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"content": "\u003cp>http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcrmag/2014/07/2014-07-04c-tcrmag.mp3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the trendy northeast Los Angeles neighborhood of Highland Park, on one end of York Boulevard you’ll find record stores, cafes and hipster boutiques. On the other end you’ll find the \u003ca href=\"http://www.laphs.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles Police Museum\u003c/a>. This collection of all things LAPD lives in the city’s last surviving 1920s station house, and offers a visceral glimpse into the gritty hell and Hollywood noir of the L.A. cop world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if you’ve never been here, there’s still a good chance you’ve seen the place. With its classic Neo-Renaissance, just-the-facts-ma’am, architecture, the structure has been a shooting hot spot for decades, and not just the kind with bullets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Major motion picture-wise, ‘Gangster Squad,’ it was out last year, filmed here,” says Glynn Martin, the museum’s executive director and former LAPD sergeant. “From television, there’s a new show on called ‘Playing House,’ they were here earlier this year. ‘Justified,’ ‘Parks and Rec’… the original ‘Transformers,’ ‘Flags of Our Fathers,’ Clint Eastwood’s ‘Blood Work,’ ‘Dukes of Hazzard 2,’ ‘Stop Loss,’ ‘When a Stranger Calls.’ It’s a long, long list and it’s a very popular filming location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10141288\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 343px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/CalDrake1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/CalDrake1-343x450.jpg\" alt=\"Retired Det. Cal Drake, 84, Medal of Valor recipient and docent at the museum. (Peter Gilstrap/KQED)\" width=\"343\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10141288\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Retired Det. Cal Drake, 84, Medal of Valor recipient and docent at the museum. (Peter Gilstrap/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Martin sits in a small conference room, a space not open to visitors. As with so much in the unique world of the police, the mundane mixes with the extraordinary. On a large table sits a pizza box larger than a manhole cover. A cop-size pie, by God. There are two slices left from the original 44. There is also a carton of cookies. There are no doughnuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a nearby table are small envelopes yellowed with age stacked neatly. They’re filled with negatives from crime scenes — murders, robberies, apparent suicides, all taken in the year 1953, all labeled by some forgotten typist. One example: John Doe, homicide, San Fernando Boulevard rail yard. Hold the thin film up to the light, and there is the mystery corpse in the white areas of the negative, sprawled in the contrasting dark of an empty boxcar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police station No. 11 has been home to such items for decades. From 1925 to 1983, the building served as the Northeast Division station. When the cops relocated, it stood vacant, decaying and forgotten. At one point, says Martin, the place was so badly damaged by fire you could stand in the basement and see through to the roof. In 2001, old No. 11 got a major face-lift and a new lease on life when it was resurrected as the museum. It’s now on the National Register of Historic Places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Raymond Chandler said the history of Los Angeles is the history of its police department,” offers Martin, “and I find an awful lot of truth in that. What I also find is that drives an enduring interest in the LAPD. Really what we’re about are three things: faces, places and cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those cases are some of the most notorious in modern memory, incidents that have inspired the work of many writers, including former cop Joseph Wambaugh, Michael Connelly and James Ellroy, who has participated in museum events for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking Black Dahlia, the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, the Charles Manson case, the Night Stalker, Hillside Strangler, the Onion Field, The North Hollywood shootout, the SLA shootout,” reels off Martin. “These are events of world renown, and I think that is probably the thing that makes this special. Those kinds of things continue to drive interest in what the LAPD is and what they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10141289\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 292px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/StationHouse.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/StationHouse-292x225.jpg\" alt=\"Police station house 11 built in 1925, now home to the Los Angeles Police Museum. (Peter Gilstrap/KQED)\" width=\"292\" height=\"225\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10141289\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police station house 11 built in 1925, now home to the Los Angeles Police Museum. (Peter Gilstrap/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The museum displays powerful artifacts from those crimes, alongside Hollywood relics. You can see Patty Hearst’s iconic M1 carbine, and the suit coat worn by Jack Webb in the classic “Dragnet” series. Behind the museum there’s a bullet-ridden squad car from a bank job gone bad next to the bad guys’ even more bullet-riddled Chevy Celebrity. Back inside, the hall holds poster-size blowups of Police Beat magazine, featuring Bob Hope and the stars of the classic LAPD TV series “Adam-12” on the covers. You’ll find an undetonated pipe bomb the size of a dachshund, and decades of well-used billy clubs and handcuffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Down a hallway you enter a cement room containing five cells that look like a block of gray cages. Back in the day, Martin says the ceiling bars created a hanging hazard. Nearby is a well-worn metal chair. In front of it, at chin level, there’s a rack of numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now you can come here and take your own mug shot in a chair that was sat in by thousands of criminals prior to your arrival,” says Martin, as 4-year-old visitor Zyla Delgado plops down in the chair that has held so many law-breaking behinds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10141290\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 317px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/Dummy.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/Dummy-317x450.jpg\" alt=\"A mannequin used in the 1963 Onion Field trial to show where slain Officer Ian Campbell was shot. (Peter Gilstrap/KQED)\" width=\"317\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10141290\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mannequin used in the 1963 Onion Field trial to show where slain Officer Ian Campbell was shot. (Peter Gilstrap/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big attraction for the youngsters,” Martin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zyla’s mother, Rose, says it’s the first time at the museum for the family, who lives in nearby Montclair. “I’ve never been here before and I think it’s amazing. I’ve seen this stuff in movies but I’ve never actually seen it.” Neither has Zyla, who rockets herself from the booking chair and races into a grim jail cell that boasts a cot, a toilet and a sink.