any components of rent control that folks who do study this \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">can \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">agree on?\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So here is what I think we can safely say. There is research evidence that rent control does work to hold rents down for tenants in eligible units. But how much varies a lot across policies and studies. There is also evidence that it can have unintended consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the places where there’s agreement about what those consequences are: that it can lead to a decline in housing quality, because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. It can lead to a reduction in the number of rental housing units on the market because landlords convert apartments to condos. So there are studies that have found that more moderate forms of rent control can avoid some of these unintended consequences. And then the economists, those who support rent control argue that if you put in place other regulations, along with rent control, you can get around some of these consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So, for instance, you can do things to try to prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos. You can allow landlords to pass along maintenance costs to renters to sort of incentivize them to continue to maintain their properties. So things like that. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I know one critique of rent control has been it can be pretty blunt in terms of who it actually helps. Can you explain that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I will say that you know, there are many people who argue that even if you put in place the strongest, best rent control policy, it’s not necessarily going to reach the right people, right? Because it is tied to a property rather than a person. Michael Manville is a UCLA Urban planning professor who studies rent control. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Manville: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful, and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people. Because the thing is, even if you have the most powerful, strong rent control law, you could end up holding down the rent for a bunch of people who don’t necessarily need that assistance. And letting a bunch of people who do need that assistance pay a very high housing costs because they aren’t fortunate enough to be in a rent controlled unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Walk us through who is opposing Prop 33 and why. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In general, it’s landlord and real estate interests. And what they argue is that these policies ultimately are counterproductive, that they will lead to less new construction and ultimately housing prices will just go up, that rental prices will go up. I’ve also heard from landlords that, you know, their property taxes keep going up, but they’re seeing stricter caps on how much they can raise the rent and that makes it really tough for them to maintain their properties. And many of them are just really frustrated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Who is supporting this measure and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and its president, Michael Weinstein is the chief proponent of not just Prop 33, but also the last two attempts to roll back Costa-Hawkins in 2018 and 2020. The California Democratic Party is also backing it. Some tenant advocacy groups. Some unions. Francisco Dueñas runs Housing Now California it’s a coalition of organizations advocating for pro renter policies. They very much support Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We see that they help provide stability for tenants. That it helps prevent or protect against, you know, surprise increases in rents. And I think that’s the biggest benefit that people really look towards, is just knowing that their rents are not going to rise 100%, you know, from one month to the next when they’re lease ends.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And in general all these folks argue that the rent is just too high, that people are getting pushed out of cities. People are ending up homeless. And, you know, at the very least that we should do something to protect people from huge surprise rent increases. They point out that while we do have a state rent control law, it passed in 2019 and it limits annual increases to 10%, it’s just too high, they say. And that law sunsets in 2030 in any case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other arguments I’ve heard are that homeowners are benefiting from a form of price control in the form of fixed rate mortgages. And we should, you know, extend similar protections to renters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Beyond all that, there are people who argue that we should rethink how we approach housing in this country, that we should reframe it as a fundamental human right rather than a commodity. And they see rent control as one small step in that direction.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The profit motive shouldn’t be the only thing that leads the policy when it comes to housing because then, you know, everybody but the highest bidder is losing out if our housing policy is only focused on profit and, you know, outcomes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I do want to underline that support coming from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation on this prop, because that plays into what we’ll be talking about tomorrow, Proposition 34, which some have seen as a proposition built specifically to take aim at the AIDS Healthcare Foundation for their advocacy on rent control issues over the years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vanessa, this is one of the most expensive measures from a spending perspective that we’re seeing. Can you tell us how that’s all shaking out so far?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Oh my god. People are spending so much money on this. So to date, it’s over $40 million to support this proposition. The vast majority of that is coming from the AIDS HealthCare Foundation. In terms of opposition, they’ve raised over $65 million. The vast majority of that is coming from the California Apartment Association and the California Association of Realtors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Woo! Spendy. Vanessa Rancaño is a housing reporter at KQED. Vanessa, thanks for breaking this down for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thanks for having me.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s review. A vote yes on Prop 33 means you want local governments to have the power to enact or change their own rent control laws. A vote no on Prop 33 would keep state limits on rent control in place. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s it on Prop 33. You can find audio and transcripts of this episode, and all the others in our Prop Fest series at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. While you’re on the KQED website, be sure to check out our voter guide, which has lots more important information about your statewide and local elections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s made by…\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alan Montecillo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jessica Kariisa\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>Amanda Font\u003cbr>\nChristopher Beale\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ana De Almeda Amaral\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We get extra support from\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jen Chien\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Holly Kernan\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 34, which would limit how some healthcare providers can spend money earned through a federal drug pricing program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It looks like a healthcare bill, but it actually has a lot to do with rent control. We’ll spill the tea on that tomorrow – but be sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>[Updated at 3:15 p.m. Sept. 30]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> sued a Catholic hospital in Northern California for denying a pregnant patient emergency abortion care, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> announced during a Monday press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lawsuit, filed in Humboldt County Superior Court, Bonta alleges Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka violated multiple laws, including the state’s Emergency Services Law, which mandates hospitals to provide care “necessary to relieve or eliminate the emergency medical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case reveals the limits and challenges of abortion access in California despite the state having some of the nation’s strongest reproductive health protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Eureka resident Dr. Anna Nusslock was 15 weeks pregnant when her water broke, she said at the press conference. Multiple doctors told her that the twins she was carrying would not survive, and if she didn’t receive an emergency abortion, neither would she. But Providence St. Joseph Hospital told Nusslock that it could not provide her with an abortion due to a hospital policy prohibiting medical intervention so long as “fetal heart tones” were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While experiencing bleeding and “blinding pain,” Nusslock was rushed 12 miles to Mad River Community Hospital in Arcata, California, where she received a life-saving surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am here today to tell my story for one simple reason, because I don’t want other people in my community to experience the same life-threatening trauma that I experienced,” Nusslock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said that it’s not unusual to hear tragic stories of women denied life-saving treatment coming out of the 22 states with full or partial abortion bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as Anna’s story illustrates, even here in California, we are not immune from this problem,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence, which operates 51 hospitals and 1,000 clinics on the West Coast, a spokesperson said the hospital learned about the lawsuit Monday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are currently reviewing the filings to understand what is being alleged,” Bryan Kawasaki wrote in a statement, which added that the hospital was “heartbroken” over Nusslock’s experience. “We review every event that may not have met our patient needs or expectations to understand what happened and take appropriate steps to meet those needs and expectations for every patient we encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s suit also alleges that Providence’s policy discriminates against pregnant patients, providing different choices than they would for other patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005009 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/iStock_000039661108_Large_qed-1020x678.