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"content": "\u003cp>California Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> on Thursday left the door open to a possible run for governor, weeks after previously saying he would stay out of the 2026 race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064988/california-attorney-general-has-filed-46-lawsuits-against-trump-administration\">KQED’s \u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Bonta also provided new details about his spending of campaign funds on legal services as he faced questions in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022612/ex-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-3-others-charged-with-bribery-sprawling-corruption-probe\">the federal corruption investigation that ensnared former Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a>. Bonta is not accused of any wrongdoing, but questions about his connection to the East Bay recycling executives \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018120/family-center-oakland-fbi-raid-backed-thao-secure-lucrative-contracts-da-says\">at the center\u003c/a> of the scandal have swirled alongside speculation about his political future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As attorney general, Bonta has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910625/california-attorney-general-rob-bonta-on-standing-up-to-the-trump-administration\">spearheaded California’s legal battles\u003c/a> against the Trump administration, and his position as the state’s top law enforcement official could serve as a springboard to pursue the governorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said he had initially hoped former Vice President Kamala Harris would run to succeed Gov. Gavin Newsom, who is termed out in 2027. When Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030198/prewrite-kamala-harris-enters-california-governor-race-upending-democratic-landscape\">decided against running\u003c/a>, Bonta shifted his support to Sen. Alex Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/NxpFwZ04NQ0?si=jiofeCMbp-W6Srp2&t=2945\">press conference in October\u003c/a>, Bonta said he was “staying out of the governor’s race.” Then, in early November, Padilla announced he was also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062840/alex-padilla-says-he-wont-run-for-california-governor-in-2026\">declining to enter\u003c/a> the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked on Thursday whether the door to running was completely shut, Bonta responded that he is “completely focused on the work I’m doing as AG.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043426\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-1536x1145.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom (right) speaks as Attorney General Rob Bonta looks on during a news conference on April 16, 2025, in Ceres, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I will say this: I’ve been getting a very significant amount of encouragement to consider running for governor, and for that I am flattered, I’m honored, I’m grateful,” Bonta said. “It comes from a wide variety of people and entities that I very much respect and that I know care deeply about the future of California, but I am focused on being AG and I have nothing to announce today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list of candidates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059479/katie-porters-viral-video-shakes-up-governors-race\">running in the June primary\u003c/a> includes Democrats such as former U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, former California Attorney General Xavier Becerra and former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, as well as Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican. But the field continues to grow — megadonor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064558/billionaire-climate-activist-tom-steyer-enters-2026-california-governors-race\">Tom Steyer jumped in\u003c/a> the race on Wednesday — and 44% of voters remain undecided, according to a Berkeley IGS poll released this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officially, Bonta has been raising money to run for another term as attorney general. His campaign finance filings this year have raised eyebrows for the large sums he is spending on legal fees: over $468,000 to the law firm Wilson Sonsini Goodrich & Rosati.[aside postID=news_12063660 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP.jpg']“Over a year ago, maybe 14 months ago, the federal government reached out to me and said that they thought I may have information that would be relevant to the investigation that they were engaged in of other individuals that they were focused on,” Bonta said. “Having never done this before, I wanted to make sure I had an attorney who could guide me through the process and ensure that I provided everything that could be helpful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal probe resulted in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023847/the-indictment-of-former-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao\">January indictment\u003c/a> of Thao, as well as David and Andy Duong, the father-and-son owners of the recycling company California Waste Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Duongs are accused of funding campaign mailers and a no-show job for Thao’s boyfriend. In exchange, Thao is alleged to have promised an extension of Oakland’s contract with California Waste Solutions, an appointment of a city official hand-picked by the Duongs and a city purchase of housing units from another company run by the Duongs. Both Andy and David Duong, along with Thao and her romantic partner, Andre Jones, have pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Duongs were longtime political supporters of Bonta, who previously represented Oakland and Alameda in the state Assembly. After California Waste Solutions was raided in 2024, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025747/barbara-lee-return-5000-donations-from-family-linked-oakland-bribery-scandal\">returned\u003c/a> $155,100 in donations that he had received from the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The East Bay political world is relatively finite and small, and so I operated in that space for a number of years and had a really broad number of supporters,” Bonta said. “The Duong family was active in East Bay politics as well, and had supported me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991432\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991432\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. postal inspectors check documents at a home tied to David Duong, one of the multiple properties searched by law enforcement that included residences to members of a politically connected family who run the city’s contracted recycling company, California Waste Solutions, in Oakland on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ray Chavez/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When the news came out that there was raids on homes … and potential indictments coming down that eventually did come down, that was a shock and a surprise to me,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said he hired lawyers to guide him through the process of fulfilling the investigators’ requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They helped gather all the information that the federal government was interested in and provide it,” he said. “And then I made myself available to answer any questions about any of that information, any of those documents and anything else they wanted to talk to me about.”[aside postID=news_12064908 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00001-1020x681.jpg']Bonta said that at no point was he given the sense that he was a target of the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got a very clear opposite sense that they are absolutely not investigating me and that I am not a target,” he added. “I am someone that they thought may have relevant information about an investigation that they were engaged in of others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Thursday, the politics newsletter East Bay Insiders reported that Bonta received a letter in May 2024 from Mario Juarez, a former Duong business partner who is believed to have cooperated with the federal investigation, warning the attorney general that the Duong family possessed a recording of Bonta in a “compromising situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta confirmed to KQED that he received the letter, but said that “the reference to any video is absolutely not true. It’s false, and there is no video.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said much of the letter seemed “wild and baseless,” but he was concerned about Juarez’s claims that he felt his life was endangered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took steps to provide that letter to local law enforcement partners to ensure that safety was enhanced and people were protected,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said he had initially hoped former Vice President Kamala Harris would run to succeed Gov. Gavin Newsom, who is termed out in 2027. When Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030198/prewrite-kamala-harris-enters-california-governor-race-upending-democratic-landscape\">decided against running\u003c/a>, Bonta shifted his support to Sen. Alex Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/NxpFwZ04NQ0?si=jiofeCMbp-W6Srp2&t=2945\">press conference in October\u003c/a>, Bonta said he was “staying out of the governor’s race.” Then, in early November, Padilla announced he was also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062840/alex-padilla-says-he-wont-run-for-california-governor-in-2026\">declining to enter\u003c/a> the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked on Thursday whether the door to running was completely shut, Bonta responded that he is “completely focused on the work I’m doing as AG.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043426\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1491\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GavinNewsomRobBontaGetty-1536x1145.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom (right) speaks as Attorney General Rob Bonta looks on during a news conference on April 16, 2025, in Ceres, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I will say this: I’ve been getting a very significant amount of encouragement to consider running for governor, and for that I am flattered, I’m honored, I’m grateful,” Bonta said. “It comes from a wide variety of people and entities that I very much respect and that I know care deeply about the future of California, but I am focused on being AG and I have nothing to announce today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list of candidates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059479/katie-porters-viral-video-shakes-up-governors-race\">running in the June primary\u003c/a> includes Democrats such as former U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, former California Attorney General Xavier Becerra and former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, as well as Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican. But the field continues to grow — megadonor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064558/billionaire-climate-activist-tom-steyer-enters-2026-california-governors-race\">Tom Steyer jumped in\u003c/a> the race on Wednesday — and 44% of voters remain undecided, according to a Berkeley IGS poll released this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officially, Bonta has been raising money to run for another term as attorney general. His campaign finance filings this year have raised eyebrows for the large sums he is spending on legal fees: over $468,000 to the law firm Wilson Sonsini Goodrich & Rosati.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Over a year ago, maybe 14 months ago, the federal government reached out to me and said that they thought I may have information that would be relevant to the investigation that they were engaged in of other individuals that they were focused on,” Bonta said. “Having never done this before, I wanted to make sure I had an attorney who could guide me through the process and ensure that I provided everything that could be helpful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal probe resulted in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023847/the-indictment-of-former-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao\">January indictment\u003c/a> of Thao, as well as David and Andy Duong, the father-and-son owners of the recycling company California Waste Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Duongs are accused of funding campaign mailers and a no-show job for Thao’s boyfriend. In exchange, Thao is alleged to have promised an extension of Oakland’s contract with California Waste Solutions, an appointment of a city official hand-picked by the Duongs and a city purchase of housing units from another company run by the Duongs. Both Andy and David Duong, along with Thao and her romantic partner, Andre Jones, have pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Duongs were longtime political supporters of Bonta, who previously represented Oakland and Alameda in the state Assembly. After California Waste Solutions was raided in 2024, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025747/barbara-lee-return-5000-donations-from-family-linked-oakland-bribery-scandal\">returned\u003c/a> $155,100 in donations that he had received from the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The East Bay political world is relatively finite and small, and so I operated in that space for a number of years and had a really broad number of supporters,” Bonta said. “The Duong family was active in East Bay politics as well, and had supported me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991432\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991432\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. postal inspectors check documents at a home tied to David Duong, one of the multiple properties searched by law enforcement that included residences to members of a politically connected family who run the city’s contracted recycling company, California Waste Solutions, in Oakland on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ray Chavez/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When the news came out that there was raids on homes … and potential indictments coming down that eventually did come down, that was a shock and a surprise to me,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said he hired lawyers to guide him through the process of fulfilling the investigators’ requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They helped gather all the information that the federal government was interested in and provide it,” he said. “And then I made myself available to answer any questions about any of that information, any of those documents and anything else they wanted to talk to me about.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Bonta said that at no point was he given the sense that he was a target of the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got a very clear opposite sense that they are absolutely not investigating me and that I am not a target,” he added. “I am someone that they thought may have relevant information about an investigation that they were engaged in of others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Thursday, the politics newsletter East Bay Insiders reported that Bonta received a letter in May 2024 from Mario Juarez, a former Duong business partner who is believed to have cooperated with the federal investigation, warning the attorney general that the Duong family possessed a recording of Bonta in a “compromising situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta confirmed to KQED that he received the letter, but said that “the reference to any video is absolutely not true. It’s false, and there is no video.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said much of the letter seemed “wild and baseless,” but he was concerned about Juarez’s claims that he felt his life was endangered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took steps to provide that letter to local law enforcement partners to ensure that safety was enhanced and people were protected,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge has set a tentative start date next year for the corruption trial of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">former Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a> and her three co-defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao, her longtime partner Andre Jones, and businessmen David and Andy Duong, were indicted Jan. 9 in what federal prosecutors have described as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022612/ex-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-3-others-charged-with-bribery-sprawling-corruption-probe\">an alleged “pay-to-play” scheme\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Duong, the head of California Waste Solutions, Oakland’s curbside recycling provider, along with his son Andy, ran a company called Evolutionary Homes that aimed to sell converted shipping containers to Bay Area cities as housing for the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. attorneys allege Thao agreed to take action as mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062614/defense-in-oakland-corruption-case-files-motion-targeting-key-informants-credibility\">to commit Oakland\u003c/a> to purchase units from the Duongs’ housing company in exchange for kickbacks and favors for Thao and Jones, including the funding of negative campaign mailers targeting her opponents in the 2022 mayoral race. Thao also allegedly agreed to extend the Duongs’ recycling company contract with the city, and appoint senior city officials hand-picked by the Duongs and an unnamed co-conspirator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment laid out charges including conspiracy, bribery, honest services mail fraud and honest services wire fraud. Andy Duong was charged with an additional count of making false statements to a government agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991627\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991627\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">FBI agents raid the Maiden Lane home of Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jessica Christian/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All four defendants have pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside a federal courtroom in downtown Oakland on Thursday, U.S. District Court Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers tentatively scheduled the trial for Oct. 19 of next year, with jury selection expected to take place the week prior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parties are expected to return in January to discuss deadlines for producing materials like witness and exhibit lists. Assistant U.S. Attorney Molly Priedeman said federal prosecutors expect presenting their case in chief will take about three weeks, with the complete trial lasting no more than five weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is ongoing, Priedeman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for defendants in the case said prosecutors had turned over an enormous amount of discovery in the case, including 2.5 terabytes of data and voluminous documents.[aside postID=news_12022612 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-1020x680.jpg']Federal prosecutors said they had seized devices, including one phone and one laptop, from San Leandro City Councilmember Bryan Azevedo, who was recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061916/federal-prosecutors-charge-san-leandro-city-councilmember-with-fraud-lying-to-investigators\">charged in a related conspiracy\u003c/a> case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azevedo, whose case appears to be closely related to that of Thao, Jones and the Duongs, allegedly agreed to use his power as an elected official to benefit a company in exchange for his own personal financial gain. Prosecutors have said they are close to resolving Azevedo’s case and do not expect a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s attorney, Jeff Tsai, said on Thursday that she plans to file papers to join a motion \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062614/defense-in-oakland-corruption-case-files-motion-targeting-key-informants-credibility\">filed by attorneys representing David Duong\u003c/a> in late October that asked Gonzalez Rogers to throw out evidence seized in a June 2024 raid of his home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their filing, Duong’s lawyers accuse the FBI of failing to disclose all relevant information about a key informant in the case in an affidavit used to secure the warrant to search Duong’s home, cars and business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The informant, attorneys argued, has a history of fraud and dishonesty, the complete details of which, they said, were not included in the affidavit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The informant, who is identified in a Jan. 9 indictment as “Co-Conspirator 1,” is widely believed to be businessman and two-time Oakland City Council candidate, Mario Juarez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge has set a tentative start date next year for the corruption trial of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">former Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a> and her three co-defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao, her longtime partner Andre Jones, and businessmen David and Andy Duong, were indicted Jan. 9 in what federal prosecutors have described as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022612/ex-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-3-others-charged-with-bribery-sprawling-corruption-probe\">an alleged “pay-to-play” scheme\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Duong, the head of California Waste Solutions, Oakland’s curbside recycling provider, along with his son Andy, ran a company called Evolutionary Homes that aimed to sell converted shipping containers to Bay Area cities as housing for the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. attorneys allege Thao agreed to take action as mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062614/defense-in-oakland-corruption-case-files-motion-targeting-key-informants-credibility\">to commit Oakland\u003c/a> to purchase units from the Duongs’ housing company in exchange for kickbacks and favors for Thao and Jones, including the funding of negative campaign mailers targeting her opponents in the 2022 mayoral race. Thao also allegedly agreed to extend the Duongs’ recycling company contract with the city, and appoint senior city officials hand-picked by the Duongs and an unnamed co-conspirator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment laid out charges including conspiracy, bribery, honest services mail fraud and honest services wire fraud. Andy Duong was charged with an additional count of making false statements to a government agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991627\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991627\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">FBI agents raid the Maiden Lane home of Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jessica Christian/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All four defendants have pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside a federal courtroom in downtown Oakland on Thursday, U.S. District Court Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers tentatively scheduled the trial for Oct. 19 of next year, with jury selection expected to take place the week prior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parties are expected to return in January to discuss deadlines for producing materials like witness and exhibit lists. Assistant U.S. Attorney Molly Priedeman said federal prosecutors expect presenting their case in chief will take about three weeks, with the complete trial lasting no more than five weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is ongoing, Priedeman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for defendants in the case said prosecutors had turned over an enormous amount of discovery in the case, including 2.5 terabytes of data and voluminous documents.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Federal prosecutors said they had seized devices, including one phone and one laptop, from San Leandro City Councilmember Bryan Azevedo, who was recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061916/federal-prosecutors-charge-san-leandro-city-councilmember-with-fraud-lying-to-investigators\">charged in a related conspiracy\u003c/a> case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azevedo, whose case appears to be closely related to that of Thao, Jones and the Duongs, allegedly agreed to use his power as an elected official to benefit a company in exchange for his own personal financial gain. Prosecutors have said they are close to resolving Azevedo’s case and do not expect a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s attorney, Jeff Tsai, said on Thursday that she plans to file papers to join a motion \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062614/defense-in-oakland-corruption-case-files-motion-targeting-key-informants-credibility\">filed by attorneys representing David Duong\u003c/a> in late October that asked Gonzalez Rogers to throw out evidence seized in a June 2024 raid of his home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their filing, Duong’s lawyers accuse the FBI of failing to disclose all relevant information about a key informant in the case in an affidavit used to secure the warrant to search Duong’s home, cars and business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The informant, attorneys argued, has a history of fraud and dishonesty, the complete details of which, they said, were not included in the affidavit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The informant, who is identified in a Jan. 9 indictment as “Co-Conspirator 1,” is widely believed to be businessman and two-time Oakland City Council candidate, Mario Juarez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s school board could set a timeline on a plan to close schools, a year after a botched push to shutter up to 11 campuses left staff and district families reeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a meeting earlier this week, members discussed a new resolution that would require Superintendent Maria Su to put forward proposals to reorganize schools and implement a new geography-based school assignment system, as soon as August 2026, and by the next fall’s enrollment fair at the latest. If passed, these changes would go into effect ahead of the 2027-2028 school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While still in early stages, the conversation foreshadows an uphill battle to get either the school reorganization or the assignment system to the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Su was appointed superintendent by then-Mayor London Breed last October, she shelved a plan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010008/sf-schools-crisis-is-spiraling-with-top-official-to-resign-heres-all-thats-happened\">to close up to three schools and merge up to 16\u003c/a>, which had been plagued with delays, data issues and equity and transparency concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She turned to addressing SFUSD’s massive budget crisis, and is now in the second of a two-year plan to eliminate a structural deficit by slashing more than $150 million in district spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “Strong Schools Resolution,” introduced Tuesday, appears to outline her next directives from the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010831 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-Mayor London Breed and Superintendent Maria Su speak with students at Yick Wo Alternative Elementary School in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It details the district’s continuing enrollment decline and unequal demand for classroom seats across San Francisco neighborhoods and programs. While some schools, especially those with language immersion tracks, have long waitlists, others are half-empty and stand to lose more students in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expanding some schools and consolidating others will ultimately allow all of our schools to be stronger by reinvesting in teachers, programs, and facilities and making the best use of our real estate portfolio, so that we can continue to improve academics while maintaining our financial stability long term to better serve students,” the draft resolution reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It echoes the district’s reasoning for pursuing closures last year, which failed to garner community support and ultimately led to Superintendent Matt Wayne’s resignation under fire.