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s her favorite thing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The jails,” she says. Then she screams with glee and runs to another cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest draw, however, is upstairs. In 1997, two heavily armed men clad in body armor and ski masks tried to rob a Bank of America in North Hollywood. Both were killed in the ensuing firefight. Their outfits and weapons now adorn two mannequins, complete with bullet holes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to the formidable mannequins, a monitor plays the raw, riveting footage of the entire shootout. “We always warn the school groups and the kids of the material,” Martin cautions. “It’s not bloody or gruesome, but if a kid knows what they’re looking at, it’s probably not the best things for the youngest of our visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Museum docent Cal Drake knows about being on the receiving end of a bullet. The 84-year-old retired detective joined the LAPD in 1952, and received the Medal of Valor after being shot by Black Panthers during a 1969 raid. He grew up near the station house, though he spent little time in the building during his career. Now he’s here once a week, guiding visitors through decades of crime history of which he was a part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was raised in this division,” he says. “I went to high school in Eagle Rock across the hill here. I didn’t want to work this station. It was a good place to work, good people to work with. I didn’t want to put my neighbors in jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it seems like reliving some of the highest-impact criminal events of the last century on a weekly basis might be a bit tough on a man, remember that this man was a cop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be somewhat emotional,” admits Drake, “but not tremendously. When I’m emotional, you won’t know it. That comes from the business, you know?” Thanks to the Police Museum, it’s a business that he is still not distanced from, retired or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This kind of gets you back into the swing of things,” Drake says. “I didn’t want to get that far away from the department, I enjoyed my time on the police department. It was the best job I’ve ever had.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a nearby table are small envelopes yellowed with age stacked neatly. They’re filled with negatives from crime scenes — murders, robberies, apparent suicides, all taken in the year 1953, all labeled by some forgotten typist. One example: John Doe, homicide, San Fernando Boulevard rail yard. Hold the thin film up to the light, and there is the mystery corpse in the white areas of the negative, sprawled in the contrasting dark of an empty boxcar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police station No. 11 has been home to such items for decades. From 1925 to 1983, the building served as the Northeast Division station. When the cops relocated, it stood vacant, decaying and forgotten. At one point, says Martin, the place was so badly damaged by fire you could stand in the basement and see through to the roof. In 2001, old No. 11 got a major face-lift and a new lease on life when it was resurrected as the museum. It’s now on the National Register of Historic Places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Raymond Chandler said the history of Los Angeles is the history of its police department,” offers Martin, “and I find an awful lot of truth in that. What I also find is that drives an enduring interest in the LAPD. Really what we’re about are three things: faces, places and cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those cases are some of the most notorious in modern memory, incidents that have inspired the work of many writers, including former cop Joseph Wambaugh, Michael Connelly and James Ellroy, who has participated in museum events for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking Black Dahlia, the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, the Charles Manson case, the Night Stalker, Hillside Strangler, the Onion Field, The North Hollywood shootout, the SLA shootout,” reels off Martin. “These are events of world renown, and I think that is probably the thing that makes this special. Those kinds of things continue to drive interest in what the LAPD is and what they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10141289\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 292px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/StationHouse.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/StationHouse-292x225.jpg\" alt=\"Police station house 11 built in 1925, now home to the Los Angeles Police Museum. (Peter Gilstrap/KQED)\" width=\"292\" height=\"225\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10141289\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police station house 11 built in 1925, now home to the Los Angeles Police Museum. (Peter Gilstrap/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The museum displays powerful artifacts from those crimes, alongside Hollywood relics. You can see Patty Hearst’s iconic M1 carbine, and the suit coat worn by Jack Webb in the classic “Dragnet” series. Behind the museum there’s a bullet-ridden squad car from a bank job gone bad next to the bad guys’ even more bullet-riddled Chevy Celebrity. Back inside, the hall holds poster-size blowups of Police Beat magazine, featuring Bob Hope and the stars of the classic LAPD TV series “Adam-12” on the covers. You’ll find an undetonated pipe bomb the size of a dachshund, and decades of well-used billy clubs and handcuffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Down a hallway you enter a cement room containing five cells that look like a block of gray cages. Back in the day, Martin says the ceiling bars created a hanging hazard. Nearby is a well-worn metal chair. In front of it, at chin level, there’s a rack of numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now you can come here and take your own mug shot in a chair that was sat in by thousands of criminals prior to your arrival,” says Martin, as 4-year-old visitor Zyla Delgado plops down in the chair that has held so many law-breaking behinds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10141290\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 317px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/Dummy.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/Dummy-317x450.jpg\" alt=\"A mannequin used in the 1963 Onion Field trial to show where slain Officer Ian Campbell was shot. (Peter Gilstrap/KQED)\" width=\"317\" height=\"450\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10141290\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mannequin used in the 1963 Onion Field trial to show where slain Officer Ian Campbell was shot. (Peter Gilstrap/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big attraction for the youngsters,” Martin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zyla’s mother, Rose, says it’s the first time at the museum for the family, who lives in nearby Montclair. “I’ve never been here before and I think it’s amazing. I’ve seen this stuff in movies but I’ve never actually seen it.” Neither has Zyla, who rockets herself from the booking chair and races into a grim jail cell that boasts a cot, a toilet and a sink.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s her favorite thing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The jails,” she says. Then she screams with glee and runs to another cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest draw, however, is upstairs. In 1997, two heavily armed men clad in body armor and ski masks tried to rob a Bank of America in North Hollywood. Both were killed in the ensuing firefight. Their outfits and weapons now adorn two mannequins, complete with bullet holes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to the formidable mannequins, a monitor plays the raw, riveting footage of the entire shootout. “We always warn the school groups and the kids of the material,” Martin cautions. “It’s not bloody or gruesome, but if a kid knows what they’re looking at, it’s probably not the best things for the youngest of our visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Museum docent Cal Drake knows about being on the receiving end of a bullet. The 84-year-old retired detective joined the LAPD in 1952, and received the Medal of Valor after being shot by Black Panthers during a 1969 raid. He grew up near the station house, though he spent little time in the building during his career. Now he’s here once a week, guiding visitors through decades of crime history of which he was a part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was raised in this division,” he says. “I went to high school in Eagle Rock across the hill here. I didn’t want to work this station. It was a good place to work, good people to work with. I didn’t want to put my neighbors in jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it seems like reliving some of the highest-impact criminal events of the last century on a weekly basis might be a bit tough on a man, remember that this man was a cop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be somewhat emotional,” admits Drake, “but not tremendously. When I’m emotional, you won’t know it. That comes from the business, you know?” Thanks to the Police Museum, it’s a business that he is still not distanced from, retired or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This kind of gets you back into the swing of things,” Drake says. “I didn’t want to get that far away from the department, I enjoyed my time on the police department. It was the best job I’ve ever had.