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hospital ignores the medical advice of their physicians and the desires of their patients, subjecting them to intrusive hospital policies that are of no benefit to the patient’s health,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mary Ziegler, an abortion law expert at UC Davis, said that although the state has some of the strongest abortion rights in the country, there are “parts of California where those rights aren’t being realized.” That tends to be in disproportionately rural, conservative and smaller communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve also seen the influence of which kinds of hospitals operate in those communities,” Ziegler said. “Catholic and conservative hospitals tend to have different policies regarding access to these rights than others do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Widely seen as a potential candidate for governor in 2026, Bonta has used his enforcement powers to preserve and strengthen reproductive rights in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Bonta welcomed abortion care providers from states with restrictive laws like Arizona and Idaho, promising to protect them from anti-abortion laws. Last year, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11962088/california-sues-anti-abortion-counseling-centers-says-they-misled-women\">sued an anti-abortion group\u003c/a> and a chain of anti-abortion counseling centers, alleging the organizations misled women when they offered unproven treatments to reverse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990192/what-the-supreme-court-ruling-on-the-abortion-pill-means-for-access-in-california\">medication abortions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said his attorneys believe there may be others who have endured experiences similar to Nusslock and urged others who may have been denied medical care to share their stories with the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t yet know the full scope of this problem or how many patients have suffered, but we do know that unless we act, this will happen again and again,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ziegler said the state government has made major financial and political commitments facilitating abortion access, positioning itself as an “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002780/california-democrats-strike-back-against-local-conservative-rebellions-on-lgbtq-rights-abortion\">abortion sanctuary\u003c/a>” since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to an abortion two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge now is to make those resources work in underprivileged parts of California,” Ziegler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may need to be more kind of targeted work done at the local level — as opposed to the state level — to make sure that the people we know are still not aware of or able to access those resources are able to do so,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>[Updated at 3:15 p.m. Sept. 30]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> sued a Catholic hospital in Northern California for denying a pregnant patient emergency abortion care, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> announced during a Monday press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lawsuit, filed in Humboldt County Superior Court, Bonta alleges Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka violated multiple laws, including the state’s Emergency Services Law, which mandates hospitals to provide care “necessary to relieve or eliminate the emergency medical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case reveals the limits and challenges of abortion access in California despite the state having some of the nation’s strongest reproductive health protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Eureka resident Dr. Anna Nusslock was 15 weeks pregnant when her water broke, she said at the press conference. Multiple doctors told her that the twins she was carrying would not survive, and if she didn’t receive an emergency abortion, neither would she. But Providence St. Joseph Hospital told Nusslock that it could not provide her with an abortion due to a hospital policy prohibiting medical intervention so long as “fetal heart tones” were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While experiencing bleeding and “blinding pain,” Nusslock was rushed 12 miles to Mad River Community Hospital in Arcata, California, where she received a life-saving surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am here today to tell my story for one simple reason, because I don’t want other people in my community to experience the same life-threatening trauma that I experienced,” Nusslock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said that it’s not unusual to hear tragic stories of women denied life-saving treatment coming out of the 22 states with full or partial abortion bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as Anna’s story illustrates, even here in California, we are not immune from this problem,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence, which operates 51 hospitals and 1,000 clinics on the West Coast, a spokesperson said the hospital learned about the lawsuit Monday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are currently reviewing the filings to understand what is being alleged,” Bryan Kawasaki wrote in a statement, which added that the hospital was “heartbroken” over Nusslock’s experience. “We review every event that may not have met our patient needs or expectations to understand what happened and take appropriate steps to meet those needs and expectations for every patient we encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s suit also alleges that Providence’s policy discriminates against pregnant patients, providing different choices than they would for other patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hospital ignores the medical advice of their physicians and the desires of their patients, subjecting them to intrusive hospital policies that are of no benefit to the patient’s health,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mary Ziegler, an abortion law expert at UC Davis, said that although the state has some of the strongest abortion rights in the country, there are “parts of California where those rights aren’t being realized.” That tends to be in disproportionately rural, conservative and smaller communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve also seen the influence of which kinds of hospitals operate in those communities,” Ziegler said. “Catholic and conservative hospitals tend to have different policies regarding access to these rights than others do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Widely seen as a potential candidate for governor in 2026, Bonta has used his enforcement powers to preserve and strengthen reproductive rights in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Bonta welcomed abortion care providers from states with restrictive laws like Arizona and Idaho, promising to protect them from anti-abortion laws. Last year, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11962088/california-sues-anti-abortion-counseling-centers-says-they-misled-women\">sued an anti-abortion group\u003c/a> and a chain of anti-abortion counseling centers, alleging the organizations misled women when they offered unproven treatments to reverse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990192/what-the-supreme-court-ruling-on-the-abortion-pill-means-for-access-in-california\">medication abortions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said his attorneys believe there may be others who have endured experiences similar to Nusslock and urged others who may have been denied medical care to share their stories with the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t yet know the full scope of this problem or how many patients have suffered, but we do know that unless we act, this will happen again and again,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ziegler said the state government has made major financial and political commitments facilitating abortion access, positioning itself as an “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002780/california-democrats-strike-back-against-local-conservative-rebellions-on-lgbtq-rights-abortion\">abortion sanctuary\u003c/a>” since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to an abortion two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge now is to make those resources work in underprivileged parts of California,” Ziegler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may need to be more kind of targeted work done at the local level — as opposed to the state level — to make sure that the people we know are still not aware of or able to access those resources are able to do so,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, KQED labor correspondent Farida Jhabvala Romero breaks down Prop. 32, which would raise the statewide minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1869781659&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:03] So I was at the grocery store the other day, and I couldn’t believe my eyes when I saw that the jar of mayo that I needed to get was….wait for it…$9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:17] You are not imagining it. Food prices, among other things, are getting more expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:22] And as you know, California is already an expensive state to live in. So when you add up rent, gas, and groceries, things get real, real fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:35] Prop 32 proposes one way to help Californians keep up with the rising cost of everyday life by raising the state’s minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:47] But some worry doing this will only make things more expensive than they already are. And when it comes to fights about the minimum wage, we’ve heard that argument before. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:02] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Welcome to Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious where we help you get smart on all the statewide propositions on your ballot this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:13] The push for livable wages in California is not new, and it’s usually driven by workers and labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:22] But the effort to get prop 32 on the ballot has a much more unusual beginning. We’ll get into that and more on prop 32 right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:39] Today we’re diving deep into prop 32. The minimum wage increase. Here’s how it’ll look on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:01:48] Prop 32 raises minimum wage as follows. For employers with 26 or more employees to $17 immediately $18 on January 1st, 2025 for employers with 25 or fewer employees to $17 on January 1st, 2025. $18 on January 1st, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:12] Today, we hit up KQED labor correspondent for Farida Jhabvala Romero to help us understand what prop 32 is all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:22] Farida, California, I feel like, is no stranger to fights around raising the minimum wage. We’ve kind of seen these debates before, but remind us what exactly those debates have look like over the years and where we stand right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:02:38] Well, we know that over the last decade, the state’s minimum wage has doubled from $8 an hour to 16, which is what we have now. The last big jump came through a bill approved by the legislature and signed by then governor Jerry Brown in 2016. Another thing is that we’ve passed state laws that increase the minimum wage for some industries, like fast food. So now half a million fast food workers in the state are making at least $20 an hour since April. Dozens of local cities and counties have also passed their own higher minimum wage. In L.A., it’s $17.28. In San Francisco, it’s more than $18 an hour. And then in Emeryville, here in the Bay area, it has one of the highest wage floors in the country, actually, at $19.36 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:41] So, I mean, Farida, we know that a lot of folks have pushed to raise the minimum wage in California. Like unions in particular, many Democratic lawmakers, the governor as well. But how did prop 32 get on the ballot? Did it come from the same groups who’ve been pushing for this in the past?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:03] Well, prop 32 has a sort of unusual story because the main financial backer for it is a guy called Joe Sanberg, who grew up in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:15] When you raise wages for your workers, they do better for your company. They have more money to spend in their communities, which creates more economic prosperity for local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:25] He’s an investor and also an anti-poverty advocate. He spent more than $10 million of his own money to help this measure qualify for the ballot. He says he’s not making any money out of this ad, that he wants to use his resources to help fellow Californians because of his own experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:44] I grew up in working class family. My mom raised me by herself. We lost our home to foreclosure when I was a teenager. I saw firsthand how hard it is for a single mom to raise kids in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:56] The main supporters intended to qualify for the ballot in 2022, but they missed a key deadline, and so it was basically delayed for voters to this election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:10] Can you break down just a little bit more exactly for you to what proposition 32 would do? Because as you said, the the statewide minimum wage is $16 an hour, but it’s also higher in some cities in certain industries. So what kind of change would prop 32 make exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:05:29] Yeah. So prop 32 would not impact the higher minimum wages set by cities, counties or the industry specific, minimum wages that the state has approved for fast food or the health care industry. What it would do is it would raise the minimum wage to at least $18 an hour. By 2026, bigger businesses with more than 25 employees would have to do it faster by 2025, and that employers with 25 or fewer workers would start paying $17 an hour next year, and then 18 in 2026. And then from then on, the minimum wage would adjust annually tied to inflation. So those are smaller increases that are expected. And then it’s important to note that the minimum wage in the state is already set to keep going up. And without this proposition passing, it will likely be around $17 an hour in 2026, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office. The backers of prop 32 estimate that around 2 million people would directly benefit from the race, especially outside big metro areas. You know, like outside the San Francisco Bay area around L.A., San Diego. And we’re talking about the lowest paid workers in the state. So those are often cashiers, retail salespeople, farm workers, home health and personal personal care aides and other workers. The workers that we’re talking about live mostly in the Central Valley and other rural areas of the state, in the northern part of the state. And that’s actually something that proponents point out is that these are workers that are also often not unionized. So they, you know, they really need this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:30] And Farida, who is lining up behind prop 32 and really coming out in support of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:07:37] So supporters include some some unions. One of them is Unite Here local 11. They represent thousands of workers in hotels, sports arenas, restaurants. Then there’s the Service Employees International Union, which has many large unions in California, and they’ve endorsed prop 32. You know, they represent people who would definitely benefit from this. And then the other big supporter is One Fair Wage, which is a group that advocates for employers to pay a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:09] I know so many workers who work in restaurants in San Francisco and live in Tracy in Stockton, and they go home once a week. They live in their cars during the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:17] Saru Jayaraman directs One Fair Wage. I mean, they make the basic argument that this is a critical time, because we already know that $16 an hour is not enough to afford the basics in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:36] I think the initiative Is critical because the legislature this time has not acted the way it should have. It should have passed a higher minimum wage already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:45] And so they see this proposition as a critical first step. She feels like there hasn’t been more mobilization, you know, and noise from unions, on this in part because many of the workers who directly benefit are not unionized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:09:03] The overwhelming majority of minimum wage workers rely on the legislature to give them a raise. And when they don’t get it to the legislature, the only mechanism they then have is at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:15] But, you know, other proponents like Joe Sanberg, the main financial backer for prop 32, also told me that it would have been impossible to qualify the measure for the ballot without union volunteers and without union support. Now that we just have weeks before the election, the coalition of proponents will be more active.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:42] And who’s coming out on the no side on this, Frida. And what’s the argument there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:48] Opponents are mostly business groups. We’re talking about the California Restaurant Association, the California Chamber of Commerce. Some of the arguments against prop 32 are very similar to those against the fast food minimum wage I was telling you about when that was being considered. And it’s basically that, you know, employers will need to cut work hours and jobs or raise prices to be able to afford the higher payroll costs. And they say it’s bad timing also because Californians are already, reeling from a super high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:32] $2 doesn’t sound like a lot, but when you factor that over thousands of employees, it gets to be a big amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:39] I spoke with Ron Fong, who’s president and CEO of the California Grocers Association. They represent large chains like Whole Foods and Costco and then a lot smaller, you know, grocery retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:52] Especially for grocery stores. Grocery stores operate on a very low, net margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:58] And he says this proposition will likely make these businesses increase prices because it would affect their bottom line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] The only way we can recapture that is by raising prices. And, you know, that’s been proven time and time again is the number one concern amongst, you know, U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:18] And, I mean, we’ve heard that argument before, right, Farida? I mean, it’s a it’s a pretty common one when it comes to debates around, raising wages for workers. But what do we actually know about. that and whether or not it’s it’s true — and that actually does happen when wages for workers are increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:11:41] So I spoke with a couple of economists who do research on minimum wage and follow these debates. They told me that minimum wage increases to the levels that we’ve had so far, you know, which are gradual, relatively small increases. They don’t really have a big impact on jobs. So they’re not the big job killers that, business groups, sometimes, you know, fear. Also, they have a very small impact on prices. You know, one of the impacts might be that the prices end up going, higher, but it’s a relatively small increase as well. California, you know, is the first state to implement a minimum wage for fast food workers of $20 an hour. And so that’s been in effect since April. So we’ve had a couple of months of some data on jobs. You know, a lot of people have a lot of complaints, you know, a lot of business owners saying that they’ve had to work, cut work hours, or cut jobs in and raise some prices. But if you look at the overall data and talk to economists, they’ll tell you, that they haven’t seen a huge impact yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:55] Let’s talk about the money being spent on the yes and no sides here. Frida. Has there been much campaign spending on either side of this proposition?