[aside postID=news_12064366 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250818-SFUSDFIRSTDAY-04-KQED.jpg']Families, the teachers’ union and some board members accused the district of not communicating effectively why closures were necessary, using the budget crisis as an excuse despite determining that the closures themselves wouldn’t yield significant savings. SFUSD was also criticized for not engaging schools in the process, a lack of transparency in determining which should shutter and trying to push the plan through on a tight timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing also put board members up for reelection in a tough position: discussing the potential closure of voters’ schools weeks before election day. Tuesday’s resolution would set up a similar timeline, putting a vote on any closure plan Su brings forward next fall, around November’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overhauling the district’s enrollment strategy is likely to be more popular, since there’s broad alignment that the current system is dysfunctional, stressful and bad for stabilizing enrollment. But there doesn’t appear to be consensus that a zone-based system approved in 2020 is the right solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That December, SFUSD passed legislation that would transition from a school assignment lottery, which allows families to request any campus across the city, to a system that assigns students to one of a few schools closest to their homes. It was meant to go into effect for students entering elementary schools in the fall of 2023, but has been put off for years due to the pandemic, possible school closures and the ongoing budget crisis — and because the district has found it nearly impossible to implement equitably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931650\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1620px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11931650\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman with a grey suit over a blue sweater speaks into a microphone at an event\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-San Francisco Unified School District board candidate, Alida Fisher, speaks at an election night event at El Rio in San Francisco on Nov. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Board member Alida Fisher said Tuesday that the plan was opposed by community advisory committees, which warned at the time that the assignments would disadvantage children in the Southeast part of the city, where schools faced years of underinvestment, ailing facilities and less robust staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district also ran into issues creating maps that ensured access to language immersion and special education programs, and balancing three key factors laid out in the legislation — predictability, proximity and diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board member Matt Alexander said he wanted to see more concrete steps from the superintendent, like asking the board to pick two of those three factors to prioritize. He questioned why the resolution was necessary and why the superintendent didn’t just bring forward a proposal for a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The late-night discussion yielded little concrete progress toward either goal and more questions than answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher posed chief among them: “What is going to be different this time?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s school board could set a timeline on a plan to close schools, a year after a botched push to shutter up to 11 campuses left staff and district families reeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a meeting earlier this week, members discussed a new resolution that would require Superintendent Maria Su to put forward proposals to reorganize schools and implement a new geography-based school assignment system, as soon as August 2026, and by the next fall’s enrollment fair at the latest. If passed, these changes would go into effect ahead of the 2027-2028 school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While still in early stages, the conversation foreshadows an uphill battle to get either the school reorganization or the assignment system to the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Su was appointed superintendent by then-Mayor London Breed last October, she shelved a plan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010008/sf-schools-crisis-is-spiraling-with-top-official-to-resign-heres-all-thats-happened\">to close up to three schools and merge up to 16\u003c/a>, which had been plagued with delays, data issues and equity and transparency concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She turned to addressing SFUSD’s massive budget crisis, and is now in the second of a two-year plan to eliminate a structural deficit by slashing more than $150 million in district spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “Strong Schools Resolution,” introduced Tuesday, appears to outline her next directives from the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010831 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241023-SFUSDSUPERINTENDENT-49-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-Mayor London Breed and Superintendent Maria Su speak with students at Yick Wo Alternative Elementary School in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It details the district’s continuing enrollment decline and unequal demand for classroom seats across San Francisco neighborhoods and programs. While some schools, especially those with language immersion tracks, have long waitlists, others are half-empty and stand to lose more students in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expanding some schools and consolidating others will ultimately allow all of our schools to be stronger by reinvesting in teachers, programs, and facilities and making the best use of our real estate portfolio, so that we can continue to improve academics while maintaining our financial stability long term to better serve students,” the draft resolution reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It echoes the district’s reasoning for pursuing closures last year, which failed to garner community support and ultimately led to Superintendent Matt Wayne’s resignation under fire.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Families, the teachers’ union and some board members accused the district of not communicating effectively why closures were necessary, using the budget crisis as an excuse despite determining that the closures themselves wouldn’t yield significant savings. SFUSD was also criticized for not engaging schools in the process, a lack of transparency in determining which should shutter and trying to push the plan through on a tight timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing also put board members up for reelection in a tough position: discussing the potential closure of voters’ schools weeks before election day. Tuesday’s resolution would set up a similar timeline, putting a vote on any closure plan Su brings forward next fall, around November’s general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overhauling the district’s enrollment strategy is likely to be more popular, since there’s broad alignment that the current system is dysfunctional, stressful and bad for stabilizing enrollment. But there doesn’t appear to be consensus that a zone-based system approved in 2020 is the right solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That December, SFUSD passed legislation that would transition from a school assignment lottery, which allows families to request any campus across the city, to a system that assigns students to one of a few schools closest to their homes. It was meant to go into effect for students entering elementary schools in the fall of 2023, but has been put off for years due to the pandemic, possible school closures and the ongoing budget crisis — and because the district has found it nearly impossible to implement equitably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11931650\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1620px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11931650\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman with a grey suit over a blue sweater speaks into a microphone at an event\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF.jpg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/1AFBACD6-E56E-4A4A-8624-783F1286C3AF-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-San Francisco Unified School District board candidate, Alida Fisher, speaks at an election night event at El Rio in San Francisco on Nov. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Board member Alida Fisher said Tuesday that the plan was opposed by community advisory committees, which warned at the time that the assignments would disadvantage children in the Southeast part of the city, where schools faced years of underinvestment, ailing facilities and less robust staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district also ran into issues creating maps that ensured access to language immersion and special education programs, and balancing three key factors laid out in the legislation — predictability, proximity and diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board member Matt Alexander said he wanted to see more concrete steps from the superintendent, like asking the board to pick two of those three factors to prioritize. He questioned why the resolution was necessary and why the superintendent didn’t just bring forward a proposal for a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The late-night discussion yielded little concrete progress toward either goal and more questions than answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisher posed chief among them: “What is going to be different this time?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Former San Francisco Mayor London Breed Will Not Run for Congress",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former San Francisco Mayor London Breed said she will not run for the congressional seat that will soon be vacant \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062796/nancy-pelosi-leaves-congress-after-38-years-defining-generations-of-democratic-power\">after Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi retires\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, who is currently working as a policy adviser at the nonprofit Aspen Policy Academy, confirmed her decision to KQED on Wednesday, about two weeks after telling reporters she was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063507/former-san-francisco-mayor-london-breed-considers-run-for-pelosi-seat\">mulling a possible run\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After thoughtful consideration, I have decided not to pursue a run for Congress. This moment calls for unity, strength, and a commitment to lifting each other up, not creating more division,” Breed said in a statement. “I will continue fighting for the people of San Francisco and for the values that define us as Democrats: fairness, dignity, and a future where every community can thrive. That work has always been bigger than any one campaign or any one office, and I remain fully committed to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie unseated Breed in the November 2024 election. She was the city’s first Black woman mayor, who served for nearly seven years after initially stepping in as interim mayor following the late former Mayor Ed Lee’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed stood to join what’s already shaking out to be a crowded race, with six candidates already vying to represent California’s 11th Congressional District. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060826/state-sen-scott-wiener-is-running-for-pelosis-house-seat-saying-it-was-time\">State Sen. Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, a moderate Democrat with whom Breed has been an ally on many issues, already announced he is running.[aside postID=news_12064891 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251029-SNAP-PRESSER-MD-06-KQED.jpg']\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033097/hes-challenging-nancy-pelosi-and-the-democratic-party\">Progressive Saikat Chakrabarti\u003c/a>, a wealthy former tech worker who served on New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s campaign in 2018, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064891/san-francisco-supervisor-connie-chan-runs-for-nancy-pelosis-congressional-seat\">San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan\u003c/a>, who represents the Richmond District, are also running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has not yet shared which candidate she is supporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand on the shoulders of those who came before me and fought for the same values,” Chan said in a statement on Thursday, when she confirmed her candidacy. “Now I need to stand up to fight for other families who are under attack, who are worried about paying the bills and who need an advocate in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s role at the Aspen Policy Academy, a Bay Area branch of the Washington, D.C.-based Aspen Institute, runs through the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe deeply in public service, and I also believe deeply in this Democratic Party and the progress we have fought so hard to make,” Breed said. “At a time when our democracy is under real threat, we cannot afford to turn our energy inward or tear one another down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former San Francisco Mayor London Breed said she will not run for the congressional seat that will soon be vacant \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062796/nancy-pelosi-leaves-congress-after-38-years-defining-generations-of-democratic-power\">after Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi retires\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, who is currently working as a policy adviser at the nonprofit Aspen Policy Academy, confirmed her decision to KQED on Wednesday, about two weeks after telling reporters she was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063507/former-san-francisco-mayor-london-breed-considers-run-for-pelosi-seat\">mulling a possible run\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After thoughtful consideration, I have decided not to pursue a run for Congress. This moment calls for unity, strength, and a commitment to lifting each other up, not creating more division,” Breed said in a statement. “I will continue fighting for the people of San Francisco and for the values that define us as Democrats: fairness, dignity, and a future where every community can thrive. That work has always been bigger than any one campaign or any one office, and I remain fully committed to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie unseated Breed in the November 2024 election. She was the city’s first Black woman mayor, who served for nearly seven years after initially stepping in as interim mayor following the late former Mayor Ed Lee’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed stood to join what’s already shaking out to be a crowded race, with six candidates already vying to represent California’s 11th Congressional District. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060826/state-sen-scott-wiener-is-running-for-pelosis-house-seat-saying-it-was-time\">State Sen. Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, a moderate Democrat with whom Breed has been an ally on many issues, already announced he is running.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033097/hes-challenging-nancy-pelosi-and-the-democratic-party\">Progressive Saikat Chakrabarti\u003c/a>, a wealthy former tech worker who served on New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s campaign in 2018, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064891/san-francisco-supervisor-connie-chan-runs-for-nancy-pelosis-congressional-seat\">San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan\u003c/a>, who represents the Richmond District, are also running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has not yet shared which candidate she is supporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand on the shoulders of those who came before me and fought for the same values,” Chan said in a statement on Thursday, when she confirmed her candidacy. “Now I need to stand up to fight for other families who are under attack, who are worried about paying the bills and who need an advocate in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s role at the Aspen Policy Academy, a Bay Area branch of the Washington, D.C.-based Aspen Institute, runs through the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe deeply in public service, and I also believe deeply in this Democratic Party and the progress we have fought so hard to make,” Breed said. “At a time when our democracy is under real threat, we cannot afford to turn our energy inward or tear one another down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A decade of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043582/he-says-legal-aid-fights-poverty-in-sf-now-hes-starting-a-hunger-strike\">economic progress\u003c/a> in the Bay Area has been erased in less than a year, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/research/poverty-solutions/analysis-bay-area-poverty-is-rising/\">new report\u003c/a> released Wednesday by Tipping Point Community, a San Francisco-based anti-poverty nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the data, analyzed in partnership with the Public Policy Institute of California, 2023 saw the Bay Area’s poverty rate climb over 4 percentage points from 12.2% in early 2023 to 16.3% by the end of the year. In just nine months, an additional 245,000 Bay Area residents fell into poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of the fastest regional increases in recent history,” said Sam Cobbs, CEO of Tipping Point, during a media briefing on Tuesday. “That is the size of Boise, Idaho.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For much of the past decade, poverty in the Bay Area had steadily declined. From 2011 to 2021, the region’s rate fell from 18.7% to 10.8%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the expiration of pandemic-era safety net programs (such as the expanded Child Tax Credit and stimulus payments), historic inflation and rising housing costs reversed those gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report paints a stark picture of a region where the cost of living has vastly outpaced wage growth. Between 2016 and 2023, household incomes in the Bay Area rose by 34%, but the cost of living surged by 46%. In total, more than 1.8 million residents — or nearly 3 in 10 people in the region — are now struggling to cover basic needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953003\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A pair of hands in knit gloves holds the handle of a shopping stroller while a pair of hands in clear plastic gloves places produce into the stroller.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers distribute food items at a San Francisco-Marin Food Bank pop-up pantry in the Richmond District of San Francisco on June 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the report’s most critical findings challenges the assumption that full-time employment guarantees economic security, Cobbs said. Half of all Bay Area residents living in poverty belong to families with at least one full-time, year-round worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working full time is no longer the remedy for poverty in the Bay Area,” Cobbs said. “Over 1 million residents in or near poverty live in families where there’s at least one full-time working adult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While poverty increased across nearly every county and across all demographics, the Bay’s Black and Asian communities were hit hardest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco County, which also saw the largest increases, now holds the highest poverty rate in the region at 17.5%, followed closely by Alameda County. Only Marin County’s poverty rate — at 14.4% — remained unchanged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report noted that while safety net programs kept more than 176,000 people out of poverty in 2023, their impact is diminishing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12064324 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/240522-ERPressure-09-BL_qed.jpg']Ali Sutton, Tipping Point’s chief program officer, warned that the situation could deteriorate further depending on federal policy changes after the passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, formally known as HR 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are expecting some of the deepest cuts to our social safety net in our history,” Sutton said. “Given those substantial cuts, we anticipate these numbers will only worsen over the next few years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the current crisis, Tipping Point pledged in \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/press/bay-area-poverty-fundraising/tipping-point-to-accelerate-bay-area-giving-to-1-billion-following-seismic-cuts-to-direct-assistance/#:~:text=SAN%20FRANCISCO%2C%20July%207%2C%202025,and%20grants%20by%20%24185%20million.\">July\u003c/a> to double its investment in the community, committing $1 billion over the next 10 years. Cobbs said the organization, which was founded by Daniel Lurie in 2005, decades before he became San Francisco’s mayor, \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/bay-area-impact/impact-reports/impact-report-2024/#policy-change\">plans to focus on systemic changes\u003c/a> rather than just direct services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data makes clear that progress is possible, but only if we continue to invest in what works,” Cobbs said. “When strong policies and proven programs are in place, like access to affordable childcare, career pathways and safety net benefits, poverty declines. When those supports are rolled back, poverty rises.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group specifically called for reforms focused on stabilizing the cost of living and broadest access to benefits. Cobbs urged officials to unlock public funds to preserve and build affordable housing and to expand subsidized child care, arguing that lowering these costs is essential for parents to remain in the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This region has the resources, the innovation and the will to solve big problems,” Cobbs said. “Today’s report underscores the urgency, but it also reminds us that solutions are within reach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A decade of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043582/he-says-legal-aid-fights-poverty-in-sf-now-hes-starting-a-hunger-strike\">economic progress\u003c/a> in the Bay Area has been erased in less than a year, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/research/poverty-solutions/analysis-bay-area-poverty-is-rising/\">new report\u003c/a> released Wednesday by Tipping Point Community, a San Francisco-based anti-poverty nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the data, analyzed in partnership with the Public Policy Institute of California, 2023 saw the Bay Area’s poverty rate climb over 4 percentage points from 12.2% in early 2023 to 16.3% by the end of the year. In just nine months, an additional 245,000 Bay Area residents fell into poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of the fastest regional increases in recent history,” said Sam Cobbs, CEO of Tipping Point, during a media briefing on Tuesday. “That is the size of Boise, Idaho.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For much of the past decade, poverty in the Bay Area had steadily declined. From 2011 to 2021, the region’s rate fell from 18.7% to 10.8%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the expiration of pandemic-era safety net programs (such as the expanded Child Tax Credit and stimulus payments), historic inflation and rising housing costs reversed those gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report paints a stark picture of a region where the cost of living has vastly outpaced wage growth. Between 2016 and 2023, household incomes in the Bay Area rose by 34%, but the cost of living surged by 46%. In total, more than 1.8 million residents — or nearly 3 in 10 people in the region — are now struggling to cover basic needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953003\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A pair of hands in knit gloves holds the handle of a shopping stroller while a pair of hands in clear plastic gloves places produce into the stroller.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66308_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers distribute food items at a San Francisco-Marin Food Bank pop-up pantry in the Richmond District of San Francisco on June 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the report’s most critical findings challenges the assumption that full-time employment guarantees economic security, Cobbs said. Half of all Bay Area residents living in poverty belong to families with at least one full-time, year-round worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working full time is no longer the remedy for poverty in the Bay Area,” Cobbs said. “Over 1 million residents in or near poverty live in families where there’s at least one full-time working adult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While poverty increased across nearly every county and across all demographics, the Bay’s Black and Asian communities were hit hardest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco County, which also saw the largest increases, now holds the highest poverty rate in the region at 17.5%, followed closely by Alameda County. Only Marin County’s poverty rate — at 14.4% — remained unchanged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report noted that while safety net programs kept more than 176,000 people out of poverty in 2023, their impact is diminishing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ali Sutton, Tipping Point’s chief program officer, warned that the situation could deteriorate further depending on federal policy changes after the passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, formally known as HR 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are expecting some of the deepest cuts to our social safety net in our history,” Sutton said. “Given those substantial cuts, we anticipate these numbers will only worsen over the next few years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the current crisis, Tipping Point pledged in \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/press/bay-area-poverty-fundraising/tipping-point-to-accelerate-bay-area-giving-to-1-billion-following-seismic-cuts-to-direct-assistance/#:~:text=SAN%20FRANCISCO%2C%20July%207%2C%202025,and%20grants%20by%20%24185%20million.\">July\u003c/a> to double its investment in the community, committing $1 billion over the next 10 years. Cobbs said the organization, which was founded by Daniel Lurie in 2005, decades before he became San Francisco’s mayor, \u003ca href=\"https://tippingpoint.org/bay-area-impact/impact-reports/impact-report-2024/#policy-change\">plans to focus on systemic changes\u003c/a> rather than just direct services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The data makes clear that progress is possible, but only if we continue to invest in what works,” Cobbs said. “When strong policies and proven programs are in place, like access to affordable childcare, career pathways and safety net benefits, poverty declines. When those supports are rolled back, poverty rises.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group specifically called for reforms focused on stabilizing the cost of living and broadest access to benefits. Cobbs urged officials to unlock public funds to preserve and build affordable housing and to expand subsidized child care, arguing that lowering these costs is essential for parents to remain in the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This region has the resources, the innovation and the will to solve big problems,” Cobbs said. “Today’s report underscores the urgency, but it also reminds us that solutions are within reach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Supervisor Connie Chan will run to fill Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi’s seat in the U.S. House of Representatives after she retires in January 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, a progressive Democrat who represents the Richmond District, was rumored to have an interest in running and confirmed her candidacy on Thursday, about two weeks after Pelosi announced her retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has always belonged to the people – not the powerful. And people in our city are struggling. Families are hurt by high costs, communities are devastated by Trump policies,” Chan said in a statement. “I’ve spent my career advocating for the everyday people who are the backbone of San Francisco. We don’t need a representative who talks and refuses to listen. I’m running for Congress to build coalitions, build up our communities and bring our voices to Washington.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco supervisor joins state Sen. Scott Wiener and Saikat Chakrabarti, a wealthy former tech worker who served on New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s campaign in 2018, who have both have already announced they will run for California’s 11th Congressional District seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s former mayor, London Breed, was also considering a run for Pelosi’s seat, but announced on Thursday that she will not run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, six Democratic candidates and two Republicans have registered for the June 2026 primary, according to filings with the Federal Election Commission.