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Lance Williams\u003c/strong>, \u003ca href=\"http://cironline.org/\">The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_140912\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/Jo_Hoeper-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-140912\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/Jo_Hoeper-1-427x640.jpg\" alt=\"Former San Francisco Chief Trial Deputy Joanne Hoeper (Courtesy of Joanne Hoeper)\" width=\"300\" height=\"449\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Chief Trial Deputy Joanne Hoeper (Courtesy of Joanne Hoeper)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco city officials steered millions in public funds to a handful of plumbing companies for unneeded repairs of private sewer lines, a former top lawyer in the city attorney’s office alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the lawyer began to investigate what she suspected was a long-running illegal payment scheme, she says she was demoted and later fired, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/1212098-ccsf-claim-with-received-stamp.html\">wrongful termination claim\u003c/a> filed Tuesday with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the claim, former Chief Trial Deputy Joanne Hoeper contends that City Attorney Dennis Herrera suppressed her probe of a scheme that she estimates cost city taxpayers more than $10 million between 2002 and 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the claim, the sewer repair payments were approved by two officials in Herrera’s office: Matthew Rothschild, head of the claims bureau and Herrera’s chief political aide, and Michael Haase, Rothschild’s assistant. Thousands of repair bills were paid even though they were meritless and based on “false statements, inflated bills … and other red flags,” Hoeper contends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, while her probe was underway, Hoeper says in her claim that Herrera demoted her and shut down the investigation, and then fired her earlier this year. She contends that her demotion and firing were in retaliation for what she said were her efforts to expose financial improprieties — including her suspicion that someone was receiving kickbacks — in the city attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera is out of town and unavailable for comment. In an email, his spokesman, Matt Dorsey, said the claim reflected “baseless allegations of wrongdoing from a disgruntled former employee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we generally cannot discuss personnel issues, the circumstances of Ms. Hoeper’s separation were thoroughly reviewed by outside counsel,” he continued, “and we’re confident that the San Francisco City Attorney’s Office will be vindicated when the case is adjudicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haase declined to comment, and Rothschild didn’t respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tree Roots and Sewer Lines\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoeper’s allegations concern several small plumbing companies whose activities have prompted a flurry of homeowners’ complaints to police, city officials and even the FBI, according to documents and interviews. For years, salesmen for the companies went door to door in residential districts, claiming the roots of city street trees were damaging homeowners’ sewer lines and offering to replace them for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get the work done, homeowners were told to file legal claims for as much as $10,000 with the city attorney’s office. After the claims were paid, the homeowners were supposed to pay the money to the plumbing contractors, who replaced the sewer lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people who encountered the salesmen suspected a scam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Zack and Odilon Vasconcelos, former operators of a hair salon on Guerrero Street, said in interviews that in 2011, a salesman for a plumbing company called Drainbusters Plumbing had obtained their signatures under false pretenses and used them to file a $10,000 claim for a new sewer line for their salon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim was “ridiculous,” Zack said, because nothing was wrong with the salon’s plumbing, and the nearest street tree was a sapling so far down the block that its roots couldn’t possibly have extended to the salon. Besides, the men didn’t own the building and thus legally couldn’t file a claim for the repair, he said. Nevertheless, the city attorney’s office approved the claim, court records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suspicious, Zack emailed Mayor Ed Lee and other officials and ultimately called Haase in the city attorney’s claims bureau. Zack said the official told him that the salesman’s conduct was “unethical but not illegal” and told Zack to turn over to the plumbing salesman the $10,000 claim settlement the city had issued to him and Vasconcelos.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\"> A review of public records shows that from 2009 to 2011, San Francisco paid $8.9 million on about 1,100 claims in these cases. \u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>At first, Zack and Vasconcelos balked, but ultimately they paid the claim money to the plumbing company after being ordered to do so by a judge in small claims court, records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another case, the owner of a Mission District restaurant called police on a Drainbusters salesman in 2012, after he allegedly pried open a sewer cleanout without permission, according to a police report. The salesman apparently was hoping to convince property owners that tree roots were damaging their sewers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riad Khano, owner of Drainbusters, said his company did only necessary, city-authorized sewer line repairs. The city saved significant money by paying private plumbing companies for the work, he claimed, calling Department of Public Works crews notoriously inefficient. The city stopped paying for repairs to private sewer lines because of budget problems, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few people had complained about his salesmen, Khano said, but the complaints were unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Claim That FBI Tipped Her Off\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her claim, Hoeper says the FBI tipped her to the suspected billing scam in 2011, after agents received a series of complaints from homeowners. Hoeper assigned two investigators to the probe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She concluded that the city had no legal responsibility to pay any of the claims. No city in California routinely pays for tree root damage to private sewer lines, she said in her claim, and for most of its history, San Francisco didn’t either. But starting in 2002, the city attorney’s office began approving those claims, sometimes within days after they were submitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She contended that her probe found case after case in which sewer lines were being replaced, even though there was no evidence of damage or bills obviously were padded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, six months after it began, Hoeper said she told Herrera of her investigation. Herrera asked her for a written report, she said. Soon after reviewing it, by her account, he removed her as chief trial deputy and transferred her to the district attorney’s office. She said she was fired last January, on the day Herrera was sworn in