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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003cbr>\nFounded in 1885, Stanford University is famed for its world-class research in medicine, business, law and the humanities, not to mention its 20 living Nobel laureates.\u003cbr>\nThis manicured institution on the San Francisco peninsula isn’t necessarily the kind of place you’d expect to harbor a century-old murder mystery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But 120 years ago this year, the university’s co-founder, Jane Stanford, died suddenly one winter evening. And although the official verdict was natural causes, the original coroner’s report indicated something far more sinister: poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what really happened to Jane Stanford in 1905? It’s a question that preoccupies Richard White, Stanford University history professor emeritus and author of \u003ca href=\"https://history.stanford.edu/people/richard-white\">\u003cem>Who Killed Jane Stanford\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several years ago, White was teaching his students how to use the Stanford University archives. He asked them to research the curious history of Jane Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, if I can’t get them interested in the story that supposedly somebody murdered the founder of the university, I cannot get them interested in anything,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061787\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1594px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061787\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1594\" height=\"2500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED.jpg 1594w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED-160x251.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED-979x1536.jpg 979w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED-1306x2048.jpg 1306w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1594px) 100vw, 1594px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Portrait of Jane Stanford with her son, Leland Jr., before he died of typhoid in 1884. \u003ccite>(Special Collections & University Archives, Stanford University Libraries)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When his students kept hitting roadblocks in the archives, an intrigued White couldn’t resist looking into the story himself — and soon found himself baffled that the death of Jane Stanford wasn’t a bigger source of intrigue. Especially since Stanford Medical School physician Robert Cutler had \u003ca href=\"https://www.sup.org/books/history/mysterious-death-jane-stanford\">already published a 2003 book\u003c/a> concluding that she did not die of natural causes, but had instead been killed by strychnine poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The university had contended from the very beginning that she’d died of a heart attack,” White said. “And that contradiction, I thought, would have a lot of public interest and certainly bring some response from the university — but it hadn’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stanford.edu/about/history/\">The university’s history webpage\u003c/a> doesn’t mention the death of Jane Stanford at all, let alone the fact that she may well have been murdered. (Stanford University didn’t respond to our request for official comment on their co-founder’s death.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one thing is certain: strychnine poisoning is a particularly horrible way to die. When this white powder gets into the body, it attacks the chemical that normally controls nerve signals to a person’s muscles, inducing waves of painful spasms. The jaw locks tight and the limbs start twisting in on themselves. In high amounts, strychnine can kill within minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strychnine tastes bitter but is odorless, making it a notoriously popular way to poison a person in the 19th and early 20th centuries. It was also an ingredient in rat bait — and even some medicines — making it easy to obtain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to be able to follow the evidence, and I follow the evidence,” White said. And after much research, he has a theory about who ended Jane Stanford’s life.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘personal fiefdom’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jane Stanford was born Jane Lathrop in 1828 in upstate New York. At the age of 22, she married Leland Stanford, a railroad baron, who briefly served as governor of California from 1862 to 1863, and then a U.S. senator for almost a decade starting in 1885.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At age 39, Jane Stanford gave birth to \u003ca href=\"https://stanfordmag.org/contents/about-a-boy\">her only child, Leland Stanford Jr\u003c/a>., but Leland Jr. died from typhoid in his teens. “She never gets over that,” White said. “She will be in mourning for the rest of her life.”[aside postID=news_11893685 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/10/RS39771_4.34-qut.jpg']In their grief, the Stanfords sought ways to honor Leland Jr.’s memory. At this time, “California has great ambitions beyond just being a sort of outpost of wealth in the West,” White said. “It wants to become a cultural leader, an industrial leader. And so, founding universities and founding colleges is very much in the mind of the San Francisco elite.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in 1891, Jane and Leland opened their university on the San Francisco Peninsula, called Leland Stanford Junior University. But Leland Stanford Sr would only live two more years before he too died, in 1893.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At age 65, Jane Stanford found herself in charge of the new university — a heavy responsibility compounded, White said, by Leland Sr’s financial mismanagement of both the university’s funds and the Stanfords’ own money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It turned out that Leland Stanford was not nearly as competent as most people thought,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the next several years, Jane Stanford was constantly fighting to keep the university afloat in a way that wouldn’t further tank her considerable fortune. But her methods of managing the university’s affairs swiftly made her very unpopular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once she gets power, she uses it ruthlessly,” White said. “She knows the power of wealth and she exerts that power — so much so that she makes a great many enemies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Stanford was a walking contradiction. She was an advocate for women’s rights and insisted Stanford admit female students, but then treated those same students poorly. The women in her personal life found this out firsthand — chief among them her longtime companion and secretary, Bertha Berner, “who wasn’t really a servant, but Jane Stanford often treated her like one,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061782\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-04-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061782\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1387\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-04-KQED-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-04-KQED-1536x1065.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Stanford women’s basketball team circa 1896. Jane Stanford, co-founder of Stanford University, insisted that women be admitted from the school’s inception in 1891. \u003ccite>(Special Collections & University Archives, Stanford University Libraries)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While running the university as what White called “a personal fiefdom,” Jane Stanford butted heads often with the institution’s president, David Starr Jordan. While “devoted” to the university, Jordan knew “that the university and his own job depend on pleasing Jane Stanford,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Stanford’s religious beliefs were also a major headache for Jordan. She was a Spiritualist: a belief system that hinged on making contact with the dead. Like many people who turned to Spiritualism in the 19th century, Stanford was motivated by the losses in her own life: the death of her son and husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in the Victorian era, the sheer prevalence of death through disease and infant mortality meant that virtually everyone was surrounded by tragedies like Stanford’s. But it was one thing for well-to-do ladies to be conducting seances in their free time, and quite another for the leader of a major university. Not least because Stanford told people that she was using those seances to receive instructions on how to run the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan and his Stanford University colleagues lived in fear of their boss’s Spiritualism becoming common knowledge, White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to endanger all the legal documents she signs,” he said. “It’s very hard to uphold a legal document when you say the ghosts are the ones telling you to sign it or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Jordan, things soon got even worse, White said – when he realized “that Leland Stanford had endowed the university in such a way that the university really has no free and clear access to its funds or even a guarantee of its funds until Jane Stanford is dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this leads us to 1905, when 76-year-old Jane Stanford was poisoned not once but twice. She did not survive the second attempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A cover-up across an ocean\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first poisoning attempt in January 1905, inside Jane Stanford’s San Francisco mansion, was unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford complained of feeling sick after drinking from a bottle of Poland Spring water and called out for her household staff, including her secretary and companion, Bertha Berner. After vomiting, Stanford recovered — and when the water was tested, strychnine was found.[aside postID=news_11700225 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33251_composite_2-qut.jpg'] However, it wasn’t a pure form of the poison in the bottle. “Somebody who didn’t know much about poisoning people had dumped rat poison in it,” White said. Other ingredients in the rat poison had caused Stanford to vomit, which saved her life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford’s inner circle advised her to keep the incident under wraps to prevent a scandal that could taint the university, and to get far away from San Francisco and a poisoner who might try again. So just over a month later, Stanford departed for Hawaii with just two trusted employees: a maid and Bertha Berner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her attempts to evade her poisoner proved unsuccessful. On February 28, 1905, Stanford woke up in her Oahu hotel in the middle of the night and screamed out for Berner. She knew she’d been poisoned again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She died within 10 minutes of the doctor coming in,” White said — and the medical evaluation swiftly concluded she showed all the symptoms of strychnine poisoning. “Later on, the coroner’s jury would determine that it had been strychnine poisoning and that she had been poisoned by party or parties unknown,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the story reported by the earliest newspaper accounts, like that of \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=d&d=BT19050304.2.29&srpos=10&e=------190-en--20--1--txt-txIN-%22jane+stanford%22----1905---\">the Oceanside Blade in Southern California\u003c/a> on March 4, 1905, which noted the “suspicious circumstances which point to poisoning by strychnine.\u003cstrong>”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061783\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2047px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061783\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2047\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-scaled.jpg 2047w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-2000x2501.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-1228x1536.jpg 1228w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-1638x2048.jpg 1638w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2047px) 100vw, 2047px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Starr Jordan was the first president of Stanford University and butted heads with Jane Stanford often. He died in 1931, outliving Jane by more than 20 years. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Stanford’s household fell under suspicion, another person absolutely had the motive, White said: Stanford University’s president, David Starr Jordan. Just a few weeks before the first poisoning attempt, Jordan had not only discovered that Stanford intended to fire him, but had been working with colleagues to try to take control of the university’s finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the news of Jane Stanford’s death, Jordan jumped on a boat to Oahu: “Ostensibly to bring her body home,” White said, “but what he’s really in Hawaii for is to suppress the coroner’s jury verdict.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On arrival in Honolulu, Jordan hired another doctor to deliver a verdict on the death, one who contradicted the earlier account of strychnine poisoning, “though he has not examined the body,” and “doesn’t know anything about strychnine poisoning,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan then used that new verdict to suppress the investigation back in San Francisco, an inquiry which neatly concluded that rather than being poisoned, Stanford had instead died of a heart attack. \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=d&d=SRPD19051231.2.17&srpos=5&e=------190-en--20--1--txt-txIN-%22jane+stanford%22----1905---\">He also used the local papers\u003c/a> to discredit the Hawaii authorities, creating a general air of — as White put it — “There’s nothing to see here, there’s nothing to look at, let’s get on with things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a long time, this becomes the official story from Stanford University: That she died a natural death and that she was not poisoned by strychnine,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A suspect in plain sight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Jordan certainly acted suspiciously, White said that “the other stuff with Jordan doesn’t really add up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan may have had several reasons to want Jane Stanford out of the picture, but he wasn’t actually present at either poisoning attempt. He lacked the opportunity to poison her himself. “Sometimes you just get really lucky,” White said. “He wanted her killed, and she was killed.\u003cbr>\n[aside postID=news_11894939 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/11/3738571926_99e9526967_o-1020x683.jpg']For White, there’s a far more persuasive suspect hiding in plain sight: Stanford’s longtime, long-suffering companion and secretary Bertha Berner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berner had been in Stanford’s service from a young age, ever since they met at the memorial service for Leland Junior. She was, by all accounts, “a very attractive, very smart, and very capable woman,” White said — and he believes Berner’s decision not to marry was a strategic, practical move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only would marriage have meant giving up traveling the world with Jane Stanford and access to high society, but Berner was also the sole caretaker for her sick mother. “She really cannot afford to give up this job,” White said. And Stanford knew it, even going so far as to sabotage any romantic relationships Berner dared to have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The relationship between the two women became “incredibly rocky,” White said, to the point where Berner quit Stanford’s employ several times. “But she always comes back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not convinced? How about this for motive — Berner was a beneficiary in Jane Stanford’s will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And at the time of the second poisoning attempt, Berner’s mother became even sicker. Berner even declined to join Stanford on her Hawaii trip due to fears about her mother’s ailing health, but her employer insisted that Berner make the trip if she wanted to keep the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Stanford clearly did not harbor any suspicions that her trusted companion and secretary of many years had anything to do with the first attempt on her life, she was nonetheless aware that Berner was romantically involved with Stanford’s own butler — and that the pair had been “embezzling money from her,” White said. “She can hang that over Bertha Berner’s head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A killer walks free?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To White, when added together, Berner’s motives are convincing. Her trusted position meant she also had the opportunity to poison Stanford, and she was present at both attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White’s research shows Berner also had the means to kill Jane Stanford. By the time Berner left for Hawaii, she’d started a relationship with a Palo Alto pharmacist. This association provided “a place where Bertha Berner can get free, pure strychnine,” White said. “Otherwise, that would be very difficult to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061780\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061780\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1362\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED-1536x1046.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Starr Jordan, the first president of Stanford University, bats in a faculty versus student baseball game, a tradition on campus. Jordan often butted heads with Jane Stanford over how to run the university and covered up her death by poisoning in 1905. \u003ccite>(Special Collections & University Archives, Stanford University Libraries)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White suspects that university president Jordan may have suspected Berner at the time, and that he may have actively protected her after Jane Stanford’s demise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does it in writing,” White said: “He reassures her that, ‘we know you didn’t do it; we’re going take care of you; you have nothing to worry about.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even if other people close to Jane Stanford suspected there’d been a murder and a cover-up, nobody wanted to bring that kind of scandal upon Stanford University, White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Stanford was buried in the mausoleum at Stanford University, next to her husband and son. As her body was carried to its final resting place, the procession was full of people who had butted heads with her while she was alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man who led the cover-up of her murder now led the walk from the church to her tomb. And walking pride of place, behind the casket, was Bertha Berner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" data-testid=\"embed-iframe\" style=\"border-radius:12px\" src=\"https://open.spotify.com/embed/playlist/63j9eNYdy78nVPUzUJ791e?utm_source=generator&theme=0\" width=\"100%\" height=\"352\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen allow=\"autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; fullscreen; picture-in-picture\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Stanford University is undeniably a Bay Area icon with the pedigree to match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Founded back in the late 19th century, this private institution sprawling over 8,000 manicured acres on the sunny San Francisco peninsula is famed for its world-class research in medicine, business, law and the humanities. It has 20 living Nobel laureates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short: not the kind of place you’d necessarily expect to harbor a century-old mystery full of skulduggery, lies and poison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s exactly what lies beneath Stanford’s history. Because the woman who co-founded this place, Jane Stanford, died in very strange circumstances in 1905. And although the official verdict was natural causes, some suspect something far more sinister happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today on Bay Curious, we’re following the historic breadcrumbs to discover who might have been responsible. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor message\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> What really happened to Jane Stanford, co-founder of Stanford University, who died suddenly in 1905?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Carly Severn brings us the historic mystery — and dastardly cover-up — that a lot of people in the Bay Area still don’t know about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn:\u003c/strong> Death by poisoning is a nasty way to go. But strychnine poisoning is a particularly horrible way to die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When this white powder gets into your body, it attacks the chemical that normally controls nerve signals to your muscles resulting in overwhelming, painful spasms all over. Your jaw locks tight. Your limbs start twisting in on themselves. In high amounts, strychnine can kill you within minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strychnine tastes bitter but it doesn’t smell of anything. And as an ingredient in rat bait, and even some medicines in the 19th and early twentieth centuries, it was a very popular way to poison someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what if I told you that 120 years ago, the co-founder of Stanford University found this out first-hand. And almost nobody is talking about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>You have to be able to follow the evidence, and I follow the evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Richard White is a professor emeritus in Stanford University’s history department. Several years ago he was TEACHING students how to use the university’s own archives to investigate historical conundrums … and he asked them to find out what happened to Jane Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>I thought, if I can’t get them interested in the story that supposedly somebody murdered the founder of the university, I cannot get them interested in anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Richard found there was a lot his students couldn’t uncover about this case, prompting him to turn historical detective after the class had long ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he started looking into it he was baffled this wasn’t a bigger source of intrigue. Especially because a physician at Stanford Medical School had already written a book showing that Jane Stanford had 100% been killed by strychnine poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>And the university had contended from the very beginning that she’d died of a heart attack. And that contradiction, I thought, would have a lot of public interest and certainly bring some response from the university, but it hadn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>To get to the bottom of this mystery, let’s wind back all the way to 1828 when Jane Stanford entered this world in upstate New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a young woman, Jane married Leland Stanford, a businessman and politician who made his fortune in the railroad business, and who briefly served as governor of California in the 1860s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane gave birth to her only child — also called Leland — when she was 39. And she doted on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then tragedy struck in 1884, when that son died of typhoid. And in their grief, the Stanfords looked for ways to honor his memory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Founding universities and founding colleges is very much in the mind of the San Francisco elite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>And so, in 1891, Jane and Leland opened a university on the Peninsula calling it Leland Stanford Junior University, after their son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just two years later, Jane’s husband died. And at age 65, Jane found herself in charge of the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>But it turned out that Leland Stanford was not nearly as competent as most people thought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Richard says Leland Stanford had mismanaged University funds and his own fortune for a long time. So for the next several years, Jane was constantly fighting to keep the university afloat in a way that wouldn’t tank her considerable fortune.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this is really where the trouble began. Because Jane’s way of managing affairs at Stanford University made her very unpopular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White:\u003c/strong> Once she gets power she uses it ruthlessly. She knows the power of wealth and she exerts that power, so much so that she makes a great many enemies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Jane was a walking contradiction. She was an advocate for women’s rights and insisted Stanford admit female students, but treated those students terribly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when it came to men, Jane particularly butted heads with the president of Stanford University: David Starr Jordan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Jane Stanford runs Stanford University as a personal fiefdom. David Starr Jordan is devoted to the university, but he knows that the university and his own job depend on pleasing Jane Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Jane Stanford was also a Spiritualist, a belief system that hinged on making contact with the dead. And like many people who turned to Spiritualism in the 19th century, Jane was motivated by personal tragedy beginning with the death of her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>She never gets over that. She will be in mourning for the rest of her life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>But it was one thing for well-to-do ladies to be conducting seances in their free time and quite another for the leader of a major university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane’s Spiritualism became a big problem for Stanford University and for its president, Jordan. Because Jane told people that she was using her seances to receive instructions from her dead husband and son on how to run Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>The great fear of Stanford University is that they’re gonna discover that Jane Stanford is a spiritualist and that’s gonna endanger all the legal documents she signs. It’s very hard to uphold the legal document when you say the ghosts are the ones telling you to sign it or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Jane’s beliefs were a constant source of stress for Jordan. And their relationship deteriorated even further when Jane made him fire a professor friend of his, sparking a scandal about academic freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while trying to navigate all of this, Jordan made a discovery:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>He also realizes that Leland Stanford had endowed the university in such a way that the university really has no free and clear access to its funds or even a guarantee of its funds until Jane Stanford is dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>In 1905, when Jane was 76, someone tried to poison her not once, but twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first attempt, at her Nob Hill mansion, was unsuccessful. Jane complained of feeling sick after drinking from a bottle of spring water and called for her staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>One of them was her secretary and companion, Bertha Berner, who wasn’t really a servant, but Jane Stanford often treated her like one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Bertha and the maids helped Jane to vomit. And when that water bottle was tested, the verdict came back: it was strychnine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>But it wasn’t pure strychnine. Somebody who didn’t know much about poisoning people, had dumped rat poison in it. The rat poison had caused her to vomit. She felt very sick, but she recovered from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>The people around Jane advised her to keep the incident under wraps to prevent a scandal. And to get the hell out of dodge away from the poisoner who might try again with something even stronger than rat poison this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Jane left for Hawaii with just two trusted employees: a maid and Bertha Berner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which leads us to the second poisoning. Just over a month after the first attempt, Jane woke up in the middle of the night in her Oahu hotel and screamed for Bertha. She knew she’d been poisoned again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Somebody obtained pure strychnine, put it in her water and she died within 10 minutes of the doctor coming in. The doctors looked at her, she showed all the symptoms of strychnine poisoning. Later on, the coroner’s jury would determine that it had been strychnine poisoning and that she had been poisoned by party or parties unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>And this was the story that was reported by the earliest newspaper accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice reads newspaper clipping: \u003c/strong>Oceanside Blade, March 1905: Mrs. Jane Stanford of San Francisco … died at Honolulu Wednesday under suspicious circumstances which point to poisoning by strychnine which had been mixed with bicarbonate of soda taken as a medicine … Mrs. Stanford had taken the medicine and retired but was soon afterward seized with violent convulsions dying in a few minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Naturally, Jane’s household was under suspicion. But another person absolutely had the motive — David Starr Jordan, the president of Stanford University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just a few weeks before Jane was poisoned the first time he’d found out that she was planning to fire him. And Richard says Jordan had also been trying to take control from Jane of those Stanford finances via some pretty shady means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, Jane was dead and Jordan was on a boat to Hawaii.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Ostensibly to bring her body home, but what he’s really in Hawaii for is to suppress the coroner’s jury verdict. He hires another doctor. He says she didn’t die of strychnine poisoning, though he has not examined the body, doesn’t know anything about strychnine poisoning, and he discredits doctors who in fact are much more senior and well-known than him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Jordan then used that new verdict to suppress the investigation back in San Francisco, which neatly concluded that instead of being poisoned, Jane had died of a heart attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan also used the newspapers to discredit the Hawaii authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice reading newspaper clipping: \u003c/strong>Press Democrat, December 1905: According to Dr. Jordan no strychnine was found in Mrs. Stanford’s room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>There’s nothing to see here. There’s nothing to look at. Let’s get on with things. And it is a conspiracy to cover up her death and the conspiracy worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Because in 1905 — before widespread telephones, before the internet — covering up someone’s death like this across an ocean no less was in many ways a lot simpler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>For a long time, this becomes the official story from Stanford University, that she died a natural death and that she was not poisoned by strychnine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>So you’re hearing all this and thinking: well, it’s so clearly this guy right? David Starr Jordan’s the murderer? He’s the one trying to cover up her death! I mean, what more do we need??\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>And that’s what a lot of people think, except that the other stuff with Jordan doesn’t really add up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>For one thing, he’s not present at the scene of either poisoning attempt. And he definitely wasn’t anywhere near Hawaii the second time. So while he had the motive, he doesn’t actually have the opportunity to poison her himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>It’s one of those times where for David Starr Jordan, you just think sometimes you just get really lucky. He wanted her killed and she was killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>So if it wasn’t David Starr Jordan, who did kill Jane Stanford?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well if you’ve watched one murder mystery in your life, you’ve probably learned to watch out for that one “harmless” background character who keeps popping up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so you might be wondering, what about Jane’s longtime, long-suffering companion and secretary: Bertha Berner?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bertha had been employed by Jane from a young age, ever since they met at the memorial service for Jane’s son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>And Bertha Berner, by all accounts, was both a very attractive, very smart, and very capable woman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Bertha never married, which wasn’t that unusual for the time, but Richard says that was a strategic, practical decision she made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>First of all, it would give up her job that she has with Stanford, traveling around the world, the access to a society which otherwise she would have no access to. And secondly, she becomes the sole support of her mother. She really cannot afford to give up this job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>And Jane knew it. Richard says this gave her carte blanche to treat Bertha like a true “frenemy,” even going so far as to sabotage Bertha’s romantic relationships when she dared to have them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Their relationship becomes incredibly rocky. Bertha Berner refuses to put up with it. And several times, which rarely shows up until I started looking at it, she leaves Jane Stanford’s employ, sometimes for years at a time. But she always comes back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Another reason that Bertha stuck around through it all … she was in Jane Stanford’s will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this is where we come to Richard’s theory about Bertha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the second poisoning attempt coincides with Bertha’s mother getting really sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>When Jane Stanford asked her to come to Hawaii, says, I can’t. My mother’s dying. I have to stay here and take care of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>But Jane insisted she make the journey if she wanted to keep the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane clearly still trusted Bertha and harbored zero suspicions she’d been involved in the first poisoning. Although she did have some dirt on Bertha:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Bertha Berner has had an affair with Albert Beverly, who’s Jane Stanford’s butler at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Yup, there’s a shady butler in this mystery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Jane Stanford knows about that. And she also knows that both of them have been embezzling money from her. She can hang that over Bertha Berners head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>As all good mysteries show, a killer needs the means, the motive, and the opportunity. And according to Richard, Bertha had all three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had the motive: anger at her years of mistreatment by Jane, fear that her embezzlement might be exposed, and financial incentive, from being in the will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>If she can get away with the murder, she will have money in the will. She will in fact be able to continue to take care of her mother and she can set herself up not comfortably, but well enough to last for the rest of her life, which she does do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>She also had the physical opportunity. All of Jane’s servants were suspects in the first poisoning, but Bertha was the only one who’d been present for both attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which brings us to the means. That first poisoning, with the rat poison, had been clumsy. But by the time Bertha left for Hawaii, Richard says she’d started a relationship with a Palo Alto pharmacist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>He becomes a place where Bertha Berner can get free, pure strychnine. Otherwise, that would be very difficult to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Guess the Butler was out of the picture?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some time after Jane died, Bertha also did something really weird. She wrote a tell-all book about Jane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>She doesn’t mention the affairs, she doesn’t mentioned the embezzling, but what she says is Jane Stanford had money and she knew the power of money. She used it like a queen. She dominated everyone around her. She got what she wanted and she forced people to do what she want them to do because she has control over her money. Which sounds very much like the reason why, in fact, in the end, she will kill her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>So if it was Bertha, even if Stanford president David Starr Jordan wasn’t in on it, did he know?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard says he’s pretty sure the answer is yes, given how Jordan treated Bertha after the murder:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>What he does, and this he does in writing, is he reassures her that we know you didn’t do it, we’re gonna take care of you, you have nothing to worry about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>And even if other people close to Jane suspected there’d been a murder and a cover-up, they didn’t want to bring that kind of smoke to Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane was buried in the mausoleum at Stanford University next to her husband and son. As her body was carried to her final resting place, the procession was full of people who had butted heads with her while she was alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Starr Jordan — the man who led the cover-up of her murder — led the walk from the church to her tomb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the final insult? Walking pride of place, behind the casket, was Bertha Berner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>The woman I think, murdered her.