[aside postID=news_12063507 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONDAY-86-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Chan was born in Hong Kong and immigrated to the United States with her mother and younger brother at the age of 13, eventually moving to a rent-controlled apartment in San Francisco’s Chinatown. She would become the first Asian American to represent San Francisco in Congress if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She attended the city’s Galileo High School and completed her undergraduate degree at the University of California, Davis. She later served as a legislative aide to former Supervisor Sophie Maxwell and former Supervisor Aaron Peskin, and also served as a communications aide focused on the Asian American community for former District Attorney Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan was first elected in 2020 as District 1 supervisor, where she represents a diverse community, from working-class residential neighborhoods in the Richmond to the uber-welthy Sea Cliff mansions, where Pelosi lives. She also served as Chair of the Board of Supervisors Budget Committee and is a member of the San Francisco County Transportation Authority, the San Francisco Local Agency Formation Commission and the Free City College Oversight Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As supervisor, Chan has largely aligned herself with the progressive members of the city’s powerful Board of Supervisors, supporting legislation aiming to protect tenants and immigrants. While she’s struck legislative deals with moderate Democrats like Mayor Daniel Lurie, Chan is considered more progressive than Pelosi and will also represent a more progressive candidate than Wiener in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand on the shoulders of those who came before me and fought for the same values,” Chan said. “Their work made it possible for an immigrant family like mine to come to America, work hard and succeed. Now I need to stand up to fight for other families who are under attack, who are worried about paying the bills and who need an advocate in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The race to represent the former House speaker’s congressional district is getting more crowded. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Supervisor Connie Chan will run to fill Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi’s seat in the U.S. House of Representatives after she retires in January 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, a progressive Democrat who represents the Richmond District, was rumored to have an interest in running and confirmed her candidacy on Thursday, about two weeks after Pelosi announced her retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has always belonged to the people – not the powerful. And people in our city are struggling. Families are hurt by high costs, communities are devastated by Trump policies,” Chan said in a statement. “I’ve spent my career advocating for the everyday people who are the backbone of San Francisco. We don’t need a representative who talks and refuses to listen. I’m running for Congress to build coalitions, build up our communities and bring our voices to Washington.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco supervisor joins state Sen. Scott Wiener and Saikat Chakrabarti, a wealthy former tech worker who served on New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s campaign in 2018, who have both have already announced they will run for California’s 11th Congressional District seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s former mayor, London Breed, was also considering a run for Pelosi’s seat, but announced on Thursday that she will not run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, six Democratic candidates and two Republicans have registered for the June 2026 primary, according to filings with the Federal Election Commission.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chan was born in Hong Kong and immigrated to the United States with her mother and younger brother at the age of 13, eventually moving to a rent-controlled apartment in San Francisco’s Chinatown. She would become the first Asian American to represent San Francisco in Congress if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She attended the city’s Galileo High School and completed her undergraduate degree at the University of California, Davis. She later served as a legislative aide to former Supervisor Sophie Maxwell and former Supervisor Aaron Peskin, and also served as a communications aide focused on the Asian American community for former District Attorney Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan was first elected in 2020 as District 1 supervisor, where she represents a diverse community, from working-class residential neighborhoods in the Richmond to the uber-welthy Sea Cliff mansions, where Pelosi lives. She also served as Chair of the Board of Supervisors Budget Committee and is a member of the San Francisco County Transportation Authority, the San Francisco Local Agency Formation Commission and the Free City College Oversight Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As supervisor, Chan has largely aligned herself with the progressive members of the city’s powerful Board of Supervisors, supporting legislation aiming to protect tenants and immigrants. While she’s struck legislative deals with moderate Democrats like Mayor Daniel Lurie, Chan is considered more progressive than Pelosi and will also represent a more progressive candidate than Wiener in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand on the shoulders of those who came before me and fought for the same values,” Chan said. “Their work made it possible for an immigrant family like mine to come to America, work hard and succeed. Now I need to stand up to fight for other families who are under attack, who are worried about paying the bills and who need an advocate in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "SNAP Benefits Hung in Limbo for Weeks. It Was a Peek at Life Under Long-Term Cuts",
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"headTitle": "SNAP Benefits Hung in Limbo for Weeks. It Was a Peek at Life Under Long-Term Cuts | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>She’d been waiting for over an hour, and Trozalla Smith was still nowhere near the front of the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the East Oakland Collective’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061440/calfresh-snap-ebt-shutdown-find-food-banks-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-alameda-oakland-contra-costa-newsom-national-guard\">food pantry,\u003c/a> the mass of people stretched half a block in either direction around her. Women with babies strapped to their backs shifted their weight from one foot to another, bored kids sat on the sidewalk, and elderly men stood stiffly in place as they waited to pick up whatever was left of that week’s offerings — fresh produce, instant ramen, milk and, if they were lucky, eggs and meat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the end of October, and food pantries were absorbing the shock of around 5.5 million Californians anticipating \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060770/snap-calfresh-food-stamps-government-shutdown-november-payments-ebt\">delays to their federal food benefits\u003c/a> amid the government shutdown. Unsure of the status of her aid, Smith, 24, was relying entirely on pantries to feed herself and her boyfriend. “It’s our lifeline,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty was only the latest reminder of how precarious life on the economic margins already is. The struggle to afford one of the country’s most expensive regions, with grocery prices still soaring, started long before the shutdown and will continue long after it finally ended on Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For two weeks, the country’s largest anti-hunger program hung in the balance — and it may have been only a glimpse of what’s to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Smith and thousands more across the Bay Area scrambled to get by during the shutdown, state leaders were wrestling with a more enduring threat to food aid: policy changes recently signed into law by President Trump that \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/federal-funding-cuts-to-snap-calfresh-will-have-sweeping-impacts-on-californians/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">are expected to reduce\u003c/a> benefits for over 3 million California households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064444\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064444\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith arrives at the Alameda Food Bank on Friday, Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>New eligibility limits and benefit reductions in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Detail/5090\">mean some 400,000 to 750,000 Californians\u003c/a> could lose access to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program altogether, according to estimates by the state Legislative Analyst’s Office and policy experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And all the recent attention on SNAP has \u003ca href=\"https://newrepublic.com/article/203120/trump-snap-food-stamps\">placed the program\u003c/a> in the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/11/14/trump-usda-snap-participants-reapply-benefits-00651874\">crosshairs\u003c/a>, leading many to brace for still more blows to food aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are unprecedented changes to the program that will have impacts for many years,” David Swanson Hollinger, chief deputy director at the California Department of Social Services, \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/media-archive?time%5bmedia-element-18223%5d=2999.428751\">told a state Senate committee\u003c/a> last week, warning that lawmakers will have to “reimagine our path forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Everything is so expensive’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the newly enacted changes haven’t yet rolled out in California, and others are just beginning to take effect, but staff at the East Oakland Collective said they’d heard from several clients who unexpectedly had their benefits cut in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them was Monica Thompson, a 64-year-old who has breast cancer and was one of the first to get in line that morning. Her assistance was cut from about $300 down to $24, she said, screwing up her face. “What can I do with $24?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last week of October, the collective had already served 100 more families than usual, according to executive director Candice Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shopping carts are parked around the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Standing in line that morning, a pregnant woman with a toddler in a stroller checked the state benefits app on her phone for updates. “November benefits will likely be delayed,” Taylor Ducote read, scrolling through the FAQs with exasperation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fear that we have to live with every day until we find out if we’re going to get it or not … it’s just really nerve-wracking and scary for our kids,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ducote had just gotten housing four months earlier after half a decade of homelessness, and she wondered aloud how she’d pay her rent and utilities if she had to buy food out of pocket. Already, she was desperate by the end of the month.[aside postID=news_12061440 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/013_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9229_qed.jpg']The night before, she said, she got caught stealing from a grocery store. She didn’t get arrested, but she was humiliated. “You think I want to be right here stealing so my son can get milk?” she had told the security guard. “Look what I’m stealing: toilet paper, diapers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few miles away, Ana Hoover, 54, stood in line at the Berkeley Food Pantry. She said she’d been out of work since December and was relying on food stamps, pantries and occasional gigs she found through an event staffing company or on NextDoor to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every month, she used up her SNAP benefits at least two weeks before they were replenished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Ducote, the prospect of losing them altogether left her unsure about how she’d stay housed and take care of other basic needs. She’d been homeless for three years until recently, and she now pays $1,050 a month for a room at the YMCA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is so expensive,” she said. “Food stamps doesn’t cover toothpaste, toothbrushes … [and] now the money is also going for food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064885\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064885\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith shops at the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The added stress of losing her $300 in food aid rippled across her life in ways big and small. It put more obstacles on her path back to the workforce. How would she pay for transportation to jobs? She rationed the mascara, lipstick and deodorant that gave her the confidence to go to interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had a gig coming up as an usher for an event at the Moscone Center, and she needed an all-black outfit. “I went into a panic because I’m like, ‘Oh, my God, I need to buy black shoes.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She aims to apply for three jobs a day. “I need to be focusing,” she said. “When you’re almost in a panic, how can you focus and how can you be productive?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The power of choice\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The next week, Smith pushed a shopping cart through the Alameda Food Bank. She had applied for CalFresh, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063660/california-moves-to-protect-calfresh-payments-from-federal-confusion-and-chaos\">California’s version of SNAP\u003c/a>, in early October, after she lost her job as a home health aide, and she received emergency benefits for the month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she waited on approval, she created a daily schedule of food pantries and bused from one to another, patching together meals from the hodgepodge of dry goods and produce available and figuring out which were worth her time. This bank, with its brand new building and heaping bins of apples and potatoes, was one of the best she’d found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064445\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith shops at the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, she was most excited about the fresh strawberries — usually too expensive to buy, and often starting to mold by the time she found them at food pantries. Those pantries rely heavily on the Alameda County Community Food Bank, which fills their shelves with a mix of food from federal programs, donations, bulk farm purchases and surplus groceries that are sometimes on the verge of expiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to eat it that day or the next, which makes it hard,” Smith said. These berries, though, looked perfectly fresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each bin listed an item limit on the side, so Smith had learned to shop carefully. “You can get four apples,” she said, hunting through the bin for the largest she could find. “You’ll get fuller with a bigger apple, but they tend to be more bruised. It’s a bit like a scavenger hunt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That the new, sprawling food bank was designed to mimic the experience of shopping wasn’t lost on Smith. “I like this place because it makes you feel more like a regular person,” she said. “You get to shop for your food.”[aside postID=news_12063723 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251110-COLLEGE-STUDENTS-CALFRESH-MD-01-KQED.jpg']She was grateful for the semblance of choice, but what the SNAP program provided was the real thing — something people pointed out again and again as they faced the prospect of going without their benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get to cook. I refuse to go to them fast-food places,” said Anthony Cassidy, standing outside the food bank with a basket full of fruits and vegetables. “I like making stew.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 75-year-old Vietnam War veteran said he spent decades addicted to heroin, in and out of prison and homelessness, and was now sober and stably housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m bound and determined to live out my days healthy and free,” he said. “SNAP has really helped me, allowed me to get some food that I like instead of stuff that I had to get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a single week, Smith spent some 20 hours busing to and from six pantries, waiting in line and picking up food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My body’s tired today, really tired,” she said, the day after her trip to the Alameda Food Bank. She was back in East Oakland, making her way to the bus stop after visiting two food pantries on MacArthur Boulevard. She struggled under the weight of three heavy tote bags loaded with watermelon, butternut squash, potatoes and pears. In her free hand, she balanced a pizza, an unexpected pantry score.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely going to hurt later on tonight,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064448\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064448\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith stands across advertisements for CalFresh as she holds her groceries from the Alameda Food Bank at the 12th Street BART Station in Oakland on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Smith has lupus, an autoimmune condition that makes her joints ache and some days, leaves her too exhausted to get out of bed. She was diagnosed at 8 years old, she said, after a series of mysterious rashes, fevers and aches had perplexed doctors for nearly two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the illness forced her to come home from college at Emory University in Atlanta. She developed pericarditis, a swelling of the tissue surrounding her heart, and doctors recommended she take a break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was on a lot of steroids, couldn’t walk at that point,” she said. Still, she was devastated to leave the school, where she was on a pre-med track. “I loved it so much,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back home after a 30-minute bus ride and 10-minute walk, Smith and her boyfriend, 24-year-old Kelinde Secrease, hoisted the groceries onto the counter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pulled eggs from a tote triumphantly. The pantries often ran out, and she’d gotten in line an hour and a half before the East Oakland Collective opened in order to bring these home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064450\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith puts away groceries from the Alameda food bank in her fridge at her family home in San Leandro on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days earlier, Secrease had caught himself doing something he hadn’t done in a long time: wondering what he wanted to eat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a realization where I was like, wow — even being able to say ‘What do I want to eat?’ is a very powerful statement that I’m very grateful for,” he said. Before they’d learned to navigate the patchwork of pantries in the area, with Smith out of work and his own hours stuck at just 12 a week, food had been so limited that eating stopped feeling like a choice at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having choices allowed him to enjoy food again. “It doesn’t feel so laborious having to eat because you’re eating something that you really don’t want to,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people like Smith and Secrease, going without federal food aid doesn’t necessarily mean going hungry. But it pushes their already precarious budget to the breaking point, forcing them to scramble for rent and utilities, bus fare, tampons and toothpaste. Necessity strips away choice, and with it, the small freedoms that make life feel like more than survival. “When you have options, you have freedom,” Secrease said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the moment, the couple figured they had enough food to last them a week. Smith was relieved she’d have that time to focus on applying for jobs and tending to her health. But first they had to chop, freeze, roast and juice their way through the small mountain of produce to keep it from going to waste. After six hours in the kitchen, they had a freezer and refrigerator full of food.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some relief, but uncertainty remains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A week into November, Hoover stood in the YMCA residence’s shared kitchen, chopping onion, potato and bell pepper to add to a roasting pan where a whole chicken sizzled in the oven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love to cook, it’s one of my favorite things to do,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’d gotten the bird for under $10 at Trader Joe’s; the rest of the meal came from the Berkeley Food Pantry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover checks out her groceries at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Thursday, Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With the month’s food stamps still in limbo amid federal court challenges and the ongoing government shutdown, she called the state’s EBT helpline, hoping for answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your CalFresh balance is $0.61,” a recorded voice said. “You have one future benefit added to the account. CalFresh benefits available on Nov. 10 for $298.00.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, my God, what a lifesaver!” Hoover said. “Oh, my God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She covered her face with her hands and burst into tears. “The stress level — feeling like, how am I going to do this,” she said. “You have no idea what relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover, whose SNAP benefits were delayed by the government shutdown, uses her EBT card to pay for her groceries at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier that week, Smith had come home from a three-hour food pantry trip to a letter from the county. Her CalFresh benefits were being denied, the letter explained, because she had not submitted proof of income. She was deflated and frustrated. “I don’t understand. I don’t have any income,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By mid-November, Smith had landed a part-time nanny position, Secrease was working full-time, midnight to 7 a.m., training robots to fold clothes and bus tables, and Hoover was still picking up gigs while applying for jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith was again waiting to hear back about her CalFresh case after submitting new income documents, and Hoover had $58 left in her account — just enough to make a Thanksgiving meal with the free turkey she’d learned a local pantry was offering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064439\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover shops at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For both women, the last month had deepened their distrust of a system meant to catch them when they fell. “I have always felt that these types of benefits could end anytime,” Hoover said, but that fear no longer feels hypothetical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have long sought to cut federal funding for food benefits, implement stricter work requirements and shift the burden to states. After Trump signed some of those restrictions into law this year, the shutdown showed what could follow if federal benefits are further curtailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith took some comfort in knowing she found a way forward through sheer tenacity, but the effort had caused her lupus to flare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she lay in bed, she hoped the food in the freezer would last long enough for her to recover. Then she’d pull up her pantry schedule, pack her tote bags and do it all over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The shutdown is over, but the panic over delayed benefits is only the latest reminder of how precarious life is on the economic margins — and what could come under cuts by the Trump administration.",
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"title": "SNAP Benefits Hung in Limbo for Weeks. It Was a Peek at Life Under Long-Term Cuts | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>She’d been waiting for over an hour, and Trozalla Smith was still nowhere near the front of the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the East Oakland Collective’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061440/calfresh-snap-ebt-shutdown-find-food-banks-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-alameda-oakland-contra-costa-newsom-national-guard\">food pantry,\u003c/a> the mass of people stretched half a block in either direction around her. Women with babies strapped to their backs shifted their weight from one foot to another, bored kids sat on the sidewalk, and elderly men stood stiffly in place as they waited to pick up whatever was left of that week’s offerings — fresh produce, instant ramen, milk and, if they were lucky, eggs and meat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the end of October, and food pantries were absorbing the shock of around 5.5 million Californians anticipating \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060770/snap-calfresh-food-stamps-government-shutdown-november-payments-ebt\">delays to their federal food benefits\u003c/a> amid the government shutdown. Unsure of the status of her aid, Smith, 24, was relying entirely on pantries to feed herself and her boyfriend. “It’s our lifeline,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty was only the latest reminder of how precarious life on the economic margins already is. The struggle to afford one of the country’s most expensive regions, with grocery prices still soaring, started long before the shutdown and will continue long after it finally ended on Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For two weeks, the country’s largest anti-hunger program hung in the balance — and it may have been only a glimpse of what’s to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Smith and thousands more across the Bay Area scrambled to get by during the shutdown, state leaders were wrestling with a more enduring threat to food aid: policy changes recently signed into law by President Trump that \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/federal-funding-cuts-to-snap-calfresh-will-have-sweeping-impacts-on-californians/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">are expected to reduce\u003c/a> benefits for over 3 million California households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064444\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064444\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00687_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith arrives at the Alameda Food Bank on Friday, Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>New eligibility limits and benefit reductions in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Detail/5090\">mean some 400,000 to 750,000 Californians\u003c/a> could lose access to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program altogether, according to estimates by the state Legislative Analyst’s Office and policy experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And all the recent attention on SNAP has \u003ca href=\"https://newrepublic.com/article/203120/trump-snap-food-stamps\">placed the program\u003c/a> in the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/11/14/trump-usda-snap-participants-reapply-benefits-00651874\">crosshairs\u003c/a>, leading many to brace for still more blows to food aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are unprecedented changes to the program that will have impacts for many years,” David Swanson Hollinger, chief deputy director at the California Department of Social Services, \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/media-archive?time%5bmedia-element-18223%5d=2999.428751\">told a state Senate committee\u003c/a> last week, warning that lawmakers will have to “reimagine our path forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Everything is so expensive’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the newly enacted changes haven’t yet rolled out in California, and others are just beginning to take effect, but staff at the East Oakland Collective said they’d heard from several clients who unexpectedly had their benefits cut in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them was Monica Thompson, a 64-year-old who has breast cancer and was one of the first to get in line that morning. Her assistance was cut from about $300 down to $24, she said, screwing up her face. “What can I do with $24?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last week of October, the collective had already served 100 more families than usual, according to executive director Candice Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shopping carts are parked around the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Standing in line that morning, a pregnant woman with a toddler in a stroller checked the state benefits app on her phone for updates. “November benefits will likely be delayed,” Taylor Ducote read, scrolling through the FAQs with exasperation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fear that we have to live with every day until we find out if we’re going to get it or not … it’s just really nerve-wracking and scary for our kids,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ducote had just gotten housing four months earlier after half a decade of homelessness, and she wondered aloud how she’d pay her rent and utilities if she had to buy food out of pocket. Already, she was desperate by the end of the month.