for his fourth term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of public records shows that from 2009 to 2011, San Francisco paid $8.9 million on about 1,100 claims for what the city described as sewer property damage or tree maintenance issues, categories that could include root damage to private sewer lines. The average payout was about $8,000. About 140 claims were rejected. In a handful of cases, payments went to plumbing companies. Usually, payment went to property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public records also show the city stopped paying for private sewer repairs soon after Hoeper says she made her report to Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 20, 2012, city records show that Edward Harrington, then the general manager of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, issued a memo saying no claims for “tree root intrusion” should be paid unless he or the city’s public works director personally approved them in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, court records show the city attorney’s office has successfully defended several small claims lawsuits brought by homeowners seeking compensation for tree root damage to their sewer lines. In court, the city’s lawyers contend that the city never has been responsible for paying for such repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera, the city’s top legal officer since 2001, has cultivated an image as a champion of good government and consumer protection. For years, Hoeper was one of Herrera’s closest aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, when a legal newspaper named Hoeper one of the “top 50 women litigators”in California, Herrera issued a news release praising Hoeper for her efforts to stamp out public corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoeper’s claim says Rothschild, the claims bureau chief, was outraged by her investigation of his unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By her account, Rothschild confronted her, angrily declaring, “I will not stand for this.” In another encounter before she was demoted, Hoeper asserted that Rothschild accused her of “picking on” his assistant and threatened a “hunger strike if she persisted with the investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her claim, Hoeper asks to be reinstated and awarded back pay and other damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was edited by Amy Pyle and copy edited by Christine Lee and Nikki Frick. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This story was produced by The Center for Investigative Reporting, an independent, nonprofit newsroom based in the San Francisco Bay Area. For more, visit cironline.org. Williams can be reached at \u003ca href=\"mailto:lwilliams@cironline.org\">lwilliams@cironline.org\u003c/a>. Follow him on Twitter: @LanceWCIR.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Lance Williams\u003c/strong>, \u003ca href=\"http://cironline.org/\">The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_140912\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/Jo_Hoeper-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-140912\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/Jo_Hoeper-1-427x640.jpg\" alt=\"Former San Francisco Chief Trial Deputy Joanne Hoeper (Courtesy of Joanne Hoeper)\" width=\"300\" height=\"449\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Francisco Chief Trial Deputy Joanne Hoeper (Courtesy of Joanne Hoeper)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco city officials steered millions in public funds to a handful of plumbing companies for unneeded repairs of private sewer lines, a former top lawyer in the city attorney’s office alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the lawyer began to investigate what she suspected was a long-running illegal payment scheme, she says she was demoted and later fired, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/1212098-ccsf-claim-with-received-stamp.html\">wrongful termination claim\u003c/a> filed Tuesday with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the claim, former Chief Trial Deputy Joanne Hoeper contends that City Attorney Dennis Herrera suppressed her probe of a scheme that she estimates cost city taxpayers more than $10 million between 2002 and 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the claim, the sewer repair payments were approved by two officials in Herrera’s office: Matthew Rothschild, head of the claims bureau and Herrera’s chief political aide, and Michael Haase, Rothschild’s assistant. Thousands of repair bills were paid even though they were meritless and based on “false statements, inflated bills … and other red flags,” Hoeper contends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, while her probe was underway, Hoeper says in her claim that Herrera demoted her and shut down the investigation, and then fired her earlier this year. She contends that her demotion and firing were in retaliation for what she said were her efforts to expose financial improprieties — including her suspicion that someone was receiving kickbacks — in the city attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera is out of town and unavailable for comment. In an email, his spokesman, Matt Dorsey, said the claim reflected “baseless allegations of wrongdoing from a disgruntled former employee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we generally cannot discuss personnel issues, the circumstances of Ms. Hoeper’s separation were thoroughly reviewed by outside counsel,” he continued, “and we’re confident that the San Francisco City Attorney’s Office will be vindicated when the case is adjudicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haase declined to comment, and Rothschild didn’t respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tree Roots and Sewer Lines\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoeper’s allegations concern several small plumbing companies whose activities have prompted a flurry of homeowners’ complaints to police, city officials and even the FBI, according to documents and interviews. For years, salesmen for the companies went door to door in residential districts, claiming the roots of city street trees were damaging homeowners’ sewer lines and offering to replace them for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get the work done, homeowners were told to file legal claims for as much as $10,000 with the city attorney’s office. After the claims were paid, the homeowners were supposed to pay the money to the plumbing contractors, who replaced the sewer lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people who encountered the salesmen suspected a scam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Zack and Odilon Vasconcelos, former operators of a hair salon on Guerrero Street, said in interviews that in 2011, a salesman for a plumbing company called Drainbusters Plumbing had obtained their signatures under false pretenses and used them to file a $10,000 claim for a new sewer line for their salon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim was “ridiculous,” Zack said, because nothing was wrong with the salon’s plumbing, and the nearest street tree was a sapling so far down the block that its roots couldn’t possibly have extended to the salon. Besides, the men didn’t own the building and thus legally couldn’t file a claim for the repair, he said. Nevertheless, the city attorney’s office approved the claim, court records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suspicious, Zack emailed Mayor Ed Lee and other officials and ultimately called Haase in the city attorney’s claims bureau. Zack said the official told him that the salesman’s conduct was “unethical but not illegal” and told Zack to turn over to the plumbing salesman the $10,000 claim settlement the city had issued to him and Vasconcelos.