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>When you made as many enemies in life as Jane Stanford not even your funeral is safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> That was KQED’s Carly Severn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious has published many episodes over the years that get into the spookier side of Bay Area history. If you’re looking for a little thrill this All Hallow’s Eve, check out our spooky Spotify playlist linked in the show notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, don’t forget to grab yourself a ticket to our trivia night. It’s on Thursday, November 13 at KQED headquarters in San Francisco. Come alone or with a team. It will be a lot of fun! Tickets are at kqed.org/events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is produced at member-supported KQED in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Christopher Beale, Gabriela Glueck, Olivia Allen-Price, and me, Katrina Schwartz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hope everyone has a fun and safe Halloween tomorrow. See you next week!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nFounded in 1885, Stanford University is famed for its world-class research in medicine, business, law and the humanities, not to mention its 20 living Nobel laureates.\u003cbr>\nThis manicured institution on the San Francisco peninsula isn’t necessarily the kind of place you’d expect to harbor a century-old murder mystery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But 120 years ago this year, the university’s co-founder, Jane Stanford, died suddenly one winter evening. And although the official verdict was natural causes, the original coroner’s report indicated something far more sinister: poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what really happened to Jane Stanford in 1905? It’s a question that preoccupies Richard White, Stanford University history professor emeritus and author of \u003ca href=\"https://history.stanford.edu/people/richard-white\">\u003cem>Who Killed Jane Stanford\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several years ago, White was teaching his students how to use the Stanford University archives. He asked them to research the curious history of Jane Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, if I can’t get them interested in the story that supposedly somebody murdered the founder of the university, I cannot get them interested in anything,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061787\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1594px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061787\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1594\" height=\"2500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED.jpg 1594w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED-160x251.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED-979x1536.jpg 979w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-06-KQED-1306x2048.jpg 1306w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1594px) 100vw, 1594px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Portrait of Jane Stanford with her son, Leland Jr., before he died of typhoid in 1884. \u003ccite>(Special Collections & University Archives, Stanford University Libraries)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When his students kept hitting roadblocks in the archives, an intrigued White couldn’t resist looking into the story himself — and soon found himself baffled that the death of Jane Stanford wasn’t a bigger source of intrigue. Especially since Stanford Medical School physician Robert Cutler had \u003ca href=\"https://www.sup.org/books/history/mysterious-death-jane-stanford\">already published a 2003 book\u003c/a> concluding that she did not die of natural causes, but had instead been killed by strychnine poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The university had contended from the very beginning that she’d died of a heart attack,” White said. “And that contradiction, I thought, would have a lot of public interest and certainly bring some response from the university — but it hadn’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stanford.edu/about/history/\">The university’s history webpage\u003c/a> doesn’t mention the death of Jane Stanford at all, let alone the fact that she may well have been murdered. (Stanford University didn’t respond to our request for official comment on their co-founder’s death.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one thing is certain: strychnine poisoning is a particularly horrible way to die. When this white powder gets into the body, it attacks the chemical that normally controls nerve signals to a person’s muscles, inducing waves of painful spasms. The jaw locks tight and the limbs start twisting in on themselves. In high amounts, strychnine can kill within minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strychnine tastes bitter but is odorless, making it a notoriously popular way to poison a person in the 19th and early 20th centuries. It was also an ingredient in rat bait — and even some medicines — making it easy to obtain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to be able to follow the evidence, and I follow the evidence,” White said. And after much research, he has a theory about who ended Jane Stanford’s life.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘personal fiefdom’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jane Stanford was born Jane Lathrop in 1828 in upstate New York. At the age of 22, she married Leland Stanford, a railroad baron, who briefly served as governor of California from 1862 to 1863, and then a U.S. senator for almost a decade starting in 1885.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At age 39, Jane Stanford gave birth to \u003ca href=\"https://stanfordmag.org/contents/about-a-boy\">her only child, Leland Stanford Jr\u003c/a>., but Leland Jr. died from typhoid in his teens. “She never gets over that,” White said. “She will be in mourning for the rest of her life.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In their grief, the Stanfords sought ways to honor Leland Jr.’s memory. At this time, “California has great ambitions beyond just being a sort of outpost of wealth in the West,” White said. “It wants to become a cultural leader, an industrial leader. And so, founding universities and founding colleges is very much in the mind of the San Francisco elite.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in 1891, Jane and Leland opened their university on the San Francisco Peninsula, called Leland Stanford Junior University. But Leland Stanford Sr would only live two more years before he too died, in 1893.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At age 65, Jane Stanford found herself in charge of the new university — a heavy responsibility compounded, White said, by Leland Sr’s financial mismanagement of both the university’s funds and the Stanfords’ own money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It turned out that Leland Stanford was not nearly as competent as most people thought,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the next several years, Jane Stanford was constantly fighting to keep the university afloat in a way that wouldn’t further tank her considerable fortune. But her methods of managing the university’s affairs swiftly made her very unpopular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once she gets power, she uses it ruthlessly,” White said. “She knows the power of wealth and she exerts that power — so much so that she makes a great many enemies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Stanford was a walking contradiction. She was an advocate for women’s rights and insisted Stanford admit female students, but then treated those same students poorly. The women in her personal life found this out firsthand — chief among them her longtime companion and secretary, Bertha Berner, “who wasn’t really a servant, but Jane Stanford often treated her like one,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061782\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-04-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061782\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1387\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-04-KQED-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-04-KQED-1536x1065.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Stanford women’s basketball team circa 1896. Jane Stanford, co-founder of Stanford University, insisted that women be admitted from the school’s inception in 1891. \u003ccite>(Special Collections & University Archives, Stanford University Libraries)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While running the university as what White called “a personal fiefdom,” Jane Stanford butted heads often with the institution’s president, David Starr Jordan. While “devoted” to the university, Jordan knew “that the university and his own job depend on pleasing Jane Stanford,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Stanford’s religious beliefs were also a major headache for Jordan. She was a Spiritualist: a belief system that hinged on making contact with the dead. Like many people who turned to Spiritualism in the 19th century, Stanford was motivated by the losses in her own life: the death of her son and husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in the Victorian era, the sheer prevalence of death through disease and infant mortality meant that virtually everyone was surrounded by tragedies like Stanford’s. But it was one thing for well-to-do ladies to be conducting seances in their free time, and quite another for the leader of a major university. Not least because Stanford told people that she was using those seances to receive instructions on how to run the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan and his Stanford University colleagues lived in fear of their boss’s Spiritualism becoming common knowledge, White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to endanger all the legal documents she signs,” he said. “It’s very hard to uphold a legal document when you say the ghosts are the ones telling you to sign it or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Jordan, things soon got even worse, White said – when he realized “that Leland Stanford had endowed the university in such a way that the university really has no free and clear access to its funds or even a guarantee of its funds until Jane Stanford is dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this leads us to 1905, when 76-year-old Jane Stanford was poisoned not once but twice. She did not survive the second attempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A cover-up across an ocean\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first poisoning attempt in January 1905, inside Jane Stanford’s San Francisco mansion, was unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford complained of feeling sick after drinking from a bottle of Poland Spring water and called out for her household staff, including her secretary and companion, Bertha Berner. After vomiting, Stanford recovered — and when the water was tested, strychnine was found.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> However, it wasn’t a pure form of the poison in the bottle. “Somebody who didn’t know much about poisoning people had dumped rat poison in it,” White said. Other ingredients in the rat poison had caused Stanford to vomit, which saved her life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford’s inner circle advised her to keep the incident under wraps to prevent a scandal that could taint the university, and to get far away from San Francisco and a poisoner who might try again. So just over a month later, Stanford departed for Hawaii with just two trusted employees: a maid and Bertha Berner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her attempts to evade her poisoner proved unsuccessful. On February 28, 1905, Stanford woke up in her Oahu hotel in the middle of the night and screamed out for Berner. She knew she’d been poisoned again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She died within 10 minutes of the doctor coming in,” White said — and the medical evaluation swiftly concluded she showed all the symptoms of strychnine poisoning. “Later on, the coroner’s jury would determine that it had been strychnine poisoning and that she had been poisoned by party or parties unknown,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the story reported by the earliest newspaper accounts, like that of \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=d&d=BT19050304.2.29&srpos=10&e=------190-en--20--1--txt-txIN-%22jane+stanford%22----1905---\">the Oceanside Blade in Southern California\u003c/a> on March 4, 1905, which noted the “suspicious circumstances which point to poisoning by strychnine.\u003cstrong>”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061783\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2047px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061783\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2047\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-scaled.jpg 2047w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-2000x2501.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-1228x1536.jpg 1228w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-05-KQED-1638x2048.jpg 1638w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2047px) 100vw, 2047px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Starr Jordan was the first president of Stanford University and butted heads with Jane Stanford often. He died in 1931, outliving Jane by more than 20 years. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Stanford’s household fell under suspicion, another person absolutely had the motive, White said: Stanford University’s president, David Starr Jordan. Just a few weeks before the first poisoning attempt, Jordan had not only discovered that Stanford intended to fire him, but had been working with colleagues to try to take control of the university’s finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the news of Jane Stanford’s death, Jordan jumped on a boat to Oahu: “Ostensibly to bring her body home,” White said, “but what he’s really in Hawaii for is to suppress the coroner’s jury verdict.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On arrival in Honolulu, Jordan hired another doctor to deliver a verdict on the death, one who contradicted the earlier account of strychnine poisoning, “though he has not examined the body,” and “doesn’t know anything about strychnine poisoning,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan then used that new verdict to suppress the investigation back in San Francisco, an inquiry which neatly concluded that rather than being poisoned, Stanford had instead died of a heart attack. \u003ca href=\"https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=d&d=SRPD19051231.2.17&srpos=5&e=------190-en--20--1--txt-txIN-%22jane+stanford%22----1905---\">He also used the local papers\u003c/a> to discredit the Hawaii authorities, creating a general air of — as White put it — “There’s nothing to see here, there’s nothing to look at, let’s get on with things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a long time, this becomes the official story from Stanford University: That she died a natural death and that she was not poisoned by strychnine,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A suspect in plain sight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Jordan certainly acted suspiciously, White said that “the other stuff with Jordan doesn’t really add up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan may have had several reasons to want Jane Stanford out of the picture, but he wasn’t actually present at either poisoning attempt. He lacked the opportunity to poison her himself. “Sometimes you just get really lucky,” White said. “He wanted her killed, and she was killed.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For White, there’s a far more persuasive suspect hiding in plain sight: Stanford’s longtime, long-suffering companion and secretary Bertha Berner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berner had been in Stanford’s service from a young age, ever since they met at the memorial service for Leland Junior. She was, by all accounts, “a very attractive, very smart, and very capable woman,” White said — and he believes Berner’s decision not to marry was a strategic, practical move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only would marriage have meant giving up traveling the world with Jane Stanford and access to high society, but Berner was also the sole caretaker for her sick mother. “She really cannot afford to give up this job,” White said. And Stanford knew it, even going so far as to sabotage any romantic relationships Berner dared to have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The relationship between the two women became “incredibly rocky,” White said, to the point where Berner quit Stanford’s employ several times. “But she always comes back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not convinced? How about this for motive — Berner was a beneficiary in Jane Stanford’s will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And at the time of the second poisoning attempt, Berner’s mother became even sicker. Berner even declined to join Stanford on her Hawaii trip due to fears about her mother’s ailing health, but her employer insisted that Berner make the trip if she wanted to keep the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Stanford clearly did not harbor any suspicions that her trusted companion and secretary of many years had anything to do with the first attempt on her life, she was nonetheless aware that Berner was romantically involved with Stanford’s own butler — and that the pair had been “embezzling money from her,” White said. “She can hang that over Bertha Berner’s head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A killer walks free?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To White, when added together, Berner’s motives are convincing. Her trusted position meant she also had the opportunity to poison Stanford, and she was present at both attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White’s research shows Berner also had the means to kill Jane Stanford. By the time Berner left for Hawaii, she’d started a relationship with a Palo Alto pharmacist. This association provided “a place where Bertha Berner can get free, pure strychnine,” White said. “Otherwise, that would be very difficult to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061780\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061780\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1362\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-JANE-STANFORD-ARCHIVAL-02-KQED-1536x1046.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Starr Jordan, the first president of Stanford University, bats in a faculty versus student baseball game, a tradition on campus. Jordan often butted heads with Jane Stanford over how to run the university and covered up her death by poisoning in 1905. \u003ccite>(Special Collections & University Archives, Stanford University Libraries)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White suspects that university president Jordan may have suspected Berner at the time, and that he may have actively protected her after Jane Stanford’s demise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does it in writing,” White said: “He reassures her that, ‘we know you didn’t do it; we’re going take care of you; you have nothing to worry about.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even if other people close to Jane Stanford suspected there’d been a murder and a cover-up, nobody wanted to bring that kind of scandal upon Stanford University, White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Stanford was buried in the mausoleum at Stanford University, next to her husband and son. As her body was carried to its final resting place, the procession was full of people who had butted heads with her while she was alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man who led the cover-up of her murder now led the walk from the church to her tomb. And walking pride of place, behind the casket, was Bertha Berner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" data-testid=\"embed-iframe\" style=\"border-radius:12px\" src=\"https://open.spotify.com/embed/playlist/63j9eNYdy78nVPUzUJ791e?utm_source=generator&theme=0\" width=\"100%\" height=\"352\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen allow=\"autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; fullscreen; picture-in-picture\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Stanford University is undeniably a Bay Area icon with the pedigree to match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Founded back in the late 19th century, this private institution sprawling over 8,000 manicured acres on the sunny San Francisco peninsula is famed for its world-class research in medicine, business, law and the humanities. It has 20 living Nobel laureates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short: not the kind of place you’d necessarily expect to harbor a century-old mystery full of skulduggery, lies and poison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s exactly what lies beneath Stanford’s history. Because the woman who co-founded this place, Jane Stanford, died in very strange circumstances in 1905. And although the official verdict was natural causes, some suspect something far more sinister happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today on Bay Curious, we’re following the historic breadcrumbs to discover who might have been responsible. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor message\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> What really happened to Jane Stanford, co-founder of Stanford University, who died suddenly in 1905?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Carly Severn brings us the historic mystery — and dastardly cover-up — that a lot of people in the Bay Area still don’t know about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn:\u003c/strong> Death by poisoning is a nasty way to go. But strychnine poisoning is a particularly horrible way to die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When this white powder gets into your body, it attacks the chemical that normally controls nerve signals to your muscles resulting in overwhelming, painful spasms all over. Your jaw locks tight. Your limbs start twisting in on themselves. In high amounts, strychnine can kill you within minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strychnine tastes bitter but it doesn’t smell of anything. And as an ingredient in rat bait, and even some medicines in the 19th and early twentieth centuries, it was a very popular way to poison someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what if I told you that 120 years ago, the co-founder of Stanford University found this out first-hand. And almost nobody is talking about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>You have to be able to follow the evidence, and I follow the evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Richard White is a professor emeritus in Stanford University’s history department. Several years ago he was TEACHING students how to use the university’s own archives to investigate historical conundrums … and he asked them to find out what happened to Jane Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>I thought, if I can’t get them interested in the story that supposedly somebody murdered the founder of the university, I cannot get them interested in anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Richard found there was a lot his students couldn’t uncover about this case, prompting him to turn historical detective after the class had long ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he started looking into it he was baffled this wasn’t a bigger source of intrigue. Especially because a physician at Stanford Medical School had already written a book showing that Jane Stanford had 100% been killed by strychnine poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>And the university had contended from the very beginning that she’d died of a heart attack. And that contradiction, I thought, would have a lot of public interest and certainly bring some response from the university, but it hadn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>To get to the bottom of this mystery, let’s wind back all the way to 1828 when Jane Stanford entered this world in upstate New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a young woman, Jane married Leland Stanford, a businessman and politician who made his fortune in the railroad business, and who briefly served as governor of California in the 1860s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane gave birth to her only child — also called Leland — when she was 39. And she doted on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then tragedy struck in 1884, when that son died of typhoid. And in their grief, the Stanfords looked for ways to honor his memory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Founding universities and founding colleges is very much in the mind of the San Francisco elite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>And so, in 1891, Jane and Leland opened a university on the Peninsula calling it Leland Stanford Junior University, after their son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just two years later, Jane’s husband died. And at age 65, Jane found herself in charge of the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>But it turned out that Leland Stanford was not nearly as competent as most people thought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Richard says Leland Stanford had mismanaged University funds and his own fortune for a long time. So for the next several years, Jane was constantly fighting to keep the university afloat in a way that wouldn’t tank her considerable fortune.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this is really where the trouble began. Because Jane’s way of managing affairs at Stanford University made her very unpopular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White:\u003c/strong> Once she gets power she uses it ruthlessly. She knows the power of wealth and she exerts that power, so much so that she makes a great many enemies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Jane was a walking contradiction. She was an advocate for women’s rights and insisted Stanford admit female students, but treated those students terribly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when it came to men, Jane particularly butted heads with the president of Stanford University: David Starr Jordan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Jane Stanford runs Stanford University as a personal fiefdom. David Starr Jordan is devoted to the university, but he knows that the university and his own job depend on pleasing Jane Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Jane Stanford was also a Spiritualist, a belief system that hinged on making contact with the dead. And like many people who turned to Spiritualism in the 19th century, Jane was motivated by personal tragedy beginning with the death of her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>She never gets over that. She will be in mourning for the rest of her life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>But it was one thing for well-to-do ladies to be conducting seances in their free time and quite another for the leader of a major university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane’s Spiritualism became a big problem for Stanford University and for its president, Jordan. Because Jane told people that she was using her seances to receive instructions from her dead husband and son on how to run Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>The great fear of Stanford University is that they’re gonna discover that Jane Stanford is a spiritualist and that’s gonna endanger all the legal documents she signs. It’s very hard to uphold the legal document when you say the ghosts are the ones telling you to sign it or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Jane’s beliefs were a constant source of stress for Jordan. And their relationship deteriorated even further when Jane made him fire a professor friend of his, sparking a scandal about academic freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while trying to navigate all of this, Jordan made a discovery:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>He also realizes that Leland Stanford had endowed the university in such a way that the university really has no free and clear access to its funds or even a guarantee of its funds until Jane Stanford is dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>In 1905, when Jane was 76, someone tried to poison her not once, but twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first attempt, at her Nob Hill mansion, was unsuccessful. Jane complained of feeling sick after drinking from a bottle of spring water and called for her staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>One of them was her secretary and companion, Bertha Berner, who wasn’t really a servant, but Jane Stanford often treated her like one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Bertha and the maids helped Jane to vomit. And when that water bottle was tested, the verdict came back: it was strychnine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>But it wasn’t pure strychnine. Somebody who didn’t know much about poisoning people, had dumped rat poison in it. The rat poison had caused her to vomit. She felt very sick, but she recovered from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>The people around Jane advised her to keep the incident under wraps to prevent a scandal. And to get the hell out of dodge away from the poisoner who might try again with something even stronger than rat poison this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Jane left for Hawaii with just two trusted employees: a maid and Bertha Berner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which leads us to the second poisoning. Just over a month after the first attempt, Jane woke up in the middle of the night in her Oahu hotel and screamed for Bertha. She knew she’d been poisoned again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Somebody obtained pure strychnine, put it in her water and she died within 10 minutes of the doctor coming in. The doctors looked at her, she showed all the symptoms of strychnine poisoning. Later on, the coroner’s jury would determine that it had been strychnine poisoning and that she had been poisoned by party or parties unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>And this was the story that was reported by the earliest newspaper accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice reads newspaper clipping: \u003c/strong>Oceanside Blade, March 1905: Mrs. Jane Stanford of San Francisco … died at Honolulu Wednesday under suspicious circumstances which point to poisoning by strychnine which had been mixed with bicarbonate of soda taken as a medicine … Mrs. Stanford had taken the medicine and retired but was soon afterward seized with violent convulsions dying in a few minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Naturally, Jane’s household was under suspicion. But another person absolutely had the motive — David Starr Jordan, the president of Stanford University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just a few weeks before Jane was poisoned the first time he’d found out that she was planning to fire him. And Richard says Jordan had also been trying to take control from Jane of those Stanford finances via some pretty shady means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, Jane was dead and Jordan was on a boat to Hawaii.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Ostensibly to bring her body home, but what he’s really in Hawaii for is to suppress the coroner’s jury verdict. He hires another doctor. He says she didn’t die of strychnine poisoning, though he has not examined the body, doesn’t know anything about strychnine poisoning, and he discredits doctors who in fact are much more senior and well-known than him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Jordan then used that new verdict to suppress the investigation back in San Francisco, which neatly concluded that instead of being poisoned, Jane had died of a heart attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan also used the newspapers to discredit the Hawaii authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice reading newspaper clipping: \u003c/strong>Press Democrat, December 1905: According to Dr. Jordan no strychnine was found in Mrs. Stanford’s room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>There’s nothing to see here. There’s nothing to look at. Let’s get on with things. And it is a conspiracy to cover up her death and the conspiracy worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Because in 1905 — before widespread telephones, before the internet — covering up someone’s death like this across an ocean no less was in many ways a lot simpler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>For a long time, this becomes the official story from Stanford University, that she died a natural death and that she was not poisoned by strychnine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>So you’re hearing all this and thinking: well, it’s so clearly this guy right? David Starr Jordan’s the murderer? He’s the one trying to cover up her death! I mean, what more do we need??\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>And that’s what a lot of people think, except that the other stuff with Jordan doesn’t really add up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>For one thing, he’s not present at the scene of either poisoning attempt. And he definitely wasn’t anywhere near Hawaii the second time. So while he had the motive, he doesn’t actually have the opportunity to poison her himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>It’s one of those times where for David Starr Jordan, you just think sometimes you just get really lucky. He wanted her killed and she was killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>So if it wasn’t David Starr Jordan, who did kill Jane Stanford?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well if you’ve watched one murder mystery in your life, you’ve probably learned to watch out for that one “harmless” background character who keeps popping up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so you might be wondering, what about Jane’s longtime, long-suffering companion and secretary: Bertha Berner?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bertha had been employed by Jane from a young age, ever since they met at the memorial service for Jane’s son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>And Bertha Berner, by all accounts, was both a very attractive, very smart, and very capable woman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Bertha never married, which wasn’t that unusual for the time, but Richard says that was a strategic, practical decision she made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>First of all, it would give up her job that she has with Stanford, traveling around the world, the access to a society which otherwise she would have no access to. And secondly, she becomes the sole support of her mother. She really cannot afford to give up this job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>And Jane knew it. Richard says this gave her carte blanche to treat Bertha like a true “frenemy,” even going so far as to sabotage Bertha’s romantic relationships when she dared to have them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Their relationship becomes incredibly rocky. Bertha Berner refuses to put up with it. And several times, which rarely shows up until I started looking at it, she leaves Jane Stanford’s employ, sometimes for years at a time. But she always comes back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Another reason that Bertha stuck around through it all … she was in Jane Stanford’s will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this is where we come to Richard’s theory about Bertha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the second poisoning attempt coincides with Bertha’s mother getting really sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>When Jane Stanford asked her to come to Hawaii, says, I can’t. My mother’s dying. I have to stay here and take care of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>But Jane insisted she make the journey if she wanted to keep the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane clearly still trusted Bertha and harbored zero suspicions she’d been involved in the first poisoning. Although she did have some dirt on Bertha:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Bertha Berner has had an affair with Albert Beverly, who’s Jane Stanford’s butler at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Yup, there’s a shady butler in this mystery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>Jane Stanford knows about that. And she also knows that both of them have been embezzling money from her. She can hang that over Bertha Berners head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>As all good mysteries show, a killer needs the means, the motive, and the opportunity. And according to Richard, Bertha had all three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had the motive: anger at her years of mistreatment by Jane, fear that her embezzlement might be exposed, and financial incentive, from being in the will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>If she can get away with the murder, she will have money in the will. She will in fact be able to continue to take care of her mother and she can set herself up not comfortably, but well enough to last for the rest of her life, which she does do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>She also had the physical opportunity. All of Jane’s servants were suspects in the first poisoning, but Bertha was the only one who’d been present for both attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which brings us to the means. That first poisoning, with the rat poison, had been clumsy. But by the time Bertha left for Hawaii, Richard says she’d started a relationship with a Palo Alto pharmacist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>He becomes a place where Bertha Berner can get free, pure strychnine. Otherwise, that would be very difficult to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>Guess the Butler was out of the picture?