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:13:06] So most of the campaign spending was done to qualify the measure for the ballot. And so that was, you know, before because like I was telling you, there were aiming to put that in the 2022 election ballot. There’s the Working Hero Action for the Living Wage Act, which has reported contributions of almost $11 million, and that’s, backed mostly by Joe Sanberg. Then there’s the Kevin De Leon believing in a better California ballot measure committee, and they’ve, reported contributions of almost $600,000. And then in the opposition side, there’s Californians Against Job Losses and Higher Prices. No, on prop 32. They, have reported contributions of $65,000. I spoke with Joe Sanberg recently and he said there’s going to be a lot more movement now, especially to try to convince younger voters who are more likely to support this proposition. There was a recent Public Policy Institute of California survey that showed likely voters were really divided on prop 32, with just 50% saying they would support it. But their biggest levels of support came among renters and then people making less than $40,000 a year, and also younger voters. Joe Sandberg believes that, you know, with Vice President Kamala Harris entering the race for the white House, that that will attract a lot more voters to the ballot box. And, they will support this proposition. But we’ll we’ll see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:59] Well, for you to thank you so much for breaking this down for us. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:15:02] Thank you. Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:15:08] In summary, a vote yes on prop 32 would raise the state minimum wage floor to $18 an hour in 2026. After that, it would go up each year based on how fast prices are rising. A vote no means the state minimum wage would likely be at $17 an hour in 2026, and would go up based on prices after that. And that’s it for proposition 32. If this episode helped you out, do me a favor and tell just one friend about Prop Fest because good friends help their friends vote smart. Just send them to kqed.org/prop fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:15:59] Prop Fest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious Podcasts. It’s produced by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Ericka Cruz Guevara, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana de Almeida Amaral and me, Olivia Ellen Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:14] We get extra support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:16:20] Our show is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. If you value podcasts like this one, please consider becoming a sustaining member of KQED. Learn more at KQED.org/Donate. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:34] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on proposition 33, which asks, Should California remove statewide rent control limits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:16:46] We’ll talk to you then.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, KQED labor correspondent Farida Jhabvala Romero breaks down Prop. 32, which would raise the statewide minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1869781659&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:03] So I was at the grocery store the other day, and I couldn’t believe my eyes when I saw that the jar of mayo that I needed to get was….wait for it…$9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:17] You are not imagining it. Food prices, among other things, are getting more expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:22] And as you know, California is already an expensive state to live in. So when you add up rent, gas, and groceries, things get real, real fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:35] Prop 32 proposes one way to help Californians keep up with the rising cost of everyday life by raising the state’s minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:47] But some worry doing this will only make things more expensive than they already are. And when it comes to fights about the minimum wage, we’ve heard that argument before. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:02] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Welcome to Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious where we help you get smart on all the statewide propositions on your ballot this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:13] The push for livable wages in California is not new, and it’s usually driven by workers and labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:22] But the effort to get prop 32 on the ballot has a much more unusual beginning. We’ll get into that and more on prop 32 right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:39] Today we’re diving deep into prop 32. The minimum wage increase. Here’s how it’ll look on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:01:48] Prop 32 raises minimum wage as follows. For employers with 26 or more employees to $17 immediately $18 on January 1st, 2025 for employers with 25 or fewer employees to $17 on January 1st, 2025. $18 on January 1st, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:12] Today, we hit up KQED labor correspondent for Farida Jhabvala Romero to help us understand what prop 32 is all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:22] Farida, California, I feel like, is no stranger to fights around raising the minimum wage. We’ve kind of seen these debates before, but remind us what exactly those debates have look like over the years and where we stand right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:02:38] Well, we know that over the last decade, the state’s minimum wage has doubled from $8 an hour to 16, which is what we have now. The last big jump came through a bill approved by the legislature and signed by then governor Jerry Brown in 2016. Another thing is that we’ve passed state laws that increase the minimum wage for some industries, like fast food. So now half a million fast food workers in the state are making at least $20 an hour since April. Dozens of local cities and counties have also passed their own higher minimum wage. In L.A., it’s $17.28. In San Francisco, it’s more than $18 an hour. And then in Emeryville, here in the Bay area, it has one of the highest wage floors in the country, actually, at $19.36 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:41] So, I mean, Farida, we know that a lot of folks have pushed to raise the minimum wage in California. Like unions in particular, many Democratic lawmakers, the governor as well. But how did prop 32 get on the ballot? Did it come from the same groups who’ve been pushing for this in the past?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:03] Well, prop 32 has a sort of unusual story because the main financial backer for it is a guy called Joe Sanberg, who grew up in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:15] When you raise wages for your workers, they do better for your company. They have more money to spend in their communities, which creates more economic prosperity for local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:25] He’s an investor and also an anti-poverty advocate. He spent more than $10 million of his own money to help this measure qualify for the ballot. He says he’s not making any money out of this ad, that he wants to use his resources to help fellow Californians because of his own experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:44] I grew up in working class family. My mom raised me by herself. We lost our home to foreclosure when I was a teenager. I saw firsthand how hard it is for a single mom to raise kids in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:56] The main supporters intended to qualify for the ballot in 2022, but they missed a key deadline, and so it was basically delayed for voters to this election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:10] Can you break down just a little bit more exactly for you to what proposition 32 would do? Because as you said, the the statewide minimum wage is $16 an hour, but it’s also higher in some cities in certain industries. So what kind of change would prop 32 make exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:05:29] Yeah. So prop 32 would not impact the higher minimum wages set by cities, counties or the industry specific, minimum wages that the state has approved for fast food or the health care industry. What it would do is it would raise the minimum wage to at least $18 an hour. By 2026, bigger businesses with more than 25 employees would have to do it faster by 2025, and that employers with 25 or fewer workers would start paying $17 an hour next year, and then 18 in 2026. And then from then on, the minimum wage would adjust annually tied to inflation. So those are smaller increases that are expected. And then it’s important to note that the minimum wage in the state is already set to keep going up. And without this proposition passing, it will likely be around $17 an hour in 2026, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office. The backers of prop 32 estimate that around 2 million people would directly benefit from the race, especially outside big metro areas. You know, like outside the San Francisco Bay area around L.A., San Diego. And we’re talking about the lowest paid workers in the state. So those are often cashiers, retail salespeople, farm workers, home health and personal personal care aides and other workers. The workers that we’re talking about live mostly in the Central Valley and other rural areas of the state, in the northern part of the state. And that’s actually something that proponents point out is that these are workers that are also often not unionized. So they, you know, they really need this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:30] And Farida, who is lining up behind prop 32 and really coming out in support of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:07:37] So supporters include some some unions. One of them is Unite Here local 11. They represent thousands of workers in hotels, sports arenas, restaurants. Then there’s the Service Employees International Union, which has many large unions in California, and they’ve endorsed prop 32. You know, they represent people who would definitely benefit from this. And then the other big supporter is One Fair Wage, which is a group that advocates for employers to pay a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:09] I know so many workers who work in restaurants in San Francisco and live in Tracy in Stockton, and they go home once a week. They live in their cars during the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:17] Saru Jayaraman directs One Fair Wage. I mean, they make the basic argument that this is a critical time, because we already know that $16 an hour is not enough to afford the basics in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:36] I think the initiative Is critical because the legislature this time has not acted the way it should have. It should have passed a higher minimum wage already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:45] And so they see this proposition as a critical first step. She feels like there hasn’t been more mobilization, you know, and noise from unions, on this in part because many of the workers who directly benefit are not unionized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:09:03] The overwhelming majority of minimum wage workers rely on the legislature to give them a raise. And when they don’t get it to the legislature, the only mechanism they then have is at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:15] But, you know, other proponents like Joe Sanberg, the main financial backer for prop 32, also told me that it would have been impossible to qualify the measure for the ballot without union volunteers and without union support. Now that we just have weeks before the election, the coalition of proponents will be more active.