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\"> A review of public records shows that from 2009 to 2011, San Francisco paid $8.9 million on about 1,100 claims in these cases. \u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>At first, Zack and Vasconcelos balked, but ultimately they paid the claim money to the plumbing company after being ordered to do so by a judge in small claims court, records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another case, the owner of a Mission District restaurant called police on a Drainbusters salesman in 2012, after he allegedly pried open a sewer cleanout without permission, according to a police report. The salesman apparently was hoping to convince property owners that tree roots were damaging their sewers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riad Khano, owner of Drainbusters, said his company did only necessary, city-authorized sewer line repairs. The city saved significant money by paying private plumbing companies for the work, he claimed, calling Department of Public Works crews notoriously inefficient. The city stopped paying for repairs to private sewer lines because of budget problems, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few people had complained about his salesmen, Khano said, but the complaints were unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Claim That FBI Tipped Her Off\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her claim, Hoeper says the FBI tipped her to the suspected billing scam in 2011, after agents received a series of complaints from homeowners. Hoeper assigned two investigators to the probe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She concluded that the city had no legal responsibility to pay any of the claims. No city in California routinely pays for tree root damage to private sewer lines, she said in her claim, and for most of its history, San Francisco didn’t either. But starting in 2002, the city attorney’s office began approving those claims, sometimes within days after they were submitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She contended that her probe found case after case in which sewer lines were being replaced, even though there was no evidence of damage or bills obviously were padded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, six months after it began, Hoeper said she told Herrera of her investigation. Herrera asked her for a written report, she said. Soon after reviewing it, by her account, he removed her as chief trial deputy and transferred her to the district attorney’s office. She said she was fired last January, on the day Herrera was sworn in for his fourth term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of public records shows that from 2009 to 2011, San Francisco paid $8.9 million on about 1,100 claims for what the city described as sewer property damage or tree maintenance issues, categories that could include root damage to private sewer lines. The average payout was about $8,000. About 140 claims were rejected. In a handful of cases, payments went to plumbing companies. Usually, payment went to property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public records also show the city stopped paying for private sewer repairs soon after Hoeper says she made her report to Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 20, 2012, city records show that Edward Harrington, then the general manager of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, issued a memo saying no claims for “tree root intrusion” should be paid unless he or the city’s public works director personally approved them in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, court records show the city attorney’s office has successfully defended several small claims lawsuits brought by homeowners seeking compensation for tree root damage to their sewer lines. In court, the city’s lawyers contend that the city never has been responsible for paying for such repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera, the city’s top legal officer since 2001, has cultivated an image as a champion of good government and consumer protection. For years, Hoeper was one of Herrera’s closest aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, when a legal newspaper named Hoeper one of the “top 50 women litigators”in California, Herrera issued a news release praising Hoeper for her efforts to stamp out public corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoeper’s claim says Rothschild, the claims bureau chief, was outraged by her investigation of his unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By her account, Rothschild confronted her, angrily declaring, “I will not stand for this.” In another encounter before she was demoted, Hoeper asserted that Rothschild accused her of “picking on” his assistant and threatened a “hunger strike if she persisted with the investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her claim, Hoeper asks to be reinstated and awarded back pay and other damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was edited by Amy Pyle and copy edited by Christine Lee and Nikki Frick. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_140765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/842911761.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-140765\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/07/842911761-640x436.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstrator march in Oakland in January 2009 to protest the BART police killing of Oscar Grant. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"436\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrator march in Oakland in January 2009 to protest the BART police killing of Oscar Grant. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images) \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A federal jury in San Francisco has rejected a civil rights lawsuit filed by the father of Oscar Grant III, the man shot and killed by BART police Officer Johannes Mehserle on New Year's Day 2009.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant's father, Oscar Grant Jr., is among several people who sued BART or Mehserle in the wake of the fatal shooting at East Oakland's Fruitvale Station. BART settled one of those suits, filed on behalf of Grant's mother and daughter, for $2.8 million. The agency also paid $175,000 to settle a suit by several of the men detained with Grant on the Fruitvale platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant's father's suit claimed that Mehserle had wrongfully denied him a family relationship with his son. That claim was disputed by the defense, which pointed out that the elder Grant has been in prison, serving a life sentence for murder, since his son was an infant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That argument appeared to sway the jury of six women and four men, who were asked to answer two questions: Did Oscar Grant's father prove that he had maintained a deep familial relationship with his son? And did Mehserle harm the younger Grant \"with a purpose … unrelated to a legitimate law enforcement objective?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury unanimously answered no to both questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Grant shooting touched off a series of protests in Oakland and demands that Mehserle face trial in the case. Alameda County prosecutors charged him with second-degree murder. During his trial in Los Angeles, Mehserle testified that the shooting was a mistake. Mehserle said that as he and other officers attempted to handcuff Grant, who was face-down on the southbound Fruitvale platform, he intended to draw his Taser to subdue the 22-year-old Hayward resident. Instead, he drew his semi-automatic pistol and shot him in the back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Los Angeles jury convicted him of a lesser charge, involuntary manslaughter. He was sentenced to two years in prison and was paroled after 11 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Here's the jury's verdict form in Oscar Grant Jr.'s lawsuit:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe id=\"doc_424\" class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"//www.scribd.com/embeds/232174614/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_81968\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/12/drakesoysterfarm20121129.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-81968\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/12/drakesoysterfarm20121129-640x413.jpg\" alt=\"Strings of mother shells that will contain baby oysters at Drakes Bay Oyster Co., in 2007 photo. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"413\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Strings of mother shells that will contain baby oysters at Drakes Bay Oyster Co., in 2007 photo. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court has declined to hear a last-ditch appeal from Marin County's Drakes Bay Oyster Co., the Point Reyes business that has been fighting for a decade to renew its lease at Point Reyes National Seashore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court's decision came without comment and was one in a long list of cases that the tribunal announced it will not consider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Drakes Bay said it believes it still has not run out of legal moves:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“We are not yet out of options,” said Kevin Lunny, owner of Drakes Bay Oyster Farm. “While we had hoped the Supreme Court would grant our cert petition requesting a review of the Ninth Circuit’s ruling, our Federal case against the government now returns to the District Court, where we will be making decisions over the next few weeks about how to proceed. We are extremely grateful to our customers and supporters for everything they have done for our family and our workers’ families over the years.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Drakes Bay \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/01/14/court-rejects-drakes-bay-oyster-company-request-for-new-hearing\" target=\"_blank\">has lost successive rounds\u003c/a> in its attempt to persuade federal courts that, by denying the oyster farm's attempt to renew a lease that ran out in late 2012, U.S. Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar had violated both federal environmental and administrative law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar refused to renew the lease based on 1970s legislation that directed the National Park Service to return Drakes Estero, where the oyster farm is located, to wilderness. Salazar's decision required Lunny to shut down his operation and vacate the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lunny's statement leaves it unclear on what grounds he might pursue further court action. \u003ca href=\"http://www.drakesbayoyster.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Drakes Bay has remained open\u003c/a> during the 18 months of legal challenges to Salazar's decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, KQED's Mina Kim discussed Drakes Bay's options with John Leshy, professor at UC Hastings College of Law:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/156763430&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_111725\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/supremecourt-640.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-111725\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/supremecourt-640.jpg\" alt=\"The Supreme Court of the United States. (Karen Bleier/AFP/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Supreme Court of the United States. (Karen Bleier/AFP/Getty Images) \u003ccite>((Karen Bleier/AFP/Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Associated Press\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court has rejected a challenge to California’s law that bars mental counseling aimed at turning gay minors straight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices on Monday let stand without comment \u003ca href=\"http://www.lc.org/media/9980/attachments/pr_9th_pickup_v_brown_opinion_082913.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a 2013 appeals court\u003c/a> ruling that said the state’s ban on so-called conversion therapy for minors doesn’t violate the free speech rights of licensed counselors and patients seeking treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201120120SB1172\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The law, SB1172,\u003c/a> was sponsored by state Sen. Ted Lieu (D-Torrance) and enacted in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.lc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Liberty Counsel\u003c/a>, a Christian legal aid group, had challenged the law along with other supporters of the therapy. They argue that lawmakers have no scientific proof the therapy does harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled last year that California lawmakers properly showed that efforts to change sexual orientation were outside the scientific mainstream and have been rejected for good reason.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Without comment, justices decline to hear lawsuit that would overturn ban on 'reparative therapy.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_111725\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/supremecourt-640.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-111725\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/09/supremecourt-640.jpg\" alt=\"The Supreme Court of the United States. (Karen Bleier/AFP/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Supreme Court of the United States. (Karen Bleier/AFP/Getty Images) \u003ccite>((Karen Bleier/AFP/Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Associated Press\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court has rejected a challenge to California’s law that bars mental counseling aimed at turning gay minors straight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices on Monday let stand without comment \u003ca href=\"http://www.lc.org/media/9980/attachments/pr_9th_pickup_v_brown_opinion_082913.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a 2013 appeals court\u003c/a> ruling that said the state’s ban on so-called conversion therapy for minors doesn’t violate the free speech rights of licensed counselors and patients seeking treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201120120SB1172\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The law, SB1172,\u003c/a> was sponsored by state Sen. Ted Lieu (D-Torrance) and enacted in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.lc.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Liberty Counsel\u003c/a>, a Christian legal aid group, had challenged the law along with other supporters of the therapy. They argue that lawmakers have no scientific proof the therapy does harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California's Connection to the Anti-Cartel Movement South of the Border",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Michael Montgomery, Ana Arana and Grace Rubenstein\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_140330\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/apatzingan4.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-140330 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/apatzingan4-640x423.jpg\" alt=\"A crowd listens to the leaders of a civilian militia at a March rally in Apatzingan, Mexico. The militia pushed out members of a violent drug cartel in the western state of Michoacan. (Alan Ortega/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"423\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A crowd listens to the leaders of a civilian militia at a March rally in Apatzingan, Mexico. The militia pushed out members of a violent drug cartel in the western state of Michoacan. (Alan Ortega/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/156352463&color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"20\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, June 30,\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexican authorities have detained Jose Manuel Mireles, co-founder of the civilian militia movement in Michoacan, for allegedly possessing illegal weapons and drugs. Mireles has resisted government efforts to disband the militias, saying armed civilian groups are still necessary in parts of Mexico controlled by drug gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Post:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Vladimiro Carranza Chavez, a onetime Los Angeles mariachi, joining a ragtag militia to fight against one of Mexico’s most ruthless drug cartels followed a series of tragedies, including the murder of three of his brothers and his own kidnapping and torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The moment came, that in order to survive, we had to fight,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reny Pineda enlisted in the high-stakes battle against the drug lords with support from his family in California and a Colt pistol handed