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The night before, she said, she got caught stealing from a grocery store. She didn’t get arrested, but she was humiliated. “You think I want to be right here stealing so my son can get milk?” she had told the security guard. “Look what I’m stealing: toilet paper, diapers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few miles away, Ana Hoover, 54, stood in line at the Berkeley Food Pantry. She said she’d been out of work since December and was relying on food stamps, pantries and occasional gigs she found through an event staffing company or on NextDoor to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every month, she used up her SNAP benefits at least two weeks before they were replenished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Ducote, the prospect of losing them altogether left her unsure about how she’d stay housed and take care of other basic needs. She’d been homeless for three years until recently, and she now pays $1,050 a month for a room at the YMCA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is so expensive,” she said. “Food stamps doesn’t cover toothpaste, toothbrushes … [and] now the money is also going for food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064885\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064885\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPdelaysfeature00921_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith shops at the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The added stress of losing her $300 in food aid rippled across her life in ways big and small. It put more obstacles on her path back to the workforce. How would she pay for transportation to jobs? She rationed the mascara, lipstick and deodorant that gave her the confidence to go to interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had a gig coming up as an usher for an event at the Moscone Center, and she needed an all-black outfit. “I went into a panic because I’m like, ‘Oh, my God, I need to buy black shoes.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She aims to apply for three jobs a day. “I need to be focusing,” she said. “When you’re almost in a panic, how can you focus and how can you be productive?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The power of choice\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The next week, Smith pushed a shopping cart through the Alameda Food Bank. She had applied for CalFresh, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12063660/california-moves-to-protect-calfresh-payments-from-federal-confusion-and-chaos\">California’s version of SNAP\u003c/a>, in early October, after she lost her job as a home health aide, and she received emergency benefits for the month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she waited on approval, she created a daily schedule of food pantries and bused from one to another, patching together meals from the hodgepodge of dry goods and produce available and figuring out which were worth her time. This bank, with its brand new building and heaping bins of apples and potatoes, was one of the best she’d found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064445\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00731_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith shops at the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, she was most excited about the fresh strawberries — usually too expensive to buy, and often starting to mold by the time she found them at food pantries. Those pantries rely heavily on the Alameda County Community Food Bank, which fills their shelves with a mix of food from federal programs, donations, bulk farm purchases and surplus groceries that are sometimes on the verge of expiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to eat it that day or the next, which makes it hard,” Smith said. These berries, though, looked perfectly fresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each bin listed an item limit on the side, so Smith had learned to shop carefully. “You can get four apples,” she said, hunting through the bin for the largest she could find. “You’ll get fuller with a bigger apple, but they tend to be more bruised. It’s a bit like a scavenger hunt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That the new, sprawling food bank was designed to mimic the experience of shopping wasn’t lost on Smith. “I like this place because it makes you feel more like a regular person,” she said. “You get to shop for your food.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>She was grateful for the semblance of choice, but what the SNAP program provided was the real thing — something people pointed out again and again as they faced the prospect of going without their benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get to cook. I refuse to go to them fast-food places,” said Anthony Cassidy, standing outside the food bank with a basket full of fruits and vegetables. “I like making stew.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 75-year-old Vietnam War veteran said he spent decades addicted to heroin, in and out of prison and homelessness, and was now sober and stably housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m bound and determined to live out my days healthy and free,” he said. “SNAP has really helped me, allowed me to get some food that I like instead of stuff that I had to get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a single week, Smith spent some 20 hours busing to and from six pantries, waiting in line and picking up food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My body’s tired today, really tired,” she said, the day after her trip to the Alameda Food Bank. She was back in East Oakland, making her way to the bus stop after visiting two food pantries on MacArthur Boulevard. She struggled under the weight of three heavy tote bags loaded with watermelon, butternut squash, potatoes and pears. In her free hand, she balanced a pizza, an unexpected pantry score.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely going to hurt later on tonight,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064448\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064448\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01284_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith stands across advertisements for CalFresh as she holds her groceries from the Alameda Food Bank at the 12th Street BART Station in Oakland on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Smith has lupus, an autoimmune condition that makes her joints ache and some days, leaves her too exhausted to get out of bed. She was diagnosed at 8 years old, she said, after a series of mysterious rashes, fevers and aches had perplexed doctors for nearly two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the illness forced her to come home from college at Emory University in Atlanta. She developed pericarditis, a swelling of the tissue surrounding her heart, and doctors recommended she take a break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was on a lot of steroids, couldn’t walk at that point,” she said. Still, she was devastated to leave the school, where she was on a pre-med track. “I loved it so much,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back home after a 30-minute bus ride and 10-minute walk, Smith and her boyfriend, 24-year-old Kelinde Secrease, hoisted the groceries onto the counter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pulled eggs from a tote triumphantly. The pantries often ran out, and she’d gotten in line an hour and a half before the East Oakland Collective opened in order to bring these home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064450\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE01577_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trozalla Smith puts away groceries from the Alameda food bank in her fridge at her family home in San Leandro on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days earlier, Secrease had caught himself doing something he hadn’t done in a long time: wondering what he wanted to eat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a realization where I was like, wow — even being able to say ‘What do I want to eat?’ is a very powerful statement that I’m very grateful for,” he said. Before they’d learned to navigate the patchwork of pantries in the area, with Smith out of work and his own hours stuck at just 12 a week, food had been so limited that eating stopped feeling like a choice at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having choices allowed him to enjoy food again. “It doesn’t feel so laborious having to eat because you’re eating something that you really don’t want to,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people like Smith and Secrease, going without federal food aid doesn’t necessarily mean going hungry. But it pushes their already precarious budget to the breaking point, forcing them to scramble for rent and utilities, bus fare, tampons and toothpaste. Necessity strips away choice, and with it, the small freedoms that make life feel like more than survival. “When you have options, you have freedom,” Secrease said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the moment, the couple figured they had enough food to last them a week. Smith was relieved she’d have that time to focus on applying for jobs and tending to her health. But first they had to chop, freeze, roast and juice their way through the small mountain of produce to keep it from going to waste. After six hours in the kitchen, they had a freezer and refrigerator full of food.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some relief, but uncertainty remains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A week into November, Hoover stood in the YMCA residence’s shared kitchen, chopping onion, potato and bell pepper to add to a roasting pan where a whole chicken sizzled in the oven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love to cook, it’s one of my favorite things to do,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’d gotten the bird for under $10 at Trader Joe’s; the rest of the meal came from the Berkeley Food Pantry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00103_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover checks out her groceries at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Thursday, Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With the month’s food stamps still in limbo amid federal court challenges and the ongoing government shutdown, she called the state’s EBT helpline, hoping for answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your CalFresh balance is $0.61,” a recorded voice said. “You have one future benefit added to the account. CalFresh benefits available on Nov. 10 for $298.00.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, my God, what a lifesaver!” Hoover said. “Oh, my God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She covered her face with her hands and burst into tears. “The stress level — feeling like, how am I going to do this,” she said. “You have no idea what relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00125_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover, whose SNAP benefits were delayed by the government shutdown, uses her EBT card to pay for her groceries at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier that week, Smith had come home from a three-hour food pantry trip to a letter from the county. Her CalFresh benefits were being denied, the letter explained, because she had not submitted proof of income. She was deflated and frustrated. “I don’t understand. I don’t have any income,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By mid-November, Smith had landed a part-time nanny position, Secrease was working full-time, midnight to 7 a.m., training robots to fold clothes and bus tables, and Hoover was still picking up gigs while applying for jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith was again waiting to hear back about her CalFresh case after submitting new income documents, and Hoover had $58 left in her account — just enough to make a Thanksgiving meal with the free turkey she’d learned a local pantry was offering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064439\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00089_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Hoover shops at her local Trader Joe’s in Berkeley on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For both women, the last month had deepened their distrust of a system meant to catch them when they fell. “I have always felt that these types of benefits could end anytime,” Hoover said, but that fear no longer feels hypothetical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have long sought to cut federal funding for food benefits, implement stricter work requirements and shift the burden to states. After Trump signed some of those restrictions into law this year, the shutdown showed what could follow if federal benefits are further curtailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith took some comfort in knowing she found a way forward through sheer tenacity, but the effort had caused her lupus to flare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she lay in bed, she hoped the food in the freezer would last long enough for her to recover. Then she’d pull up her pantry schedule, pack her tote bags and do it all over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sf-to-pay-5-8-million-in-class-action-settlement-over-elder-abuse-at-laguna-honda",
"title": "SF to Pay $5.8 Million in Class Action Settlement Over Elder Abuse at Laguna Honda",
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"headTitle": "SF to Pay $5.8 Million in Class Action Settlement Over Elder Abuse at Laguna Honda | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> is poised to pay out $5.8 million after reaching a settlement in a lawsuit claiming staff at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/laguna-honda-hospital\">Laguna Honda Hospital\u003c/a> and Rehabilitation Center took explicit photos of patients and disseminated them for non-medical purposes, along with other abuse and privacy violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement is the latest rectification and first class action for the patient abuse scandal at Laguna Honda Hospital, one of the nation’s largest public nursing homes, following reports between 2016 and 2019 that thrust the facility into turmoil. Both parties have agreed to the payment, which will go before the city’s Government Audit and Oversight Committee on Thursday for approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $5.8 million settlement will be distributed among 735 current and former Laguna Honda patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This on its face says, ‘Look, you had a systemic problem. This was going on and this was hurting everybody,’” said Kathryn Stebner, who represented plaintiffs in the case. “We bring class actions to make a political statement, to try to make social change. And I think this does send that message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 159-year-old hospital has long served as a safety net for some of the city’s poorest and most vulnerable residents, with some living at Laguna Honda for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit was initially filed in 2020 on behalf of a Laguna Honda resident, claiming staff took photos of his genital area during an enema procedure and that staff circulated the image for non-medical purposes. Another named plaintiff, Tommy O. Johnson, alleged his health information was also wrongly used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11958178\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11958178\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut.jpg\" alt='The entryway to a hospital driveway with a sign that reads, \"Main Hospital Entrance and Residences.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign points to the main entrance to the Laguna Honda Hospital in San Francisco on Jan. 31, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attorneys later filed a class action motion in 2024 alleging that all patients at the hospital between 2022 and 2023 were subject to compromised care. The period of time was while the hospital was uncertified and undergoing major changes, after regulators with the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services found several health and safety issues across multiple inspection surveys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Laguna Honda is unwavering in our commitment to resident safety and wellbeing,” a spokesperson for the city’s Department of Public Health, which oversees the massive facility, said in an email. “The 2019 patient mistreatment incidents were antithetical to what Laguna Honda stands for as the safety-net healthcare facility caring for San Franciscans most in need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class action is one of three recent lawsuits over the abuse scandal that broke out just before the pandemic. Another lawsuit was filed on behalf of individual residents who had fallen and suffered injuries such as broken hips, Stebner said. The third lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952012/san-francisco-to-pay-2-2-million-settlement-to-victims-in-laguna-honda-patient-abuse-scandal\">settled in 2023 for $2.2 million\u003c/a>, focused on 11 individual patients at Laguna Honda after a group of nurses were found to have taken nude photos of some patients and drugged and abused others.[aside postID=news_12026662 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023_qed-1020x680.jpg']Nursing home reform supporters with the Gray Panthers, a group of advocates focused on long-term care and other issues facing older San Franciscans, estimate that the city has had to pay nearly $12 million in fines and lawsuit settlements relating to the sexual abuse scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the San Francisco City Attorney said the class action settlement is an “appropriate response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility took several steps after uncovering evidence of patient mistreatment and privacy violations between 2016 and 2019, including firing staff who took part in abuse and reorganizing the hospital’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But problems for Laguna Honda didn’t end there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, two non-fatal overdoses occurred on-site involving methamphetamine and fentanyl, triggering a series of inspections. Federal regulators then decertified Laguna Honda in April 2022 after finding issues with staff hygiene and other problems, such as smoking and drug use on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital was forced to pause admissions while it worked to regain certification with Medicare and Medi-Cal, which covers the vast majority of the elderly and low-income residents at Laguna Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, federal regulators had the hospital begin discharging patients in anticipation of a possible shutdown. More than 50 people were discharged or transferred to other skilled nursing facilities, and some ended up in homeless shelters. Twelve frail and elderly patients died shortly after their transfer out of the facility to other nursing homes.”State and federal regulators agreed to pause the mandated discharges in 2022, after an outcry from San Francisco officials and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility achieved recertification again in 2024 after undergoing rigorous inspections and retraining for staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757927\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11757927\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco_CA_-_DSC03931-e1561745657127.jpg\" alt=\"Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center in San Francisco, where a group of former staff members allegedly abused nearly two dozen patients for years.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1324\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center in San Francisco, where a group of former staff members allegedly abused nearly two dozen patients for years. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco,_CA_-_DSC03931.jpg#/media/File:Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco,_CA_-_DSC03931.jpg\">Daderot/Wikipedia\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Laguna Honda has undergone significant restructuring and has been the focus of extensive improvements facility-wide, including new policies, enhanced quality management protocols, and new programs that align with national best practices,” the Public Health Department spokesperson said. “This is all with the goal of creating a lasting culture of safety, transparency, and continuous improvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The population at Laguna Honda has dropped from more than 700 residents in November 2020 to 541 as of September 2025, according to city data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresa Palmer, a physician who worked at Laguna Honda for nearly three decades, said the class action settlement underscores the need for more staffing at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All kinds of abuse and neglect are expressions of understaffing of both supervisory staff and direct care staff,” Palmer said. “People are so overworked and fear retaliation, and things are covered up because staff are just trying to get through the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The settlement is the latest rectification for patient complaints at Laguna Honda Hospital, one of the nation’s largest public nursing homes.",
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"title": "SF to Pay $5.8 Million in Class Action Settlement Over Elder Abuse at Laguna Honda | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> is poised to pay out $5.8 million after reaching a settlement in a lawsuit claiming staff at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/laguna-honda-hospital\">Laguna Honda Hospital\u003c/a> and Rehabilitation Center took explicit photos of patients and disseminated them for non-medical purposes, along with other abuse and privacy violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement is the latest rectification and first class action for the patient abuse scandal at Laguna Honda Hospital, one of the nation’s largest public nursing homes, following reports between 2016 and 2019 that thrust the facility into turmoil. Both parties have agreed to the payment, which will go before the city’s Government Audit and Oversight Committee on Thursday for approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $5.8 million settlement will be distributed among 735 current and former Laguna Honda patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This on its face says, ‘Look, you had a systemic problem. This was going on and this was hurting everybody,’” said Kathryn Stebner, who represented plaintiffs in the case. “We bring class actions to make a political statement, to try to make social change. And I think this does send that message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 159-year-old hospital has long served as a safety net for some of the city’s poorest and most vulnerable residents, with some living at Laguna Honda for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit was initially filed in 2020 on behalf of a Laguna Honda resident, claiming staff took photos of his genital area during an enema procedure and that staff circulated the image for non-medical purposes. Another named plaintiff, Tommy O. Johnson, alleged his health information was also wrongly used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11958178\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11958178\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut.jpg\" alt='The entryway to a hospital driveway with a sign that reads, \"Main Hospital Entrance and Residences.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS62466_012_KQED_LagunaHondaHospital_01312023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign points to the main entrance to the Laguna Honda Hospital in San Francisco on Jan. 31, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attorneys later filed a class action motion in 2024 alleging that all patients at the hospital between 2022 and 2023 were subject to compromised care. The period of time was while the hospital was uncertified and undergoing major changes, after regulators with the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services found several health and safety issues across multiple inspection surveys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Laguna Honda is unwavering in our commitment to resident safety and wellbeing,” a spokesperson for the city’s Department of Public Health, which oversees the massive facility, said in an email. “The 2019 patient mistreatment incidents were antithetical to what Laguna Honda stands for as the safety-net healthcare facility caring for San Franciscans most in need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class action is one of three recent lawsuits over the abuse scandal that broke out just before the pandemic. Another lawsuit was filed on behalf of individual residents who had fallen and suffered injuries such as broken hips, Stebner said. The third lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952012/san-francisco-to-pay-2-2-million-settlement-to-victims-in-laguna-honda-patient-abuse-scandal\">settled in 2023 for $2.2 million\u003c/a>, focused on 11 individual patients at Laguna Honda after a group of nurses were found to have taken nude photos of some patients and drugged and abused others.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nursing home reform supporters with the Gray Panthers, a group of advocates focused on long-term care and other issues facing older San Franciscans, estimate that the city has had to pay nearly $12 million in fines and lawsuit settlements relating to the sexual abuse scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the San Francisco City Attorney said the class action settlement is an “appropriate response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility took several steps after uncovering evidence of patient mistreatment and privacy violations between 2016 and 2019, including firing staff who took part in abuse and reorganizing the hospital’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But problems for Laguna Honda didn’t end there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, two non-fatal overdoses occurred on-site involving methamphetamine and fentanyl, triggering a series of inspections. Federal regulators then decertified Laguna Honda in April 2022 after finding issues with staff hygiene and other problems, such as smoking and drug use on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital was forced to pause admissions while it worked to regain certification with Medicare and Medi-Cal, which covers the vast majority of the elderly and low-income residents at Laguna Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, federal regulators had the hospital begin discharging patients in anticipation of a possible shutdown. More than 50 people were discharged or transferred to other skilled nursing facilities, and some ended up in homeless shelters. Twelve frail and elderly patients died shortly after their transfer out of the facility to other nursing homes.”State and federal regulators agreed to pause the mandated discharges in 2022, after an outcry from San Francisco officials and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility achieved recertification again in 2024 after undergoing rigorous inspections and retraining for staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11757927\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11757927\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco_CA_-_DSC03931-e1561745657127.jpg\" alt=\"Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center in San Francisco, where a group of former staff members allegedly abused nearly two dozen patients for years.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1324\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center in San Francisco, where a group of former staff members allegedly abused nearly two dozen patients for years. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco,_CA_-_DSC03931.jpg#/media/File:Laguna_Honda_Hospital_and_Rehabilitation_Center_-_San_Francisco,_CA_-_DSC03931.jpg\">Daderot/Wikipedia\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Laguna Honda has undergone significant restructuring and has been the focus of extensive improvements facility-wide, including new policies, enhanced quality management protocols, and new programs that align with national best practices,” the Public Health Department spokesperson said. “This is all with the goal of creating a lasting culture of safety, transparency, and continuous improvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The population at Laguna Honda has dropped from more than 700 residents in November 2020 to 541 as of September 2025, according to city data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresa Palmer, a physician who worked at Laguna Honda for nearly three decades, said the class action settlement underscores the need for more staffing at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All kinds of abuse and neglect are expressions of understaffing of both supervisory staff and direct care staff,” Palmer said. “People are so overworked and fear retaliation, and things are covered up because staff are just trying to get through the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-franciscos-love-hate-relationship-with-big-box-stores",