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:42] And who’s coming out on the no side on this, Frida. And what’s the argument there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:48] Opponents are mostly business groups. We’re talking about the California Restaurant Association, the California Chamber of Commerce. Some of the arguments against prop 32 are very similar to those against the fast food minimum wage I was telling you about when that was being considered. And it’s basically that, you know, employers will need to cut work hours and jobs or raise prices to be able to afford the higher payroll costs. And they say it’s bad timing also because Californians are already, reeling from a super high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:32] $2 doesn’t sound like a lot, but when you factor that over thousands of employees, it gets to be a big amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:39] I spoke with Ron Fong, who’s president and CEO of the California Grocers Association. They represent large chains like Whole Foods and Costco and then a lot smaller, you know, grocery retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:52] Especially for grocery stores. Grocery stores operate on a very low, net margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:58] And he says this proposition will likely make these businesses increase prices because it would affect their bottom line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] The only way we can recapture that is by raising prices. And, you know, that’s been proven time and time again is the number one concern amongst, you know, U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:18] And, I mean, we’ve heard that argument before, right, Farida? I mean, it’s a it’s a pretty common one when it comes to debates around, raising wages for workers. But what do we actually know about. that and whether or not it’s it’s true — and that actually does happen when wages for workers are increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:11:41] So I spoke with a couple of economists who do research on minimum wage and follow these debates. They told me that minimum wage increases to the levels that we’ve had so far, you know, which are gradual, relatively small increases. They don’t really have a big impact on jobs. So they’re not the big job killers that, business groups, sometimes, you know, fear. Also, they have a very small impact on prices. You know, one of the impacts might be that the prices end up going, higher, but it’s a relatively small increase as well. California, you know, is the first state to implement a minimum wage for fast food workers of $20 an hour. And so that’s been in effect since April. So we’ve had a couple of months of some data on jobs. You know, a lot of people have a lot of complaints, you know, a lot of business owners saying that they’ve had to work, cut work hours, or cut jobs in and raise some prices. But if you look at the overall data and talk to economists, they’ll tell you, that they haven’t seen a huge impact yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:55] Let’s talk about the money being spent on the yes and no sides here. Frida. Has there been much campaign spending on either side of this proposition?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:13:06] So most of the campaign spending was done to qualify the measure for the ballot. And so that was, you know, before because like I was telling you, there were aiming to put that in the 2022 election ballot. There’s the Working Hero Action for the Living Wage Act, which has reported contributions of almost $11 million, and that’s, backed mostly by Joe Sanberg. Then there’s the Kevin De Leon believing in a better California ballot measure committee, and they’ve, reported contributions of almost $600,000. And then in the opposition side, there’s Californians Against Job Losses and Higher Prices. No, on prop 32. They, have reported contributions of $65,000. I spoke with Joe Sanberg recently and he said there’s going to be a lot more movement now, especially to try to convince younger voters who are more likely to support this proposition. There was a recent Public Policy Institute of California survey that showed likely voters were really divided on prop 32, with just 50% saying they would support it. But their biggest levels of support came among renters and then people making less than $40,000 a year, and also younger voters. Joe Sandberg believes that, you know, with Vice President Kamala Harris entering the race for the white House, that that will attract a lot more voters to the ballot box. And, they will support this proposition. But we’ll we’ll see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:59] Well, for you to thank you so much for breaking this down for us. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:15:02] Thank you. Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:15:08] In summary, a vote yes on prop 32 would raise the state minimum wage floor to $18 an hour in 2026. After that, it would go up each year based on how fast prices are rising. A vote no means the state minimum wage would likely be at $17 an hour in 2026, and would go up based on prices after that. And that’s it for proposition 32. If this episode helped you out, do me a favor and tell just one friend about Prop Fest because good friends help their friends vote smart. Just send them to kqed.org/prop fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:15:59] Prop Fest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious Podcasts. It’s produced by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Ericka Cruz Guevara, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana de Almeida Amaral and me, Olivia Ellen Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:14] We get extra support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:16:20] Our show is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. If you value podcasts like this one, please consider becoming a sustaining member of KQED. Learn more at KQED.org/Donate. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:34] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on proposition 33, which asks, Should California remove statewide rent control limits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In an 11th hour decision, Governor Gavin Newsom has vetoed a bill widely seen as one of the most ambitious efforts to regulate the generative AI industry. SB 1047 was one of hundreds of bills floated around the country in the absence of meaningful action from Congress to address potentially catastrophic impacts of the software.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1047 would have required developers to submit their safety plans to the state attorney general, who could hold them liable if AI models they directly control were to cause harm or imminent threats to public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The harms at issue in SB 1047 are harms that people are trying to perpetrate today,” state Senator Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) told KQED. “The question is, are we going to allow large AI models to make it even easier and smoother for people to do things like shut down the electric grid or build a chemical weapon? It’s not science fiction at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"http://chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/25178071/sb-1047-veto-message.pdf\">veto message\u003c/a> on the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1047\">Safe and Secure Innovation for Frontier Artificial Intelligence Models Act\u003c/a>, Newsom made it clear that he’s not averse to regulating AI companies, noting that he’s already approved more than a dozen bills around specific risks of harm to democracy, online privacy, and critical infrastructure. But he criticized SB 1047’s limited focus on the most expensive and large-scale models, saying it “establishes a regulatory framework that could give the public a false sense of security about controlling this fast-moving technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener spent the last year in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000892/ai-safety-testing-bill-heads-for-a-floor-vote-in-sacramento-taking-heavy-fire-from-silicon-valley\">pitched battle\u003c/a> with some of the most prominent figures in the AI industry, including many who warned the measure could stifle the growth of the technology in California. Wiener said he amended the measure to reflect counsel from leaders in the AI space, including safety groups, academics, startups and developers like Amazon-backed Anthropic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jack Clark, co-founder of Anthropic, tweeted Sunday that, “While the final version of SB 1047 was not perfect, it was a promising first step towards mitigating potentially severe and far reaching risks associated with AI development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/jackclarkSF/status/1840509202352984550\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener eliminated text that would have allowed California’s attorney general to sue AI companies for negligent safety practices before a catastrophic event has occurred, along with plans to establish a division within the California Department of Technology that would have provided oversight and enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to the original language of the bill, what landed on the governor’s desk was substantially weaker, according to Gary Marcus, a scientist, entrepreneur and author of \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/Taming-Silicon-Valley-Ensure-Works/dp/0262551063/ref=sr_1_1?crid=3A88EX2BVWA8H&dib=eyJ2IjoiMSJ9.F31swn2jM8u95GwAae9mH9FtgLBwUwaWK0GYU8T73IeQzBQQZgNmHvqkTzpmOdLL3Cl3xGckiQPC0QdJAKKOYoriPQEYkLaDfuMKFNOAOAYq85KJ5JOQU8s7XYTGk5qGUWMGp2mOorCYamVYxtwjzw.F1IisiErR1kWYZw0nuDn_CLFRvoRFMUlti7pxm2y61Q&dib_tag=se&keywords=Taming+Silicon+Valley&qid=1727652464&sprefix=taming+silicon+valley%2Caps%2C145&sr=8-1\">Taming Silicon Valley\u003c/a>, a book highly critical of generative AI. “The bill was watered down,” Marcus said, adding he feels its value was primarily symbolic, and that Newsom’s decision signaled to Silicon Valley that it can “cause enormous chaos, and probably nobody’s going to make them fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with other measures before Newsom, the governor had a month to consider whether to sign SB 1047 or veto it, and during that time, his office was lobbied heavily by industry insiders on both sides, as well as local \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002254/california-bill-to-regulate-catastrophic-effects-of-ai-heads-to-newsoms-desk\">congressional representatives\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/business/story/2024-09-24/mark-hamill-jane-fonda-joseph-gordon-levitt-sign-letter-in-support-of-ai-safety-bill-sb-1047\">Hollywood celebrities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have the technical capacity to perfectly predict how [SB 1047] would have affected the AI industry,” said Thad Kousser, a political science professor at UC San Diego. “Many people in Sacramento don’t have that ability. Maybe they just decided to err on the side of caution, thinking, ‘Wow, there’s so many industry voices saying this particular bill is dangerous and could have a chilling effect.’ Not really knowing 100%, maybe the safer step is just vetoing,” Kousser said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said the governor’s office did not engage with his office as the bill made its way through the state Assembly and Senate. “I personally met with some of the most vocal opponents of the bill, with the Andreessen Horowitz firm, with several of the Stanford professors who were opposing the bill, with the large tech companies that were opposing the bill. I also met with individuals and businesses that had constructive criticism of the bill. And we made significant changes to the bill in response to those constructive critiques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those changes were not enough for many critics, including Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren of San José, who wrote, “Any AI risk framework should be based on empirical data and fit for purpose. I also believe this is an issue that should be handled at the federal level. Congress and the Administration are both moving on AI governance. I look forward to working with the Governor as we move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren is the ranking member of the \u003ca href=\"https://science.house.gov/committee-members\">House Science, Space and Technology Committee\u003c/a>, which has in recent weeks moved nine bills forward, but all \u003ca href=\"https://www.dlapiper.com/en-us/insights/publications/ai-outlook/2024/ai-legislation-advances-in-us-house-of-representatives\">face an uncertain future\u003c/a> in the House of Representatives. Nothing addressing the scope and scale of SB 1047 has passed out of any committee. But Lina Khan of the Federal Trade Commission has said that federal regulators are keen to use \u003ca href=\"http://chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/remarks-of-chair-lina-m-khan-re-joint-interagency-statement-on-ai.pdf\">existing laws (PDF)\u003c/a> to go after bad behavior in Silicon Valley and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987803/how-california-and-the-eu-work-together-to-regulate-artificial-intelligence\">European Union\u003c/a> and Colorado, both of which passed comprehensive laws, California lawmakers have largely focused on discrete bills addressing specific issues with generative AI. Gov. Newsom signed 17 of these bills this year, as he noted in his veto message, and California is among a host of states taking steps to regulate generative AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the inertia in Washington, D.C., most political analysts see the state level as the only hope for aggressive regulation of technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the race for the White House this year, both Kamala Harris and Donald Trump have sought the support of Silicon Valley’s most powerful players. Newsom’s presidential ambitions are presumably on hold for the foreseeable future, but given the national profile of SB 1047, some have wondered if he might be loath to make enemies among those profiting from the rise of generative artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think, like any good politician who’s ascended to the heights Gavin Newsom has, you’ve got to be thinking about ‘How will I be judged today, tomorrow, in 5 or 10 years,” said Professor Kousser. “That forward thinking has guided his decisions on many bills throughout his governorship. He’s been on the right side of history in many of the strong policy stands he has taken, as mayor and as governor — and he’s hoping that he’ll be on the right side of history on this one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry critics like Marcus argue something much more cynical: that the biggest of the big Silicon Valley companies have become so wealthy and powerful that few U.S. politicians appear willing to go up against them. “Existing laws didn’t anticipate the AI era, and so there are lots of gaps in those laws. We don’t really have clarity about what to do about copyright. We don’t have clarity about what to do with machines when they go out of control in some way.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In an 11th hour decision, Governor Gavin Newsom has vetoed a bill widely seen as one of the most ambitious efforts to regulate the generative AI industry. SB 1047 was one of hundreds of bills floated around the country in the absence of meaningful action from Congress to address potentially catastrophic impacts of the software.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1047 would have required developers to submit their safety plans to the state attorney general, who could hold them liable if AI models they directly control were to cause harm or imminent threats to public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The harms at issue in SB 1047 are harms that people are trying to perpetrate today,” state Senator Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) told KQED. “The question is, are we going to allow large AI models to make it even easier and smoother for people to do things like shut down the electric grid or build a chemical weapon? It’s not science fiction at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"http://chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/25178071/sb-1047-veto-message.pdf\">veto message\u003c/a> on the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1047\">Safe and Secure Innovation for Frontier Artificial Intelligence Models Act\u003c/a>, Newsom made it clear that he’s not averse to regulating AI companies, noting that he’s already approved more than a dozen bills around specific risks of harm to democracy, online privacy, and critical infrastructure. But he criticized SB 1047’s limited focus on the most expensive and large-scale models, saying it “establishes a regulatory framework that could give the public a false sense of security about controlling this fast-moving technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener spent the last year in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000892/ai-safety-testing-bill-heads-for-a-floor-vote-in-sacramento-taking-heavy-fire-from-silicon-valley\">pitched battle\u003c/a> with some of the most prominent figures in the AI industry, including many who warned the measure could stifle the growth of the technology in California. Wiener said he amended the measure to reflect counsel from leaders in the AI space, including safety groups, academics, startups and developers like Amazon-backed Anthropic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jack Clark, co-founder of Anthropic, tweeted Sunday that, “While the final version of SB 1047 was not perfect, it was a promising first step towards mitigating potentially severe and far reaching risks associated with AI development.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Wiener eliminated text that would have allowed California’s attorney general to sue AI companies for negligent safety practices before a catastrophic event has occurred, along with plans to establish a division within the California Department of Technology that would have provided oversight and enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to the original language of the bill, what landed on the governor’s desk was substantially weaker, according to Gary Marcus, a scientist, entrepreneur and author of \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/Taming-Silicon-Valley-Ensure-Works/dp/0262551063/ref=sr_1_1?crid=3A88EX2BVWA8H&dib=eyJ2IjoiMSJ9.F31swn2jM8u95GwAae9mH9FtgLBwUwaWK0GYU8T73IeQzBQQZgNmHvqkTzpmOdLL3Cl3xGckiQPC0QdJAKKOYoriPQEYkLaDfuMKFNOAOAYq85KJ5JOQU8s7XYTGk5qGUWMGp2mOorCYamVYxtwjzw.F1IisiErR1kWYZw0nuDn_CLFRvoRFMUlti7pxm2y61Q&dib_tag=se&keywords=Taming+Silicon+Valley&qid=1727652464&sprefix=taming+silicon+valley%2Caps%2C145&sr=8-1\">Taming Silicon Valley\u003c/a>, a book highly critical of generative AI. “The bill was watered down,” Marcus said, adding he feels its value was primarily symbolic, and that Newsom’s decision signaled to Silicon Valley that it can “cause enormous chaos, and probably nobody’s going to make them fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with other measures before Newsom, the governor had a month to consider whether to sign SB 1047 or veto it, and during that time, his office was lobbied heavily by industry insiders on both sides, as well as local \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002254/california-bill-to-regulate-catastrophic-effects-of-ai-heads-to-newsoms-desk\">congressional representatives\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/business/story/2024-09-24/mark-hamill-jane-fonda-joseph-gordon-levitt-sign-letter-in-support-of-ai-safety-bill-sb-1047\">Hollywood celebrities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have the technical capacity to perfectly predict how [SB 1047] would have affected the AI industry,” said Thad Kousser, a political science professor at UC San Diego. “Many people in Sacramento don’t have that ability. Maybe they just decided to err on the side of caution, thinking, ‘Wow, there’s so many industry voices saying this particular bill is dangerous and could have a chilling effect.’ Not really knowing 100%, maybe the safer step is just vetoing,” Kousser said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said the governor’s office did not engage with his office as the bill made its way through the state Assembly and Senate. “I personally met with some of the most vocal opponents of the bill, with the Andreessen Horowitz firm, with several of the Stanford professors who were opposing the bill, with the large tech companies that were opposing the bill. I also met with individuals and businesses that had constructive criticism of the bill. And we made significant changes to the bill in response to those constructive critiques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those changes were not enough for many critics, including Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren of San José, who wrote, “Any AI risk framework should be based on empirical data and fit for purpose. I also believe this is an issue that should be handled at the federal level. Congress and the Administration are both moving on AI governance. I look forward to working with the Governor as we move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren is the ranking member of the \u003ca href=\"https://science.house.gov/committee-members\">House Science, Space and Technology Committee\u003c/a>, which has in recent weeks moved nine bills forward, but all \u003ca href=\"https://www.dlapiper.com/en-us/insights/publications/ai-outlook/2024/ai-legislation-advances-in-us-house-of-representatives\">face an uncertain future\u003c/a> in the House of Representatives. Nothing addressing the scope and scale of SB 1047 has passed out of any committee. But Lina Khan of the Federal Trade Commission has said that federal regulators are keen to use \u003ca href=\"http://chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/remarks-of-chair-lina-m-khan-re-joint-interagency-statement-on-ai.pdf\">existing laws (PDF)\u003c/a> to go after bad behavior in Silicon Valley and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987803/how-california-and-the-eu-work-together-to-regulate-artificial-intelligence\">European Union\u003c/a> and Colorado, both of which passed comprehensive laws, California lawmakers have largely focused on discrete bills addressing specific issues with generative AI. Gov. Newsom signed 17 of these bills this year, as he noted in his veto message, and California is among a host of states taking steps to regulate generative AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the inertia in Washington, D.C., most political analysts see the state level as the only hope for aggressive regulation of technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the race for the White House this year, both Kamala Harris and Donald Trump have sought the support of Silicon Valley’s most powerful players. Newsom’s presidential ambitions are presumably on hold for the foreseeable future, but given the national profile of SB 1047, some have wondered if he might be loath to make enemies among those profiting from the rise of generative artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think, like any good politician who’s ascended to the heights Gavin Newsom has, you’ve got to be thinking about ‘How will I be judged today, tomorrow, in 5 or 10 years,” said Professor Kousser. “That forward thinking has guided his decisions on many bills throughout his governorship. He’s been on the right side of history in many of the strong policy stands he has taken, as mayor and as governor — and he’s hoping that he’ll be on the right side of history on this one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry critics like Marcus argue something much more cynical: that the biggest of the big Silicon Valley companies have become so wealthy and powerful that few U.S. politicians appear willing to go up against them. “Existing laws didn’t anticipate the AI era, and so there are lots of gaps in those laws. We don’t really have clarity about what to do about copyright. We don’t have clarity about what to do with machines when they go out of control in some way.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:30 p.m. Sunday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a landmark bill aimed at establishing first-in-the-nation \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-regulation-bill-vote-cf581ef29fe47df8ce2ae3b979e07f73\">safety measures\u003c/a> for large artificial intelligence models Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision is a major blow to efforts attempting to rein in the homegrown industry that is rapidly evolving with little oversight. The bill would have established some of the first regulations on large-scale AI models in the nation and paved the way for AI safety regulations across the country, supporters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the Democratic governor told an audience at Dreamforce, an annual conference hosted by software giant Salesforce, that California must lead in regulating AI in the face of federal inaction but that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-meta-google-ai-regulation-fight-e3a9c25b597b5f469fe0de149572f87e\">the proposal\u003c/a> “can have a chilling effect on the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, which drew fierce opposition from startups, tech giants and several Democratic House members, could have hurt the homegrown industry by establishing rigid requirements, Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While well-intentioned, SB 1047 does not take into account whether an AI system is deployed in high-risk environments, involves critical decision-making or the use of sensitive data,” Newsom said in a statement. “Instead, the bill applies stringent standards to even the most basic functions — so long as a large system deploys it. I do not believe this is the best approach to protecting the public from real threats posed by the technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Sunday instead announced that the state will partner with several industry experts, including AI pioneer \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ai-pioneer-feifei-li-stanford-computer-vision-imagenet-702717c10defd89feabf01e6c1566a4b\">Fei-Fei Li\u003c/a>, to develop guardrails around powerful AI models. Li opposed the AI safety proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The author of SB 1047, state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, told KQED Sunday said it was a major missed opportunity for California to lead on tech regulation and on AI safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cb>\u003c/b>This bill was meticulously put together. We worked with some of the most brilliant AI experts in the world. We worked with technology companies. We we worked with a huge coalition on this bill and it deserved to be signed,” Wiener said. “The governor obviously disagreed, and it’s a missed opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, aimed at reducing potential risks created by AI, would have required companies to test their models and publicly disclose their safety protocols to prevent the models from being manipulated to, for example, wipe out the state’s electric grid or help build chemical weapons. Experts say those scenarios could be possible in the future as the industry continues to rapidly advance. It also would have provided whistleblower protections to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is among \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-election-deepfakes-safety-regulations-eb6bbc80e346744dbb250f931ebca9f3\">a host of bills\u003c/a> passed by the Legislature this year to regulate AI, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-artificial-intelligence-deepfakes-election-0e70cb32b06d9187eaef5bdacaba6d77\">fight deepfakes\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-hollywood-actors-ai-protections-artificial-intelligence-d3d53135ee76849c2da1388efcfc8975\">protect workers\u003c/a>. State lawmakers said California must take actions this year, citing hard lessons they learned from failing to rein in social media companies when they might have had a chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the measure, including Elon Musk and Anthropic, said the proposal could have injected some levels of transparency and accountability around large-scale AI models, as developers and experts say they still don’t have a full understanding of how AI models behave and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill targeted systems that require \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/measuring-ai-safety-risk-flops-california-1047-6d556799683b02aa192b821462422aa2\">more than $100 million\u003c/a> to build. No current AI models have hit that threshold, but some experts said that could change within the next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is because of the massive investment scale-up within the industry,” said Daniel Kokotajlo, a former OpenAI researcher who resigned in April over what he saw as the company’s disregard for AI risks. “This is a crazy amount of power to have any private company control unaccountably, and it’s also incredibly risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States is already behind \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/european-union-artificial-intelligence-8ed875df104fbc254b3dd09f348255e8\">Europe in regulating AI\u003c/a> to limit risks. The California proposal wasn’t as comprehensive as regulations in Europe, but it would have been a good first step to set guardrails around the rapidly growing technology that is raising concerns about job loss, misinformation, invasions of privacy and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-ai-explained-policy-technology-regulations-discrimination-d3226c9139d3d06af263e7ff467d0666\">automation bias\u003c/a>, supporters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of leading AI companies last year \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-safeguards-joe-biden-kamala-harris-4caf02b94275429f764b06840897436c\">voluntarily agreed\u003c/a> to follow safeguards set by the White House, such as testing and sharing information about their models. The California bill would have mandated AI developers to follow requirements similar to those commitments, said the measure’s supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12002254,news_12003542,forum_2010101906887,news_12005269\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics, including former U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, argued that the bill would “kill California tech” and stifle innovation. It would have discouraged AI developers from investing in large models or sharing open-source software, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s decision to veto the bill marks another win in California for big tech companies and AI developers, many of whom spent the past year lobbying alongside the California Chamber of Commerce to sway the governor and lawmakers from advancing AI regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other sweeping AI proposals, which also faced mounting opposition from the tech industry and others, died ahead of a legislative deadline last month. The bills would have required AI developers to label AI-generated content and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-bias-discrimination-regulation-ai-ff1d0860663723079aac3666b38f2320\">ban discrimination from AI tools\u003c/a> used to make employment decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said earlier this summer he wanted to protect California’s status as a global leader in AI, noting that 32 of the world’s top 50 AI companies are located in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has promoted California as an early adopter as the state \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-generative-artificial-intelligence-contracts-c178a60b679193ca03168d053f3b811b\">could soon deploy generative AI tools\u003c/a> to address highway congestion, provide tax guidance and streamline homelessness programs. The state also announced last month \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/nvidia-artificial-intelligence-ai-california-0958f43b6aecbdb7617dfcb78bad7319\">a voluntary partnership\u003c/a> with AI giant Nvidia to help train students, college faculty, developers and data scientists. California is also considering new rules against AI discrimination in hiring practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Newsom signed some of the toughest laws in the country to crack down on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-artificial-intelligence-deepfakes-election-0e70cb32b06d9187eaef5bdacaba6d77\">election deepfakes\u003c/a> and measures to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-hollywood-actors-ai-protections-artificial-intelligence-d3d53135ee76849c2da1388efcfc8975\">protect Hollywood workers\u003c/a> from unauthorized AI use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with Newsom’s veto, the California safety proposal is inspiring lawmakers in other states to take up similar measures, said Tatiana Rice, deputy director of the Future of Privacy Forum, a nonprofit that works with lawmakers on technology and privacy proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are going to potentially either copy it or do something similar next legislative session,” Rice said. “So it’s not going away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Nik Altenberg contributed reporting to this story. The Associated Press and OpenAI have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/openai-chatgpt-associated-press-ap-f86f84c5bcc2f3b98074b38521f5f75a\">a licensing and technology agreement\u003c/a> that allows OpenAI access to part of AP’s text archives.