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some time after Jane died, Bertha also did something really weird. She wrote a tell-all book about Jane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>She doesn’t mention the affairs, she doesn’t mentioned the embezzling, but what she says is Jane Stanford had money and she knew the power of money. She used it like a queen. She dominated everyone around her. She got what she wanted and she forced people to do what she want them to do because she has control over her money. Which sounds very much like the reason why, in fact, in the end, she will kill her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>So if it was Bertha, even if Stanford president David Starr Jordan wasn’t in on it, did he know?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard says he’s pretty sure the answer is yes, given how Jordan treated Bertha after the murder:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>What he does, and this he does in writing, is he reassures her that we know you didn’t do it, we’re gonna take care of you, you have nothing to worry about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>And even if other people close to Jane suspected there’d been a murder and a cover-up, they didn’t want to bring that kind of smoke to Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane was buried in the mausoleum at Stanford University next to her husband and son. As her body was carried to her final resting place, the procession was full of people who had butted heads with her while she was alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Starr Jordan — the man who led the cover-up of her murder — led the walk from the church to her tomb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the final insult? Walking pride of place, behind the casket, was Bertha Berner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Richard White: \u003c/strong>The woman I think, murdered her.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carly Severn: \u003c/strong>When you made as many enemies in life as Jane Stanford not even your funeral is safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> That was KQED’s Carly Severn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious has published many episodes over the years that get into the spookier side of Bay Area history. If you’re looking for a little thrill this All Hallow’s Eve, check out our spooky Spotify playlist linked in the show notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, don’t forget to grab yourself a ticket to our trivia night. It’s on Thursday, November 13 at KQED headquarters in San Francisco. Come alone or with a team. It will be a lot of fun! Tickets are at kqed.org/events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is produced at member-supported KQED in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Christopher Beale, Gabriela Glueck, Olivia Allen-Price, and me, Katrina Schwartz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hope everyone has a fun and safe Halloween tomorrow. See you next week!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"title": "Report Projects Weak Housing Production Under San Francisco Zoning Plan Over Next 20 Years",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s contentious \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/sf-family-zoning-plan\">rezoning plan\u003c/a> is unlikely to produce the number of homes the city is required to build to meet state requirements, according to projections in a report released Thursday by the city’s chief economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco is on the hook to make way for 82,000 new homes by 2031, and risks losing state funding and control over housing development if a local rezoning plan is not adopted by January 2026. The report could add another hurdle for the housing proposal, which has already been a major test for Mayor Daniel Lurie, who had never served in public office before this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report suggests that Lurie’s Family Zoning Plan could lead to a “significant increase in the city’s housing supply.” But even optimistic modeling projected only about 14,600 new units, due to construction costs and the plan’s dependency on market conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The context for housing development in San Francisco has changed profoundly in the past several years,” the report read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nevertheless, under both scenarios considered in this report, the proposed rezoning would lead to a significant increase in the city’s housing supply, and have broadly positive effects on housing prices and the city’s broader economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Office of Economic Analysis reviews all new legislation introduced at the board and will report on its economic effects if it’s determined to have a significant impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12062183 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/240214-CoastalCommission-56-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/240214-CoastalCommission-56-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/240214-CoastalCommission-56-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/240214-CoastalCommission-56-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Houses line Lawton Street in San Francisco’s Sunset District on Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Family Zoning Plan increases citywide capacity for about 39,000 additional homes, meeting the state target of 36,200 units in the city’s more residential \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057448/on-sfs-west-side-a-push-to-protect-historic-landmarks-amid-plans-for-more-housing\">western\u003c/a> and northern neighborhoods. The plan does not include blueprints for actual developments, but instead permits more units to be built on some 92,000 parcels in the city to allow denser and taller housing in areas where development is restricted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/sites/default/files/documents/citywide/FZP-Factsheet-Capacity-Calculations.pdf\">financial feasibility\u003c/a> analysis by the Planning Department found that the plan could produce about 19,000 units of moderate and above moderate income units, meeting the state-mandated target of 16,000 for these income categories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report analyzes market trends before and after the 2010s, when housing production sharply increased following a post-recession low. But the chief economist points out that housing is now more expensive to build than before the coronavirus pandemic, with no clear signals that could change or revert back any time soon.[aside postID=news_12059533 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-1020x680.jpg']“An expansive rezoning effort, like the proposed Family Zoning plan, will be challenged to match the 2010s levels of new housing development in the city, even under an optimistic high-growth scenario,” the report read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Department of Housing and Community Development, in its preliminary review in September, said the city’s rezoning plan is largely compliant. It’s unclear how they will view the latest report or whether it will affect the city’s standing with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the city fails to pass a rezoning plan by January, state officials could withhold local funding and take over San Francisco’s housing production approval processes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too many parents are already afraid their kids won’t be able to afford to live in San Francisco,” said Charles Lutvak, a spokesperson for the mayor’s office. “Mayor Lurie’s Family Zoning Plan will help build the housing we need and meet our obligations under state law — we just need to get it done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes In My Backyard (YIMBY) organizers who support the rezoning proposal have been pushing for more permissive rules to allow for more density and housing across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still should be doing family zoning, but we need to do a lot more to actually produce the housing we need as a city,” said Jane Natoli, Organizing Director at YIMBY Action in San Francisco, who stressed that the plan needs to pass. “I am concerned because we have a target that we’re supposed to be moving toward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046616\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046616\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NewTeacherHousing-19-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NewTeacherHousing-19-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NewTeacherHousing-19-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NewTeacherHousing-19-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers build at 750 Golden Gate Avenue in San Francisco on June 18, 2025, during a groundbreaking ceremony marking the start of two affordable housing projects. One will deliver 75 units prioritized for SFUSD and City College educators, and the other at 850 Turk will add 92 family apartments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Critics of the plan, which span from homeowners fearful of changes in their neighborhoods to housing watchdogs who say the plan doesn’t do enough to protect renters and small businesses, said the latest findings match some of their concerns, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>The problem isn’t zoning; it’s financing, construction costs, and an outdated RHNA formula driven by politics rather than real demand,” said Lori Brooks with Neighborhoods United SF, using an acronym that stands for Regional Housing Needs Allocation and refers to the number of homes each jurisdiction must build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some supervisors are simultaneously pushing for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058853/san-francisco-public-bank-supporters-eye-2026-ballot-measure\">public bank that could help finance the thousands of affordable units\u003c/a> that are already approved in San Francisco, but are stalled in the development pipeline due to a lack of funding. Other datasets show \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/housing-megaprojects-stalled-20812460.php\">private development has also slowed\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12061468 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-24-BL-KQED.jpg']“Instead of focusing on what’s actually needed — preserving existing rent-controlled housing, supporting small businesses, and building truly affordable homes — this plan upzones nearly the entire west and northeast sides of the city with no guardrails, no affordability guarantees, and silences the voice of residents in how their communities should grow,” Brooks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report casts two projections based on a high-growth scenario and a low-growth scenario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high-growth scenario assumes that the city’s housing process returns to pre-pandemic levels by 2030 and grows until 2045, projecting a 10% increase in housing prices over the next five years. Under that model, the report found the plan could add 14,646 additional housing units, beyond what the city’s existing zoning might produce, over the next 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The low-growth scenario assumes that San Francisco housing prices increase only at the U.S. long-term rate of 1.8% annually, and that housing prices won’t reach pre-pandemic levels until 2041. That projection would lead to only 8,504 new units in 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also highlights changes to the housing market that have occurred in westside and northern neighborhoods, which are a focus of the rezoning plan to increase density. Condos downtown and in the South of Market neighborhood have experienced price drops of nearly 40% since 2016, while the Richmond and Sunset have fallen only slightly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042431\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042431\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing in San Francisco’s Sunset District on May 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jeff Bellisario, executive director of the Bay Area Council, said he’s projecting insignificant shifts in construction and labor costs in the years ahead. But other market factors could pose a challenge for the city in its effort to build thousands of new affordable homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real question is, where do rents go in the city? They have been increasing in the last 12 months. Do they continue on an upward trajectory?” he said. “Even if costs continue to move in an upward fashion or stay elevated, that may not matter if developers are able to recapture that via rents or if their condos are for-sale units via higher home prices. So I think that’s really the equation to think about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report notes that the amount of housing that will be produced as a result of rezoning, and its economic impact on the city, depends on the future housing market conditions, creating uncertainty in the projections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If market conditions were such that the 36,000 unit target was achieved, as a result of the rezoning, the economic impact on the city would likely be significantly more positive than the estimates in this report,” it read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Planning Commission approved the city’s zoning plan in September. In the weeks since, supervisors have put forward amendments, including to prohibit demolition of buildings with more than two rent-controlled units and to incentivize developers to replace lost commercial space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those amendments were not included in the city economist’s latest report, but could lower the housing production projections even more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As for the amendments, some are improvements, but they do not go far enough to protect tenants, small businesses, or neighborhood-serving corridors,” Brooks, of Neighborhoods United SF, said. “A responsible housing plan must balance production with protection and preservation. This one does not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s contentious \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/sf-family-zoning-plan\">rezoning plan\u003c/a> is unlikely to produce the number of homes the city is required to build to meet state requirements, according to projections in a report released Thursday by the city’s chief economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco is on the hook to make way for 82,000 new homes by 2031, and risks losing state funding and control over housing development if a local rezoning plan is not adopted by January 2026. The report could add another hurdle for the housing proposal, which has already been a major test for Mayor Daniel Lurie, who had never served in public office before this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report suggests that Lurie’s Family Zoning Plan could lead to a “significant increase in the city’s housing supply.” But even optimistic modeling projected only about 14,600 new units, due to construction costs and the plan’s dependency on market conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The context for housing development in San Francisco has changed profoundly in the past several years,” the report read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nevertheless, under both scenarios considered in this report, the proposed rezoning would lead to a significant increase in the city’s housing supply, and have broadly positive effects on housing prices and the city’s broader economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Office of Economic Analysis reviews all new legislation introduced at the board and will report on its economic effects if it’s determined to have a significant impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12062183 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/240214-CoastalCommission-56-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/240214-CoastalCommission-56-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/240214-CoastalCommission-56-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/240214-CoastalCommission-56-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Houses line Lawton Street in San Francisco’s Sunset District on Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Family Zoning Plan increases citywide capacity for about 39,000 additional homes, meeting the state target of 36,200 units in the city’s more residential \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057448/on-sfs-west-side-a-push-to-protect-historic-landmarks-amid-plans-for-more-housing\">western\u003c/a> and northern neighborhoods. The plan does not include blueprints for actual developments, but instead permits more units to be built on some 92,000 parcels in the city to allow denser and taller housing in areas where development is restricted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/sites/default/files/documents/citywide/FZP-Factsheet-Capacity-Calculations.pdf\">financial feasibility\u003c/a> analysis by the Planning Department found that the plan could produce about 19,000 units of moderate and above moderate income units, meeting the state-mandated target of 16,000 for these income categories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report analyzes market trends before and after the 2010s, when housing production sharply increased following a post-recession low. But the chief economist points out that housing is now more expensive to build than before the coronavirus pandemic, with no clear signals that could change or revert back any time soon.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“An expansive rezoning effort, like the proposed Family Zoning plan, will be challenged to match the 2010s levels of new housing development in the city, even under an optimistic high-growth scenario,” the report read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Department of Housing and Community Development, in its preliminary review in September, said the city’s rezoning plan is largely compliant. It’s unclear how they will view the latest report or whether it will affect the city’s standing with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the city fails to pass a rezoning plan by January, state officials could withhold local funding and take over San Francisco’s housing production approval processes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too many parents are already afraid their kids won’t be able to afford to live in San Francisco,” said Charles Lutvak, a spokesperson for the mayor’s office. “Mayor Lurie’s Family Zoning Plan will help build the housing we need and meet our obligations under state law — we just need to get it done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes In My Backyard (YIMBY) organizers who support the rezoning proposal have been pushing for more permissive rules to allow for more density and housing across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still should be doing family zoning, but we need to do a lot more to actually produce the housing we need as a city,” said Jane Natoli, Organizing Director at YIMBY Action in San Francisco, who stressed that the plan needs to pass. “I am concerned because we have a target that we’re supposed to be moving toward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046616\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046616\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NewTeacherHousing-19-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NewTeacherHousing-19-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NewTeacherHousing-19-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NewTeacherHousing-19-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers build at 750 Golden Gate Avenue in San Francisco on June 18, 2025, during a groundbreaking ceremony marking the start of two affordable housing projects. One will deliver 75 units prioritized for SFUSD and City College educators, and the other at 850 Turk will add 92 family apartments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Critics of the plan, which span from homeowners fearful of changes in their neighborhoods to housing watchdogs who say the plan doesn’t do enough to protect renters and small businesses, said the latest findings match some of their concerns, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>The problem isn’t zoning; it’s financing, construction costs, and an outdated RHNA formula driven by politics rather than real demand,” said Lori Brooks with Neighborhoods United SF, using an acronym that stands for Regional Housing Needs Allocation and refers to the number of homes each jurisdiction must build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some supervisors are simultaneously pushing for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058853/san-francisco-public-bank-supporters-eye-2026-ballot-measure\">public bank that could help finance the thousands of affordable units\u003c/a> that are already approved in San Francisco, but are stalled in the development pipeline due to a lack of funding. Other datasets show \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/housing-megaprojects-stalled-20812460.php\">private development has also slowed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Instead of focusing on what’s actually needed — preserving existing rent-controlled housing, supporting small businesses, and building truly affordable homes — this plan upzones nearly the entire west and northeast sides of the city with no guardrails, no affordability guarantees, and silences the voice of residents in how their communities should grow,” Brooks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report casts two projections based on a high-growth scenario and a low-growth scenario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high-growth scenario assumes that the city’s housing process returns to pre-pandemic levels by 2030 and grows until 2045, projecting a 10% increase in housing prices over the next five years. Under that model, the report found the plan could add 14,646 additional housing units, beyond what the city’s existing zoning might produce, over the next 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The low-growth scenario assumes that San Francisco housing prices increase only at the U.S. long-term rate of 1.8% annually, and that housing prices won’t reach pre-pandemic levels until 2041. That projection would lead to only 8,504 new units in 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also highlights changes to the housing market that have occurred in westside and northern neighborhoods, which are a focus of the rezoning plan to increase density. Condos downtown and in the South of Market neighborhood have experienced price drops of nearly 40% since 2016, while the Richmond and Sunset have fallen only slightly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042431\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042431\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250519-AffordableHousingFile-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing in San Francisco’s Sunset District on May 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jeff Bellisario, executive director of the Bay Area Council, said he’s projecting insignificant shifts in construction and labor costs in the years ahead. But other market factors could pose a challenge for the city in its effort to build thousands of new affordable homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real question is, where do rents go in the city? They have been increasing in the last 12 months. Do they continue on an upward trajectory?” he said. “Even if costs continue to move in an upward fashion or stay elevated, that may not matter if developers are able to recapture that via rents or if their condos are for-sale units via higher home prices. So I think that’s really the equation to think about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report notes that the amount of housing that will be produced as a result of rezoning, and its economic impact on the city, depends on the future housing market conditions, creating uncertainty in the projections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If market conditions were such that the 36,000 unit target was achieved, as a result of the rezoning, the economic impact on the city would likely be significantly more positive than the estimates in this report,” it read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Planning Commission approved the city’s zoning plan in September. In the weeks since, supervisors have put forward amendments, including to prohibit demolition of buildings with more than two rent-controlled units and to incentivize developers to replace lost commercial space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those amendments were not included in the city economist’s latest report, but could lower the housing production projections even more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As for the amendments, some are improvements, but they do not go far enough to protect tenants, small businesses, or neighborhood-serving corridors,” Brooks, of Neighborhoods United SF, said. “A responsible housing plan must balance production with protection and preservation. This one does not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Berkeley Animal Rights Activist Found Guilty in Sonoma Chicken Theft Case",
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"content": "\u003cp>UC Berkeley student and animal rights activist Zoe Rosenberg has been found guilty of all counts, including felony conspiracy, after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055745/berkeley-animal-activist-faces-prison-in-sonoma-chicken-theft-case\">taking four chickens from a Sonoma County poultry facility\u003c/a> two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She could now face up to four and a half years in prison for her role in the 2023 heist, which her attorneys tried to paint as a “rescue” of mistreated, bruised and scratched-up animals. She will be sentenced on Dec. 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Rosenberg, 23, took the chickens from Petaluma Poultry was not in question — video footage captured by animal rights group Direct Action Everywhere, where Rosenberg is an organizer, showed her enter the farm in protective gear, pluck four chickens from crates on a truck bed and carry them off of the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, her three-week trial, which brought national attention to the issues of factory farming and animal welfare, focused primarily on intent. Rosenberg’s attorneys tried to persuade the jury that her goal was not to break the law but to “help” birds that Rosenberg said were sick, scratched and bruised, while prosecutors argued the theft was a felony that goes beyond animal welfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a whodunit, it’s really a whydunit,” Chris Carraway, Rosenberg’s lawyer, told KQED ahead of her trial’s opening in September. “Zoe believed that this conduct was permissible under the circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011468\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011468\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rhode Island Red chickens at Weber Family Farms in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Sonoma County District Attorney’s Office alleged that Rosenberg, an organizer for animal rights group Direct Action Everywhere, visited Petaluma Poultry multiple times without authorization, and tagged a dozen farm delivery vehicles with GPS trackers, in the spring of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June of that year, prosecutors said, she entered the farm in protective gear, examined crates of chickens on a truck bed, and placed four in a red bucket while about 50 DxE activists rallied outside. The incident was captured in video footage, viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenberg’s attorneys, Carraway and Kevin Little, tried to posit that her actions came after efforts to report mistreatment at Petaluma Poultry to local authorities, and that she did not have criminal intent when she took the chickens off the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the jury disagreed, finding her guilty on all counts Wednesday, including felony conspiracy, as well as the two misdemeanors for trespassing on various occasions and a third for tampering with a vehicle or its contents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision could have reverberating effects throughout the country, as DxE has escalated such missions — \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/food/2017/11/inside-the-bold-new-animal-liberation-movement-no-masks-no-regrets-all-the-risk/\">referred to as “open rescues\u003c/a>” — in recent years.[aside postID=news_12055745 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Sonoma-Animal-Trial-02-KQED.jpg']Animal activists have said they’re taking animals from farms where they believe they’re suffering, and at least two juries in recent related cases seemed to agree. Activists in Utah and Merced County were cleared of wrongdoing following similar actions, though a Sonoma County court found DxE co-founder Wayne Hsiung guilty of felony conspiracy in 2023 for actions he took during Sonoma County farm protests in 2018 and 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked on the stand last week if she wants open rescue “to be something that happens everywhere,” Rosenberg told prosecutors: “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenberg’s defense team is expected to appeal, creating the opportunity to set a legal precedent for the practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County farmers have called DxE “extremist,” and condemned the use of open rescue as dangerous and unlawful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having to deal with a bunch of activists that are trying to break into your operation, are putting tracking devices on farm vehicles so they can see where the farm vehicles are — that goes beyond the line,” said Mike Weber, who co-owns a chicken farm in Petaluma targeted by DxE in 2018. “That has nothing to do with animal welfare. I’d like to see that come to an end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenberg’s lawyers had also tried to downplay her involvement in the incident, relying on \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/2025/10/16/former-dxe-member-says-she-alone-led-petaluma-poultry-break-ins-tied-to-zoe-rosenberg-case/\">testimony from former DxE activist, Raven Deerbrook\u003c/a>, who was Rosenberg’s co-defendant before reaching a plea deal over the summer. Deerbrook told the jury that she had been investigating conditions and Petaluma Poultry prior to Rosenberg’s involvement, and spearheaded the series of break-ins that led to the chicken capture, the \u003cem>Press Democrat \u003c/em>reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deerbrook testified that she placed the GPS trackers, used bolt cutters to get through a fence and brought the buckets used to transport the chickens. She pled no contest to two misdemeanor charges in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But prosecutors have pointed to a long history of similar activism by Rosenberg. Deputy District Attorney Matt Hobson showed the jury photos of her \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reel/ClEiueZApk0/\">pouring fake blood on the floor of a Safeway\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/COs_vLPpnsh/\">posing in red-hued water in a fountain at UC Berkeley\u003c/a>, holding a sign that said “UC Berkeley drop factory farms,” the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/2025/10/23/from-nba-arrest-to-bloody-fountain-prosecutors-challenge-zoe-rosenbergs-role-in-petaluma-poultry-raid/\">\u003cem>Press Democrat \u003c/em>reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenberg was also previously arrested following a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DxEverywhere/status/1515434238295695363/photo/1\">2022 NBA playoff game\u003c/a>, where she chained herself to a basketball hoop in protest of former Minnesota Timberwolves’ owner Glen Taylor. Direct Action Everywhere claimed responsibility for that protest as part of ongoing efforts to get Taylor to step down over his financial backing of an Iowa-based egg farm they say participated in animal cruelty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ongoing prosecution is not about silencing speech — it is about holding accountable a pattern of calculated, unlawful activity,” a Petaluma Poultry spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenberg was not taken into custody following the decision, but Judge Kenneth Gnoss mandated that she wear a GPS-equipped ankle monitor and stay 500 feet from Petaluma Poultry and all Perdue facilities. She was also ordered not to contact six individuals believed to be fellow activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DxE said on appeal, Rosenberg’s team will fight for permission to include more evidence on animal cruelty, and to make a necessity defense, or argument that Rosenberg’s actions were necessary to prevent imminent harm. According to the Press Democrat, they were barred ahead of this trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization said the four chickens, who Rosenberg renamed Poppy, Ivy, Aster and Azalea, were safe at a “sanctuary for rescued animals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will not apologize for taking sick, neglected animals to get medical care,” Rosenberg said in a statement following her conviction. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that her trial is over, Rosenberg said she plans to focus on reporting alleged crimes and safety violations at Petaluma Poultry. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that they will use the resources that they now have to investigate the real crime and to help real animals whose safety is threatened,” she told reporters Thursday. “If they want to put me in jail, fine, but please give these animals the justice that they deserve.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/dcronin\">\u003cem>Dana Cronin\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmeline\">\u003cem>Gabe Meline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Lawyers for Direct Action Everywhere organizer Zoe Rosenberg, who faces up to five years in prison, tried to argue that she “rescued” chickens from animal abuse in Sonoma County. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>UC Berkeley student and animal rights activist Zoe Rosenberg has been found guilty of all counts, including felony conspiracy, after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055745/berkeley-animal-activist-faces-prison-in-sonoma-chicken-theft-case\">taking four chickens from a Sonoma County poultry facility\u003c/a> two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She could now face up to four and a half years in prison for her role in the 2023 heist, which her attorneys tried to paint as a “rescue” of mistreated, bruised and scratched-up animals. She will be sentenced on Dec. 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Rosenberg, 23, took the chickens from Petaluma Poultry was not in question — video footage captured by animal rights group Direct Action Everywhere, where Rosenberg is an organizer, showed her enter the farm in protective gear, pluck four chickens from crates on a truck bed and carry them off of the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, her three-week trial, which brought national attention to the issues of factory farming and animal welfare, focused primarily on intent. Rosenberg’s attorneys tried to persuade the jury that her goal was not to break the law but to “help” birds that Rosenberg said were sick, scratched and bruised, while prosecutors argued the theft was a felony that goes beyond animal welfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a whodunit, it’s really a whydunit,” Chris Carraway, Rosenberg’s lawyer, told KQED ahead of her trial’s opening in September. “Zoe believed that this conduct was permissible under the circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011468\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011468\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rhode Island Red chickens at Weber Family Farms in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Sonoma County District Attorney’s Office alleged that Rosenberg, an organizer for animal rights group Direct Action Everywhere, visited Petaluma Poultry multiple times without authorization, and tagged a dozen farm delivery vehicles with GPS trackers, in the spring of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June of that year, prosecutors said, she entered the farm in protective gear, examined crates of chickens on a truck bed, and placed four in a red bucket while about 50 DxE activists rallied outside. The incident was captured in video footage, viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenberg’s attorneys, Carraway and Kevin Little, tried to posit that her actions came after efforts to report mistreatment at Petaluma Poultry to local authorities, and that she did not have criminal intent when she took the chickens off the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the jury disagreed, finding her guilty on all counts Wednesday, including felony conspiracy, as well as the two misdemeanors for trespassing on various occasions and a third for tampering with a vehicle or its contents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision could have reverberating effects throughout the country, as DxE has escalated such missions — \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/food/2017/11/inside-the-bold-new-animal-liberation-movement-no-masks-no-regrets-all-the-risk/\">referred to as “open rescues\u003c/a>” — in recent years.