"title": "San Francisco’s Love-Hate Relationship with Big Box Stores",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco’s Love-Hate Relationship with Big Box Stores | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I arrived in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> in 1981, I rented a room for $400 in a Victorian condo on Masonic Avenue near Waller Street —the heart of the world-famous Haight-Ashbury. Whenever I walked down Haight Street, I was struck by how many stores seemed to be remnants of the hippie era and the 1967 Summer of Love.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were stores selling tie-dye clothes, incense, smoke shops, art supplies, a bowling alley, bars and coffee houses where people lingered talking or writing in their journals. One thing that did not exist: chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was probably the result of the neighborhood’s “alternative” vibe, which included resistance to corporatizing the commercial district of an iconic neighborhood famous for being the center of the hippie movement and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I vividly remember one day in 1988, when a construction site for a new Thrifty Drug Store at Haight and Cole Street exploded in flames in the middle of the night — a fire determined to have been caused by arson. The drug store had been vehemently opposed by some in the neighborhood. The fire destroyed it — and Thrifty never returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, there was no real way for residents to stop the arrival of a chain store. And look around today, there are plenty of chain stores — Starbucks, Safeway and Walgreens, to name a few. But there have also been big fights against chain stores moving into the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk past the Target store on 4th and Mission Streets in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious listener, Sarah Soule, remembers some of the controversy over stores like Costco opening. And she wants to gut check something she heard as a kid growing up here: “Did San Francisco really use to prevent big box stores from opening in the city? And when did that change and what effects has that change had on the city?”\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most big controversies in San Francisco, this one revolved around land use and zoning — what you can build where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, I turned to someone who knows the city’s planning codes and zoning restraints better than anyone — former Supervisor Aaron Peskin, who was a county supervisor for more than 20 years. His district included North Beach, which is notoriously hostile to chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we walked up Columbus Avenue, Peskin described the neighborhood’s retail environment. “The neighborhood is thriving; it actually led the way in post-pandemic recovery,” he explained. “It has an extremely low vacancy rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Beach is perhaps best known for its coffeehouse culture. Over the decades, it’s attracted members of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/201205071000/one-and-only-the-untold-story-of-on-the-road\">the Beat Generation\u003c/a> — writers like Allen Ginsberg and Lawrence Ferlinghetti — and others looking for that smell of fresh ground espresso in an atmospheric setting. Long-time establishments like \u003ca href=\"https://caffetrieste.com/\">Caffe Trieste\u003c/a> and the Savoy Tivoli are part of what makes North Beach, North Beach.[aside postID=news_12063643 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251008-GirlintheFishbowl-01-BL.jpg']Inside Caffe Trieste, the walls are full of black and white photos of the many famous people who’ve stopped by, many of them Italian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s Francis Ford Coppola sitting at the back table writing the screenplay for \u003cem>The Godfather\u003c/em> right there. There’s Luciano Pavarotti singing in here,” Peskin said. This cafe serves as a kind of satellite office for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin — who termed out of the Board of Supervisors last year and has a long history as a local preservationist — remembers a day decades ago that made him sit up and pay attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a petition on the counter. This is in maybe the early 1990s, asking people to sign to object to a Starbucks on the corner of Columbus and Broadway. I remember it vividly,” Peskin recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That petition, all those years ago, was an early example of San Franciscans \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2003-aug-06-me-starbucks6-story.html\">pushing \u003c/a>back against a chain moving in. And they succeeded in keeping Starbucks out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, other neighborhoods were waging similar battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was outcry from various parts of the city,” Peskin said. The problem for regulating chain stores was that there was no official definition of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What makes something a chain store?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So, in 2004, San Francisco defined what a chain store — more formally known as “formula retail” — was exactly: A business having 11 or more stores nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That definition never existed in the San Francisco Planning Code, [and] it did not prohibit anything at all,” Peskin noted. “It defined what a chain store was and then left it to the future to determine where they were green light, where they were red light, and where they were yellow light, needing a conditional use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064706\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064706\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin leaves Caffe Trieste in the city’s North Beach neighborhood on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With that 2004 definition in place, neighborhoods began adopting different levels of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “red light” meant a total ban on chains — that’s what Hayes Valley did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, some of you might say, “Hey, wait a minute. There \u003cem>are\u003c/em> chain stores in Hayes Valley — like All Birds shoes and Warby Parker eyeglasses.” Yep, that’s true. But when they opened, they were relatively small companies and had fewer than the 11 locations nationwide that triggered those limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “yellow light” applied to neighborhoods — like Cole Valley and parts of the Haight Ashbury — where chains were allowed, but only after neighbors could weigh in. It required what’s called “a conditional use permit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And finally, “green light” areas — South of Market, Union Square and the rest of downtown — where chain stores like Macy’s, Nordstrom and Old Navy are allowed without any additional permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regulations grew piecemeal, neighborhood by neighborhood, without any citywide coordination. So, in 2006, voters approved Proposition G, dubbed the “Small Business Protection Act,” mandating conditional use permits for new chain stores in \u003cem>all\u003c/em> neighborhood commercial districts where small businesses dominate.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Franciscans continue to fight chain stores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But having clearer regulations didn’t end the fights over big box stores. That became clear in a battle over whether to allow Lowe’s, a major hardware chain, to open on Bayshore Boulevard.[aside postID=news_12062909 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Ocean-Spray_3.jpg']The site where Lowe’s wanted to open — Bayshore Avenue near Cortland — bordered on two very different supervisorial districts — the thriving Bernal Heights and the economically depressed Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It was a huge fight,” Peskin recalled. Lowe’s sweetened the pot by promising to hire hundreds of local workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the Board of Supervisors on a 6-to-5 vote voted to approve Lowe’s. I was the swing vote,” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The store opened in 2010 — and remains there today.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the research says about chain store impacts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This seems like a good time to lay out some of the research on chains and how they affect local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/policy-basis-formula-retail-chain-stores#economic-analysis\">a lot of analysis\u003c/a> about how local businesses kept money in the local economy and the multiplier effect of keeping money in the local economy rather than it being sucked out to a corporate headquarters in Atlanta or New York City,” Peskin said. “There was also the fact that local businesses hired people at better living wages. So there’s a lot of data that supported the legislation beyond just the fact that people wanted to maintain the unique character of their neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another argument against chains — they \u003ca href=\"https://ilsr.org/article/independent-business/affordable-space/#:~:text=As%20the%20cost%20of%20space,locally%20owned%20businesses%20can%20thrive.\">put upward pressure on rents\u003c/a>. Because they have more access to revenue than a small retail operation, chains can sign longer leases and pay higher rents if they really want the location. It can leave small businesses priced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the upside, counties get a lot of sales tax revenue from chains, customers like them, and they do provide some jobs. For example, Costco on 11th Street is always packed with customers. And the sales tax from that business stays in San Francisco, as opposed to, say, Home Depot, which only has Bay Area locations outside the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A post-COVID shift towards more chain stores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Supervisor Danny Sauter, whose district includes North Beach, co-sponsored legislation making it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-to-make-easier-to-open-chain-stores-van-ness-20288462.php\">easier \u003c/a>for chain stores to open on a relatively desolate stretch of Van Ness Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a reflection of the current state of things, where it’s rows and rows of empty storefronts — we have to try something,” Sauter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lowe’s home improvement store on Bayshore Boulevard in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said there are already a few sprouts of interest, and even glimmers of success, including a new Apple Cinemas movie theatre to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/entertainment/article/apple-cinemas-san-francisco-opening-20762805.php\">replace \u003c/a>one that closed years ago. That opened pretty quickly at 1000 Van Ness Ave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Sauter is going even further. He authored an ordinance titled “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/zoning-north-beach-21122722.php\">District 3 Thrives\u003c/a>,” which weakens long-time restrictions on what businesses can do in parts of the district, including North Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will expand the kinds of commercial enterprises allowed to operate, and allow adjacent storefronts to merge to make a larger space so existing businesses can expand, or new ones can move into it, assuming they get a permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064713\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064713\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The now closed Silver Crest donut shop on Bayshore Boulevard in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sauter’s ordinance passed 8–2 last month and has prompted a spirited neighborhood debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this shows that the city —for all its crazy building codes, permitting and chain store regulations — has a fair amount of flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco’s land use laws were built on the notion that different neighborhoods had different destinies and were trying to do different things to be economically successful,” Peskin said. “The whole notion was that it wasn’t a one-size-fits-all solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will other neighborhoods also loosen restrictions on chain stores? Stay tuned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Growing up in San Francisco, I’ve always loved how each neighborhood is distinct…like little villages. Each with their own shopping streets\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of cars passing and people walking by\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>My family lived in the Richmond District, so we did our shopping on Clement. On it, you can find everything from fresh-caught fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Fishmonger: So right now we have rock cod and we have calamari… \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> To produce, hair salons, pastry shops…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bakery worker: You pay with cash or card?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Ice cream, restaurants, a bookstore — you name it. By and large, local businesses, one of a kind in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bookstore worker: Welcome to Green Apple\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>And most neighborhoods in San Francisco have a street like this…it’s part of what makes San Francisco feel unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>My name is Sarah Soule. I live in San Francisco. And I’ve grown up here my whole life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Sarah remembers shopping mostly at local businesses growing up. She even remembers hearing that San Francisco didn’t allow big box stores, like Walmart or Home Depot, at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah: \u003c/strong>In order to protect local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>But recently, she’s noticed more chain stores in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>We didn’t use to have Costco. Um, and I kind of remember Costco opening here for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>That was in the early 90s. Sarah remembers the fight around it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>Like, it was controversial. Some people were upset about it, and I was wondering, you know, why that happened? Why did it get to open here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>She’s trying to understand what’s changed in the city since she was a kid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>And my question is: Did San Francisco really used to prevent big box stores from opening in the city? And when did that change, and what effects have that change had on the city?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Today on Bay Curious, we’re going shopping for some answers to Sarah’s question and learning a little retail history, San Francisco style. I’m Katrina Schwartz. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor message\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> San Francisco today definitely has chain stores. Think Safeway, Starbucks and Target, to name just a few. But there are hundreds of pages of planning codes and regulations for them. And that means politics. So we asked Scott Shafer, KQED’s senior politics correspondent and co-host of the Political Breakdown podcast, to walk us through how those regulations have changed over the last several decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> Land use in San Francisco is guided by the city’s Byzantine Planning Code, which is kind of like the twisty, curvy part of Lombard Street. And few understand it better than this guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>My name is Aaron Peskin. I live and work in North Beach, and we are in the heart of North Beach on the 400 block of Columbus Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Aaron Peskin served on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors for more than 20 years, and his district included this neighborhood, which has been famously anti-chain store for a long time..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> North Beach has always been a dining and entertainment destination zone, but it’s also a place where people live and shop and maintaining the balance of neighborhood-serving businesses is also important and also adds to making it a real neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer in scene:\u003c/strong> So this neighborhood, obviously, as you said, it’s a historic neighborhood. How are the businesses doing here, and how the cafe scene doing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> So the neighborhood is thriving; it actually led the way in post-pandemic recovery. It has an extremely low vacancy rate. The cafes, as we can see, here is Stella Pastry and Cafe is booming with a bunch of the old Italians who are hanging out. What’s going on, Frankie How are you gentlemen?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Frankie: \u003c/strong>Buon giorno!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> KQED wants to know if you guys are alive and well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Frankie:\u003c/strong> We’re okay. It’s a little bit hot. Yeah, but yeah. When we check his blood pressure, he’s all right. Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Among the things North Beach is most famous for are its small, independent coffee houses…like Cafe Trieste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Cafe Trieste is 70 years old. It was the first place on the western seaboard of the United States that started to serve espresso. It is still in the same family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of espresso maker. Barista says: This is a coffee latte. The next one is a cappuccino. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>It’s kind of North Beach’s living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The walls are covered in old photos showing the many famous people who’ve been through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Here’s Francis Ford Coppola sitting at the back table writing the screenplay for The Godfather right there. There’s Luciano Pavarotti singing in here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>People come to North Beach for businesses like this. That’s why Peskin remembers one day at Cafe Trieste so clearly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>And there was a petition on the counter. This is in maybe the early 1990s; this was a long time ago, asking people to sign to object to a Starbucks on the corner of Columbus and Broadway. I remember it vividly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>This petition, all those years ago, was one of the first instances of a neighborhood pushing back against a chain moving in. They succeeded in keeping the Starbucks out, by the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at his office, Peskin tells me that fight against Starbucks was just the beginning. Other neighborhoods were waging similar battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There was outcry from various parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>In 2004, San Francisco defined what a chain store, more formally known as “formula retail”, was exactly — having 11 or more stores nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>That definition never existed in the San Francisco Planning Code; it did not prohibit anything at all. It defined what a chain store was and then left it to the future to determine where they were green light, where they where red light, and where they are yellow light needing a conditional use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> With that 2004 definition in place, neighborhoods began adopting different levels of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A red light meant a total ban on chains — that’s what Hayes Valley did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, some of you might say, “Hey, wait a minute. There \u003cem>are\u003c/em> chain stores in Hayes Valley — like \u003cem>All Birds\u003c/em> shoes and \u003cem>Warby Parker \u003c/em>eyeglasses. Yep, that’s true. \u003cu>But\u003c/u> when they opened, they were relatively small companies … and had fewer than the 11 locations nationwide that triggered those limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A yellow light applied to neighborhoods — like Cole Valley and parts of the Haight Ashbury — where chains were allowed, but only after neighbors could weigh in before any final decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And finally green light areas — South of Market, Union Square and the rest of downtown — where chain stores like Macy’s, Nordstrom and Old Navy are allowed without any additional permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gradually, more neighborhoods adopted limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the regulations grew piecemeal, in 2006, voters approved Proposition G, dubbed the “Small Business Protection Act,” mandating those conditional use permits for new chain stores in all neighborhood commercial districts where small businesses dominate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having clearer regulations didn’t end the fights over big box stores. That became clear in a battle over whether to allow a major hardware chain to open on Bayshore Boulevard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lowe’s commercial:\u003c/strong> Go to Lowe’s home improvement warehouse because Lowe’s knows (fades out)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The site where Lowe’s wanted to open bordered on two very different supervisorial districts — the thriving Bernal Heights and the economically depressed Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>It was a huge fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Lowe’s sweetened the pot by promising to hire hundreds of local workers..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> Ultimately, the Board of Supervisors, on a 6 to 5 vote, voted to approve Lowe’s. I was the swing vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The store opened — and remains there today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This seems like a good time to lay out some of the research on chains and how they affect local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There was a lot of analysis about how local businesses kept money in the local economy and the multiplier effect of keeping money in the local economy rather than it being sucked out to a corporate headquarters in Atlanta or New York City. The fact that local businesses hired people at better living wages. So there’s a lot of data that supported the legislation beyond just the fact that people wanted to maintain the unique character of their neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Another argument against chains — they put upward pressure on rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There is no question that multinational chain stores can command higher rents, and the impact of that has been to raise commercial rents for small businesses and neighborhood commercial districts, which has been very deleterious to the health of small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>On the pro side, counties get a lot of tax revenue from chains, customers like them, and they do provide some jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There are plenty of places in San Francisco where they are allowed as of right or where they’re allowed conditionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> In fact, despite the hurdles, the regulations and the NIMBY politics, San Francisco still has plenty of chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> So this whole notion that San Francisco isn’t allowing businesses to grow is kind of nonsense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>And when chains close, people complain. That happened along Van Ness Avenue as KGO reported earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KGO clip: \u003c/strong>Van Ness Avenue was once San Francisco’s auto row. Rambler, Dodge, Cadillac, Buick all had a stake in the city. The majority are gone, leaving behind large, empty commercial spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Supervisor Danny Sauter … co-sponsored legislation making it easier for chain stores to open on Van Ness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Danny Sauter: \u003c/strong>It’s a reflection of the current state of things. Where it’s rows and rows of empty storefronts, we have to try something.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Sauter says there’s already a few sprouts of interest … and even glimmers of success … including a new Apple Cinemas movie theatre to replace one that closed years ago. That opened pretty quickly at 1000 Van Ness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this shows that the city — for all its crazy building codes, permitting and chain store regulations, as Peskin noted, has a fair amount of flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> San Francisco’s land use laws were built on the notion that different neighborhoods had different destinies and were trying to do different things to be economically successful. The whole notion was that it wasn’t a one-size-fits-all solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>In thriving neighborhoods like Hayes Valley…where sidewalks are filled with shoppers, it’s still hard to open a chain store. But in others, like Van Ness Ave, where huge storefronts sit empty, the calculus is changing. A big box store doesn’t look so bad anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I took all this back to our question asker, Sarah, to see what she makes of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>I actually spent some time as a small child in those North Beach cafes. And I learned to play Pac-Man in one of those. So it’s interesting to hear that it started in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>She’s been thinking a lot about where she chooses to spend her money and wants to invest more in local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule:\u003c/strong> One of the things that makes any city so special is those small local businesses that exist there and no place else\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>No doubt the city will keep tweaking its rules for chain stores … trying to find that elusive balance between protecting the unique character of its neighborhoods and allowing chains to open where they make sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> That story was brought to you by KQED’s senior politics correspondent and co-host of Political Breakdown, Scott Shafer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, the Bay Curious team will be taking a break for the Thanksgiving holiday. But we’re back with you the following week …Dec. 4 … with a new episode. And…drumroll please…Olivia Allen-Price is back from maternity leave and will be back in the host seat! We’re super excited to have her back and want to say a special thank you to producer Gabriela Glueck, who has been an amazing partner on the show during Olivia’s leave. Much of the beautiful scoring and sound design you’ve enjoyed over the last many months is her magic. Thank you, Gabi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has been very fun to host the show over these past couple months, but I’m not going anywhere, and I’m excited to do more reporting and to get out into the field a bit more to answer your questions!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is produced at member-supported KQED in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Olivia Allen-Price, Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale and me, Katrina Schwartz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks for listening. Have a holiday and we’ll see you back here in a couple weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I arrived in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> in 1981, I rented a room for $400 in a Victorian condo on Masonic Avenue near Waller Street —the heart of the world-famous Haight-Ashbury. Whenever I walked down Haight Street, I was struck by how many stores seemed to be remnants of the hippie era and the 1967 Summer of Love.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were stores selling tie-dye clothes, incense, smoke shops, art supplies, a bowling alley, bars and coffee houses where people lingered talking or writing in their journals. One thing that did not exist: chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was probably the result of the neighborhood’s “alternative” vibe, which included resistance to corporatizing the commercial district of an iconic neighborhood famous for being the center of the hippie movement and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I vividly remember one day in 1988, when a construction site for a new Thrifty Drug Store at Haight and Cole Street exploded in flames in the middle of the night — a fire determined to have been caused by arson. The drug store had been vehemently opposed by some in the neighborhood. The fire destroyed it — and Thrifty never returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, there was no real way for residents to stop the arrival of a chain store. And look around today, there are plenty of chain stores — Starbucks, Safeway and Walgreens, to name a few. But there have also been big fights against chain stores moving into the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk past the Target store on 4th and Mission Streets in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious listener, Sarah Soule, remembers some of the controversy over stores like Costco opening. And she wants to gut check something she heard as a kid growing up here: “Did San Francisco really use to prevent big box stores from opening in the city? And when did that change and what effects has that change had on the city?”