down from his father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t trust anyone,” he says. “Not the government. Not the police. Just ourselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, an unprecedented uprising by motley bands of vigilantes in the Mexican state of Michoacan has put the Knights Templar drug organization on the run and forced the federal government to take firm, if belated, action to end years of gruesome violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fueling the movement are thousands of migrants who lived in California and other U.S. states before returning to Mexico. Many worked on farms in the Central Valley or in factories and construction sites in Southern California before being deported or traveling back voluntarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2010, there have been more than 160,000 deportations of Michoacanos by the Obama administration, according to Mexico's federal migration agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ana Maria Salazar, a Mexican-American security analyst, says many of the migrants had developed a degree of trust in police and other civic institutions while living in the U.S., making the conditions back home all the more shocking upon their return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They come back to Michoacan and they find this complete warlike situation,” Salazar says. “People are getting killed, people are being disappeared, women are being raped, children are forced to work for some of these drug organizations. It’s surprising these self-defense movements didn’t pop up sooner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/156204400&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&visual=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"450\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“Comandanta Lupita” (center) is one of the few women fighting in armed militia groups in Michoacan, long an epicenter in Mexico’s drug war. She explains how she joined the movement to avenge her uncles’ murders. (Alan Ortega/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Roots of Anti-Cartel Movement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A co-founder of the civilian militias is Dr. Jose Manuel Mireles, a tall, lanky physician who embodies the movement's deep connections to California. Mireles lived with his family for a decade in Modesto, where he worked for the local Red Cross.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After moving back to Michoacan, Mireles says the Knights Templar cartel launched a brutal campaign of extortion, rape and murder. Unlike in the United States, he says there was no place to turn for protection because local authorities were often working for the cartel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had nobody to help us,” Mireles says. “Then we started planning in a small group. We spent two years planning how to make something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mireles’s group of informal advisers included Jose Ramirez, an old friend from the Central Valley who lives and works near Fresno. Ramirez helped raise discreet support for the movement among the hundreds of thousands of Michoacanos living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were afraid to let others know,” he says. “It’s like who do you trust, who do you not trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the men who joined Mireles’ movement are unlikely warriors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pineda was born in Michoacan but left Mexico as a young boy when his family headed north to California. He grew up in Los Angeles, graduated from high school and started a family. He was working off and on in construction when he got caught up in a drug trafficking case. Instead of facing possible prison time, Pineda fled south across the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was in 2010, just as the Knights Templar organization was tightening its grip. With the cartel extorting local businesses, ranches and farms, Pineda says it was difficult to make a living. Five friends disappeared and are among the hundreds of people believed to have been murdered by the drug gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was terrible,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when a group of ranchers and farmers from a cluster of nearby towns approached Pineda and his family, they decided to join.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most important thing was to be able to work, without paying money to somebody,” he says. \"And to stop the killing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/156197200&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&visual=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"450\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Reny Pineda was born in Michoacan, but grew up in Los Angeles. In 2010 he returned to Mexico at a time when a ruthless cartel was ruling the region. Standing in an orchard where he picks lemons, Pineda describes why he joined the armed movement against the cartel. (Alan Ortega/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gaining the Upper Hand\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 18 months of fighting, the cartel is on the run. More than 30 municipalities are now under the control of the militias and federal police. And authorities have arrested hundreds of alleged cartel members as well as local politicians and police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, the Mexican government announced the civilian militias were being absorbed into a new rural police corps. Vigilantes are allowed to keep their weapons in spite of Mexico’s tight gun laws, but only if they join the new force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the conflict winding down, at least for now, some migrants are returning to their families back in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet while violence in Michoacan has dropped to levels not seen in years, tensions persist. There have been violent disputes within the militia movement and allegations that some local commanders are working for rival drug cartels seeking to control heroin and methamphetamine production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very easy for a hero to become a villain,” says Salazar. The big challenge, she says, is whether federal and state authorities can demobilize the vigilante groups, prevent a rebirth of the drug cartel and preserve the tenuous peace, using institutions such as the police and army that contributed to the violence and lawlessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/156204615&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&visual=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"450\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Once a mariachi performer in Los Angeles, Vladimiro Carranza Chavez now carries weapons to defend his Mexican hometown from a drug gang that once controlled the region. He describes how his battle with the Knights Templar drug cartel began. (Alan Ortega/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story was produced in collaboration with \u003ca href=\"http://cironline.org/\">The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Michael Montgomery, Ana Arana and Grace Rubenstein\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_140330\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/apatzingan4.