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Animal activists have said they’re taking animals from farms where they believe they’re suffering, and at least two juries in recent related cases seemed to agree. Activists in Utah and Merced County were cleared of wrongdoing following similar actions, though a Sonoma County court found DxE co-founder Wayne Hsiung guilty of felony conspiracy in 2023 for actions he took during Sonoma County farm protests in 2018 and 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked on the stand last week if she wants open rescue “to be something that happens everywhere,” Rosenberg told prosecutors: “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenberg’s defense team is expected to appeal, creating the opportunity to set a legal precedent for the practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County farmers have called DxE “extremist,” and condemned the use of open rescue as dangerous and unlawful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having to deal with a bunch of activists that are trying to break into your operation, are putting tracking devices on farm vehicles so they can see where the farm vehicles are — that goes beyond the line,” said Mike Weber, who co-owns a chicken farm in Petaluma targeted by DxE in 2018. “That has nothing to do with animal welfare. I’d like to see that come to an end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenberg’s lawyers had also tried to downplay her involvement in the incident, relying on \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/2025/10/16/former-dxe-member-says-she-alone-led-petaluma-poultry-break-ins-tied-to-zoe-rosenberg-case/\">testimony from former DxE activist, Raven Deerbrook\u003c/a>, who was Rosenberg’s co-defendant before reaching a plea deal over the summer. Deerbrook told the jury that she had been investigating conditions and Petaluma Poultry prior to Rosenberg’s involvement, and spearheaded the series of break-ins that led to the chicken capture, the \u003cem>Press Democrat \u003c/em>reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deerbrook testified that she placed the GPS trackers, used bolt cutters to get through a fence and brought the buckets used to transport the chickens. She pled no contest to two misdemeanor charges in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But prosecutors have pointed to a long history of similar activism by Rosenberg. Deputy District Attorney Matt Hobson showed the jury photos of her \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reel/ClEiueZApk0/\">pouring fake blood on the floor of a Safeway\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/COs_vLPpnsh/\">posing in red-hued water in a fountain at UC Berkeley\u003c/a>, holding a sign that said “UC Berkeley drop factory farms,” the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/2025/10/23/from-nba-arrest-to-bloody-fountain-prosecutors-challenge-zoe-rosenbergs-role-in-petaluma-poultry-raid/\">\u003cem>Press Democrat \u003c/em>reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenberg was also previously arrested following a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DxEverywhere/status/1515434238295695363/photo/1\">2022 NBA playoff game\u003c/a>, where she chained herself to a basketball hoop in protest of former Minnesota Timberwolves’ owner Glen Taylor. Direct Action Everywhere claimed responsibility for that protest as part of ongoing efforts to get Taylor to step down over his financial backing of an Iowa-based egg farm they say participated in animal cruelty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ongoing prosecution is not about silencing speech — it is about holding accountable a pattern of calculated, unlawful activity,” a Petaluma Poultry spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenberg was not taken into custody following the decision, but Judge Kenneth Gnoss mandated that she wear a GPS-equipped ankle monitor and stay 500 feet from Petaluma Poultry and all Perdue facilities. She was also ordered not to contact six individuals believed to be fellow activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DxE said on appeal, Rosenberg’s team will fight for permission to include more evidence on animal cruelty, and to make a necessity defense, or argument that Rosenberg’s actions were necessary to prevent imminent harm. According to the Press Democrat, they were barred ahead of this trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization said the four chickens, who Rosenberg renamed Poppy, Ivy, Aster and Azalea, were safe at a “sanctuary for rescued animals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will not apologize for taking sick, neglected animals to get medical care,” Rosenberg said in a statement following her conviction. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that her trial is over, Rosenberg said she plans to focus on reporting alleged crimes and safety violations at Petaluma Poultry. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that they will use the resources that they now have to investigate the real crime and to help real animals whose safety is threatened,” she told reporters Thursday. “If they want to put me in jail, fine, but please give these animals the justice that they deserve.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/dcronin\">\u003cem>Dana Cronin\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmeline\">\u003cem>Gabe Meline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal prosecutors have charged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-leandro\">San Leandro\u003c/a> City Councilmember Bryan Azevedo, alleging he agreed to use his power as an elected official to benefit a company in exchange for his own personal financial gain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a document filed in federal court on Tuesday, Azevedo is charged with one count of conspiracy to commit honest services wire fraud and one count of making false statements to a government agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges come after months of speculation about the extent of Azevedo’s connection to an ongoing FBI corruption investigation that saw the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022612/ex-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-3-others-charged-with-bribery-sprawling-corruption-probe\">indictment of former Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a>, her partner Andre Jones, and David and Andy Duong in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. attorneys allege in the filing that Azevedo and two unnamed individuals conspired to obtain a contract from the city of San Leandro for a housing company in exchange for cash and kickback payments to Azevedo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also accuse Azevedo of creating an LLC in his wife’s name and opening a bank account for the purpose of receiving illegal payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a meeting with reporters Tuesday afternoon, San Leandro Mayor Juan Gonzalez said he had not yet spoken with Azevedo and that, as of now, he is not requesting that the council member step down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he pleads guilty to a felony, the (San Leandro City) Charter makes clear how we proceed. Namely, he may not be a felon and be a member of the city council,” Gonzalez said. “But if he were to plead to something else that did not rise to the level of felony, then we will cross that bridge when we get there. And of course he might be exonerated by a jury of his peers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez declined to comment on whether he had been interviewed by the FBI, saying only that the city of San Leandro cooperates with all investigations. He also referred to the situation as a “private matter” between Azevedo and the U.S. Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054535\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-8-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-8-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, San Leandro City Council members Fred Simon (District 4), Victor Aguilar (District 3) and Bryan Azevedo (District 2) listen as residents voice concerns during public comment about a federal investigation into Azevedo and recent lawsuits involving city leadership, at a council meeting on Aug. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the filing, Azevedo attended a 2023 trip to Vietnam sponsored by a business association. Upon returning from the trip, prosecutors allege, Azevedo agreed to use his power as a San Leandro city council member to help obtain a contract for an Oakland-based housing company that aimed to manufacture modular homes made from shipping containers. In exchange, Azevedo would receive a percentage of the sales from units the city purchased, the filing alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azevedo has acknowledged his participation in a 2023 Vietnam trip that Thao and other East Bay officials also attended. The trip was sponsored by the Vietnamese American Business Association, led by David Duong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The housing company described in the court filing is not explicitly named.[aside postID=news_12022612 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-1020x680.jpg'] A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052003/san-leandro-lawsuit-documents-shed-light-on-company-at-center-of-oakland-fbi-probe\">lawsuit filed by former San Leandro City Manager\u003c/a> Francis Robustelli in June alleges Azevedo and fellow San Leandro City Councilmember Victor Aguilar invited her to the Oakland showroom of Evolutionary Homes in 2023. The visit was part of an effort by members of the Duong family, which owned the company, to lobby San Francisco Bay Area politicians to promote the establishment of tiny home developments in the area, Robustelli alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robustelli’s lawsuit claims a representative of Evolutionary Homes pitched an emergency homelessness ordinance to San Leandro officials that would allow the city to more quickly purchase homes like the ones the company aimed to sell. It was never enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the document filed Tuesday, during the fall of 2023 and spring of 2024, Azevedo advocated for an emergency shelter ordinance that would benefit the unnamed housing company, advocated for the city to purchase units from the company and took San Leandro city officials to tour the company’s model units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, prosecutors allege, one of the unnamed co-conspirators gave Azevedo $2,000 in cash at a dinner in Alameda in exchange for using his position as an elected official to benefit the housing company. Several days later, he allegedly deposited the money into the recently opened bank account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Leandro City Hall, pictured on Aug. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Leandro City Councilmember Victor Aguilar, reached by phone on Tuesday, declined to comment on the charges against Azevedo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, FBI agents raided Azevedo’s San Leandro home, two days before Thao, Jones, and Andy and David Duong were charged with conspiracy, bribery and fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, officials with the U.S. Attorney’s Office notified Azevedo via a target letter that he, too, was the subject of a federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document filed Tuesday alleges federal investigators in January asked Azevedo whether he had received cash payments from one of the co-conspirators in November 2023 and that Azevedo responded that he had not. Agents also allegedly asked Azevedo whether the co-conspirator’s family had business interests before the city of San Leandro, and he responded that it did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These statements AZEVEDO made to the agents were false and AZEVEDO knew they were false,” the document reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal prosecutors have charged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-leandro\">San Leandro\u003c/a> City Councilmember Bryan Azevedo, alleging he agreed to use his power as an elected official to benefit a company in exchange for his own personal financial gain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a document filed in federal court on Tuesday, Azevedo is charged with one count of conspiracy to commit honest services wire fraud and one count of making false statements to a government agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges come after months of speculation about the extent of Azevedo’s connection to an ongoing FBI corruption investigation that saw the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022612/ex-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-3-others-charged-with-bribery-sprawling-corruption-probe\">indictment of former Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a>, her partner Andre Jones, and David and Andy Duong in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. attorneys allege in the filing that Azevedo and two unnamed individuals conspired to obtain a contract from the city of San Leandro for a housing company in exchange for cash and kickback payments to Azevedo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also accuse Azevedo of creating an LLC in his wife’s name and opening a bank account for the purpose of receiving illegal payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a meeting with reporters Tuesday afternoon, San Leandro Mayor Juan Gonzalez said he had not yet spoken with Azevedo and that, as of now, he is not requesting that the council member step down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he pleads guilty to a felony, the (San Leandro City) Charter makes clear how we proceed. Namely, he may not be a felon and be a member of the city council,” Gonzalez said. “But if he were to plead to something else that did not rise to the level of felony, then we will cross that bridge when we get there. And of course he might be exonerated by a jury of his peers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez declined to comment on whether he had been interviewed by the FBI, saying only that the city of San Leandro cooperates with all investigations. He also referred to the situation as a “private matter” between Azevedo and the U.S. Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054535\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-8-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-8-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, San Leandro City Council members Fred Simon (District 4), Victor Aguilar (District 3) and Bryan Azevedo (District 2) listen as residents voice concerns during public comment about a federal investigation into Azevedo and recent lawsuits involving city leadership, at a council meeting on Aug. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the filing, Azevedo attended a 2023 trip to Vietnam sponsored by a business association. Upon returning from the trip, prosecutors allege, Azevedo agreed to use his power as a San Leandro city council member to help obtain a contract for an Oakland-based housing company that aimed to manufacture modular homes made from shipping containers. In exchange, Azevedo would receive a percentage of the sales from units the city purchased, the filing alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Azevedo has acknowledged his participation in a 2023 Vietnam trip that Thao and other East Bay officials also attended. The trip was sponsored by the Vietnamese American Business Association, led by David Duong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The housing company described in the court filing is not explicitly named.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052003/san-leandro-lawsuit-documents-shed-light-on-company-at-center-of-oakland-fbi-probe\">lawsuit filed by former San Leandro City Manager\u003c/a> Francis Robustelli in June alleges Azevedo and fellow San Leandro City Councilmember Victor Aguilar invited her to the Oakland showroom of Evolutionary Homes in 2023. The visit was part of an effort by members of the Duong family, which owned the company, to lobby San Francisco Bay Area politicians to promote the establishment of tiny home developments in the area, Robustelli alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robustelli’s lawsuit claims a representative of Evolutionary Homes pitched an emergency homelessness ordinance to San Leandro officials that would allow the city to more quickly purchase homes like the ones the company aimed to sell. It was never enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the document filed Tuesday, during the fall of 2023 and spring of 2024, Azevedo advocated for an emergency shelter ordinance that would benefit the unnamed housing company, advocated for the city to purchase units from the company and took San Leandro city officials to tour the company’s model units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, prosecutors allege, one of the unnamed co-conspirators gave Azevedo $2,000 in cash at a dinner in Alameda in exchange for using his position as an elected official to benefit the housing company. Several days later, he allegedly deposited the money into the recently opened bank account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Leandro City Hall, pictured on Aug. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Leandro City Councilmember Victor Aguilar, reached by phone on Tuesday, declined to comment on the charges against Azevedo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, FBI agents raided Azevedo’s San Leandro home, two days before Thao, Jones, and Andy and David Duong were charged with conspiracy, bribery and fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, officials with the U.S. Attorney’s Office notified Azevedo via a target letter that he, too, was the subject of a federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document filed Tuesday alleges federal investigators in January asked Azevedo whether he had received cash payments from one of the co-conspirators in November 2023 and that Azevedo responded that he had not. Agents also allegedly asked Azevedo whether the co-conspirator’s family had business interests before the city of San Leandro, and he responded that it did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These statements AZEVEDO made to the agents were false and AZEVEDO knew they were false,” the document reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>About 112,000 San Francisco residents who are expected to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060770/snap-calfresh-food-stamps-government-shutdown-november-payments-ebt\">lose their November food stamp benefits\u003c/a> due to a suspension by the federal government will get some relief through an $18 million public-private partnership announced by Mayor Daniel Lurie Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, the city’s Human Services Agency will mail letters to recipients of CalFresh, California’s version of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, with instructions to access pre-paid gift cards that will cover their full benefits for November, Lurie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your mayor and your leaders will not let this federal government shutdown prevent you from putting food on the table for your family,” Lurie said at a press conference announcing the initiative on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half of the initiative’s cost will come from a $400 million reserve that San Francisco lawmakers set up in this year’s budget to help the local government address potential federal and state funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crankstart, the family foundation of venture capitalist Michael Moritz and writer Harriet Heyman, paid for the other half. The cards will be redeemable at citywide grocery stores in partnership with the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953000\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953000\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with gray hair wearing a black face mask holds out cauliflower heads as a man using a can walks past in a paved outdoor area.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers distribute food items at a San Francisco-Marin Food Bank pop-up pantry in the Richmond District of San Francisco on June 13, 2023. Volunteers at the food distribution events often help set up, build grocery bags, distribute food, check in participants, manage the line and help with other tasks as needed. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SNAP benefits are set to lapse nationwide in November for the first time since the program was created in 1964 as the federal government shutdown enters its fifth week. Millions of Californians are expected to miss out on benefits; already, some restaurants around the Bay Area are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13982957/snap-calfresh-ebt-november-shutdown-meals-food-assistance-san-francisco-bay-area\">offering free or discounted meals\u003c/a> to affected families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus far, no end to the shutdown appears to be in sight as Democrats and Republicans remain in a standoff over the 2026 spending plan and discussions over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058393/bay-area-lawmakers-say-gop-to-blame-as-shutdown-threatens-affordable-care-act\">expiring federal health care subsidies\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12062018 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FoodPantryGetty1.jpg']“While the situation in Washington remains uncertain, here in San Francisco, we are taking care of each other,” Lurie said Wednesday. “This city stands with our workers, our kids and our seniors, and we’ll keep doing what it takes to ensure San Franciscans remain safe and healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as San Francisco aims to close the gap, experts say the SNAP suspension could represent a loss of $20 million a month in benefits, meaning more is needed to help low-income families in the city cope with loss of food benefits while keeping up with the cost of living in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is an exponential amount of need at the moment that isn’t being met with the matched resources,” said Pegah Faed, executive director of Safe and Sound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faed’s organization supports \u003ca href=\"https://sffamilyservicesalliance.org/\">an alliance of family services groups\u003c/a> in San Francisco that \u003ca href=\"https://donate.safeandsound.org/campaign/739731/donate\">announced a fund to help families\u003c/a> at risk of losing access to SNAP and the federal supplemental nutrition program for women, infants and children, known as WIC. It is considering giving direct cash or vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates from these organizations hope the fund will draw in more donations the same way they saw people pool resources to help families in need during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061018\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12061018 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-1031437072-scaled-e1761153823511.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Safe and Sound joins an alliance of family service groups in San Francisco, announcing a new fund to help families at risk of losing access to SNAP and the federal WIC nutrition program. It is considering offering direct cash assistance or vouchers. \u003ccite>(Rawpixel/iStock / Getty Images Plus)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Faed said it was too soon to announce an initial amount or a fundraising goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The collective awareness of how important this particular moment and time is to support those who are receiving these benefits is at an all-time high,” Faed said. “Everyone is trying to do their part because no child, no individual should have to go a day without knowing where their next meal is coming from.”[aside postID=news_12061005 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-1457114961-2000x1333.jpg']Lurie’s announcement came a day after the Alameda County Board of Supervisors approved giving $10 million to local food banks and food assistance programs to offer some relief to residents who rely on CalFresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indefinite delay to SNAP benefits could result in 13,000 to 19,000 more people seeking food assistance daily from the Alameda County Community Food Bank, on top of the 60,000 who already rely on it, according to its communications director, Michael Altfest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061030/california-national-guard-to-support-food-banks-as-federal-shutdown-drags-on\">deploying National Guard units\u003c/a> to food banks across the state, where there’s expected to be an influx of clients as more people go without federal support next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And on Tuesday, the state joined 21 others in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061823/california-sues-trump-administration-over-suspension-of-snap-benefits-during-shutdown\">suing the Trump administration\u003c/a>, seeking a temporary restraining order to halt the suspension of SNAP benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie said his office would continue to monitor the federal shutdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my entire career, and now as mayor, it has never been acceptable to throw up our hands and expect kids, parents and seniors to just figure it out,” he said. “And in this city, we will not stand by.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>About 112,000 San Francisco residents who are expected to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060770/snap-calfresh-food-stamps-government-shutdown-november-payments-ebt\">lose their November food stamp benefits\u003c/a> due to a suspension by the federal government will get some relief through an $18 million public-private partnership announced by Mayor Daniel Lurie Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next week, the city’s Human Services Agency will mail letters to recipients of CalFresh, California’s version of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, with instructions to access pre-paid gift cards that will cover their full benefits for November, Lurie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your mayor and your leaders will not let this federal government shutdown prevent you from putting food on the table for your family,” Lurie said at a press conference announcing the initiative on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half of the initiative’s cost will come from a $400 million reserve that San Francisco lawmakers set up in this year’s budget to help the local government address potential federal and state funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crankstart, the family foundation of venture capitalist Michael Moritz and writer Harriet Heyman, paid for the other half. The cards will be redeemable at citywide grocery stores in partnership with the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953000\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953000\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with gray hair wearing a black face mask holds out cauliflower heads as a man using a can walks past in a paved outdoor area.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66293_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers distribute food items at a San Francisco-Marin Food Bank pop-up pantry in the Richmond District of San Francisco on June 13, 2023. Volunteers at the food distribution events often help set up, build grocery bags, distribute food, check in participants, manage the line and help with other tasks as needed. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SNAP benefits are set to lapse nationwide in November for the first time since the program was created in 1964 as the federal government shutdown enters its fifth week. Millions of Californians are expected to miss out on benefits; already, some restaurants around the Bay Area are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13982957/snap-calfresh-ebt-november-shutdown-meals-food-assistance-san-francisco-bay-area\">offering free or discounted meals\u003c/a> to affected families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus far, no end to the shutdown appears to be in sight as Democrats and Republicans remain in a standoff over the 2026 spending plan and discussions over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058393/bay-area-lawmakers-say-gop-to-blame-as-shutdown-threatens-affordable-care-act\">expiring federal health care subsidies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“While the situation in Washington remains uncertain, here in San Francisco, we are taking care of each other,” Lurie said Wednesday. “This city stands with our workers, our kids and our seniors, and we’ll keep doing what it takes to ensure San Franciscans remain safe and healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as San Francisco aims to close the gap, experts say the SNAP suspension could represent a loss of $20 million a month in benefits, meaning more is needed to help low-income families in the city cope with loss of food benefits while keeping up with the cost of living in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is an exponential amount of need at the moment that isn’t being met with the matched resources,” said Pegah Faed, executive director of Safe and Sound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faed’s organization supports \u003ca href=\"https://sffamilyservicesalliance.org/\">an alliance of family services groups\u003c/a> in San Francisco that \u003ca href=\"https://donate.safeandsound.org/campaign/739731/donate\">announced a fund to help families\u003c/a> at risk of losing access to SNAP and the federal supplemental nutrition program for women, infants and children, known as WIC. It is considering giving direct cash or vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates from these organizations hope the fund will draw in more donations the same way they saw people pool resources to help families in need during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061018\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12061018 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-1031437072-scaled-e1761153823511.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Safe and Sound joins an alliance of family service groups in San Francisco, announcing a new fund to help families at risk of losing access to SNAP and the federal WIC nutrition program. It is considering offering direct cash assistance or vouchers. \u003ccite>(Rawpixel/iStock / Getty Images Plus)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Faed said it was too soon to announce an initial amount or a fundraising goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The collective awareness of how important this particular moment and time is to support those who are receiving these benefits is at an all-time high,” Faed said. “Everyone is trying to do their part because no child, no individual should have to go a day without knowing where their next meal is coming from.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lurie’s announcement came a day after the Alameda County Board of Supervisors approved giving $10 million to local food banks and food assistance programs to offer some relief to residents who rely on CalFresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indefinite delay to SNAP benefits could result in 13,000 to 19,000 more people seeking food assistance daily from the Alameda County Community Food Bank, on top of the 60,000 who already rely on it, according to its communications director, Michael Altfest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061030/california-national-guard-to-support-food-banks-as-federal-shutdown-drags-on\">deploying National Guard units\u003c/a> to food banks across the state, where there’s expected to be an influx of clients as more people go without federal support next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And on Tuesday, the state joined 21 others in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061823/california-sues-trump-administration-over-suspension-of-snap-benefits-during-shutdown\">suing the Trump administration\u003c/a>, seeking a temporary restraining order to halt the suspension of SNAP benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie said his office would continue to monitor the federal shutdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my entire career, and now as mayor, it has never been acceptable to throw up our hands and expect kids, parents and seniors to just figure it out,” he said. “And in this city, we will not stand by.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/government-shutdown\">government shutdown\u003c/a> has reached its second month. And the 5.5 million Californians who use CalFresh — the state’s version of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, formerly known as food stamps — have seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060770/snap-calfresh-food-stamps-government-shutdown-november-payments-ebt\">their November SNAP payments delayed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s still unclear how SNAP payments will be distributed this month. On Nov. 3, President Donald Trump’s administration said it would \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/11/03/nx-s1-5596121/snap-food-benefits-trump-government-shutdown\">use the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s contingency fund to provide SNAP payments\u003c/a> in November after all, having previously claimed that it could not tap this fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the White House warned that payments would still only be half of people’s regular benefits, and that there could be lengthy delays before EBT cards are reloaded. And on Nov. 4, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/live/2025/11/04/us/trump-shutdown-news#cities-nonprofits-food-stamp-snap-payments\">Trump again threatened to withhold SNAP payments\u003c/a> entirely — before a judge \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/live/donald-trump-news-updates-11-6-2025#0000019a-5af9-d003-addb-deffec620000\">ruled a second time that the White House must pay these benefits in full by Nov. 7\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 6, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office confirmed that \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/11/06/californians-are-beginning-to-see-cash-on-their-snap-cards-following-major-win-against-the-trump-administration/\">some CalFresh recipients have begun to see benefits payments\u003c/a> arrive in full onto their EBT cards, but it’s not yet clear how these funds will continue to roll out, especially since \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/snap-food-government-shutdown-trump-a807e9f0c0a7213e203c074553dc1f9b\">the Trump administration asked a federal appeals court Friday to block the judge’s order\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the Bay Area,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061440/calfresh-snap-ebt-shutdown-find-food-banks-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-alameda-oakland-contra-costa-newsom-national-guard\"> food banks\u003c/a> are working to meet the needs of thousands of people who have seen their access to food greatly reduced aleady, with the Thanksgiving holidays fast approaching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you don’t need the services of a food bank right now, you might be wondering how to best support your local nonprofit providing food assistance to your neighbor, either by volunteering your time or donating to them financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for how Bay Area food banks say you can most effectively support them during the shutdown. And remember: The quickest way to offer your support is by visiting an organization’s website and signing up there to volunteer or make a donation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t feel you need to wait until the holidays to volunteer or donate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The holidays are definitely busier times when we tend to get more volunteers coming in,” said Elizabeth Gomez, vice president of impact at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.accfb.org/\">Alameda County Community Food Bank\u003c/a>. “But the truth is that we need volunteers every day of the year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the Thanksgiving holiday is a particularly popular time to volunteer at food banks around the country, SNAP payments are typically paid onto recipients’ EBT cards in the first ten days of the month — meaning that with the shutdown delays, many people’s urgency around accessing food will start early in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062023\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12062023 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FoodPantryGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FoodPantryGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FoodPantryGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FoodPantryGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Would-be volunteers should also seek out opportunities at smaller locations in their communities, such as schools, community centers, senior centers and soup kitchens. \u003ccite>(Maskot/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ACCFB has already seen a 12% increase since July in people using its food distribution sites, Gomez said. And now, the CalFresh delays “couldn’t come at a worse time,” she said. “This is November: It’s a time for family, for food, for togetherness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people on CalFresh are particularly relying on these funds to feed their families at the holidays, noted Gomez, “especially during the winter months when not only our food prices go up, but electricity bills go up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Be open to different volunteer roles …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Food banks — and the programs they distribute to — have a wide variety of volunteer roles to be filled, from warehouse roles like stocking shelves, packing boxes and cleaning facilities to “front of house” opportunities where volunteers work directly with members of the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928374\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928374\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a volunteer sorts donated food for the SF Marin food bank\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers sort donated apples at the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank. The organization’s workers voted to unionize in 2020 following a growing sense among employees that management was ignoring institutional problems. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Different organizations may have different needs. Cody Jang, senior associate director of community engagement at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmfoodbank.org/\">San Francisco-Marin Food Bank\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036573/volunteer-bay-area-non-profits-what-helps-opportunities\">told KQED earlier this year\u003c/a> that one of the organization’s biggest needs is for volunteers with a valid driver’s license and their own vehicle to deliver food door-to-door through\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmfoodbank.org/programs/home-delivered-groceries-seniors/\"> the home-delivered grocery program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyfoodnetwork.org/\">Berkeley Food Network\u003c/a>, the most crucial volunteer role is that of greeter, executive director Andrew Crispin said: people who welcome clients, “letting them know what’s on the menu, letting them know that this is a safe space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… and volunteering at different places\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since\u003ca href=\"https://www.feedingamerica.org/hunger-blog/what-difference-between-food-bank-and-food-pantry\"> the SF-Marin Food Bank itself is “much more of a warehouse” \u003c/a>where “we get the food, we build a menu each week, and then we push it out to partners,” Jang also suggested would-be volunteers seek out opportunities at these smaller locations in their communities: “schools, community centers, senior centers, soup kitchens, all kinds of different places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does donating volunteer hours to one of these smaller pantries help “with the chain of getting food to those in need,” your work there is more likely to impact your actual neighbors, Jang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Know that donating money has greater impact than donating food\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>‘We definitely need volunteers both at our distribution sites and at our warehouses, but also quite honestly, we need people’s financial support,” said Leslie Bacho, CEO of \u003ca href=\"https://www.shfb.org/\">Second Harvest of Silicon Valley\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12061440 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/013_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9229_qed.jpg']Donating money rather than food gives food banks far more flexibility, as these nonprofits are able to negotiate special deals for the food they buy in bulk — at much better prices than you can access as a private customer at a store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can really stretch people’s dollars far,” Bacho said. “And believe me, they are really needed in this moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For every dollar, we’re able to turn that into $2 of purchasing power,” ACCFB’s Gomez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And especially at a time when CalFresh benefits are decreasing, we need to do everything that we can to secure additional funds to purchase nutritious food for our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>See if your employer will match your donation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some companies will match whatever you donate to a food bank, so it’s worth inquiring with your employer. \u003ca href=\"https://donate.accfb.org/search/Donate\">ACCFB’s donation page \u003c/a>even allows you to type in your company’s name to see if they’ll match the amount you give.