\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most big controversies in San Francisco, this one revolved around land use and zoning — what you can build where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, I turned to someone who knows the city’s planning codes and zoning restraints better than anyone — former Supervisor Aaron Peskin, who was a county supervisor for more than 20 years. His district included North Beach, which is notoriously hostile to chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we walked up Columbus Avenue, Peskin described the neighborhood’s retail environment. “The neighborhood is thriving; it actually led the way in post-pandemic recovery,” he explained. “It has an extremely low vacancy rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Beach is perhaps best known for its coffeehouse culture. Over the decades, it’s attracted members of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/201205071000/one-and-only-the-untold-story-of-on-the-road\">the Beat Generation\u003c/a> — writers like Allen Ginsberg and Lawrence Ferlinghetti — and others looking for that smell of fresh ground espresso in an atmospheric setting. Long-time establishments like \u003ca href=\"https://caffetrieste.com/\">Caffe Trieste\u003c/a> and the Savoy Tivoli are part of what makes North Beach, North Beach.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Inside Caffe Trieste, the walls are full of black and white photos of the many famous people who’ve stopped by, many of them Italian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s Francis Ford Coppola sitting at the back table writing the screenplay for \u003cem>The Godfather\u003c/em> right there. There’s Luciano Pavarotti singing in here,” Peskin said. This cafe serves as a kind of satellite office for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin — who termed out of the Board of Supervisors last year and has a long history as a local preservationist — remembers a day decades ago that made him sit up and pay attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a petition on the counter. This is in maybe the early 1990s, asking people to sign to object to a Starbucks on the corner of Columbus and Broadway. I remember it vividly,” Peskin recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That petition, all those years ago, was an early example of San Franciscans \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2003-aug-06-me-starbucks6-story.html\">pushing \u003c/a>back against a chain moving in. And they succeeded in keeping Starbucks out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, other neighborhoods were waging similar battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was outcry from various parts of the city,” Peskin said. The problem for regulating chain stores was that there was no official definition of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What makes something a chain store?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So, in 2004, San Francisco defined what a chain store — more formally known as “formula retail” — was exactly: A business having 11 or more stores nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That definition never existed in the San Francisco Planning Code, [and] it did not prohibit anything at all,” Peskin noted. “It defined what a chain store was and then left it to the future to determine where they were green light, where they were red light, and where they were yellow light, needing a conditional use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064706\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064706\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-07-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin leaves Caffe Trieste in the city’s North Beach neighborhood on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With that 2004 definition in place, neighborhoods began adopting different levels of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “red light” meant a total ban on chains — that’s what Hayes Valley did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, some of you might say, “Hey, wait a minute. There \u003cem>are\u003c/em> chain stores in Hayes Valley — like All Birds shoes and Warby Parker eyeglasses.” Yep, that’s true. But when they opened, they were relatively small companies and had fewer than the 11 locations nationwide that triggered those limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “yellow light” applied to neighborhoods — like Cole Valley and parts of the Haight Ashbury — where chains were allowed, but only after neighbors could weigh in. It required what’s called “a conditional use permit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And finally, “green light” areas — South of Market, Union Square and the rest of downtown — where chain stores like Macy’s, Nordstrom and Old Navy are allowed without any additional permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regulations grew piecemeal, neighborhood by neighborhood, without any citywide coordination. So, in 2006, voters approved Proposition G, dubbed the “Small Business Protection Act,” mandating conditional use permits for new chain stores in \u003cem>all\u003c/em> neighborhood commercial districts where small businesses dominate.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Franciscans continue to fight chain stores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But having clearer regulations didn’t end the fights over big box stores. That became clear in a battle over whether to allow Lowe’s, a major hardware chain, to open on Bayshore Boulevard.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The site where Lowe’s wanted to open — Bayshore Avenue near Cortland — bordered on two very different supervisorial districts — the thriving Bernal Heights and the economically depressed Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It was a huge fight,” Peskin recalled. Lowe’s sweetened the pot by promising to hire hundreds of local workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the Board of Supervisors on a 6-to-5 vote voted to approve Lowe’s. I was the swing vote,” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The store opened in 2010 — and remains there today.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the research says about chain store impacts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This seems like a good time to lay out some of the research on chains and how they affect local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/policy-basis-formula-retail-chain-stores#economic-analysis\">a lot of analysis\u003c/a> about how local businesses kept money in the local economy and the multiplier effect of keeping money in the local economy rather than it being sucked out to a corporate headquarters in Atlanta or New York City,” Peskin said. “There was also the fact that local businesses hired people at better living wages. So there’s a lot of data that supported the legislation beyond just the fact that people wanted to maintain the unique character of their neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another argument against chains — they \u003ca href=\"https://ilsr.org/article/independent-business/affordable-space/#:~:text=As%20the%20cost%20of%20space,locally%20owned%20businesses%20can%20thrive.\">put upward pressure on rents\u003c/a>. Because they have more access to revenue than a small retail operation, chains can sign longer leases and pay higher rents if they really want the location. It can leave small businesses priced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the upside, counties get a lot of sales tax revenue from chains, customers like them, and they do provide some jobs. For example, Costco on 11th Street is always packed with customers. And the sales tax from that business stays in San Francisco, as opposed to, say, Home Depot, which only has Bay Area locations outside the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A post-COVID shift towards more chain stores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Supervisor Danny Sauter, whose district includes North Beach, co-sponsored legislation making it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-to-make-easier-to-open-chain-stores-van-ness-20288462.php\">easier \u003c/a>for chain stores to open on a relatively desolate stretch of Van Ness Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a reflection of the current state of things, where it’s rows and rows of empty storefronts — we have to try something,” Sauter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lowe’s home improvement store on Bayshore Boulevard in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said there are already a few sprouts of interest, and even glimmers of success, including a new Apple Cinemas movie theatre to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/entertainment/article/apple-cinemas-san-francisco-opening-20762805.php\">replace \u003c/a>one that closed years ago. That opened pretty quickly at 1000 Van Ness Ave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Sauter is going even further. He authored an ordinance titled “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/zoning-north-beach-21122722.php\">District 3 Thrives\u003c/a>,” which weakens long-time restrictions on what businesses can do in parts of the district, including North Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will expand the kinds of commercial enterprises allowed to operate, and allow adjacent storefronts to merge to make a larger space so existing businesses can expand, or new ones can move into it, assuming they get a permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064713\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064713\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251118-BIGBOXSTORES-30-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The now closed Silver Crest donut shop on Bayshore Boulevard in San Francisco on Nov. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sauter’s ordinance passed 8–2 last month and has prompted a spirited neighborhood debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this shows that the city —for all its crazy building codes, permitting and chain store regulations — has a fair amount of flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco’s land use laws were built on the notion that different neighborhoods had different destinies and were trying to do different things to be economically successful,” Peskin said. “The whole notion was that it wasn’t a one-size-fits-all solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will other neighborhoods also loosen restrictions on chain stores? Stay tuned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Growing up in San Francisco, I’ve always loved how each neighborhood is distinct…like little villages. Each with their own shopping streets\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of cars passing and people walking by\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>My family lived in the Richmond District, so we did our shopping on Clement. On it, you can find everything from fresh-caught fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Fishmonger: So right now we have rock cod and we have calamari… \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> To produce, hair salons, pastry shops…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bakery worker: You pay with cash or card?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Ice cream, restaurants, a bookstore — you name it. By and large, local businesses, one of a kind in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bookstore worker: Welcome to Green Apple\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>And most neighborhoods in San Francisco have a street like this…it’s part of what makes San Francisco feel unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>My name is Sarah Soule. I live in San Francisco. And I’ve grown up here my whole life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Sarah remembers shopping mostly at local businesses growing up. She even remembers hearing that San Francisco didn’t allow big box stores, like Walmart or Home Depot, at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah: \u003c/strong>In order to protect local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>But recently, she’s noticed more chain stores in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>We didn’t use to have Costco. Um, and I kind of remember Costco opening here for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>That was in the early 90s. Sarah remembers the fight around it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>Like, it was controversial. Some people were upset about it, and I was wondering, you know, why that happened? Why did it get to open here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>She’s trying to understand what’s changed in the city since she was a kid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>And my question is: Did San Francisco really used to prevent big box stores from opening in the city? And when did that change, and what effects have that change had on the city?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Today on Bay Curious, we’re going shopping for some answers to Sarah’s question and learning a little retail history, San Francisco style. I’m Katrina Schwartz. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor message\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> San Francisco today definitely has chain stores. Think Safeway, Starbucks and Target, to name just a few. But there are hundreds of pages of planning codes and regulations for them. And that means politics. So we asked Scott Shafer, KQED’s senior politics correspondent and co-host of the Political Breakdown podcast, to walk us through how those regulations have changed over the last several decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> Land use in San Francisco is guided by the city’s Byzantine Planning Code, which is kind of like the twisty, curvy part of Lombard Street. And few understand it better than this guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>My name is Aaron Peskin. I live and work in North Beach, and we are in the heart of North Beach on the 400 block of Columbus Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Aaron Peskin served on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors for more than 20 years, and his district included this neighborhood, which has been famously anti-chain store for a long time..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> North Beach has always been a dining and entertainment destination zone, but it’s also a place where people live and shop and maintaining the balance of neighborhood-serving businesses is also important and also adds to making it a real neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer in scene:\u003c/strong> So this neighborhood, obviously, as you said, it’s a historic neighborhood. How are the businesses doing here, and how the cafe scene doing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> So the neighborhood is thriving; it actually led the way in post-pandemic recovery. It has an extremely low vacancy rate. The cafes, as we can see, here is Stella Pastry and Cafe is booming with a bunch of the old Italians who are hanging out. What’s going on, Frankie How are you gentlemen?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Frankie: \u003c/strong>Buon giorno!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> KQED wants to know if you guys are alive and well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Frankie:\u003c/strong> We’re okay. It’s a little bit hot. Yeah, but yeah. When we check his blood pressure, he’s all right. Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Among the things North Beach is most famous for are its small, independent coffee houses…like Cafe Trieste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Cafe Trieste is 70 years old. It was the first place on the western seaboard of the United States that started to serve espresso. It is still in the same family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of espresso maker. Barista says: This is a coffee latte. The next one is a cappuccino. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>It’s kind of North Beach’s living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The walls are covered in old photos showing the many famous people who’ve been through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Here’s Francis Ford Coppola sitting at the back table writing the screenplay for The Godfather right there. There’s Luciano Pavarotti singing in here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>People come to North Beach for businesses like this. That’s why Peskin remembers one day at Cafe Trieste so clearly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>And there was a petition on the counter. This is in maybe the early 1990s; this was a long time ago, asking people to sign to object to a Starbucks on the corner of Columbus and Broadway. I remember it vividly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>This petition, all those years ago, was one of the first instances of a neighborhood pushing back against a chain moving in. They succeeded in keeping the Starbucks out, by the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at his office, Peskin tells me that fight against Starbucks was just the beginning. Other neighborhoods were waging similar battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There was outcry from various parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>In 2004, San Francisco defined what a chain store, more formally known as “formula retail”, was exactly — having 11 or more stores nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>That definition never existed in the San Francisco Planning Code; it did not prohibit anything at all. It defined what a chain store was and then left it to the future to determine where they were green light, where they where red light, and where they are yellow light needing a conditional use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> With that 2004 definition in place, neighborhoods began adopting different levels of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A red light meant a total ban on chains — that’s what Hayes Valley did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, some of you might say, “Hey, wait a minute. There \u003cem>are\u003c/em> chain stores in Hayes Valley — like \u003cem>All Birds\u003c/em> shoes and \u003cem>Warby Parker \u003c/em>eyeglasses. Yep, that’s true. \u003cu>But\u003c/u> when they opened, they were relatively small companies … and had fewer than the 11 locations nationwide that triggered those limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A yellow light applied to neighborhoods — like Cole Valley and parts of the Haight Ashbury — where chains were allowed, but only after neighbors could weigh in before any final decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And finally green light areas — South of Market, Union Square and the rest of downtown — where chain stores like Macy’s, Nordstrom and Old Navy are allowed without any additional permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gradually, more neighborhoods adopted limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the regulations grew piecemeal, in 2006, voters approved Proposition G, dubbed the “Small Business Protection Act,” mandating those conditional use permits for new chain stores in all neighborhood commercial districts where small businesses dominate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having clearer regulations didn’t end the fights over big box stores. That became clear in a battle over whether to allow a major hardware chain to open on Bayshore Boulevard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lowe’s commercial:\u003c/strong> Go to Lowe’s home improvement warehouse because Lowe’s knows (fades out)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The site where Lowe’s wanted to open bordered on two very different supervisorial districts — the thriving Bernal Heights and the economically depressed Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>It was a huge fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Lowe’s sweetened the pot by promising to hire hundreds of local workers..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> Ultimately, the Board of Supervisors, on a 6 to 5 vote, voted to approve Lowe’s. I was the swing vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>The store opened — and remains there today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This seems like a good time to lay out some of the research on chains and how they affect local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There was a lot of analysis about how local businesses kept money in the local economy and the multiplier effect of keeping money in the local economy rather than it being sucked out to a corporate headquarters in Atlanta or New York City. The fact that local businesses hired people at better living wages. So there’s a lot of data that supported the legislation beyond just the fact that people wanted to maintain the unique character of their neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Another argument against chains — they put upward pressure on rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There is no question that multinational chain stores can command higher rents, and the impact of that has been to raise commercial rents for small businesses and neighborhood commercial districts, which has been very deleterious to the health of small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>On the pro side, counties get a lot of tax revenue from chains, customers like them, and they do provide some jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There are plenty of places in San Francisco where they are allowed as of right or where they’re allowed conditionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer:\u003c/strong> In fact, despite the hurdles, the regulations and the NIMBY politics, San Francisco still has plenty of chain stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> So this whole notion that San Francisco isn’t allowing businesses to grow is kind of nonsense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>And when chains close, people complain. That happened along Van Ness Avenue as KGO reported earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KGO clip: \u003c/strong>Van Ness Avenue was once San Francisco’s auto row. Rambler, Dodge, Cadillac, Buick all had a stake in the city. The majority are gone, leaving behind large, empty commercial spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Supervisor Danny Sauter … co-sponsored legislation making it easier for chain stores to open on Van Ness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Danny Sauter: \u003c/strong>It’s a reflection of the current state of things. Where it’s rows and rows of empty storefronts, we have to try something.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>Sauter says there’s already a few sprouts of interest … and even glimmers of success … including a new Apple Cinemas movie theatre to replace one that closed years ago. That opened pretty quickly at 1000 Van Ness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this shows that the city — for all its crazy building codes, permitting and chain store regulations, as Peskin noted, has a fair amount of flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin:\u003c/strong> San Francisco’s land use laws were built on the notion that different neighborhoods had different destinies and were trying to do different things to be economically successful. The whole notion was that it wasn’t a one-size-fits-all solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>In thriving neighborhoods like Hayes Valley…where sidewalks are filled with shoppers, it’s still hard to open a chain store. But in others, like Van Ness Ave, where huge storefronts sit empty, the calculus is changing. A big box store doesn’t look so bad anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I took all this back to our question asker, Sarah, to see what she makes of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule: \u003c/strong>I actually spent some time as a small child in those North Beach cafes. And I learned to play Pac-Man in one of those. So it’s interesting to hear that it started in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>She’s been thinking a lot about where she chooses to spend her money and wants to invest more in local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sarah Soule:\u003c/strong> One of the things that makes any city so special is those small local businesses that exist there and no place else\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Shafer: \u003c/strong>No doubt the city will keep tweaking its rules for chain stores … trying to find that elusive balance between protecting the unique character of its neighborhoods and allowing chains to open where they make sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> That story was brought to you by KQED’s senior politics correspondent and co-host of Political Breakdown, Scott Shafer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, the Bay Curious team will be taking a break for the Thanksgiving holiday. But we’re back with you the following week …Dec. 4 … with a new episode. And…drumroll please…Olivia Allen-Price is back from maternity leave and will be back in the host seat! We’re super excited to have her back and want to say a special thank you to producer Gabriela Glueck, who has been an amazing partner on the show during Olivia’s leave. Much of the beautiful scoring and sound design you’ve enjoyed over the last many months is her magic. Thank you, Gabi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has been very fun to host the show over these past couple months, but I’m not going anywhere, and I’m excited to do more reporting and to get out into the field a bit more to answer your questions!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is produced at member-supported KQED in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Olivia Allen-Price, Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale and me, Katrina Schwartz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks for listening. Have a holiday and we’ll see you back here in a couple weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>Two schools in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/west-oakland\">West Oakland\u003c/a> and concerned neighbors were on alert Wednesday after an immigration enforcement operation appeared to have led to a car crash near the campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the schools followed the district’s “\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1uvwTgGIS_2SFTspbEnU7oPMTggaP8QOS6ieKHCDEh2c/edit?tab=t.0\">secure protocol\u003c/a>” for Immigration and Customs Enforcement activity, the Oakland Unified School District and Alameda County’s rapid response network said the sites were not targeted by ICE and remained safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what we know, and don’t know, about the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enforcement activity in West Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to the Alameda County Immigration Legal Education Partnership, federal immigration officers were conducting targeted enforcement activity in the area on Wednesday morning when a vehicle crashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crash happened just before 10 a.m. on the 800 block of 31st Street as “an outside law enforcement agency was conducting an investigation within the City of Oakland,” according to the Oakland Police Department, which is investigating the collision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043210\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250428-OUSD-OFFICE-FILE-MD-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250428-OUSD-OFFICE-FILE-MD-04_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250428-OUSD-OFFICE-FILE-MD-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250428-OUSD-OFFICE-FILE-MD-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Oakland Unified School District Offices in Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The outside agency — presumed to be ICE — was trying to contact a vehicle involved in its case, Oakland police said. That vehicle collided with another vehicle, which was not involved in the operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Carroll Fife \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DRQJ6nGEk8E/?hl=en\">said in a video on social media\u003c/a> that the crash happened as a parent dropping their child off at school was “chased by masked men” believed to be ICE officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monique Berlanga, who heads Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland, said the collision scared people in the neighborhood, where there are multiple OUSD campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Schools respond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The district said in a message to parents on Wednesday that it placed Hoover Elementary School and Harriet Tubman Child Development Center under its secure school protocol after hearing reports of ICE activity in their vicinity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your child is safe in school,” the message continued, adding that other campuses were following standard protocol for ICE activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013785\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12013785 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at recess at an Oakland school on Oct. 20, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Berlanga said the Alameda County Immigration Legal Education Partnership got reports that staff at Hoover questioned the officers and asked them to identify themselves, but that they had not been able to confirm what agency they were with. She said the network had no reason to believe that either school was the target of enforcement activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears likely that this was targeted ICE enforcement nearby the school, which may have been related to a collision nearby,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the incident rattled community members and sparked a protest of about 50 people, including Oakland teachers and teachers union staff, outside Hoover in the late morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They told KQED they were gathered to support families and school staff if there was increased ICE presence, especially around pickup time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olivia Udovic, a kindergarten teacher and Oakland Education Association officer, said principals were driving some students home from school.