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:30 p.m. Sunday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a landmark bill aimed at establishing first-in-the-nation \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-regulation-bill-vote-cf581ef29fe47df8ce2ae3b979e07f73\">safety measures\u003c/a> for large artificial intelligence models Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision is a major blow to efforts attempting to rein in the homegrown industry that is rapidly evolving with little oversight. The bill would have established some of the first regulations on large-scale AI models in the nation and paved the way for AI safety regulations across the country, supporters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the Democratic governor told an audience at Dreamforce, an annual conference hosted by software giant Salesforce, that California must lead in regulating AI in the face of federal inaction but that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-meta-google-ai-regulation-fight-e3a9c25b597b5f469fe0de149572f87e\">the proposal\u003c/a> “can have a chilling effect on the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, which drew fierce opposition from startups, tech giants and several Democratic House members, could have hurt the homegrown industry by establishing rigid requirements, Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While well-intentioned, SB 1047 does not take into account whether an AI system is deployed in high-risk environments, involves critical decision-making or the use of sensitive data,” Newsom said in a statement. “Instead, the bill applies stringent standards to even the most basic functions — so long as a large system deploys it. I do not believe this is the best approach to protecting the public from real threats posed by the technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Sunday instead announced that the state will partner with several industry experts, including AI pioneer \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ai-pioneer-feifei-li-stanford-computer-vision-imagenet-702717c10defd89feabf01e6c1566a4b\">Fei-Fei Li\u003c/a>, to develop guardrails around powerful AI models. Li opposed the AI safety proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The author of SB 1047, state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, told KQED Sunday said it was a major missed opportunity for California to lead on tech regulation and on AI safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cb>\u003c/b>This bill was meticulously put together. We worked with some of the most brilliant AI experts in the world. We worked with technology companies. We we worked with a huge coalition on this bill and it deserved to be signed,” Wiener said. “The governor obviously disagreed, and it’s a missed opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, aimed at reducing potential risks created by AI, would have required companies to test their models and publicly disclose their safety protocols to prevent the models from being manipulated to, for example, wipe out the state’s electric grid or help build chemical weapons. Experts say those scenarios could be possible in the future as the industry continues to rapidly advance. It also would have provided whistleblower protections to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is among \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-election-deepfakes-safety-regulations-eb6bbc80e346744dbb250f931ebca9f3\">a host of bills\u003c/a> passed by the Legislature this year to regulate AI, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-artificial-intelligence-deepfakes-election-0e70cb32b06d9187eaef5bdacaba6d77\">fight deepfakes\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-hollywood-actors-ai-protections-artificial-intelligence-d3d53135ee76849c2da1388efcfc8975\">protect workers\u003c/a>. State lawmakers said California must take actions this year, citing hard lessons they learned from failing to rein in social media companies when they might have had a chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the measure, including Elon Musk and Anthropic, said the proposal could have injected some levels of transparency and accountability around large-scale AI models, as developers and experts say they still don’t have a full understanding of how AI models behave and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill targeted systems that require \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/measuring-ai-safety-risk-flops-california-1047-6d556799683b02aa192b821462422aa2\">more than $100 million\u003c/a> to build. No current AI models have hit that threshold, but some experts said that could change within the next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is because of the massive investment scale-up within the industry,” said Daniel Kokotajlo, a former OpenAI researcher who resigned in April over what he saw as the company’s disregard for AI risks. “This is a crazy amount of power to have any private company control unaccountably, and it’s also incredibly risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States is already behind \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/european-union-artificial-intelligence-8ed875df104fbc254b3dd09f348255e8\">Europe in regulating AI\u003c/a> to limit risks. The California proposal wasn’t as comprehensive as regulations in Europe, but it would have been a good first step to set guardrails around the rapidly growing technology that is raising concerns about job loss, misinformation, invasions of privacy and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-ai-explained-policy-technology-regulations-discrimination-d3226c9139d3d06af263e7ff467d0666\">automation bias\u003c/a>, supporters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of leading AI companies last year \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-safeguards-joe-biden-kamala-harris-4caf02b94275429f764b06840897436c\">voluntarily agreed\u003c/a> to follow safeguards set by the White House, such as testing and sharing information about their models. The California bill would have mandated AI developers to follow requirements similar to those commitments, said the measure’s supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics, including former U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, argued that the bill would “kill California tech” and stifle innovation. It would have discouraged AI developers from investing in large models or sharing open-source software, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s decision to veto the bill marks another win in California for big tech companies and AI developers, many of whom spent the past year lobbying alongside the California Chamber of Commerce to sway the governor and lawmakers from advancing AI regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other sweeping AI proposals, which also faced mounting opposition from the tech industry and others, died ahead of a legislative deadline last month. The bills would have required AI developers to label AI-generated content and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-bias-discrimination-regulation-ai-ff1d0860663723079aac3666b38f2320\">ban discrimination from AI tools\u003c/a> used to make employment decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said earlier this summer he wanted to protect California’s status as a global leader in AI, noting that 32 of the world’s top 50 AI companies are located in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has promoted California as an early adopter as the state \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-generative-artificial-intelligence-contracts-c178a60b679193ca03168d053f3b811b\">could soon deploy generative AI tools\u003c/a> to address highway congestion, provide tax guidance and streamline homelessness programs. The state also announced last month \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/nvidia-artificial-intelligence-ai-california-0958f43b6aecbdb7617dfcb78bad7319\">a voluntary partnership\u003c/a> with AI giant Nvidia to help train students, college faculty, developers and data scientists. California is also considering new rules against AI discrimination in hiring practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Newsom signed some of the toughest laws in the country to crack down on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-artificial-intelligence-deepfakes-election-0e70cb32b06d9187eaef5bdacaba6d77\">election deepfakes\u003c/a> and measures to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-hollywood-actors-ai-protections-artificial-intelligence-d3d53135ee76849c2da1388efcfc8975\">protect Hollywood workers\u003c/a> from unauthorized AI use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with Newsom’s veto, the California safety proposal is inspiring lawmakers in other states to take up similar measures, said Tatiana Rice, deputy director of the Future of Privacy Forum, a nonprofit that works with lawmakers on technology and privacy proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are going to potentially either copy it or do something similar next legislative session,” Rice said. “So it’s not going away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Nik Altenberg contributed reporting to this story. The Associated Press and OpenAI have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/openai-chatgpt-associated-press-ap-f86f84c5bcc2f3b98074b38521f5f75a\">a licensing and technology agreement\u003c/a> that allows OpenAI access to part of AP’s text archives.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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