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Be aware of any guidelines for donating food\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Food banks will typically welcome nonperishable, unopened food. And you’ll want to make sure your product can be accepted at the particular food bank you want to donate to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, \u003ca href=\"https://www.accfb.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Needed-Food-items-2025.pdf\">ACCFB has a list of foods “our community loves” \u003c/a>to guide food donations, which include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12060770 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/SNAPGetty.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Ready-to-eat meals, especially in easy-open cans or pouches\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Chilis, stews, ravioli and soups\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Chicken, tuna and salmon\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Snacks for children (like healthy lunch snacks, bars, and fruit or veggie pouches)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Nonperishable fruit (in cups, bowls or cans)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Peanut butter\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Cereal (boxes or single-serve bowls)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Nutrition and protein bars\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.accfb.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/ACCFB-General-Donation-Guidelines-new-logo-Oct21.pdf\">Items the food bank asks people \u003cem>not \u003c/em>to donate:\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Soda, carbonated drinks, energy drinks or alcohol\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Items with major dents or damage\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Produce that’s overripe, moldy, wilted or extremely bruised\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Items that have been previously thawed\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ice cream\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Some food banks may also accept products needed by the community, like detergent, period supplies, diapers or other personal care items, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.feedingamerica.org/hunger-blog/three-non-food-items-food\">Feeding America suggests \u003c/a>you contact your local organization directly to check.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Host a food drive to collect physical donations …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While food banks across the country paused their traditional food drives at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, they’re once again an option for people wanting to support their local food bank with food donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with white hair and a warm coat picks through a huge box of ears of corn in a paved outdoor area where lots of other people are also circulating.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers distribute food items at a San Francisco-Marin Food Bank pop-up pantry in the Richmond District of San Francisco on June 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ACCFB also welcomes\u003ca href=\"https://www.accfb.org/get-involved/fundraise/food-drive/#large\"> “large-scale food drives”\u003c/a> in which groups like schools and larger businesses commit to collecting over 400 lbs. of food, i.e., at least three completely full food drive barrels.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… or start a virtual food drive\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ACCFB has a tool that allows supporters to \u003ca href=\"https://donate.accfb.org/vfd\">host virtual food drives online\u003c/a>, inviting donors to “shop” for the food bank’s most needed fresh items, like milk, eggs and produce, which can’t be collected in a typical food drive’s barrels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thanks to our bulk purchasing power, the money you’d spend in a grocery store to fill just one food drive barrel is enough to fill 3–4 virtual barrels,” ACCFB’s website said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ffenzi\">Francesca Fenzi\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As millions of Californians prepare to go without food benefits in November due to the government shutdown, here’s how you can support local food banks.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/government-shutdown\">government shutdown\u003c/a> has reached its second month. And the 5.5 million Californians who use CalFresh — the state’s version of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, formerly known as food stamps — have seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060770/snap-calfresh-food-stamps-government-shutdown-november-payments-ebt\">their November SNAP payments delayed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s still unclear how SNAP payments will be distributed this month. On Nov. 3, President Donald Trump’s administration said it would \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/11/03/nx-s1-5596121/snap-food-benefits-trump-government-shutdown\">use the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s contingency fund to provide SNAP payments\u003c/a> in November after all, having previously claimed that it could not tap this fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the White House warned that payments would still only be half of people’s regular benefits, and that there could be lengthy delays before EBT cards are reloaded. And on Nov. 4, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/live/2025/11/04/us/trump-shutdown-news#cities-nonprofits-food-stamp-snap-payments\">Trump again threatened to withhold SNAP payments\u003c/a> entirely — before a judge \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/live/donald-trump-news-updates-11-6-2025#0000019a-5af9-d003-addb-deffec620000\">ruled a second time that the White House must pay these benefits in full by Nov. 7\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 6, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office confirmed that \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/11/06/californians-are-beginning-to-see-cash-on-their-snap-cards-following-major-win-against-the-trump-administration/\">some CalFresh recipients have begun to see benefits payments\u003c/a> arrive in full onto their EBT cards, but it’s not yet clear how these funds will continue to roll out, especially since \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/snap-food-government-shutdown-trump-a807e9f0c0a7213e203c074553dc1f9b\">the Trump administration asked a federal appeals court Friday to block the judge’s order\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the Bay Area,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061440/calfresh-snap-ebt-shutdown-find-food-banks-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-alameda-oakland-contra-costa-newsom-national-guard\"> food banks\u003c/a> are working to meet the needs of thousands of people who have seen their access to food greatly reduced aleady, with the Thanksgiving holidays fast approaching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you don’t need the services of a food bank right now, you might be wondering how to best support your local nonprofit providing food assistance to your neighbor, either by volunteering your time or donating to them financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for how Bay Area food banks say you can most effectively support them during the shutdown. And remember: The quickest way to offer your support is by visiting an organization’s website and signing up there to volunteer or make a donation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t feel you need to wait until the holidays to volunteer or donate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The holidays are definitely busier times when we tend to get more volunteers coming in,” said Elizabeth Gomez, vice president of impact at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.accfb.org/\">Alameda County Community Food Bank\u003c/a>. “But the truth is that we need volunteers every day of the year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the Thanksgiving holiday is a particularly popular time to volunteer at food banks around the country, SNAP payments are typically paid onto recipients’ EBT cards in the first ten days of the month — meaning that with the shutdown delays, many people’s urgency around accessing food will start early in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062023\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12062023 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FoodPantryGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FoodPantryGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FoodPantryGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/FoodPantryGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Would-be volunteers should also seek out opportunities at smaller locations in their communities, such as schools, community centers, senior centers and soup kitchens. \u003ccite>(Maskot/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ACCFB has already seen a 12% increase since July in people using its food distribution sites, Gomez said. And now, the CalFresh delays “couldn’t come at a worse time,” she said. “This is November: It’s a time for family, for food, for togetherness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people on CalFresh are particularly relying on these funds to feed their families at the holidays, noted Gomez, “especially during the winter months when not only our food prices go up, but electricity bills go up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Be open to different volunteer roles …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Food banks — and the programs they distribute to — have a wide variety of volunteer roles to be filled, from warehouse roles like stocking shelves, packing boxes and cleaning facilities to “front of house” opportunities where volunteers work directly with members of the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928374\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11928374\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a volunteer sorts donated food for the SF Marin food bank\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS42171_005_KQED_SanFranciscoMarinFoodBank_03182020_9168-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers sort donated apples at the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank. The organization’s workers voted to unionize in 2020 following a growing sense among employees that management was ignoring institutional problems. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Different organizations may have different needs. Cody Jang, senior associate director of community engagement at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmfoodbank.org/\">San Francisco-Marin Food Bank\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036573/volunteer-bay-area-non-profits-what-helps-opportunities\">told KQED earlier this year\u003c/a> that one of the organization’s biggest needs is for volunteers with a valid driver’s license and their own vehicle to deliver food door-to-door through\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmfoodbank.org/programs/home-delivered-groceries-seniors/\"> the home-delivered grocery program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyfoodnetwork.org/\">Berkeley Food Network\u003c/a>, the most crucial volunteer role is that of greeter, executive director Andrew Crispin said: people who welcome clients, “letting them know what’s on the menu, letting them know that this is a safe space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… and volunteering at different places\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since\u003ca href=\"https://www.feedingamerica.org/hunger-blog/what-difference-between-food-bank-and-food-pantry\"> the SF-Marin Food Bank itself is “much more of a warehouse” \u003c/a>where “we get the food, we build a menu each week, and then we push it out to partners,” Jang also suggested would-be volunteers seek out opportunities at these smaller locations in their communities: “schools, community centers, senior centers, soup kitchens, all kinds of different places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does donating volunteer hours to one of these smaller pantries help “with the chain of getting food to those in need,” your work there is more likely to impact your actual neighbors, Jang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Know that donating money has greater impact than donating food\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>‘We definitely need volunteers both at our distribution sites and at our warehouses, but also quite honestly, we need people’s financial support,” said Leslie Bacho, CEO of \u003ca href=\"https://www.shfb.org/\">Second Harvest of Silicon Valley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Donating money rather than food gives food banks far more flexibility, as these nonprofits are able to negotiate special deals for the food they buy in bulk — at much better prices than you can access as a private customer at a store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can really stretch people’s dollars far,” Bacho said. “And believe me, they are really needed in this moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For every dollar, we’re able to turn that into $2 of purchasing power,” ACCFB’s Gomez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And especially at a time when CalFresh benefits are decreasing, we need to do everything that we can to secure additional funds to purchase nutritious food for our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>See if your employer will match your donation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some companies will match whatever you donate to a food bank, so it’s worth inquiring with your employer. \u003ca href=\"https://donate.accfb.org/search/Donate\">ACCFB’s donation page \u003c/a>even allows you to type in your company’s name to see if they’ll match the amount you give.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Be aware of any guidelines for donating food\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Food banks will typically welcome nonperishable, unopened food. And you’ll want to make sure your product can be accepted at the particular food bank you want to donate to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, \u003ca href=\"https://www.accfb.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Needed-Food-items-2025.pdf\">ACCFB has a list of foods “our community loves” \u003c/a>to guide food donations, which include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Ready-to-eat meals, especially in easy-open cans or pouches\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Chilis, stews, ravioli and soups\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Chicken, tuna and salmon\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Snacks for children (like healthy lunch snacks, bars, and fruit or veggie pouches)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Nonperishable fruit (in cups, bowls or cans)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Peanut butter\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Cereal (boxes or single-serve bowls)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Nutrition and protein bars\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.accfb.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/ACCFB-General-Donation-Guidelines-new-logo-Oct21.pdf\">Items the food bank asks people \u003cem>not \u003c/em>to donate:\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Soda, carbonated drinks, energy drinks or alcohol\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Items with major dents or damage\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Produce that’s overripe, moldy, wilted or extremely bruised\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Items that have been previously thawed\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ice cream\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Some food banks may also accept products needed by the community, like detergent, period supplies, diapers or other personal care items, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.feedingamerica.org/hunger-blog/three-non-food-items-food\">Feeding America suggests \u003c/a>you contact your local organization directly to check.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Host a food drive to collect physical donations …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While food banks across the country paused their traditional food drives at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, they’re once again an option for people wanting to support their local food bank with food donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with white hair and a warm coat picks through a huge box of ears of corn in a paved outdoor area where lots of other people are also circulating.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers distribute food items at a San Francisco-Marin Food Bank pop-up pantry in the Richmond District of San Francisco on June 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ACCFB also welcomes\u003ca href=\"https://www.accfb.org/get-involved/fundraise/food-drive/#large\"> “large-scale food drives”\u003c/a> in which groups like schools and larger businesses commit to collecting over 400 lbs. of food, i.e., at least three completely full food drive barrels.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… or start a virtual food drive\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ACCFB has a tool that allows supporters to \u003ca href=\"https://donate.accfb.org/vfd\">host virtual food drives online\u003c/a>, inviting donors to “shop” for the food bank’s most needed fresh items, like milk, eggs and produce, which can’t be collected in a typical food drive’s barrels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thanks to our bulk purchasing power, the money you’d spend in a grocery store to fill just one food drive barrel is enough to fill 3–4 virtual barrels,” ACCFB’s website said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ffenzi\">Francesca Fenzi\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sf-supervisors-propose-tax-on-wealthy-ceos-ride-hailing-companies-for-2026-ballot",
"title": "SF Supervisors Propose Tax on Wealthy CEOs, Ride-Hailing Companies for 2026 Ballot",
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"headTitle": "SF Supervisors Propose Tax on Wealthy CEOs, Ride-Hailing Companies for 2026 Ballot | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors are looking to increase taxes on the city’s wealthiest executives and ride-hailing companies through a \u003ca href=\"https://media.api.sf.gov/documents/20251024_Gross_Receipts_Tax_Increase_for_Certain_Ride_Services.pdf?utm_campaign=power_play&utm_medium=email&utm_source=sfs_newsletter&utm_term=10_26_25\">November 2026 ballot measure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Connie Chan said the move was urgent after Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff’s recent comments supporting President Donald Trump’s threats to send the National Guard to San Francisco, which triggered a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060875/san-francisco-prepares-necessary-legal-action-if-trump-deploys-national-guard\">media firestorm\u003c/a> before Benioff \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060384/salesforce-ceo-marc-benioff-walks-back-call-for-national-guard-to-san-francisco\">walked back his remarks\u003c/a> and proved instrumental in getting Trump to abandon his plans for an immigration enforcement surge in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They make billions in profit off of the backs of workers in San Francisco, then they can have a throwaway line and throw the entire city into turmoil. It’s time to make sure they pay their fair share,” Chan told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan’s proposal would ask city voters to reinstate the previous structure of the city’s Overpaid Executive Tax, which imposes a tax on businesses where the highest-paid executive earns more than 100 times the median compensation of San Francisco employees.. In November 2024, voters repealed parts of the executive tax through Proposition M, a comprehensive business tax reform measure. Chan’s proposal allows other changes made in Prop M to remain intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan would also raise taxes on ride-hailing companies, including Uber, Lyft and Waymo, similar to Proposition L on the November 2024 ballot. Although voters approved Prop L, the proposal did not take effect because Prop M included a provision that nullified the ride-share tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053307\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053307\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/231102-DriverlessTaxi-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/231102-DriverlessTaxi-15-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/231102-DriverlessTaxi-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/231102-DriverlessTaxi-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Waymo driverless taxi drives through Downtown San Francisco, California, on Nov. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Carlos Avila Gonzalez/SF Chronicle )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure proposal needs only a 50% majority to pass, and could generate around $150-200 million annually. It has been submitted for a hearing before the Board of Supervisors Rules Committee; however, it automatically qualifies for the November 2026 ballot because four supervisors signed on — Chan, along with Supervisors Shamann Walton, Jackie Fielder and Chyanne Chen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, who represents the Richmond District, said the funding, which would not be earmarked for a specific purpose, is needed as the city weathers cuts from the federal government to healthcare, food benefits and the city’s public transportation system, which is facing a deficit of more than $300 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our city government is being put into an impossible position to step up to the plate, which is to say that this is the time and moment that billionaires need to pay their fair share,” Chan said. “We know that since January, they’ve gotten their way with the Trump administration through tax cuts.”[aside postID=news_12060384 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/ap20336794283031_custom-78b2f9039ebb1cd87ba3c4d3edf97a3854590c5a-1020x679.jpg']Other state and local officials have meanwhile put forward other ideas to solve the city’s funding gaps. Mayor Daniel Lurie is backing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/news-mayor-lurie-unveils-heart-of-the-city-executive-directive-to-accelerate-san-franciscos-economic-comeback\">parcel tax that would raise funding\u003c/a> for local public transit. State Sens. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) and Jesse Arreguín (D-Berkeley) have put forward a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032607/first-look-at-2026-tax-proposal-to-keep-bay-area-transit-running\">regional sales tax for the November 2026\u003c/a> ballot to fund Bay Area transit agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie has not publicly commented on the recent progressive business tax measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the mayor moved to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/news-mayor-lurie-announces-next-phase-of-waymo-operations-on-market-street-to-drive-downtowns-comeback-with-new-transportation-options-coming-to-market-street-august-26\">allow Waymo’s autonomous vehicles\u003c/a> to drive along the stretch of Market Street where cars are prohibited, stirring backlash from Uber and Lyft, as well as public transportation and bicycle advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This measure would hinder the city’s comeback by making rides more expensive and hurting drivers,” said CJ Macklin, director of communications at Lyft. “This would be particularly devastating for low-income communities who struggle to even access the Muni system and depend on ride-share to get around. It’s the wrong move for San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This TNC tax hits people who most rely on our platform to move and work,” a spokesperson for Uber said in an email. “It is irresponsible and blatantly ignores the city’s affordability crisis, less than a year after voters overwhelmingly approved business tax reform [Prop M] to encourage our city’s recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waymo did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Matt Dorsey, who represents downtown and Mission Bay, where many major companies and ride-share services are based, did not co-sign the paperwork for the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said he’s open to a tax on ride-hailing companies to fund public transportation, and supported Prop L in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My big worry as the downtown supervisor when we ask for funding for our transit service and Muni, in particular, it needs to be a tax that’s fair, reasonable and sufficient to solve the problem,” Dorsey said. “I would like for everybody to get on the same page. Public transit is something that we can’t afford to lose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco supervisors say recent comments from Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff warrant the proposed hike to the city’s Overpaid Executive Tax.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors are looking to increase taxes on the city’s wealthiest executives and ride-hailing companies through a \u003ca href=\"https://media.api.sf.gov/documents/20251024_Gross_Receipts_Tax_Increase_for_Certain_Ride_Services.pdf?utm_campaign=power_play&utm_medium=email&utm_source=sfs_newsletter&utm_term=10_26_25\">November 2026 ballot measure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Connie Chan said the move was urgent after Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff’s recent comments supporting President Donald Trump’s threats to send the National Guard to San Francisco, which triggered a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060875/san-francisco-prepares-necessary-legal-action-if-trump-deploys-national-guard\">media firestorm\u003c/a> before Benioff \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060384/salesforce-ceo-marc-benioff-walks-back-call-for-national-guard-to-san-francisco\">walked back his remarks\u003c/a> and proved instrumental in getting Trump to abandon his plans for an immigration enforcement surge in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They make billions in profit off of the backs of workers in San Francisco, then they can have a throwaway line and throw the entire city into turmoil. It’s time to make sure they pay their fair share,” Chan told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan’s proposal would ask city voters to reinstate the previous structure of the city’s Overpaid Executive Tax, which imposes a tax on businesses where the highest-paid executive earns more than 100 times the median compensation of San Francisco employees.. In November 2024, voters repealed parts of the executive tax through Proposition M, a comprehensive business tax reform measure. Chan’s proposal allows other changes made in Prop M to remain intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan would also raise taxes on ride-hailing companies, including Uber, Lyft and Waymo, similar to Proposition L on the November 2024 ballot. Although voters approved Prop L, the proposal did not take effect because Prop M included a provision that nullified the ride-share tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053307\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053307\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/231102-DriverlessTaxi-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/231102-DriverlessTaxi-15-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/231102-DriverlessTaxi-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/231102-DriverlessTaxi-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Waymo driverless taxi drives through Downtown San Francisco, California, on Nov. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Carlos Avila Gonzalez/SF Chronicle )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure proposal needs only a 50% majority to pass, and could generate around $150-200 million annually. It has been submitted for a hearing before the Board of Supervisors Rules Committee; however, it automatically qualifies for the November 2026 ballot because four supervisors signed on — Chan, along with Supervisors Shamann Walton, Jackie Fielder and Chyanne Chen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, who represents the Richmond District, said the funding, which would not be earmarked for a specific purpose, is needed as the city weathers cuts from the federal government to healthcare, food benefits and the city’s public transportation system, which is facing a deficit of more than $300 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our city government is being put into an impossible position to step up to the plate, which is to say that this is the time and moment that billionaires need to pay their fair share,” Chan said. “We know that since January, they’ve gotten their way with the Trump administration through tax cuts.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Other state and local officials have meanwhile put forward other ideas to solve the city’s funding gaps. Mayor Daniel Lurie is backing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/news-mayor-lurie-unveils-heart-of-the-city-executive-directive-to-accelerate-san-franciscos-economic-comeback\">parcel tax that would raise funding\u003c/a> for local public transit. State Sens. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) and Jesse Arreguín (D-Berkeley) have put forward a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032607/first-look-at-2026-tax-proposal-to-keep-bay-area-transit-running\">regional sales tax for the November 2026\u003c/a> ballot to fund Bay Area transit agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie has not publicly commented on the recent progressive business tax measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the mayor moved to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/news-mayor-lurie-announces-next-phase-of-waymo-operations-on-market-street-to-drive-downtowns-comeback-with-new-transportation-options-coming-to-market-street-august-26\">allow Waymo’s autonomous vehicles\u003c/a> to drive along the stretch of Market Street where cars are prohibited, stirring backlash from Uber and Lyft, as well as public transportation and bicycle advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This measure would hinder the city’s comeback by making rides more expensive and hurting drivers,” said CJ Macklin, director of communications at Lyft. “This would be particularly devastating for low-income communities who struggle to even access the Muni system and depend on ride-share to get around. It’s the wrong move for San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This TNC tax hits people who most rely on our platform to move and work,” a spokesperson for Uber said in an email. “It is irresponsible and blatantly ignores the city’s affordability crisis, less than a year after voters overwhelmingly approved business tax reform [Prop M] to encourage our city’s recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waymo did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Matt Dorsey, who represents downtown and Mission Bay, where many major companies and ride-share services are based, did not co-sign the paperwork for the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said he’s open to a tax on ride-hailing companies to fund public transportation, and supported Prop L in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My big worry as the downtown supervisor when we ask for funding for our transit service and Muni, in particular, it needs to be a tax that’s fair, reasonable and sufficient to solve the problem,” Dorsey said. “I would like for everybody to get on the same page. Public transit is something that we can’t afford to lose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-are-child-care-costs-affecting-the-lives-of-bay-area-families-you-told-us",
"title": "How Are Child Care Costs Affecting the Lives of Bay Area Families? You Told Us",