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What we don’t know\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oakland police said their investigation into the crash is ongoing, and they did not specify which outside law enforcement agency was involved.[aside postID=news_12063793 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251028_IMMIGRANT-MASS-_HERNANDEZ-17-KQED.jpg']OUSD said it had heard reports of ICE presence in other Oakland neighborhoods, including between 71st and 81st avenues and International Boulevard, but those had not been confirmed. ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife said that after the collision, neighbors surrounded the immigration officials’ vehicle and prevented them from making any arrest, though that has not been confirmed. Berlanga said ACILEP was still determining whether the morning’s enforcement activity had led to any arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Barbara Lee said in a statement that her office was in communication with the school district and police about the reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to reiterate to our immigrant community: Oakland stands firmly with you — this is who we are and what we believe. You are not alone, and we will not be intimidated by federal operations designed to create fear and division,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two schools in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/west-oakland\">West Oakland\u003c/a> and concerned neighbors were on alert Wednesday after an immigration enforcement operation appeared to have led to a car crash near the campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the schools followed the district’s “\u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1uvwTgGIS_2SFTspbEnU7oPMTggaP8QOS6ieKHCDEh2c/edit?tab=t.0\">secure protocol\u003c/a>” for Immigration and Customs Enforcement activity, the Oakland Unified School District and Alameda County’s rapid response network said the sites were not targeted by ICE and remained safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what we know, and don’t know, about the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enforcement activity in West Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to the Alameda County Immigration Legal Education Partnership, federal immigration officers were conducting targeted enforcement activity in the area on Wednesday morning when a vehicle crashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crash happened just before 10 a.m. on the 800 block of 31st Street as “an outside law enforcement agency was conducting an investigation within the City of Oakland,” according to the Oakland Police Department, which is investigating the collision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043210\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043210\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250428-OUSD-OFFICE-FILE-MD-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250428-OUSD-OFFICE-FILE-MD-04_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250428-OUSD-OFFICE-FILE-MD-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250428-OUSD-OFFICE-FILE-MD-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Oakland Unified School District Offices in Oakland on April 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The outside agency — presumed to be ICE — was trying to contact a vehicle involved in its case, Oakland police said. That vehicle collided with another vehicle, which was not involved in the operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Carroll Fife \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DRQJ6nGEk8E/?hl=en\">said in a video on social media\u003c/a> that the crash happened as a parent dropping their child off at school was “chased by masked men” believed to be ICE officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monique Berlanga, who heads Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland, said the collision scared people in the neighborhood, where there are multiple OUSD campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Schools respond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The district said in a message to parents on Wednesday that it placed Hoover Elementary School and Harriet Tubman Child Development Center under its secure school protocol after hearing reports of ICE activity in their vicinity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your child is safe in school,” the message continued, adding that other campuses were following standard protocol for ICE activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013785\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12013785 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at recess at an Oakland school on Oct. 20, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Berlanga said the Alameda County Immigration Legal Education Partnership got reports that staff at Hoover questioned the officers and asked them to identify themselves, but that they had not been able to confirm what agency they were with. She said the network had no reason to believe that either school was the target of enforcement activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears likely that this was targeted ICE enforcement nearby the school, which may have been related to a collision nearby,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the incident rattled community members and sparked a protest of about 50 people, including Oakland teachers and teachers union staff, outside Hoover in the late morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They told KQED they were gathered to support families and school staff if there was increased ICE presence, especially around pickup time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olivia Udovic, a kindergarten teacher and Oakland Education Association officer, said principals were driving some students home from school.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What we don’t know\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oakland police said their investigation into the crash is ongoing, and they did not specify which outside law enforcement agency was involved.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>OUSD said it had heard reports of ICE presence in other Oakland neighborhoods, including between 71st and 81st avenues and International Boulevard, but those had not been confirmed. ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife said that after the collision, neighbors surrounded the immigration officials’ vehicle and prevented them from making any arrest, though that has not been confirmed. Berlanga said ACILEP was still determining whether the morning’s enforcement activity had led to any arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Barbara Lee said in a statement that her office was in communication with the school district and police about the reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to reiterate to our immigrant community: Oakland stands firmly with you — this is who we are and what we believe. You are not alone, and we will not be intimidated by federal operations designed to create fear and division,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As Oakland’s school district \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062643/oakland-unified-wins-budget-approval-but-faces-dire-warning-on-financial-future\">faces fiscal insolvency\u003c/a>, its top budget official is warning that the school board’s unwillingness to cut services could make it impossible to balance a budget next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-unified-school-district\">Oakland Unified School District\u003c/a>’s board directed staff to prepare two plans that cut $100 million from the 2026–27 budget to stay afloat. That demand came with broad parameters: no school closures or mergers, maintaining school resources and student-facing roles and reducing the district’s administrative arm — the “central office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re a school district. And a school district’s majority of its funds are in schools,” Chief Business Officer Lisa Grant-Dawson said. “There’s not $100 million in the central office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two budget scenarios staff plan to present to the school board on Wednesday would cut far less than their goal. The more scant version would total $21.8 million in savings and recommends cutting 53 roles across administrative offices, with the greatest reductions in communications and the Superintendent’s office, a department which trains and supports new employees, fiscal services and academics. The other would only cut six roles and save the district $16.8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Jennifer Brouhard, who co-authored the resolution directing staff to propose the cuts, said it was an “initial direction,” but that she and other board members “understood from the start that further discussions with the Superintendent would be necessary to identify additional cuts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041367\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12041367 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1316\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-800x526.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1020x671.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1536x1011.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1920x1263.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Unified School District board president Jennifer Brouhard speaks during a meeting at Metwest High School in Oakland on April 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said the board also asked staff to consider other elements of the district’s spending, including a potential restructuring of its school “networks,” or groups of schools that are under the purview of a network superintendent, and plans to increase revenue through enrollment and identification of services that the district can deliver in-house instead of contracting out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At our next special meeting on Dec. 3, I am excited to see plans for the remaining components of the resolution,” Brouhard said via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget crisis comes after years of warnings from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027158/how-oakland-and-sf-ended-up-among-7-ca-school-districts-who-cant-pay-their-bills\">state watchdogs\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059238/alameda-county-to-oakland-schools-reduce-costs-or-lose-financial-independence-again\">county and district officials\u003c/a> that OUSD is outspending its revenue, setting it on the path toward bankruptcy. The district did declare bankruptcy in 2003 and was bailed out by a loan from the state that came with decades of intense oversight, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043062/as-ousd-gets-closer-to-controlling-its-finances-new-budget-challenges-loom\">made its final loan payment over the summer\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12059238 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250603-OUSD-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Even so, the past few years have been rocky — OUSD has outspent its revenue by up to $4 million per month, forcing service cuts and spending down a strong reserve fund built up during the pandemic, when schools received hefty relief payments from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some board members and the teachers’ union have long blamed OUSD’s central office for the overspending problem, calling it bloated and pointing to the high salaries of top officials. But Grant-Dawson said recent cuts have already relied heavily on shrinking the administration, making deeper reductions to non-student services difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the board accepts a proposed reduction in its number of cleaning staff, Grant-Dawson said the district will ask school sites to utilize fewer classrooms and buildings on their campuses. Likewise, laying off employees in the budget office means school sites will have less flexibility in how they spend their site-specific funding, since there won’t be a district staff member to help implement those changes in the larger budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to be able to do less,” Grant-Dawson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A slim, four-member board majority led by Brouhard passed the resolution calling for the reduction plans last month, after hours of circling debate over how to address OUSD’s dire budget situation, while maintaining student and school resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912882\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912882\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Kids play outside at school.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students play a game during recess at Grass Valley Elementary School in Oakland on April 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The same contingent, which is backed by the teachers’ union, has pushed through a number of controversial proposals since January, including amendments to last year’s budget reduction plan that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041279/ousd-cancels-controversial-after-school-cuts-but-deep-divisions-within-school-board-remain\">unintentionally cut after-school programs\u003c/a> and had to be reversed and a shocking deal to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037315/oakland-school-board-votes-remove-superintendent-sparking-worries-instability\">part with longtime Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell\u003c/a> before the end of her contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the year, the board’s already tense relationship with district staff, and each other, has grown increasingly tenuous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring, Grant-Dawson said she warned the board that their budget-balancing amendments could have unintended consequences, like the after-school program funding snafu, before it passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we did do that, it was like, ‘The staff is trying to keep us from [doing what we want],’” Grant-Dawson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029337\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029337\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Oakland Unified School District Board takes public comment during a meeting at La Escuelita Elementary School in Oakland, California, on Dec. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Having to present the plan that made the cuts, then later reverse them, created more work for her team. So has developing budget-balancing plans year after year at the board’s direction, then watching as many go unimplemented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OUSD’s history reveals an undeniable pattern: requesting plans, then disregarding them; rejecting staff recommendations; changing direction and directions, and, when difficult decisions are finally made, rescinding them shortly thereafter,” Alameda County Superintendent Alysse Castro said in a letter to OUSD last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told KQED that balancing the budget under the current circumstances “is absolutely 100% possible, but it would require a really significant change of pattern and action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our business team has been alerting the Board and the community about these oncoming financial challenges for several years,” Interim Superintendent Denise Saddler, who took over this summer while the district searches for a new permanent leader, wrote in a letter to families earlier this month. “We could see the need to take measures to mitigate the financial drop off on the horizon, and we have made clear the need to make hard choices long before now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12056737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12056737 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-2_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-2_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-2_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-2_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Unified School District parents, students and community leaders rally in support of improved schools, ahead of an OUSD board meeting at Metwest High School in Oakland on April 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Saddler said it would be impossible to make the massive budget reduction — which equals about 20% of the district’s unrestricted funding — without impacting students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People we know and care about will lose their jobs. Programs our students love will be reduced or eliminated. Services our families depend on will change,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all of the staff reductions in either budget scenario would necessarily come through layoffs. The district plans to offer employees who are over the age of 55 and have served in OUSD for at least five years an early retirement buy-out in June, and the school board directed the superintendent to implement a hiring freeze last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board is supposed to vote on its budget cut plan next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant-Dawson said prior to Wednesday’s meeting, she hadn’t discussed the partial proposals with board members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not in that place,” she said. “They haven’t reached out. They don’t reach out like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Oakland’s school district \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062643/oakland-unified-wins-budget-approval-but-faces-dire-warning-on-financial-future\">faces fiscal insolvency\u003c/a>, its top budget official is warning that the school board’s unwillingness to cut services could make it impossible to balance a budget next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-unified-school-district\">Oakland Unified School District\u003c/a>’s board directed staff to prepare two plans that cut $100 million from the 2026–27 budget to stay afloat. That demand came with broad parameters: no school closures or mergers, maintaining school resources and student-facing roles and reducing the district’s administrative arm — the “central office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re a school district. And a school district’s majority of its funds are in schools,” Chief Business Officer Lisa Grant-Dawson said. “There’s not $100 million in the central office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two budget scenarios staff plan to present to the school board on Wednesday would cut far less than their goal. The more scant version would total $21.8 million in savings and recommends cutting 53 roles across administrative offices, with the greatest reductions in communications and the Superintendent’s office, a department which trains and supports new employees, fiscal services and academics. The other would only cut six roles and save the district $16.8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Jennifer Brouhard, who co-authored the resolution directing staff to propose the cuts, said it was an “initial direction,” but that she and other board members “understood from the start that further discussions with the Superintendent would be necessary to identify additional cuts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041367\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12041367 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1316\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-800x526.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1020x671.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1536x1011.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1920x1263.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Unified School District board president Jennifer Brouhard speaks during a meeting at Metwest High School in Oakland on April 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said the board also asked staff to consider other elements of the district’s spending, including a potential restructuring of its school “networks,” or groups of schools that are under the purview of a network superintendent, and plans to increase revenue through enrollment and identification of services that the district can deliver in-house instead of contracting out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At our next special meeting on Dec. 3, I am excited to see plans for the remaining components of the resolution,” Brouhard said via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget crisis comes after years of warnings from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027158/how-oakland-and-sf-ended-up-among-7-ca-school-districts-who-cant-pay-their-bills\">state watchdogs\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059238/alameda-county-to-oakland-schools-reduce-costs-or-lose-financial-independence-again\">county and district officials\u003c/a> that OUSD is outspending its revenue, setting it on the path toward bankruptcy. The district did declare bankruptcy in 2003 and was bailed out by a loan from the state that came with decades of intense oversight, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043062/as-ousd-gets-closer-to-controlling-its-finances-new-budget-challenges-loom\">made its final loan payment over the summer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even so, the past few years have been rocky — OUSD has outspent its revenue by up to $4 million per month, forcing service cuts and spending down a strong reserve fund built up during the pandemic, when schools received hefty relief payments from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some board members and the teachers’ union have long blamed OUSD’s central office for the overspending problem, calling it bloated and pointing to the high salaries of top officials. But Grant-Dawson said recent cuts have already relied heavily on shrinking the administration, making deeper reductions to non-student services difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the board accepts a proposed reduction in its number of cleaning staff, Grant-Dawson said the district will ask school sites to utilize fewer classrooms and buildings on their campuses. Likewise, laying off employees in the budget office means school sites will have less flexibility in how they spend their site-specific funding, since there won’t be a district staff member to help implement those changes in the larger budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to be able to do less,” Grant-Dawson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A slim, four-member board majority led by Brouhard passed the resolution calling for the reduction plans last month, after hours of circling debate over how to address OUSD’s dire budget situation, while maintaining student and school resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912882\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912882\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Kids play outside at school.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55654_027_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students play a game during recess at Grass Valley Elementary School in Oakland on April 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The same contingent, which is backed by the teachers’ union, has pushed through a number of controversial proposals since January, including amendments to last year’s budget reduction plan that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041279/ousd-cancels-controversial-after-school-cuts-but-deep-divisions-within-school-board-remain\">unintentionally cut after-school programs\u003c/a> and had to be reversed and a shocking deal to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037315/oakland-school-board-votes-remove-superintendent-sparking-worries-instability\">part with longtime Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell\u003c/a> before the end of her contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the year, the board’s already tense relationship with district staff, and each other, has grown increasingly tenuous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring, Grant-Dawson said she warned the board that their budget-balancing amendments could have unintended consequences, like the after-school program funding snafu, before it passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we did do that, it was like, ‘The staff is trying to keep us from [doing what we want],’” Grant-Dawson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029337\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029337\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Oakland Unified School District Board takes public comment during a meeting at La Escuelita Elementary School in Oakland, California, on Dec. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Having to present the plan that made the cuts, then later reverse them, created more work for her team. So has developing budget-balancing plans year after year at the board’s direction, then watching as many go unimplemented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OUSD’s history reveals an undeniable pattern: requesting plans, then disregarding them; rejecting staff recommendations; changing direction and directions, and, when difficult decisions are finally made, rescinding them shortly thereafter,” Alameda County Superintendent Alysse Castro said in a letter to OUSD last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told KQED that balancing the budget under the current circumstances “is absolutely 100% possible, but it would require a really significant change of pattern and action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our business team has been alerting the Board and the community about these oncoming financial challenges for several years,” Interim Superintendent Denise Saddler, who took over this summer while the district searches for a new permanent leader, wrote in a letter to families earlier this month. “We could see the need to take measures to mitigate the financial drop off on the horizon, and we have made clear the need to make hard choices long before now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12056737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12056737 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-2_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-2_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-2_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-2_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Unified School District parents, students and community leaders rally in support of improved schools, ahead of an OUSD board meeting at Metwest High School in Oakland on April 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Saddler said it would be impossible to make the massive budget reduction — which equals about 20% of the district’s unrestricted funding — without impacting students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People we know and care about will lose their jobs. Programs our students love will be reduced or eliminated. Services our families depend on will change,” she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all of the staff reductions in either budget scenario would necessarily come through layoffs. The district plans to offer employees who are over the age of 55 and have served in OUSD for at least five years an early retirement buy-out in June, and the school board directed the superintendent to implement a hiring freeze last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board is supposed to vote on its budget cut plan next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant-Dawson said prior to Wednesday’s meeting, she hadn’t discussed the partial proposals with board members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not in that place,” she said. “They haven’t reached out. They don’t reach out like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-much-should-you-tip-for-a-drink-at-a-bar-in-the-bay-area",
"title": "How Much Should You Tip for a Drink at a Bar in the Bay Area?",
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"headTitle": "How Much Should You Tip for a Drink at a Bar in the Bay Area? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>You had dinner at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/food\">restaurant\u003c/a> and the check has just landed on your table. How much you’ll tip probably seems intuitive: between \u003ca href=\"https://www.foodandwine.com/the-only-tipping-guide-you-will-ever-need-6825830\">18% to 25% \u003c/a>of your final bill, depending on the quality of service you received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when it comes to a night out at a bar, how much should you tip for drinks in 2025?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Putting a dollar down for each drink you ordered probably sounds familiar to folks who’ve been going out for a while.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yes, “usually at a dive bar, it’s normal to leave a dollar or two if you order a beer or a well shot,” said Marissa Maldonado, a bartender in San Francisco’s Castro District who’s worked in the service industry for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in most other situations, Maldonado said, what’s considered a baseline tip at bars has changed since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. And the bar professionals across the Bay Area that KQED spoke to — with experience across dive, cocktail and sports bars — confirmed that 20% of the total bill has become the standard bar tip in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064542\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bart-Tipping_Body_2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064542\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bart-Tipping_Body_2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bart-Tipping_Body_2.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bart-Tipping_Body_2-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bart-Tipping_Body_2-1536x992.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Even if there’s still some debate among customers about what kind of tips should be expected at the bar, there are a few core principles bartenders say you can apply to determine what kind of tip is expected. \u003ccite>(Darren Tu/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The transition from “a dollar or two per drink” to a percentage tip has gained momentum in the last five years. More businesses have \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20231016-the-dark-side-of-touch-screen-tipping\">adopted point of sale technology\u003c/a> that lets patrons pay a percentage on their card before heading out, leaving behind the days when you \u003cem>needed\u003c/em> to have a cash tip ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How we tip has changed, but for folks on the other side of the bar, the value of tipping has not. We looked at the history and data of tipping in the Bay Area — along with the experiences of bartenders — to better understand what’s changed in how and why we compensate service when going out for drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How tipping habits have shifted\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The online consumer discourse around \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2023/04/01/how-tipping-in-the-united-states-got-out-of-control.html\">“tipflation”\u003c/a> — the idea that customers feel more pressure to tip higher and more often — often points the finger at the widespread adoption of POS technology. But data shows that tipping has actually \u003cem>slumped \u003c/em>in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, the monthly average tip at food and beverage establishments — known in the industry as F&B — across the region hovered slightly above 14%, at Bay Area businesses that use POS technology from the company Square (data below). This average also includes restaurant workers, who usually receive \u003ca href=\"https://squareup.com/us/en/press/summer-restaurant-report-2025\">fewer tips than bartenders\u003c/a>, according to Square’s own data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/tippingsquare20192025-1.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12065041\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/tippingsquare20192025-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1130\" height=\"636\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/tippingsquare20192025-1.png 1130w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/tippingsquare20192025-1-160x90.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1130px) 100vw, 1130px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When COVID-19 restrictions forced bars and restaurants to limit operations in 2020, patrons started tipping more. By April 2020, the average tip at F&B businesses in San Francisco had increased to roughly 16.5%: up more than two percentage points from the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after that peak, F&B tipping has slowly decreased. Data from Square shows that the monthly average for the Bay Area in June 2025 was 14.22% — lower than it was at any time in 2019. Nationally, tipping across all F&B establishments has not grown in the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This trend coincides with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036654/2025-recession-indicator-meme-us-economy\">a decline in consumer confidence\u003c/a> — how individual consumers feel about the overall direction of the economy. Tips make about a quarter of what F&B workers make in income, a Square spokesperson said, so lower tips “can signal deeper labor market challenges.” And as tips have declined since the pandemic, grocery prices have gone up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056768/grocery-prices-have-jumped-up-and-theres-no-relief-in-sight\">by almost 30%\u003c/a> and Bay Area rent prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/realestate/article/rent-cost-burden-bay-area-21067582.php\">have rebounded\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once people felt things were going back to normal [after the height of the pandemic]l, tips started to go down across the board,” said Erika Carig, a bar professional in Santa Clara County for the last decade. “But we are still doing this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The quality of our service has not gone down,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A brief history of tipping\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For over a century, service industry workers in the United States have depended on voluntary tips from customers to make a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Civil War, formerly enslaved Black Americans \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/5404475/history-tipping-american-restaurants-civil-war/\">sought jobs across different industries\u003c/a>, including restaurants and the growing railroad network. But many employers, knowing that they could easily exploit Black workers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2023/11/30/how-tipping-came-to-the-us.html\">offered a cruel bargain\u003c/a>: a job, but with little to no pay. Some businesses even formally built tips \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/articles/pullman-porters\">into their payment structure\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12060700 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251016-DUBAICHOCOLATES-09-BL-KQED.jpg']“Tipping is rooted in a lot of racism,” said Aleka Ross, a San Francisco-based bar professional with service experience on both the West and East Coasts. “Employers didn’t want to pay Black Americans what they were owed … how they got around that was tipping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1966, it became \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/committee-report/116th-congress/house-report/150/1\">federal policy\u003c/a> to pay service workers less than the minimum wage, as long as tips made up the difference. Businesses could now pay their employees less and customers, in turn, would now be partly responsible for ensuring fair compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And like any other form of income, Uncle Sam wanted his share. For decades, the Internal Revenue Service has expected service workers to report tips in their annual tax returns — and \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-prior/f4070--2005.pdf\">submit extra paperwork\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But big changes could be coming: after Congress passed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act earlier this year, the IRS \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/newsroom/treasury-irs-issue-guidance-listing-occupations-where-workers-customarily-and-regularly-receive-tips-under-the-one-big-beautiful-bill\">is now considering\u003c/a> allowing workers making less than $150,000 to deduct up to $25,000 in tips per year on federal taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Making a living at the bar\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In most of the country, the federal minimum wage for tipped workers is \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/state/minimum-wage/tipped\">$2.13 an hour\u003c/a>, compared to $7.25 an hour in almost all other industries — and employers can even deduct meals and lodging from that amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, however, has its own state-mandated minimum wage of \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/minimum_wage.htm\">$16.50 an hour\u003c/a>. Individual cities like San Francisco — which mandates an hourly rate of $19.18 — go even higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064544\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064544\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_3-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_3-1536x992.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">For over a century, service industry workers in the United States have depended on voluntary tips from customers to make a living. \u003ccite>(Darren Tu/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“But we still rely on tips to make a livable wage,” said Ila Sangupta, an independent bar professional living in San Francisco. Without tips, Sangupta said, she would not be able to afford to live in the city where she works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bartenders KQED spoke with shared that despite qualifying for minimum-wage rates, they still have to work multiple jobs to cover essential needs, like healthcare coverage or child care. San Francisco requires employers with at least 20 employees to spend \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information--health-care-security-ordinance\">a certain amount on workers’ healthcare\u003c/a>, but almost everywhere else in California, businesses are only required to provide health insurance benefits \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/factsheet/health-insurance-employment/\">when they have 50 or more full-time employees\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/food-assistance/snap-helps-millions-of-workers-in-low-paying-jobs\">recent data\u003c/a> shows that 27.6% of workers nationwide receiving SNAP benefits (also known as food stamps) are employed in the service industry — by far the largest group with this support. And when the recent federal government shutdown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060770/snap-calfresh-food-stamps-government-shutdown-november-payments-ebt\">affected SNAP funds\u003c/a> at the start of November, that also impacted thousands of bar and restaurant workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to work in this industry,” said Carig from Santa Clara County, “and not get paid a livable wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What bartenders want you to know about tipping\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if there’s still some debate among customers about what kind of tips should be expected at the bar, there are a few core principles bartenders say you can apply to determine what kind of tip is expected — and is fairest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How fancy are your drinks?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bartenders KQED spoke with suggested you could first consider how elaborate your drinks were, as this usually tracks with how much time and attention your bartender gave you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does the drink have at least two or more touches? Does it have a garnish? Am I cooling a glass?” Ross said. “I hope the client can understand the service and time I’m dedicating to making a great cocktail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How big — and demanding — is your party?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serving bigger parties also requires more of the bartender’s service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A bigger tip sounds great in a situation where you see that we’re taking extra care of you or you have a larger party that has a bunch of different requests,” Sangupta said. “If you’re making 15 espresso martinis, it’s a lot of work for a bartender to do versus 15 vodka sodas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you or your friends were a bit \u003cem>too \u003c/em>rowdy, it’s also a good idea to take that into account, say professionals — especially if your bartender had to work extra to accommodate you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064546\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064546\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_1-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_1-1536x992.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The transition from “a dollar or two per drink” to a percentage tip has gained momentum in the last five years. \u003ccite>(Darren Tu/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If you come in drunk with your friends during last call, I don’t mind making you a drink,” said Carig from Santa Clara County. “But people need to be mindful about the way that they’re treating workers and the energy they’re giving to workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that shows all the way through to when you sign off on your check,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What kind of service did you receive?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tipping doesn’t go from your pocket to the owner of the establishment,” Maldonado said. “It’s thanking that person who has a smile on their face and giving great service and doing it quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this vein, it’s still helpful to think about bar tipping as you do in restaurants — and also factoring in that, like servers, bartenders still deal with unique situations. If you’re at a busy dive bar and your drink is taking a while, keep in mind there may only be one bartender working that night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>… and cash is king.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while they acknowledged that it’s not always available, most bartenders KQED spoke with mentioned that cash is more convenient for tipping because tips on a card usually are passed on by employers later in the pay period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "We talked to bartenders — and looked at the data — to understand how a standard drink tip has shifted. \r\n",
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"title": "How Much Should You Tip for a Drink at a Bar in the Bay Area? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>You had dinner at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/food\">restaurant\u003c/a> and the check has just landed on your table. How much you’ll tip probably seems intuitive: between \u003ca href=\"https://www.foodandwine.com/the-only-tipping-guide-you-will-ever-need-6825830\">18% to 25% \u003c/a>of your final bill, depending on the quality of service you received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when it comes to a night out at a bar, how much should you tip for drinks in 2025?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Putting a dollar down for each drink you ordered probably sounds familiar to folks who’ve been going out for a while.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yes, “usually at a dive bar, it’s normal to leave a dollar or two if you order a beer or a well shot,” said Marissa Maldonado, a bartender in San Francisco’s Castro District who’s worked in the service industry for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in most other situations, Maldonado said, what’s considered a baseline tip at bars has changed since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. And the bar professionals across the Bay Area that KQED spoke to — with experience across dive, cocktail and sports bars — confirmed that 20% of the total bill has become the standard bar tip in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064542\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bart-Tipping_Body_2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064542\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bart-Tipping_Body_2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bart-Tipping_Body_2.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bart-Tipping_Body_2-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bart-Tipping_Body_2-1536x992.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Even if there’s still some debate among customers about what kind of tips should be expected at the bar, there are a few core principles bartenders say you can apply to determine what kind of tip is expected. \u003ccite>(Darren Tu/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The transition from “a dollar or two per drink” to a percentage tip has gained momentum in the last five years. More businesses have \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20231016-the-dark-side-of-touch-screen-tipping\">adopted point of sale technology\u003c/a> that lets patrons pay a percentage on their card before heading out, leaving behind the days when you \u003cem>needed\u003c/em> to have a cash tip ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How we tip has changed, but for folks on the other side of the bar, the value of tipping has not. We looked at the history and data of tipping in the Bay Area — along with the experiences of bartenders — to better understand what’s changed in how and why we compensate service when going out for drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How tipping habits have shifted\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The online consumer discourse around \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2023/04/01/how-tipping-in-the-united-states-got-out-of-control.html\">“tipflation”\u003c/a> — the idea that customers feel more pressure to tip higher and more often — often points the finger at the widespread adoption of POS technology. But data shows that tipping has actually \u003cem>slumped \u003c/em>in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, the monthly average tip at food and beverage establishments — known in the industry as F&B — across the region hovered slightly above 14%, at Bay Area businesses that use POS technology from the company Square (data below). This average also includes restaurant workers, who usually receive \u003ca href=\"https://squareup.com/us/en/press/summer-restaurant-report-2025\">fewer tips than bartenders\u003c/a>, according to Square’s own data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/tippingsquare20192025-1.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12065041\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/tippingsquare20192025-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1130\" height=\"636\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/tippingsquare20192025-1.png 1130w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/tippingsquare20192025-1-160x90.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1130px) 100vw, 1130px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When COVID-19 restrictions forced bars and restaurants to limit operations in 2020, patrons started tipping more. By April 2020, the average tip at F&B businesses in San Francisco had increased to roughly 16.5%: up more than two percentage points from the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after that peak, F&B tipping has slowly decreased. Data from Square shows that the monthly average for the Bay Area in June 2025 was 14.22% — lower than it was at any time in 2019. Nationally, tipping across all F&B establishments has not grown in the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This trend coincides with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036654/2025-recession-indicator-meme-us-economy\">a decline in consumer confidence\u003c/a> — how individual consumers feel about the overall direction of the economy. Tips make about a quarter of what F&B workers make in income, a Square spokesperson said, so lower tips “can signal deeper labor market challenges.” And as tips have declined since the pandemic, grocery prices have gone up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056768/grocery-prices-have-jumped-up-and-theres-no-relief-in-sight\">by almost 30%\u003c/a> and Bay Area rent prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/realestate/article/rent-cost-burden-bay-area-21067582.php\">have rebounded\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once people felt things were going back to normal [after the height of the pandemic]l, tips started to go down across the board,” said Erika Carig, a bar professional in Santa Clara County for the last decade. “But we are still doing this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The quality of our service has not gone down,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A brief history of tipping\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For over a century, service industry workers in the United States have depended on voluntary tips from customers to make a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Civil War, formerly enslaved Black Americans \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/5404475/history-tipping-american-restaurants-civil-war/\">sought jobs across different industries\u003c/a>, including restaurants and the growing railroad network. But many employers, knowing that they could easily exploit Black workers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2023/11/30/how-tipping-came-to-the-us.html\">offered a cruel bargain\u003c/a>: a job, but with little to no pay. Some businesses even formally built tips \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/articles/pullman-porters\">into their payment structure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Tipping is rooted in a lot of racism,” said Aleka Ross, a San Francisco-based bar professional with service experience on both the West and East Coasts. “Employers didn’t want to pay Black Americans what they were owed … how they got around that was tipping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1966, it became \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/committee-report/116th-congress/house-report/150/1\">federal policy\u003c/a> to pay service workers less than the minimum wage, as long as tips made up the difference. Businesses could now pay their employees less and customers, in turn, would now be partly responsible for ensuring fair compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And like any other form of income, Uncle Sam wanted his share. For decades, the Internal Revenue Service has expected service workers to report tips in their annual tax returns — and \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-prior/f4070--2005.pdf\">submit extra paperwork\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But big changes could be coming: after Congress passed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act earlier this year, the IRS \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/newsroom/treasury-irs-issue-guidance-listing-occupations-where-workers-customarily-and-regularly-receive-tips-under-the-one-big-beautiful-bill\">is now considering\u003c/a> allowing workers making less than $150,000 to deduct up to $25,000 in tips per year on federal taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Making a living at the bar\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In most of the country, the federal minimum wage for tipped workers is \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/state/minimum-wage/tipped\">$2.13 an hour\u003c/a>, compared to $7.25 an hour in almost all other industries — and employers can even deduct meals and lodging from that amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, however, has its own state-mandated minimum wage of \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/minimum_wage.htm\">$16.50 an hour\u003c/a>. Individual cities like San Francisco — which mandates an hourly rate of $19.18 — go even higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064544\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064544\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_3-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_3-1536x992.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">For over a century, service industry workers in the United States have depended on voluntary tips from customers to make a living. \u003ccite>(Darren Tu/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“But we still rely on tips to make a livable wage,” said Ila Sangupta, an independent bar professional living in San Francisco. Without tips, Sangupta said, she would not be able to afford to live in the city where she works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bartenders KQED spoke with shared that despite qualifying for minimum-wage rates, they still have to work multiple jobs to cover essential needs, like healthcare coverage or child care. San Francisco requires employers with at least 20 employees to spend \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information--health-care-security-ordinance\">a certain amount on workers’ healthcare\u003c/a>, but almost everywhere else in California, businesses are only required to provide health insurance benefits \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/factsheet/health-insurance-employment/\">when they have 50 or more full-time employees\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/food-assistance/snap-helps-millions-of-workers-in-low-paying-jobs\">recent data\u003c/a> shows that 27.6% of workers nationwide receiving SNAP benefits (also known as food stamps) are employed in the service industry — by far the largest group with this support. And when the recent federal government shutdown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060770/snap-calfresh-food-stamps-government-shutdown-november-payments-ebt\">affected SNAP funds\u003c/a> at the start of November, that also impacted thousands of bar and restaurant workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to work in this industry,” said Carig from Santa Clara County, “and not get paid a livable wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What bartenders want you to know about tipping\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if there’s still some debate among customers about what kind of tips should be expected at the bar, there are a few core principles bartenders say you can apply to determine what kind of tip is expected — and is fairest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How fancy are your drinks?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bartenders KQED spoke with suggested you could first consider how elaborate your drinks were, as this usually tracks with how much time and attention your bartender gave you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does the drink have at least two or more touches? Does it have a garnish? Am I cooling a glass?” Ross said. “I hope the client can understand the service and time I’m dedicating to making a great cocktail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How big — and demanding — is your party?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serving bigger parties also requires more of the bartender’s service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A bigger tip sounds great in a situation where you see that we’re taking extra care of you or you have a larger party that has a bunch of different requests,” Sangupta said. “If you’re making 15 espresso martinis, it’s a lot of work for a bartender to do versus 15 vodka sodas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you or your friends were a bit \u003cem>too \u003c/em>rowdy, it’s also a good idea to take that into account, say professionals — especially if your bartender had to work extra to accommodate you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064546\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064546\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_1-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/Bar-Tipping_Body_1-1536x992.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The transition from “a dollar or two per drink” to a percentage tip has gained momentum in the last five years. \u003ccite>(Darren Tu/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If you come in drunk with your friends during last call, I don’t mind making you a drink,” said Carig from Santa Clara County. “But people need to be mindful about the way that they’re treating workers and the energy they’re giving to workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that shows all the way through to when you sign off on your check,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What kind of service did you receive?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tipping doesn’t go from your pocket to the owner of the establishment,” Maldonado said. “It’s thanking that person who has a smile on their face and giving great service and doing it quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this vein, it’s still helpful to think about bar tipping as you do in restaurants — and also factoring in that, like servers, bartenders still deal with unique situations. If you’re at a busy dive bar and your drink is taking a while, keep in mind there may only be one bartender working that night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>… and cash is king.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while they acknowledged that it’s not always available, most bartenders KQED spoke with mentioned that cash is more convenient for tipping because tips on a card usually are passed on by employers later in the pay period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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