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"content": "\u003cp>Parents pay more for child care in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> than almost anywhere else in the country, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.dol.gov/agencies/wb/topics/childcare/price-by-age-care-setting-2022&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1761685582830978&usg=AOvVaw29yG_HrebGaRIn8KFMNtQG\">National Database on Childcare Prices\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED recently published a story about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055336/alameda-county-is-giving-cash-to-child-care-providers-other-bay-area-counties-are-envious\">how some Bay Area counties are addressing the crisis, and how others are looking into solutions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057125/tell-us-how-much-do-you-pay-for-child-care-in-the-bay-area\">We also asked you how much you pay for child care\u003c/a> and how it affects your financial and family-planning decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers were eye-popping, and the stories you shared were frustrating and painfully honest. Each one emphasized a common struggle to afford child care while keeping up with the cost of living in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some of these responses have been edited for length.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How much are Bay Area families paying monthly for child care?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$2,200 for full-time toddler care\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“The amount we pay in child care keeps us from looking to buy a home because we couldn’t also pay for a mortgage. We relied on family members to help with student loans for a little while.” — \u003cstrong>Colby\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$2,400 until baby turned 1 ½, now paying $1,915 for toddler care\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Honestly, I feel a little traumatized from trying to find an open day care, the stress of the cost and then the fact that we were sick all the time. It makes me much more hesitant to have a second.” — \u003cstrong>Whitney Hall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$2,500 for full-time infant care\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061774\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061774\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-07-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-07-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-07-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-07-1-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monica Vaughan and her daughter, Hazel, play in City Park in Benicia on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My partner was laid off during his paternity leave, speeding up the timeline we needed to find child care. We found a home day care that recently opened and got the last available spot. It’s perfect for us right now except for the cost, which is more than our mortgage, and this was the second cheapest option! We’re taking it a month at a time and might move to part-time care to save a bit of money. —\u003cstrong> May\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$3,800 for in-home care for two kids, ages 4 and 2\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“We decided to forego a couple of preferred child care options because their cost exceeded our budget. My husband took a lesser-paying job with a less demanding schedule to accommodate pickup and drop-off times. With two children in private child care, we are looking forward to the relative financial relief of public school.” — \u003cstrong>Jessica Hsu\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$2315 for a 3-year-old, $575 in after-school care for a 6-year-old\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061773\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-06-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-06-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-06-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-06-1-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monica Vaughan and her daughter, Hazel, play in City Park in Benicia on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Plus $100 to $150 per day for day camps, drop-in care or babysitters for the MANY professional development days and holidays when schools are closed but parents are still working. We make six figures, but we feel broke every month and are living beyond our means [because of spouse’s layoff].” — \u003cstrong>The Munoz Family \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$5200 for two kids, ages 10 months and almost 3 years\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Luckily, we both have jobs right now that allow us to afford this, and we had a good amount of savings before becoming parents. But if one of us lost a job, keeping our kids in day care wouldn’t be feasible. Also, a career change to a more interesting but lower-paying career or going back to school isn’t really an option right now, because we have to keep our tech jobs to make day care even worth it.” — \u003cstrong>Yasmine Mortazavi\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How are parents trying to make it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Not considering buying a house, less vacations, less eating out, deciding to only have one child.” — \u003cstrong>Kala\u003c/strong>, who pays $1800 per month for part-time infant care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to minimize all other expenses, and to do our best to live within our means in order to pay for a day care center we feel comfortable with that best meets our child’s needs. Also, we had to wait until our first almost transitioned to TK \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989955/what-to-expect-when-enrolling-your-child-in-transitional-kindergarten\">[a free public school-based pre-kindergarten program\u003c/a>] before having a second baby since we can’t afford the cost of two overlapping at day care.” — \u003cstrong>Jeff Chan\u003c/strong>, who pays $2615 per month for his 3-year-old’s child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061770\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061770\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-1-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Amy Cruz adds raspberries to her son Nolan’s breakfast on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have a mix of babysitters who are college students and grandparents to help care for our toddler. We also have flexible work arrangements, but that means we rarely have time together as a family, as when one of us is not working, we’re caring for our baby and vice versa.”— \u003cstrong>Ana\u003c/strong>, who pays about $1656 per month for child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son was in a nanny share for the first two years of his life. I was working a six-figure nursing job, and it still didn’t feel like working was the better option. After taxes and 401K savings, half of my paycheck was going to our nanny. She deserves it and should be paid well for the work she does, but seeing that much money leave our accounts every month was tough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I recently left my job, and my son’s child care costs went down significantly when he started a part-time Pre-K program. I’m covering the cost by teaching dance. When our second kid comes into the picture, I plan to be a nanny, taking care of my baby and someone else’s child, while my older is in Pre-K. This choice is both personal and financial for me. It’s more worth it to make a little less money but be able to be with my kids more. I know not everyone has this option.” — \u003cstrong>Amy Cruz\u003c/strong>, who pays $1,600 per month for three days of Pre-K for her 2 1/2 -year-old son\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061829\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061829\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251028-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251028-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-04-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251028-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-04-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251028-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-04-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Meaghan Johnson with her children in San José Del Cabo, Mexico, during their 15-month road trip in 2023 and 2024. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Cody McClintock)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We decided it was cheaper and better to rent out our house in the spring of 2023 and travel on a bus through the Western U.S., Canada and Mexico with our two small children before they became school age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nothing about the 15-month trip was easy, but it was so worth it to be on a huge adventure as a family, and not be spending our full-time salaries on day care. We unplugged for a while, and it was awesome. We found a neat private school in Baja, so we went back and rented a small house in San José del Cabo for $1500 for 5 months. The school was half-Spanish, half-English and outdoors. It costs $900 per month for both kids to attend. I believe day care in Santa Cruz costs us $3200 per month. Now we’re back, kids are in public school, we’re working again and feel fulfilled by our time together.” — \u003cstrong>Meaghan Johnson\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What advice do people have for first-time parents?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Maximize your parental leave if you have it by taking it at different times. For example, I took my full leave immediately. My spouse took three weeks after the birth and then will finish his leave when I return to work. So our baby will be almost 10 months old before needing care. Since infant care is more expensive, this saves a lot of money.” — \u003cstrong>Heidi\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nanny-share as long as you can and take advantage of family groups. Also, some childcare programs offer discounts if you can teach a skill. One of us always taught music classes for a discounted rate and that requires a flexible work arrangement. Many people we know wake up early (like 3 to 4 a.m.) to work from home while the kids are sleeping or have part-time child care from like 9 a.m. to 1 p.m., then provide child care until they fall asleep. Crazy! But it works for them and they feel like it’s worth it to be present for their children instead of hiring a nanny or paying for full-time child care.” — \u003cstrong>Heather Quinones\u003c/strong>[aside postID=news_12058949 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-07-KQED.jpg']“My advice would be to tap into local Facebook mom groups. In Alameda, where I live, there is an infamous document created a few years ago with nearly every single day care option listed on a Google Sheet. It included crowdsourced details on costs, meals, schedule, age limits, languages spoken, ratios, etc. That’s how I found my day care arrangement. Also, in-home is usually cheaper than a center.” — \u003cstrong>Shiantel \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Make sure the day care is transparent and allows parents the choice to walk in and see at any time. We’ve seen instances of continuously understaffed day care. Try and find out if they’re flexible with drop-off and pickup times if work requires flexibility.” — \u003cstrong>Paul \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My number one advice for stay-at-home parents: Gift yourself child care, even just a few hours a week. It will make you a better parent. It might save your marriage. It will certainly help save your sanity. It’s OK to need a break, to take care of yourself, and to have a few hours where you can have more than two consecutive thoughts without interruption.” — \u003cstrong>Monica Vaughan\u003c/strong>, who works part-time and pays $620 a month for 2 days of child care per week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look for community mutual aid. Finding families who are open to swapping child care, pickups from school, etc., was one of the best things we’ve done to support the sustainability of our family.” — \u003cstrong>Lesley Paige \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Try to get on a day care waitlist the moment you find out you are pregnant — that might help your kid get a spot, but it won’t help with the fact that affordable daycare is not something our society values, and you will have to pay a ton of money to ensure your child is being cared for while you’re at work. Hopefully, we can work to create a world where our children won’t be burdened with day care costs in the same way we are.” — \u003cstrong>Yasmine Mortazavi\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tell us: How much do you pay for child care?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScXzIe1VspLGIBi0B8oelJqEYifr1IJZxE8U7IVVp4G77wZow/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Parents pay more for child care in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> than almost anywhere else in the country, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.dol.gov/agencies/wb/topics/childcare/price-by-age-care-setting-2022&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1761685582830978&usg=AOvVaw29yG_HrebGaRIn8KFMNtQG\">National Database on Childcare Prices\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED recently published a story about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055336/alameda-county-is-giving-cash-to-child-care-providers-other-bay-area-counties-are-envious\">how some Bay Area counties are addressing the crisis, and how others are looking into solutions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057125/tell-us-how-much-do-you-pay-for-child-care-in-the-bay-area\">We also asked you how much you pay for child care\u003c/a> and how it affects your financial and family-planning decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers were eye-popping, and the stories you shared were frustrating and painfully honest. Each one emphasized a common struggle to afford child care while keeping up with the cost of living in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some of these responses have been edited for length.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How much are Bay Area families paying monthly for child care?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$2,200 for full-time toddler care\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“The amount we pay in child care keeps us from looking to buy a home because we couldn’t also pay for a mortgage. We relied on family members to help with student loans for a little while.” — \u003cstrong>Colby\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$2,400 until baby turned 1 ½, now paying $1,915 for toddler care\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Honestly, I feel a little traumatized from trying to find an open day care, the stress of the cost and then the fact that we were sick all the time. It makes me much more hesitant to have a second.” — \u003cstrong>Whitney Hall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$2,500 for full-time infant care\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061774\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061774\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-07-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-07-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-07-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-07-1-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monica Vaughan and her daughter, Hazel, play in City Park in Benicia on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>My partner was laid off during his paternity leave, speeding up the timeline we needed to find child care. We found a home day care that recently opened and got the last available spot. It’s perfect for us right now except for the cost, which is more than our mortgage, and this was the second cheapest option! We’re taking it a month at a time and might move to part-time care to save a bit of money. —\u003cstrong> May\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$3,800 for in-home care for two kids, ages 4 and 2\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“We decided to forego a couple of preferred child care options because their cost exceeded our budget. My husband took a lesser-paying job with a less demanding schedule to accommodate pickup and drop-off times. With two children in private child care, we are looking forward to the relative financial relief of public school.” — \u003cstrong>Jessica Hsu\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$2315 for a 3-year-old, $575 in after-school care for a 6-year-old\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061773\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-06-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-06-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-06-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-06-1-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monica Vaughan and her daughter, Hazel, play in City Park in Benicia on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Plus $100 to $150 per day for day camps, drop-in care or babysitters for the MANY professional development days and holidays when schools are closed but parents are still working. We make six figures, but we feel broke every month and are living beyond our means [because of spouse’s layoff].” — \u003cstrong>The Munoz Family \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$5200 for two kids, ages 10 months and almost 3 years\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Luckily, we both have jobs right now that allow us to afford this, and we had a good amount of savings before becoming parents. But if one of us lost a job, keeping our kids in day care wouldn’t be feasible. Also, a career change to a more interesting but lower-paying career or going back to school isn’t really an option right now, because we have to keep our tech jobs to make day care even worth it.” — \u003cstrong>Yasmine Mortazavi\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How are parents trying to make it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Not considering buying a house, less vacations, less eating out, deciding to only have one child.” — \u003cstrong>Kala\u003c/strong>, who pays $1800 per month for part-time infant care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to minimize all other expenses, and to do our best to live within our means in order to pay for a day care center we feel comfortable with that best meets our child’s needs. Also, we had to wait until our first almost transitioned to TK \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989955/what-to-expect-when-enrolling-your-child-in-transitional-kindergarten\">[a free public school-based pre-kindergarten program\u003c/a>] before having a second baby since we can’t afford the cost of two overlapping at day care.” — \u003cstrong>Jeff Chan\u003c/strong>, who pays $2615 per month for his 3-year-old’s child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061770\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061770\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-MD-03-1-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Amy Cruz adds raspberries to her son Nolan’s breakfast on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have a mix of babysitters who are college students and grandparents to help care for our toddler. We also have flexible work arrangements, but that means we rarely have time together as a family, as when one of us is not working, we’re caring for our baby and vice versa.”— \u003cstrong>Ana\u003c/strong>, who pays about $1656 per month for child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son was in a nanny share for the first two years of his life. I was working a six-figure nursing job, and it still didn’t feel like working was the better option. After taxes and 401K savings, half of my paycheck was going to our nanny. She deserves it and should be paid well for the work she does, but seeing that much money leave our accounts every month was tough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I recently left my job, and my son’s child care costs went down significantly when he started a part-time Pre-K program. I’m covering the cost by teaching dance. When our second kid comes into the picture, I plan to be a nanny, taking care of my baby and someone else’s child, while my older is in Pre-K. This choice is both personal and financial for me. It’s more worth it to make a little less money but be able to be with my kids more. I know not everyone has this option.” — \u003cstrong>Amy Cruz\u003c/strong>, who pays $1,600 per month for three days of Pre-K for her 2 1/2 -year-old son\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061829\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061829\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251028-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251028-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-04-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251028-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-04-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251028-CHILD-CARE-PRICES-04-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Meaghan Johnson with her children in San José Del Cabo, Mexico, during their 15-month road trip in 2023 and 2024. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Cody McClintock)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We decided it was cheaper and better to rent out our house in the spring of 2023 and travel on a bus through the Western U.S., Canada and Mexico with our two small children before they became school age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nothing about the 15-month trip was easy, but it was so worth it to be on a huge adventure as a family, and not be spending our full-time salaries on day care. We unplugged for a while, and it was awesome. We found a neat private school in Baja, so we went back and rented a small house in San José del Cabo for $1500 for 5 months. The school was half-Spanish, half-English and outdoors. It costs $900 per month for both kids to attend. I believe day care in Santa Cruz costs us $3200 per month. Now we’re back, kids are in public school, we’re working again and feel fulfilled by our time together.” — \u003cstrong>Meaghan Johnson\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What advice do people have for first-time parents?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Maximize your parental leave if you have it by taking it at different times. For example, I took my full leave immediately. My spouse took three weeks after the birth and then will finish his leave when I return to work. So our baby will be almost 10 months old before needing care. Since infant care is more expensive, this saves a lot of money.” — \u003cstrong>Heidi\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nanny-share as long as you can and take advantage of family groups. Also, some childcare programs offer discounts if you can teach a skill. One of us always taught music classes for a discounted rate and that requires a flexible work arrangement. Many people we know wake up early (like 3 to 4 a.m.) to work from home while the kids are sleeping or have part-time child care from like 9 a.m. to 1 p.m., then provide child care until they fall asleep. Crazy! But it works for them and they feel like it’s worth it to be present for their children instead of hiring a nanny or paying for full-time child care.” — \u003cstrong>Heather Quinones\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“My advice would be to tap into local Facebook mom groups. In Alameda, where I live, there is an infamous document created a few years ago with nearly every single day care option listed on a Google Sheet. It included crowdsourced details on costs, meals, schedule, age limits, languages spoken, ratios, etc. That’s how I found my day care arrangement. Also, in-home is usually cheaper than a center.” — \u003cstrong>Shiantel \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Make sure the day care is transparent and allows parents the choice to walk in and see at any time. We’ve seen instances of continuously understaffed day care. Try and find out if they’re flexible with drop-off and pickup times if work requires flexibility.” — \u003cstrong>Paul \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My number one advice for stay-at-home parents: Gift yourself child care, even just a few hours a week. It will make you a better parent. It might save your marriage. It will certainly help save your sanity. It’s OK to need a break, to take care of yourself, and to have a few hours where you can have more than two consecutive thoughts without interruption.” — \u003cstrong>Monica Vaughan\u003c/strong>, who works part-time and pays $620 a month for 2 days of child care per week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look for community mutual aid. Finding families who are open to swapping child care, pickups from school, etc., was one of the best things we’ve done to support the sustainability of our family.” — \u003cstrong>Lesley Paige \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Try to get on a day care waitlist the moment you find out you are pregnant — that might help your kid get a spot, but it won’t help with the fact that affordable daycare is not something our society values, and you will have to pay a ton of money to ensure your child is being cared for while you’re at work. Hopefully, we can work to create a world where our children won’t be burdened with day care costs in the same way we are.” — \u003cstrong>Yasmine Mortazavi\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tell us: How much do you pay for child care?\u003c/h2>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScXzIe1VspLGIBi0B8oelJqEYifr1IJZxE8U7IVVp4G77wZow/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScXzIe1VspLGIBi0B8oelJqEYifr1IJZxE8U7IVVp4G77wZow/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">San Francisco\u003c/a> leaders on Tuesday announced legislation that would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061227/not-today-sf-officials-activists-vow-to-mobilize-against-immigration-enforcement\">bolster the city’s immigrant legal defense funds\u003c/a> and rapid response networks by $3.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This move follows the arrival of dozens of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061191/activists-federal-agents-clash-at-coast-guard-base-during-immigration-crackdown\">federal agents in the Bay Area\u003c/a> last week, and President Donald Trump’s continued \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061080/federal-border-agents-to-arrive-in-bay-area-as-cities-brace-for-enforcement-surge\">threats\u003c/a> to send \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061209/lurie-trump-is-calling-off-plans-to-send-federal-troops-to-san-francisco\">federal troops to San Francisco\u003c/a> — deployments that were ultimately \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061545/bay-area-spared-from-federal-immigration-enforcement-surge-officials-say\">postponed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last week was very nerve-wracking for the Mission,” said District 9 Supervisor Jackie Fielder. Fielder, who represents the city’s most significant community of Latino immigrants, noted the immediate impact of the threat: “Teachers reported fewer students coming to school, Latino restaurants and small businesses fewer customers and many day laborers, domestic workers, and legal mobile vendors staying home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $3.5 million supplement, spearheaded by Budget Chair Connie Chan, will support a critical network of legal aid organizations and the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfrrn.org/\">Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>, which provides immediate assistance and deploys immigration attorneys to courts and detention sites. The funds are expected to be administered by the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development and will likely be distributed to organizations such as the SF Immigrant Legal Defense Collaborative and the SF Immigrant Legal and Education Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Bay Area counties have already increased funds towards immigrant legal aid services following the surge of immigration enforcement activity since Trump took office. Most recently, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059894/alameda-county-approves-3-5-million-to-scale-up-immigrant-defense-amid-ice-surge\">Alameda County Supervisors\u003c/a> approved $3.5 million in emergency funds. [aside postID=news_12058784 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-1-KQED.jpg'] Six supervisors spoke outside City Hall on Tuesday alongside immigration organizations to make their case on why the budget expansion is needed amid fiscal constraints during the government shutdown. Although Trump backed off a surge last week, city leaders underscored that federal agents, such as ICE, are still active in the Bay Area. Supervisor Bilal Mahmood highlighted a recent detention of a Pakistani resident in the Tenderloin last week as proof that the community remains vulnerable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Though Trump called off the surge for now, ICE has been and will likely continue to be in San Francisco targeting people for arrest, especially in the courts,” Fielder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahmood stressed the importance of increasing funding to support residents: “from the threats they face today, as well as ensuring that we’re using every legislative toolkit in our disposal to make sure that residents continue to feel safe and the city has their back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the budget increase, Mahmood and Supervisor Chyanne Chen are drafting a request for legislation to create “ICE-free zones” on city-owned properties. Santa Clara County leaders are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060893/south-bay-leaders-aim-to-create-ice-free-zones\">working on a similar proposal\u003c/a>, aimed at prohibiting immigration agents from public facilities like parking garages for their operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Chan is set to formally present the legislation to the Board of Supervisors, with a vote expected at a later date. According to Supervisor Fielder’s Legislative Aide Ana Herrera, the officials aim to finalize the legislation by the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">San Francisco\u003c/a> leaders on Tuesday announced legislation that would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061227/not-today-sf-officials-activists-vow-to-mobilize-against-immigration-enforcement\">bolster the city’s immigrant legal defense funds\u003c/a> and rapid response networks by $3.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This move follows the arrival of dozens of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061191/activists-federal-agents-clash-at-coast-guard-base-during-immigration-crackdown\">federal agents in the Bay Area\u003c/a> last week, and President Donald Trump’s continued \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061080/federal-border-agents-to-arrive-in-bay-area-as-cities-brace-for-enforcement-surge\">threats\u003c/a> to send \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061209/lurie-trump-is-calling-off-plans-to-send-federal-troops-to-san-francisco\">federal troops to San Francisco\u003c/a> — deployments that were ultimately \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061545/bay-area-spared-from-federal-immigration-enforcement-surge-officials-say\">postponed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last week was very nerve-wracking for the Mission,” said District 9 Supervisor Jackie Fielder. Fielder, who represents the city’s most significant community of Latino immigrants, noted the immediate impact of the threat: “Teachers reported fewer students coming to school, Latino restaurants and small businesses fewer customers and many day laborers, domestic workers, and legal mobile vendors staying home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $3.5 million supplement, spearheaded by Budget Chair Connie Chan, will support a critical network of legal aid organizations and the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfrrn.org/\">Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>, which provides immediate assistance and deploys immigration attorneys to courts and detention sites. The funds are expected to be administered by the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development and will likely be distributed to organizations such as the SF Immigrant Legal Defense Collaborative and the SF Immigrant Legal and Education Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Bay Area counties have already increased funds towards immigrant legal aid services following the surge of immigration enforcement activity since Trump took office. Most recently, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059894/alameda-county-approves-3-5-million-to-scale-up-immigrant-defense-amid-ice-surge\">Alameda County Supervisors\u003c/a> approved $3.5 million in emergency funds. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Six supervisors spoke outside City Hall on Tuesday alongside immigration organizations to make their case on why the budget expansion is needed amid fiscal constraints during the government shutdown. Although Trump backed off a surge last week, city leaders underscored that federal agents, such as ICE, are still active in the Bay Area. Supervisor Bilal Mahmood highlighted a recent detention of a Pakistani resident in the Tenderloin last week as proof that the community remains vulnerable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Though Trump called off the surge for now, ICE has been and will likely continue to be in San Francisco targeting people for arrest, especially in the courts,” Fielder said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahmood stressed the importance of increasing funding to support residents: “from the threats they face today, as well as ensuring that we’re using every legislative toolkit in our disposal to make sure that residents continue to feel safe and the city has their back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the budget increase, Mahmood and Supervisor Chyanne Chen are drafting a request for legislation to create “ICE-free zones” on city-owned properties. Santa Clara County leaders are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060893/south-bay-leaders-aim-to-create-ice-free-zones\">working on a similar proposal\u003c/a>, aimed at prohibiting immigration agents from public facilities like parking garages for their operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Chan is set to formally present the legislation to the Board of Supervisors, with a vote expected at a later date. According to Supervisor Fielder’s Legislative Aide Ana Herrera, the officials aim to finalize the legislation by the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara-county\">Santa Clara County\u003c/a> Sheriff’s deputies fatally shot a man they say charged at them with a knife, following a traffic stop and hourslong standoff in San José Monday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many details about the incident are still unclear, but Sheriff Robert Jonsen commended his deputies for their work and efforts to find a peaceful outcome before the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 7:30 p.m., sheriff’s deputies stopped a car near the intersection of Fruitdale Avenue and Leigh Avenue, near the city’s Rose Glen neighborhood, for a traffic stop, though the exact reason for the stop was not clarified by authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The driver immediately began behaving erratically and refused to comply with commands, barricading himself inside the car,” a Tuesday morning statement from the sheriff’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a more than two-hour standoff, the sheriff’s office says deputies gave the man, who has not been identified, “repeated verbal commands and attempted to de-escalate the situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jonsen said deputies also communicated with the man via cell phone, and that members of the Sheriff’s Psychiatric Emergency Response Team were also called in to assist. Jonsen said it’s possible the man was having a mental health crisis and may have been affected by alcohol, but said further investigation is needed to know for sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037903\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037903\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1234\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED-800x494.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED-1020x629.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED-1536x948.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED-1920x1185.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Santa Clara County Sheriff patrol car drives by in San José on March 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The deputies eventually fired pepper balls into the car in an attempt to get the man to exit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, the man emerged with a knife, and deputies fired more pepper balls and rubber bullets at him, and he got back into the car. He then re-emerged with the knife and charged at the deputies, Jonsen said, and they fatally shot him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From a command management standpoint, I commend my personnel. I think they did a phenomenal job trying to take advantage of every resource available to them out there at the scene for a peaceful outcome,” Jonsen said Tuesday afternoon during a press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My condolences to all. But sometimes that peaceful outcome just doesn’t happen.”[aside postID=news_12061916 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-2-KQED.jpg']A 2023 investigation from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964307/most-people-injured-killed-by-san-jose-police-are-mentally-ill-or-intoxicated\">KQED\u003c/a>, the Bay Area News Group and the California Reporting Project found that the vast majority of people seriously injured or killed by police in San José were either mentally ill or intoxicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Numerous attempts were made to slow the situation and bring it to a peaceful resolution,” the sheriff’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deputies began life-saving efforts on the man as paramedics arrived, and he was taken to a nearby hospital, where he was pronounced dead at 10:16 p.m., the sheriff’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jonsen didn’t identify the two deputies who shot the man, but said one of the deputies has 24 years of experience, and the other has nine years of experience, and both have been “trained extensively, especially in crisis negotiation and crisis incident command.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man “had plenty of opportunities to comply, to exit the vehicle peacefully and be taken into custody,” Jonsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there was a moment where we thought that was going to be the outcome. It turned quickly once he exited the vehicle with the knife.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jonsen said there is “tremendous coverage” of the shooting because all the deputies on scene had body-worn cameras activated, and there was a drone overhead for much of the duration of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the shooting occurred in San José, the San José Police Department is leading the investigation, the sheriff’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Police Department Assistant Chief Brian Shab said police have had prior contact with the man, but didn’t offer details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office will conduct an independent review of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The driver immediately began behaving erratically and refused to comply with commands, barricading himself inside the car,” a Tuesday morning statement from the sheriff’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a more than two-hour standoff, the sheriff’s office says deputies gave the man, who has not been identified, “repeated verbal commands and attempted to de-escalate the situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jonsen said deputies also communicated with the man via cell phone, and that members of the Sheriff’s Psychiatric Emergency Response Team were also called in to assist. Jonsen said it’s possible the man was having a mental health crisis and may have been affected by alcohol, but said further investigation is needed to know for sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037903\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037903\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1234\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED-800x494.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED-1020x629.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED-1536x948.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240324_SANTACLARASHERIFF_GC-3-KQED-1920x1185.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Santa Clara County Sheriff patrol car drives by in San José on March 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The deputies eventually fired pepper balls into the car in an attempt to get the man to exit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, the man emerged with a knife, and deputies fired more pepper balls and rubber bullets at him, and he got back into the car. He then re-emerged with the knife and charged at the deputies, Jonsen said, and they fatally shot him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From a command management standpoint, I commend my personnel. I think they did a phenomenal job trying to take advantage of every resource available to them out there at the scene for a peaceful outcome,” Jonsen said Tuesday afternoon during a press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My condolences to all. But sometimes that peaceful outcome just doesn’t happen.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A 2023 investigation from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964307/most-people-injured-killed-by-san-jose-police-are-mentally-ill-or-intoxicated\">KQED\u003c/a>, the Bay Area News Group and the California Reporting Project found that the vast majority of people seriously injured or killed by police in San José were either mentally ill or intoxicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Numerous attempts were made to slow the situation and bring it to a peaceful resolution,” the sheriff’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deputies began life-saving efforts on the man as paramedics arrived, and he was taken to a nearby hospital, where he was pronounced dead at 10:16 p.m., the sheriff’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jonsen didn’t identify the two deputies who shot the man, but said one of the deputies has 24 years of experience, and the other has nine years of experience, and both have been “trained extensively, especially in crisis negotiation and crisis incident command.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man “had plenty of opportunities to comply, to exit the vehicle peacefully and be taken into custody,” Jonsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there was a moment where we thought that was going to be the outcome. It turned quickly once he exited the vehicle with the knife.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jonsen said there is “tremendous coverage” of the shooting because all the deputies on scene had body-worn cameras activated, and there was a drone overhead for much of the duration of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the shooting occurred in San José, the San José Police Department is leading the investigation, the sheriff’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Police Department Assistant Chief Brian Shab said police have had prior contact with the man, but didn’t offer details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office will conduct an independent review of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jennifer Alejo was taking a midmorning stroll through the serene San Francisco Botanical Garden when she got a panicked call from her mother in Los Angeles. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement raided\u003c/a> the garment warehouse where more than a dozen of Alejo’s cousins and uncles worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The men were handcuffed, loaded into white vans and driven away as federal agents in military gear clashed with protesters outside the warehouse’s gates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Alejo didn’t know how many relatives were arrested or where they were taken. Over the next frantic 24 hours of phone calls and online searches, a clearer picture emerged: ICE had detained 14 of her family members in a single swoop at Ambiance Apparel on June 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am freaking out because I’ve been in the Bay organizing for 10 years, but I have never gone up to the immigration machine in this way,” said Alejo, who leads the Oakland-based nonprofit Trabajadores Unidos Workers United. “So I was nervous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alejos’ story captures the new reality of immigration enforcement under President Donald Trump: mass workplace raids returning on a scale not seen in years, sweeping up longtime residents with no criminal records and leaving families to navigate a system stacked against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California and the U.S., ICE arrests and detentions have climbed sharply in recent years, as the administration renews its focus on high-profile raids and deportations — forcing communities to organize legal and financial lifelines on the fly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061732\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061732\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer Alejo works in her office in Oakland on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061545/bay-area-spared-from-federal-immigration-enforcement-surge-officials-say\">braced for aggressive immigration arrests\u003c/a> like those seen in Los Angeles and Chicago in recent months. Last week, dozens of U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents arrived at a Coast Guard base in Alameda, prompting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061436/2-injured-after-officers-shoot-at-truck-outside-alameda-base-following-day-of-protests\">confrontation with protesters\u003c/a>. Tensions eased after President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061209/lurie-trump-is-calling-off-plans-to-send-federal-troops-to-san-francisco\">called off a planned surge\u003c/a> of federal agents targeting San Francisco on Oct. 23, and Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee said the next day that scheduled ICE and Border Patrol operations were canceled. Still, immigrant advocates, school leaders and elected officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055279/oakland-latino-merchants-learn-rights-as-ice-targets-worksites\">urged residents to stay prepared\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejo and his younger sister, Citlali, also a staffer at the organization, knew their relatives would have a better chance at release if the family worked together. They tapped their Bay Area networks for legal aid and fundraising, and rallied relatives and close friends in L.A. to launch Lucha Zapoteca, a public campaign named for their Indigenous Zapoteca roots from Southern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly five months later, public awareness about the family’s plight helped raise more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.gofundme.com/f/urgent-aid-for-families-of-14-detained-members\">$370,000\u003c/a> from thousands of donors — enough to pay immigration bonds, which can range from $1,500 to more than $25,000 each, and cover rent and groceries for relatives left without breadwinners.[aside postID=news_12057190 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251022-FRUITVALE-MERCHANTS-MD-02-KQED.jpg']Immigration attorneys in the Bay Area and Southern California worked to free 11 of the men from the Adelanto ICE detention center and secured long-term representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted people to know that they could fight back. We didn’t know what it was going to look like, but we also knew that our community does have rights,” said Alejo, 33. “But it is hard to organize your own family into action, especially when there’s just so much at stake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family joined protests, including outside of the Adelanto facility, and packed court hearings to show support — a factor immigration judges often consider when deciding whether to release a detainee on bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Alejo’s relatives is still locked up at the Adelanto facility, about 90 miles from L.A. Two were deported, including a 22-year-old who, the sisters said, didn’t realize the papers he signed sealed his removal to Tijuana. The other relative, unable to endure detention conditions, voluntarily agreed to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not respond to requests for comment on why Ambiance Apparel, which employs about 150 employees at its warehouse and showroom, was targeted in June or about the operation’s outcome. It’s unclear whether the 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/los-angeles-fashion-district-company-owner-sentenced-one-year-prison-committing-customs\">sentencing\u003c/a> of the company’s owner to one year in federal prison for failing to pay more than $35 million in taxes and customs duties was connected to the raid. Ambiance has denied any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ambiance is committed to following the law and to supporting its workers, many of whom have worked for the company for decades,” said Benjamin Gluck, an attorney representing the company, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2221046205-scaled-e1761161380689.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1345\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester carries a sign reading “Immigrants Built America!” as anti-ICE demonstrators protest outside a federal building on June 19, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White House “border czar” Tom Homan said federal agents executed a search warrant at the business, which has locations in L.A.’s Fashion District and Vernon, as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/tom-homan-trump-border-czar-los-angeles-rcna211701\">criminal investigation\u003c/a> that also swept up undocumented workers. But U.S. Attorney Bill Assaily said the judicial \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/local/us-attorney-confirms-fbi-federal-agencies-search-warrant-downtown-los-angeles/3717411/\">warrant\u003c/a> that gained agents’ entry to the gated worksite was only for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law prohibits employers from allowing ICE into their facilities unless agents present a valid judicial warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The roughly 10,300 ICE arrests in California from January through July represent nearly double the total for all of 2024 and more than five times the arrests in 2023, according to a KQED analysis of \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/data/ice.html\">data\u003c/a> from the UC Berkeley Deportation Data Project. About 62% of this year’s arrests occurred in ICE’s Los Angeles area of responsibility, which includes Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, Ventura, Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration said its immigration crackdown prioritizes expelling dangerous criminals, but undocumented immigrants with no criminal records are being detained as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve said a thousand times that aperture will open,” Homan told NBC News in June. “And I said, if you’re in the country illegally, you’re not off the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Deciding to push back\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After Alejo and Citlali drove to L.A. on the evening of June 6, they met with dozens of worried relatives and friends who gathered at a Quinceañera party hall someone had secured. They tallied which family members hadn’t returned home from their shifts and spoke with two Bay Area immigration attorneys Alejo had already contacted. Her first question: Could the family help by speaking up and organizing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hall had a projector. Alejo brought in Lisa Knox of the California Center for Immigrant Justice and Luis Angel Reyes Savalza of the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office via Zoom. Both attorneys, active in local immigration rapid response networks, confirmed that public pressure could boost a legal process to get the fathers and husbands out of detention. Alejo reminded her family that it would take work and courage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061733\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061733\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-7-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-7-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-7-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-7-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer Alejo works in her office in Oakland on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was transparent, that, hey, this is going to be a big fight. I do think we can fight back, but we need to be vocal,” Alejo, an Oakland resident who organizes low-wage cooks, builders and other workers to combat labor violations such as wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her sister Citlali, 27, who works in communications, organized Lucha Zapoteca’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DKsClVtpDq-/\">press conference\u003c/a> that weekend. Many relatives felt anxious, Citlali said, but Yurien Contreras was the first to volunteer to talk to reporters about her father’s arrest and what it meant for her and three younger brothers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 9, supporters held cardboard signs with photos of their 14 detained relatives outside of Ambiance’s warehouse. When it was her turn to speak, Contreras stepped onto a wooden box near a podium and faced a wall of reporters for the first time. The 20-year-old American citizen had rushed to the warehouse in time to see federal agents lead her father and roughly 40 others away the previous Friday. She demanded that immigration authorities respect the workers’ due process rights and release them.[aside postID=news_12055279 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01023_TV-KQED.jpg']“I witnessed how they put my father in handcuffs, chained him from the waist and from his ankles,” said Yurien, speaking into a bouquet of microphones. “We suffered and still suffer from this traumatizing experience emotionally, mentally, and physically…We need our father back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contreras said her father’s absence was particularly hard on her 4-year-old brother, who has special needs and stopped eating and talking for about a week. For the three months her father was detained, Contreras found it difficult to sleep. She ultimately deferred her college enrollment to stay home and support her family full-time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their stories struck a nerve in a city reeling from aggressive immigration sweeps and the arrival of National Guard soldiers, sometimes fully armed, sent by Trump to help federal agents. TV stations and newspapers carried the Alejo family’s story — even into the ICE Processing Center in Adelanto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Contreras’ uncles, uncertain about what would happen to his four U.S.-born children, said another detainee peeked into his cell to tell him his family was on TV. Disbelieving, he hurried to the recreation room but missed the newscast. He waited for the next one at 6 p.m. When he finally saw his eldest daughter on screen, he wondered how his shy 23-year-old had found the strength to speak fearlessly. KQED agreed to grant the man anonymity because of his pending immigration case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It helped me a lot because I saw the support both from my family members and everyone who was there,” the man, who was released from detention in late August, said in Spanish. “It gives you more courage to cope with the case because it can be very exhausting. The psychological anguish eats at you, wears you out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He worked for 15 years in L.A.’s construction and janitorial industries before handling shipping at Ambiance for the last five years. He said it’s been hard to adjust to life after detention, as he’s unable to work while fighting his immigration case. Not knowing whether he will be deported still weighs heavily on him, but he’s grateful to Lucha Zapoteca for legal representation and financial help that keep his children and wife fed and housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Community and strangers step in to help\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One vocal supporter has been the Rev. Jaime Edwards-Acton, rector at St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church in Hollywood, where the family attends services. He got involved early to raise funds and coordinate donations. His parishioners, led by two sisters in their 20s, have delivered weekly boxes of groceries, diapers and household supplies to Alejo’s relatives. The church is expanding efforts to help more Angelenos affected by ICE arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been an amazing kind of outpouring of generosity and a desire to really want to do something, to make a positive contribution to this mess that we find ourselves in right now,” said Edwards-Acton, who also wrote letters supporting the detained Ambiance workers to the immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055746\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055746\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/IMG_9847-scaled-e1761671224320.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of carwash employees and their family members rallied alongside immigrant rights activists in Los Angeles on Thursday to denounce federal immigration raids at their worksites. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Los Angeles Worker Center Network)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said the Alejo family’s campaign and the broader community response have inspired him. Edwards-Acton recalled an interfaith vigil at downtown L.A.’s Grand Park, attended by about 1,000 people, where speakers included Mayor Karen Bass and Contreras. He said Contreras’ powerful testimony countered fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what kind of really moves people to action. Her courage was really contagious,” he said. “It wasn’t just a testimony of despair. It was a testimony about this tragic moment, but also how we’re fighting for justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contreras, who had a baby in March, spent her time attending court hearings for her father and the other detained relatives while caring for her brothers, mother and her child. Her 17-year-old brother remained withdrawn but kept his grades up. One day, he said he had a new goal — to graduate with honors to make his parents proud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their efforts paid off: Contreras’ father returned home in early September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a lot of hard work, a lot of times where it felt impossible for my dad to be liberated,” Contreras, who hopes to one day become an ultrasound technician, said. “We are super excited that he’s back home. We are thankful for this second opportunity with my dad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the Alejo family, who believe their clients were unlawfully targeted, said they face a difficult path to remain in the U.S. The Trump administration recently changed its policies to make detainees who crossed the border illegally \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/blog/bia-ruling-immigration-judges-bond-mandatory-detention-undocumented-immigrants/\">ineligible\u003c/a> for bond. Dozens of immigration judges, employed by the Department of Justice, have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/09/23/nx-s1-5550915/trump-immigration-judges\">fired \u003c/a>and temporarily replaced with military lawyers who are not trained to oversee deportation hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Bay Area and other regions remain on high alert for more ICE enforcement, Alejo said her family’s story — and the support it inspired from strangers — offers hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel really proud of our family for doing this,” Alejo said. “It’s also been an amazing time to prove to our community that we can organize when we come together and push back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jennifer Alejo was taking a midmorning stroll through the serene San Francisco Botanical Garden when she got a panicked call from her mother in Los Angeles. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement raided\u003c/a> the garment warehouse where more than a dozen of Alejo’s cousins and uncles worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The men were handcuffed, loaded into white vans and driven away as federal agents in military gear clashed with protesters outside the warehouse’s gates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Alejo didn’t know how many relatives were arrested or where they were taken. Over the next frantic 24 hours of phone calls and online searches, a clearer picture emerged: ICE had detained 14 of her family members in a single swoop at Ambiance Apparel on June 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am freaking out because I’ve been in the Bay organizing for 10 years, but I have never gone up to the immigration machine in this way,” said Alejo, who leads the Oakland-based nonprofit Trabajadores Unidos Workers United. “So I was nervous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alejos’ story captures the new reality of immigration enforcement under President Donald Trump: mass workplace raids returning on a scale not seen in years, sweeping up longtime residents with no criminal records and leaving families to navigate a system stacked against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California and the U.S., ICE arrests and detentions have climbed sharply in recent years, as the administration renews its focus on high-profile raids and deportations — forcing communities to organize legal and financial lifelines on the fly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061732\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061732\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer Alejo works in her office in Oakland on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061545/bay-area-spared-from-federal-immigration-enforcement-surge-officials-say\">braced for aggressive immigration arrests\u003c/a> like those seen in Los Angeles and Chicago in recent months. Last week, dozens of U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents arrived at a Coast Guard base in Alameda, prompting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061436/2-injured-after-officers-shoot-at-truck-outside-alameda-base-following-day-of-protests\">confrontation with protesters\u003c/a>. Tensions eased after President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061209/lurie-trump-is-calling-off-plans-to-send-federal-troops-to-san-francisco\">called off a planned surge\u003c/a> of federal agents targeting San Francisco on Oct. 23, and Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee said the next day that scheduled ICE and Border Patrol operations were canceled. Still, immigrant advocates, school leaders and elected officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055279/oakland-latino-merchants-learn-rights-as-ice-targets-worksites\">urged residents to stay prepared\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejo and his younger sister, Citlali, also a staffer at the organization, knew their relatives would have a better chance at release if the family worked together. They tapped their Bay Area networks for legal aid and fundraising, and rallied relatives and close friends in L.A. to launch Lucha Zapoteca, a public campaign named for their Indigenous Zapoteca roots from Southern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly five months later, public awareness about the family’s plight helped raise more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.gofundme.com/f/urgent-aid-for-families-of-14-detained-members\">$370,000\u003c/a> from thousands of donors — enough to pay immigration bonds, which can range from $1,500 to more than $25,000 each, and cover rent and groceries for relatives left without breadwinners.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Immigration attorneys in the Bay Area and Southern California worked to free 11 of the men from the Adelanto ICE detention center and secured long-term representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted people to know that they could fight back. We didn’t know what it was going to look like, but we also knew that our community does have rights,” said Alejo, 33. “But it is hard to organize your own family into action, especially when there’s just so much at stake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family joined protests, including outside of the Adelanto facility, and packed court hearings to show support — a factor immigration judges often consider when deciding whether to release a detainee on bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Alejo’s relatives is still locked up at the Adelanto facility, about 90 miles from L.A. Two were deported, including a 22-year-old who, the sisters said, didn’t realize the papers he signed sealed his removal to Tijuana. The other relative, unable to endure detention conditions, voluntarily agreed to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not respond to requests for comment on why Ambiance Apparel, which employs about 150 employees at its warehouse and showroom, was targeted in June or about the operation’s outcome. It’s unclear whether the 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/los-angeles-fashion-district-company-owner-sentenced-one-year-prison-committing-customs\">sentencing\u003c/a> of the company’s owner to one year in federal prison for failing to pay more than $35 million in taxes and customs duties was connected to the raid. Ambiance has denied any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ambiance is committed to following the law and to supporting its workers, many of whom have worked for the company for decades,” said Benjamin Gluck, an attorney representing the company, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2221046205-scaled-e1761161380689.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1345\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A protester carries a sign reading “Immigrants Built America!” as anti-ICE demonstrators protest outside a federal building on June 19, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White House “border czar” Tom Homan said federal agents executed a search warrant at the business, which has locations in L.A.’s Fashion District and Vernon, as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/tom-homan-trump-border-czar-los-angeles-rcna211701\">criminal investigation\u003c/a> that also swept up undocumented workers. But U.S. Attorney Bill Assaily said the judicial \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/local/us-attorney-confirms-fbi-federal-agencies-search-warrant-downtown-los-angeles/3717411/\">warrant\u003c/a> that gained agents’ entry to the gated worksite was only for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law prohibits employers from allowing ICE into their facilities unless agents present a valid judicial warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The roughly 10,300 ICE arrests in California from January through July represent nearly double the total for all of 2024 and more than five times the arrests in 2023, according to a KQED analysis of \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/data/ice.html\">data\u003c/a> from the UC Berkeley Deportation Data Project. About 62% of this year’s arrests occurred in ICE’s Los Angeles area of responsibility, which includes Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, Ventura, Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration said its immigration crackdown prioritizes expelling dangerous criminals, but undocumented immigrants with no criminal records are being detained as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve said a thousand times that aperture will open,” Homan told NBC News in June. “And I said, if you’re in the country illegally, you’re not off the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Deciding to push back\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After Alejo and Citlali drove to L.A. on the evening of June 6, they met with dozens of worried relatives and friends who gathered at a Quinceañera party hall someone had secured. They tallied which family members hadn’t returned home from their shifts and spoke with two Bay Area immigration attorneys Alejo had already contacted. Her first question: Could the family help by speaking up and organizing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hall had a projector. Alejo brought in Lisa Knox of the California Center for Immigrant Justice and Luis Angel Reyes Savalza of the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office via Zoom. Both attorneys, active in local immigration rapid response networks, confirmed that public pressure could boost a legal process to get the fathers and husbands out of detention. Alejo reminded her family that it would take work and courage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061733\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061733\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-7-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-7-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-7-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251026_FAMILYMEMBERSARRESTED_HERNANDEZ-7-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer Alejo works in her office in Oakland on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was transparent, that, hey, this is going to be a big fight. I do think we can fight back, but we need to be vocal,” Alejo, an Oakland resident who organizes low-wage cooks, builders and other workers to combat labor violations such as wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her sister Citlali, 27, who works in communications, organized Lucha Zapoteca’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DKsClVtpDq-/\">press conference\u003c/a> that weekend. Many relatives felt anxious, Citlali said, but Yurien Contreras was the first to volunteer to talk to reporters about her father’s arrest and what it meant for her and three younger brothers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 9, supporters held cardboard signs with photos of their 14 detained relatives outside of Ambiance’s warehouse. When it was her turn to speak, Contreras stepped onto a wooden box near a podium and faced a wall of reporters for the first time. The 20-year-old American citizen had rushed to the warehouse in time to see federal agents lead her father and roughly 40 others away the previous Friday. She demanded that immigration authorities respect the workers’ due process rights and release them.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I witnessed how they put my father in handcuffs, chained him from the waist and from his ankles,” said Yurien, speaking into a bouquet of microphones. “We suffered and still suffer from this traumatizing experience emotionally, mentally, and physically…We need our father back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contreras said her father’s absence was particularly hard on her 4-year-old brother, who has special needs and stopped eating and talking for about a week. For the three months her father was detained, Contreras found it difficult to sleep. She ultimately deferred her college enrollment to stay home and support her family full-time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their stories struck a nerve in a city reeling from aggressive immigration sweeps and the arrival of National Guard soldiers, sometimes fully armed, sent by Trump to help federal agents. TV stations and newspapers carried the Alejo family’s story — even into the ICE Processing Center in Adelanto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Contreras’ uncles, uncertain about what would happen to his four U.S.-born children, said another detainee peeked into his cell to tell him his family was on TV. Disbelieving, he hurried to the recreation room but missed the newscast. He waited for the next one at 6 p.m. When he finally saw his eldest daughter on screen, he wondered how his shy 23-year-old had found the strength to speak fearlessly. KQED agreed to grant the man anonymity because of his pending immigration case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It helped me a lot because I saw the support both from my family members and everyone who was there,” the man, who was released from detention in late August, said in Spanish. “It gives you more courage to cope with the case because it can be very exhausting. The psychological anguish eats at you, wears you out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He worked for 15 years in L.A.’s construction and janitorial industries before handling shipping at Ambiance for the last five years. He said it’s been hard to adjust to life after detention, as he’s unable to work while fighting his immigration case. Not knowing whether he will be deported still weighs heavily on him, but he’s grateful to Lucha Zapoteca for legal representation and financial help that keep his children and wife fed and housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Community and strangers step in to help\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One vocal supporter has been the Rev. Jaime Edwards-Acton, rector at St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church in Hollywood, where the family attends services. He got involved early to raise funds and coordinate donations. His parishioners, led by two sisters in their 20s, have delivered weekly boxes of groceries, diapers and household supplies to Alejo’s relatives. The church is expanding efforts to help more Angelenos affected by ICE arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been an amazing kind of outpouring of generosity and a desire to really want to do something, to make a positive contribution to this mess that we find ourselves in right now,” said Edwards-Acton, who also wrote letters supporting the detained Ambiance workers to the immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055746\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055746\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/IMG_9847-scaled-e1761671224320.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of carwash employees and their family members rallied alongside immigrant rights activists in Los Angeles on Thursday to denounce federal immigration raids at their worksites. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Los Angeles Worker Center Network)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said the Alejo family’s campaign and the broader community response have inspired him. Edwards-Acton recalled an interfaith vigil at downtown L.A.’s Grand Park, attended by about 1,000 people, where speakers included Mayor Karen Bass and Contreras. He said Contreras’ powerful testimony countered fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what kind of really moves people to action. Her courage was really contagious,” he said. “It wasn’t just a testimony of despair. It was a testimony about this tragic moment, but also how we’re fighting for justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contreras, who had a baby in March, spent her time attending court hearings for her father and the other detained relatives while caring for her brothers, mother and her child. Her 17-year-old brother remained withdrawn but kept his grades up. One day, he said he had a new goal — to graduate with honors to make his parents proud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their efforts paid off: Contreras’ father returned home in early September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a lot of hard work, a lot of times where it felt impossible for my dad to be liberated,” Contreras, who hopes to one day become an ultrasound technician, said. “We are super excited that he’s back home. We are thankful for this second opportunity with my dad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the Alejo family, who believe their clients were unlawfully targeted, said they face a difficult path to remain in the U.S. The Trump administration recently changed its policies to make detainees who crossed the border illegally \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/blog/bia-ruling-immigration-judges-bond-mandatory-detention-undocumented-immigrants/\">ineligible\u003c/a> for bond. Dozens of immigration judges, employed by the Department of Justice, have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/09/23/nx-s1-5550915/trump-immigration-judges\">fired \u003c/a>and temporarily replaced with military lawyers who are not trained to oversee deportation hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Bay Area and other regions remain on high alert for more ICE enforcement, Alejo said her family’s story — and the support it inspired from strangers — offers hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel really proud of our family for doing this,” Alejo said. “It’s also been an amazing time to prove to our community that we can organize when we come together and push back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "the-latest-bay-area-recall-campaign-is-over-a-six-story-apartment-building",
"title": "The Latest Bay Area Recall Campaign Is Over a 6-Story Apartment Building",
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"headTitle": "The Latest Bay Area Recall Campaign Is Over a 6-Story Apartment Building | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s spooky season in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a> town of Fairfax, where skeletons and pumpkins take up their positions in yards, right alongside signs urging residents to “Vote Yes to Recall” or “Vote No Recalls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 4, voters will decide whether to recall Fairfax’s mayor and vice mayor over their approval of a six-story apartment complex — a decision that’s divided this small town of about 7,500 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/proudcity/fairfaxca/2025/04/Notice-of-Intent-to-Circulate-a-Recall-Petition-Hellman-3-6-25.pdf\">recall petition\u003c/a> accuses Mayor Lisel Blash and Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman of mismanaging funds, neglecting road maintenance and prioritizing their personal agendas. But at the heart of the recall is a high-density housing development proposed for a 2-acre site called School Street Plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, developer Mill Creek Residential submitted a preliminary application to build a 243-unit apartment complex at School Street Plaza, with 49 affordable housing units priced between about \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/proudcity/sanrafaelca/2024/07/2024-affordable-rent-schedule-50-60-65-7075-80-90-100-AMI.pdf\">$1,900 to $2,500 a month\u003c/a> for a studio. The proposal includes two levels of parking and commercial space on the ground floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents immediately pushed back. The development site sits on a hill at the edge of downtown Fairfax. A six-story building would tower over the town, where most buildings are one or two stories and the tallest reaches just four stories, and would block many residents’ views of the rolling hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060488\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12060488 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-37-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-37-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-37-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-37-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Fairfax Theater in Fairfax, California, on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Recall proponents blame Blash, who was elected to the council in 2022, and Hellman, who has served since 2019, for approving zoning changes to School Street Plaza that allowed the housing proposal to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, voters replaced two council members who had approved the rezoning with Mike Ghiringhelli and Frank Egger, who both opposed taller buildings. Egger told KQED he will vote Yes on the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blash and Hellman argue their hands were tied. State housing mandates require Fairfax to approve a housing plan, or “housing element,” for \u003ca href=\"https://townoffairfaxca.gov/town-of-fairfax-files-regional-housing-needs-allocation-rhna-appeal/\">at least 490 new homes by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061569\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061569\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-11-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Halloween display plays on election related content in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the town fails to make progress toward meeting its required housing allocation, it could \u003ca href=\"https://assets.marincounty.gov/marincounty-prod/public/2025-06/The%20Worrisome%20Future%20of%20Marin%20Housing.pdf\">face lawsuits, fines of up to $600,000 a month and a loss of permitting and zoning authority\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push to unseat Blash and Hellman is the latest in a string of Bay Area recall campaigns, where frustrated residents have increasingly turned to recalls to express their dissatisfaction with political leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fight also underscores a fundamental shift in California housing policy, as new state laws steadily erode local control in favor of state mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A small town divided\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fairfax, nestled in the foothills of Mount Tamalpais, is known as the cradle of mountain biking and was once an oasis for artists and musicians, who have since been priced out of the town. Many people find the charming homes along winding, redwood-forested streets a desirable place to settle down and raise kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ian Glover, 47, who’s lived in Fairfax for five years, was among families shopping at a recent Wednesday evening farmers market in Bolinas Park. Glover had initially signed the recall petition, believing it would block the School Street apartment complex. The property’s former occupants included a school, a marijuana dispensary and community hot tubs and saunas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060959\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/School-Street-Plaza-Plaza-View-2-04.16.2025-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/School-Street-Plaza-Plaza-View-2-04.16.2025-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/School-Street-Plaza-Plaza-View-2-04.16.2025-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/School-Street-Plaza-Plaza-View-2-04.16.2025-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The proposed 6-story housing development at 95 Broadway in Fairfax includes 4 stories of apartment units, 2 levels for parking and commercial space on the ground floor. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Stackhouse De la Peña Trachtenberg Architects)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to see a big high-rise. I don’t want to see more traffic,” Glover said as he offered his 2.5-year-old son some pomegranate seeds and melon slices. Even though he believes apartments and cheap housing benefit the community, Glover said he’d prefer the site become something that preserves the town’s character. “I’d rather see it be a cool school again or … the hot tub place was funky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many residents share his sentiment. Some call the building proposal a “monstrosity.” Even Vice Mayor Hellman agrees it’s too tall and would look out of place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Design-wise, it’s cookie-cutter, cheap, ugly, doesn’t fit within the design and aesthetic or character of the town,” Hellman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060487\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060487\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-33-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-33-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-33-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-33-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman poses for a photo at her home in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wendy Lee, 64, has lived in Fairfax for nearly 40 years, raised three kids there and now has three grandchildren. Lee is against the recall, but like many residents, she doesn’t like the development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to be a NIMBY because I know Marin County, we need low-income housing,” Lee said. “But I also don’t think that a six-story apartment building should be smack downtown on that little hill rise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with concerns about parking and traffic, recall supporters contend the project could create a “death trap” in the event of a wildfire, flood or earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have one road in and out in case of fire coming from West Marin,” said recall treasurer Sean Fitzgerald. “We have to go through four other towns to get out to the freeway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060483\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060483\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Mackintosh (left) and Sean Fitzgerald speak with fellow supporters of the recall of Mayor Lisel Blash and Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman at Nave’s Bar and Grill in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Riley Hurd, a land use attorney representing Mill Creek, said he isn’t surprised by the town’s pushback on the School Street proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been the Fairfax way for decades and decades,” he said. “That’s why nothing ever gets built there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over the recall has driven a wedge between neighbors and strained friendships in the tight-knit community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has totally splintered our town,” Lee said. “It’s so sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Council meetings have turned “ugly and vitriolic,” Blash said, with people yelling, pounding chairs and waving their fists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060480\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060480\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fairfax Mayor Lisel Blash at her home in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People talk about gnawing on our necks, or lynching us or tar and feathering us,” Blash said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had days where it’s really taken a toll on my mental health for sure,” Hellman added. “I’ve had days where I’ve thought about quitting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hellman installed a new security system after a few recall organizers showed up at her house. Blash stopped walking home from meetings at night and no longer goes to her favorite coffee shop, now that its windows are plastered with pro-recall signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People hear about East Bay recalls or recalls in San Francisco, and I’m sure those are painful for the recallees, but this is a really tiny town,” she said. “It just really feels very personal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bay Area recall fever\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The campaign to oust Blash and Hellman joins a growing list of Bay Area recalls since the pandemic, including the removal of three school board members in San Francisco and the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">District Attorney Chesa Boudin\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, voters recalled \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992881/recall-of-two-sunol-school-board-members-appears-headed-to-victory\">two more school board members in Sunol\u003c/a>, Alameda County \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013442/alameda-county-voters-recall-district-attorney-pamela-price\">District Attorney Pamela Price\u003c/a> and Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012357/sheng-thao-accepts-defeat-in-contentious-oakland-mayoral-recall\">Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060479\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060479\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs for and against the recall of Fairfax Mayor Lisel Blash and Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman sit outside a 7-Eleven in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In September, residents in San Francisco’s Sunset District \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056059/supervisor-joel-engardio-is-out-whats-next-for-san-franciscos-sunset-district\">recalled Supervisor Joel Engardio\u003c/a> over his support for closing part of the Great Highway to turn it into a park. His removal did not alter the highway’s closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Baldassare, a director at the Public Policy Institute of California, said local recalls offer residents a tool to effect change. They’re far harder to pull off at the state level and they don’t exist at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“COVID put the emphasis on local government as being both the solution and in some cases the problem,” Baldassare said. “As that’s taken place, it’s also become apparent to a lot of people that an option is the recall.”[aside postID=news_12012553 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Fairfax recall organizers received guidance from Chris Moore and Edward Escobar, who helped lead the recalls of Price and Thao. Fitzgerald said they sought their advice after their initial petition was rejected by the town clerk and town attorney over technical errors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They came out, they shared with us what they had done successfully for free,” Fitzgerald said. “We’ve done this all 100% grassroots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore said he spent a few hours with recall organizers in the spring, advising them on messaging strategies, how to gather signatures and volunteers and recommending an attorney. Since then, he’s answered one or two questions a month over text.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wasn’t active in day-to-day activity,” Moore said. “I just kind of say, ‘OK, here’s what we did in that scenario.’ But largely they’ve run it up there themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, recall supporters held a rally, which Moore and Escobar attended. Escobar said he helped “orchestrate” a press conference, reaching out to reporters to cover the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All we do is amplify the voice of the people,” Escobar said. “These folks are, they’re weeds that need to be pulled out of office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A shift in housing policy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Recall organizers often meet at Nave’s Bar, a downtown pub managed by recall leader Candace Neal-Ricker, which they jokingly call their “newsroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am your local, ultra-low-income, born and raised Fairfaxian that could not afford what they are proposing there,” Neal-Ricker said as she poured drinks and rang up customers on a 1967 vintage cash register. If the development had included “truly affordable” housing with fewer stories, she said she would’ve supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neal-Ricker believes the mayor and vice mayor are out of touch with their constituents’ desires. In 2022, the town council approved a rent stabilization ordinance and its “just cause” eviction ordinance, which aimed to protect tenants from arbitrary evictions. At the time, Hellman was on the council, but Blash had not yet been elected. Voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012553/californians-appear-to-reject-many-rent-control-measures\">repealed the law\u003c/a> in last year’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060485\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fairfax Citizens Coalition Lead Candace Neal-Ricker works at Nave’s Bar and Grill in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Council members are not gods,” Neal-Ricker said. “They’ve forgotten who they work for and what they were elected to represent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s also critical of the development receiving “ministerial approval,” which fast-tracks developments by bypassing public hearings and review under the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hellman defended her handling of the housing proposal, saying she followed state laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of my actions have been to protect the town from litigation, penalties and fines,” Hellman said. “I’m not happy about a lot of these laws, but I didn’t run for office to break the law. And if I have to fall on my sword for that, that’s perfectly fine.”[aside postID=news_12056059 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250916-RecallElectionNight-33-BL.jpg']In July, Hellman said the town council received \u003ca href=\"https://townoffairfaxca.gov/documents/yimby-law-letter-06-18-25/\">letters from Yes In My Backyard\u003c/a> (YIMBY) groups and “threatening communications” from the enforcement arm of the California Department of Housing and Community Development (HCD), \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/proudcity/fairfaxca/2025/09/4-95-Broadway-City-letter_ministerial-process-clarification-with-exhibits_9-8-25.pdf\">reminding them that they could face enforcement action\u003c/a> if they failed to process the School Street project under ministerial approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I truly believe that the state and lots of jurisdictions are looking at Fairfax right now as a test case,” Hellman said. “I also believe that they would love to make an example out of Marin County due to their perception that we haven’t kept up with housing demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://assets.marincounty.gov/marincounty-prod/public/2025-06/The%20Worrisome%20Future%20of%20Marin%20Housing.pdf\">Marin County Grand Jury report\u003c/a> in June noted that since 2017, lawmakers have passed over 100 pieces of legislation to shift power over housing policy to the state. “New state laws significantly reduce the ability of local jurisdictions to deny housing projects that meet objective requirements, even if there is community opposition,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers passed many of these laws in response to years of Not In My Backyard (NIMBY) communities interfering with state efforts to ease California’s housing crunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blash said recall supporters don’t understand how much power the state has taken from local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061504\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12061504 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign supporting the recall of Fairfax Mayor Lisel Blash and Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman hangs in a coffee shop in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They’ve chipped away at most of our local control,” Blash said. “It used to be possible to object to something and either force the developer to give a little bit or to stop the project altogether. And that power isn’t there as much as it used to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grand jury report determined that the state’s requirement for the whole county to issue 14,405 permits by 2031 is “unrealistic and unlikely to be achieved.” The report cites community resistance as a major obstacle to new housing in Marin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The town has a really famous reputation for fighting development,” Blash said. “People are very proud of the small town atmosphere and very protective of it, so it’s often been hard to get just about anything built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the threat of lawsuits and fines, recall proponents feel their city leaders caved to state demands too readily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t let the fear of financial penalties be the deciding factor in what’s right for a town,” Fitzgerald said. “Do I think the state’s gonna come in and bankrupt every small town because we don’t meet their housing numbers? I doubt it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recall organizers know their town has a reputation for being NIMBY. But Fitzgerald said, actually, they consider themselves more “MIMBY” — maybe in my backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060486\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060486\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-29-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-29-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-29-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-29-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Kathy Flores, Michael Mackintosh and Sean Fitzgerald, supporters of the recall of Mayor Lisel Blash and Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman, talk at Nave’s Bar and Grill in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s all these elements that go into why we don’t want that particular building in its current form, so I think being called NIMBY is lazy,” Fitzgerald said. “It prevents people from having constructive dialogue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurd, the developer’s attorney, pointed out that the School Street proposal only represents about half of Fairfax’s housing allocation, and there are currently no other multi-family housing applications in the town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If doing just half of what was allotted results in this level of outcry, I think it’s pretty clear that doing all or meeting the goal was never really on the table,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than three weeks before the election, Fairfax’s planning department sent a \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/proudcity/fairfaxca/2025/10/ec4f9313-95-broadway-application-consistency-review-10-16-25.pdf\">letter to the developer\u003c/a> requiring major changes to the housing proposal. The letter cited 25 deficiencies that, if not addressed in 30 days, will result in the project’s denial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurd said he does not expect the developer to make any project changes, nor will they abandon ship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That letter violates numerous, numerous laws,” he said. He expects HCD to weigh in and “inform the town that that letter is illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the recall fails, both Blash and Hellman said they will not seek reelection when their terms expire next November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Voters in the Marin County town of Fairfax will decide Nov. 4 whether to recall the mayor and vice mayor over their approval to rezone for a proposed six-story housing development downtown.",
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"title": "The Latest Bay Area Recall Campaign Is Over a 6-Story Apartment Building | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s spooky season in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a> town of Fairfax, where skeletons and pumpkins take up their positions in yards, right alongside signs urging residents to “Vote Yes to Recall” or “Vote No Recalls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 4, voters will decide whether to recall Fairfax’s mayor and vice mayor over their approval of a six-story apartment complex — a decision that’s divided this small town of about 7,500 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/proudcity/fairfaxca/2025/04/Notice-of-Intent-to-Circulate-a-Recall-Petition-Hellman-3-6-25.pdf\">recall petition\u003c/a> accuses Mayor Lisel Blash and Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman of mismanaging funds, neglecting road maintenance and prioritizing their personal agendas. But at the heart of the recall is a high-density housing development proposed for a 2-acre site called School Street Plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, developer Mill Creek Residential submitted a preliminary application to build a 243-unit apartment complex at School Street Plaza, with 49 affordable housing units priced between about \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/proudcity/sanrafaelca/2024/07/2024-affordable-rent-schedule-50-60-65-7075-80-90-100-AMI.pdf\">$1,900 to $2,500 a month\u003c/a> for a studio. The proposal includes two levels of parking and commercial space on the ground floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents immediately pushed back. The development site sits on a hill at the edge of downtown Fairfax. A six-story building would tower over the town, where most buildings are one or two stories and the tallest reaches just four stories, and would block many residents’ views of the rolling hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060488\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12060488 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-37-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-37-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-37-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-37-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Fairfax Theater in Fairfax, California, on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Recall proponents blame Blash, who was elected to the council in 2022, and Hellman, who has served since 2019, for approving zoning changes to School Street Plaza that allowed the housing proposal to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, voters replaced two council members who had approved the rezoning with Mike Ghiringhelli and Frank Egger, who both opposed taller buildings. Egger told KQED he will vote Yes on the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blash and Hellman argue their hands were tied. State housing mandates require Fairfax to approve a housing plan, or “housing element,” for \u003ca href=\"https://townoffairfaxca.gov/town-of-fairfax-files-regional-housing-needs-allocation-rhna-appeal/\">at least 490 new homes by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061569\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061569\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-11-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Halloween display plays on election related content in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the town fails to make progress toward meeting its required housing allocation, it could \u003ca href=\"https://assets.marincounty.gov/marincounty-prod/public/2025-06/The%20Worrisome%20Future%20of%20Marin%20Housing.pdf\">face lawsuits, fines of up to $600,000 a month and a loss of permitting and zoning authority\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push to unseat Blash and Hellman is the latest in a string of Bay Area recall campaigns, where frustrated residents have increasingly turned to recalls to express their dissatisfaction with political leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fight also underscores a fundamental shift in California housing policy, as new state laws steadily erode local control in favor of state mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A small town divided\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fairfax, nestled in the foothills of Mount Tamalpais, is known as the cradle of mountain biking and was once an oasis for artists and musicians, who have since been priced out of the town. Many people find the charming homes along winding, redwood-forested streets a desirable place to settle down and raise kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ian Glover, 47, who’s lived in Fairfax for five years, was among families shopping at a recent Wednesday evening farmers market in Bolinas Park. Glover had initially signed the recall petition, believing it would block the School Street apartment complex. The property’s former occupants included a school, a marijuana dispensary and community hot tubs and saunas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060959\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/School-Street-Plaza-Plaza-View-2-04.16.2025-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/School-Street-Plaza-Plaza-View-2-04.16.2025-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/School-Street-Plaza-Plaza-View-2-04.16.2025-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/School-Street-Plaza-Plaza-View-2-04.16.2025-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The proposed 6-story housing development at 95 Broadway in Fairfax includes 4 stories of apartment units, 2 levels for parking and commercial space on the ground floor. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Stackhouse De la Peña Trachtenberg Architects)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to see a big high-rise. I don’t want to see more traffic,” Glover said as he offered his 2.5-year-old son some pomegranate seeds and melon slices. Even though he believes apartments and cheap housing benefit the community, Glover said he’d prefer the site become something that preserves the town’s character. “I’d rather see it be a cool school again or … the hot tub place was funky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many residents share his sentiment. Some call the building proposal a “monstrosity.” Even Vice Mayor Hellman agrees it’s too tall and would look out of place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Design-wise, it’s cookie-cutter, cheap, ugly, doesn’t fit within the design and aesthetic or character of the town,” Hellman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060487\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060487\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-33-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-33-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-33-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-33-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman poses for a photo at her home in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wendy Lee, 64, has lived in Fairfax for nearly 40 years, raised three kids there and now has three grandchildren. Lee is against the recall, but like many residents, she doesn’t like the development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to be a NIMBY because I know Marin County, we need low-income housing,” Lee said. “But I also don’t think that a six-story apartment building should be smack downtown on that little hill rise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with concerns about parking and traffic, recall supporters contend the project could create a “death trap” in the event of a wildfire, flood or earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have one road in and out in case of fire coming from West Marin,” said recall treasurer Sean Fitzgerald. “We have to go through four other towns to get out to the freeway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060483\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060483\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Mackintosh (left) and Sean Fitzgerald speak with fellow supporters of the recall of Mayor Lisel Blash and Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman at Nave’s Bar and Grill in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Riley Hurd, a land use attorney representing Mill Creek, said he isn’t surprised by the town’s pushback on the School Street proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been the Fairfax way for decades and decades,” he said. “That’s why nothing ever gets built there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over the recall has driven a wedge between neighbors and strained friendships in the tight-knit community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has totally splintered our town,” Lee said. “It’s so sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Council meetings have turned “ugly and vitriolic,” Blash said, with people yelling, pounding chairs and waving their fists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060480\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060480\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fairfax Mayor Lisel Blash at her home in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People talk about gnawing on our necks, or lynching us or tar and feathering us,” Blash said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had days where it’s really taken a toll on my mental health for sure,” Hellman added. “I’ve had days where I’ve thought about quitting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hellman installed a new security system after a few recall organizers showed up at her house. Blash stopped walking home from meetings at night and no longer goes to her favorite coffee shop, now that its windows are plastered with pro-recall signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People hear about East Bay recalls or recalls in San Francisco, and I’m sure those are painful for the recallees, but this is a really tiny town,” she said. “It just really feels very personal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bay Area recall fever\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The campaign to oust Blash and Hellman joins a growing list of Bay Area recalls since the pandemic, including the removal of three school board members in San Francisco and the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">District Attorney Chesa Boudin\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, voters recalled \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992881/recall-of-two-sunol-school-board-members-appears-headed-to-victory\">two more school board members in Sunol\u003c/a>, Alameda County \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013442/alameda-county-voters-recall-district-attorney-pamela-price\">District Attorney Pamela Price\u003c/a> and Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012357/sheng-thao-accepts-defeat-in-contentious-oakland-mayoral-recall\">Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060479\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060479\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs for and against the recall of Fairfax Mayor Lisel Blash and Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman sit outside a 7-Eleven in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In September, residents in San Francisco’s Sunset District \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056059/supervisor-joel-engardio-is-out-whats-next-for-san-franciscos-sunset-district\">recalled Supervisor Joel Engardio\u003c/a> over his support for closing part of the Great Highway to turn it into a park. His removal did not alter the highway’s closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Baldassare, a director at the Public Policy Institute of California, said local recalls offer residents a tool to effect change. They’re far harder to pull off at the state level and they don’t exist at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“COVID put the emphasis on local government as being both the solution and in some cases the problem,” Baldassare said. “As that’s taken place, it’s also become apparent to a lot of people that an option is the recall.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Fairfax recall organizers received guidance from Chris Moore and Edward Escobar, who helped lead the recalls of Price and Thao. Fitzgerald said they sought their advice after their initial petition was rejected by the town clerk and town attorney over technical errors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They came out, they shared with us what they had done successfully for free,” Fitzgerald said. “We’ve done this all 100% grassroots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore said he spent a few hours with recall organizers in the spring, advising them on messaging strategies, how to gather signatures and volunteers and recommending an attorney. Since then, he’s answered one or two questions a month over text.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wasn’t active in day-to-day activity,” Moore said. “I just kind of say, ‘OK, here’s what we did in that scenario.’ But largely they’ve run it up there themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, recall supporters held a rally, which Moore and Escobar attended. Escobar said he helped “orchestrate” a press conference, reaching out to reporters to cover the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All we do is amplify the voice of the people,” Escobar said. “These folks are, they’re weeds that need to be pulled out of office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A shift in housing policy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Recall organizers often meet at Nave’s Bar, a downtown pub managed by recall leader Candace Neal-Ricker, which they jokingly call their “newsroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am your local, ultra-low-income, born and raised Fairfaxian that could not afford what they are proposing there,” Neal-Ricker said as she poured drinks and rang up customers on a 1967 vintage cash register. If the development had included “truly affordable” housing with fewer stories, she said she would’ve supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neal-Ricker believes the mayor and vice mayor are out of touch with their constituents’ desires. In 2022, the town council approved a rent stabilization ordinance and its “just cause” eviction ordinance, which aimed to protect tenants from arbitrary evictions. At the time, Hellman was on the council, but Blash had not yet been elected. Voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012553/californians-appear-to-reject-many-rent-control-measures\">repealed the law\u003c/a> in last year’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060485\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fairfax Citizens Coalition Lead Candace Neal-Ricker works at Nave’s Bar and Grill in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Council members are not gods,” Neal-Ricker said. “They’ve forgotten who they work for and what they were elected to represent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s also critical of the development receiving “ministerial approval,” which fast-tracks developments by bypassing public hearings and review under the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hellman defended her handling of the housing proposal, saying she followed state laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of my actions have been to protect the town from litigation, penalties and fines,” Hellman said. “I’m not happy about a lot of these laws, but I didn’t run for office to break the law. And if I have to fall on my sword for that, that’s perfectly fine.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In July, Hellman said the town council received \u003ca href=\"https://townoffairfaxca.gov/documents/yimby-law-letter-06-18-25/\">letters from Yes In My Backyard\u003c/a> (YIMBY) groups and “threatening communications” from the enforcement arm of the California Department of Housing and Community Development (HCD), \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/proudcity/fairfaxca/2025/09/4-95-Broadway-City-letter_ministerial-process-clarification-with-exhibits_9-8-25.pdf\">reminding them that they could face enforcement action\u003c/a> if they failed to process the School Street project under ministerial approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I truly believe that the state and lots of jurisdictions are looking at Fairfax right now as a test case,” Hellman said. “I also believe that they would love to make an example out of Marin County due to their perception that we haven’t kept up with housing demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://assets.marincounty.gov/marincounty-prod/public/2025-06/The%20Worrisome%20Future%20of%20Marin%20Housing.pdf\">Marin County Grand Jury report\u003c/a> in June noted that since 2017, lawmakers have passed over 100 pieces of legislation to shift power over housing policy to the state. “New state laws significantly reduce the ability of local jurisdictions to deny housing projects that meet objective requirements, even if there is community opposition,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers passed many of these laws in response to years of Not In My Backyard (NIMBY) communities interfering with state efforts to ease California’s housing crunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blash said recall supporters don’t understand how much power the state has taken from local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061504\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12061504 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FairfaxRecall-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign supporting the recall of Fairfax Mayor Lisel Blash and Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman hangs in a coffee shop in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They’ve chipped away at most of our local control,” Blash said. “It used to be possible to object to something and either force the developer to give a little bit or to stop the project altogether. And that power isn’t there as much as it used to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grand jury report determined that the state’s requirement for the whole county to issue 14,405 permits by 2031 is “unrealistic and unlikely to be achieved.” The report cites community resistance as a major obstacle to new housing in Marin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The town has a really famous reputation for fighting development,” Blash said. “People are very proud of the small town atmosphere and very protective of it, so it’s often been hard to get just about anything built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the threat of lawsuits and fines, recall proponents feel their city leaders caved to state demands too readily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t let the fear of financial penalties be the deciding factor in what’s right for a town,” Fitzgerald said. “Do I think the state’s gonna come in and bankrupt every small town because we don’t meet their housing numbers? I doubt it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recall organizers know their town has a reputation for being NIMBY. But Fitzgerald said, actually, they consider themselves more “MIMBY” — maybe in my backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12060486\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12060486\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-29-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-29-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-29-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251015-FAIRFAXRECALL-29-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Kathy Flores, Michael Mackintosh and Sean Fitzgerald, supporters of the recall of Mayor Lisel Blash and Vice Mayor Stephanie Hellman, talk at Nave’s Bar and Grill in Fairfax on Oct. 15, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s all these elements that go into why we don’t want that particular building in its current form, so I think being called NIMBY is lazy,” Fitzgerald said. “It prevents people from having constructive dialogue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurd, the developer’s attorney, pointed out that the School Street proposal only represents about half of Fairfax’s housing allocation, and there are currently no other multi-family housing applications in the town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If doing just half of what was allotted results in this level of outcry, I think it’s pretty clear that doing all or meeting the goal was never really on the table,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than three weeks before the election, Fairfax’s planning department sent a \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/proudcity/fairfaxca/2025/10/ec4f9313-95-broadway-application-consistency-review-10-16-25.pdf\">letter to the developer\u003c/a> requiring major changes to the housing proposal. The letter cited 25 deficiencies that, if not addressed in 30 days, will result in the project’s denial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurd said he does not expect the developer to make any project changes, nor will they abandon ship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That letter violates numerous, numerous laws,” he said. He expects HCD to weigh in and “inform the town that that letter is illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the recall fails, both Blash and Hellman said they will not seek reelection when their terms expire next November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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