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-140330 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/apatzingan4-640x423.jpg\" alt=\"A crowd listens to the leaders of a civilian militia at a March rally in Apatzingan, Mexico. The militia pushed out members of a violent drug cartel in the western state of Michoacan. (Alan Ortega/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"423\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A crowd listens to the leaders of a civilian militia at a March rally in Apatzingan, Mexico. The militia pushed out members of a violent drug cartel in the western state of Michoacan. (Alan Ortega/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/156352463&color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"20\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, June 30,\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexican authorities have detained Jose Manuel Mireles, co-founder of the civilian militia movement in Michoacan, for allegedly possessing illegal weapons and drugs. Mireles has resisted government efforts to disband the militias, saying armed civilian groups are still necessary in parts of Mexico controlled by drug gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Post:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Vladimiro Carranza Chavez, a onetime Los Angeles mariachi, joining a ragtag militia to fight against one of Mexico’s most ruthless drug cartels followed a series of tragedies, including the murder of three of his brothers and his own kidnapping and torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The moment came, that in order to survive, we had to fight,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reny Pineda enlisted in the high-stakes battle against the drug lords with support from his family in California and a Colt pistol handed down from his father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t trust anyone,” he says. “Not the government. Not the police. Just ourselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, an unprecedented uprising by motley bands of vigilantes in the Mexican state of Michoacan has put the Knights Templar drug organization on the run and forced the federal government to take firm, if belated, action to end years of gruesome violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fueling the movement are thousands of migrants who lived in California and other U.S. states before returning to Mexico. Many worked on farms in the Central Valley or in factories and construction sites in Southern California before being deported or traveling back voluntarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2010, there have been more than 160,000 deportations of Michoacanos by the Obama administration, according to Mexico's federal migration agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ana Maria Salazar, a Mexican-American security analyst, says many of the migrants had developed a degree of trust in police and other civic institutions while living in the U.S., making the conditions back home all the more shocking upon their return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They come back to Michoacan and they find this complete warlike situation,” Salazar says. “People are getting killed, people are being disappeared, women are being raped, children are forced to work for some of these drug organizations. It’s surprising these self-defense movements didn’t pop up sooner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/156204400&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&visual=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"450\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“Comandanta Lupita” (center) is one of the few women fighting in armed militia groups in Michoacan, long an epicenter in Mexico’s drug war. She explains how she joined the movement to avenge her uncles’ murders. (Alan Ortega/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Roots of Anti-Cartel Movement\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A co-founder of the civilian militias is Dr. Jose Manuel Mireles, a tall, lanky physician who embodies the movement's deep connections to California. Mireles lived with his family for a decade in Modesto, where he worked for the local Red Cross.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After moving back to Michoacan, Mireles says the Knights Templar cartel launched a brutal campaign of extortion, rape and murder. Unlike in the United States, he says there was no place to turn for protection because local authorities were often working for the cartel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had nobody to help us,” Mireles says. “Then we started planning in a small group. We spent two years planning how to make something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mireles’s group of informal advisers included Jose Ramirez, an old friend from the Central Valley who lives and works near Fresno. Ramirez helped raise discreet support for the movement among the hundreds of thousands of Michoacanos living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were afraid to let others know,” he says. “It’s like who do you trust, who do you not trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the men who joined Mireles’ movement are unlikely warriors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pineda was born in Michoacan but left Mexico as a young boy when his family headed north to California. He grew up in Los Angeles, graduated from high school and started a family. He was working off and on in construction when he got caught up in a drug trafficking case. Instead of facing possible prison time, Pineda fled south across the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was in 2010, just as the Knights Templar organization was tightening its grip. With the cartel extorting local businesses, ranches and farms, Pineda says it was difficult to make a living. Five friends disappeared and are among the hundreds of people believed to have been murdered by the drug gangs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was terrible,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when a group of ranchers and farmers from a cluster of nearby towns approached Pineda and his family, they decided to join.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most important thing was to be able to work, without paying money to somebody,” he says. \"And to stop the killing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/156197200&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&visual=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"450\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Reny Pineda was born in Michoacan, but grew up in Los Angeles. In 2010 he returned to Mexico at a time when a ruthless cartel was ruling the region. Standing in an orchard where he picks lemons, Pineda describes why he joined the armed movement against the cartel. (Alan Ortega/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gaining the Upper Hand\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 18 months of fighting, the cartel is on the run. More than 30 municipalities are now under the control of the militias and federal police. And authorities have arrested hundreds of alleged cartel members as well as local politicians and police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, the Mexican government announced the civilian militias were being absorbed into a new rural police corps. Vigilantes are allowed to keep their weapons in spite of Mexico’s tight gun laws, but only if they join the new force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the conflict winding down, at least for now, some migrants are returning to their families back in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet while violence in Michoacan has dropped to levels not seen in years, tensions persist. There have been violent disputes within the militia movement and allegations that some local commanders are working for rival drug cartels seeking to control heroin and methamphetamine production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very easy for a hero to become a villain,” says Salazar. The big challenge, she says, is whether federal and state authorities can demobilize the vigilante groups, prevent a rebirth of the drug cartel and preserve the tenuous peace, using institutions such as the police and army that contributed to the violence and lawlessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/156204615&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&visual=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"450\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Once a mariachi performer in Los Angeles, Vladimiro Carranza Chavez now carries weapons to defend his Mexican hometown from a drug gang that once controlled the region. He describes how his battle with the Knights Templar drug cartel began. (Alan Ortega/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Voters to Weigh Reduced Punishments for Nonviolent Crime",
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"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_80107\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/11/handcuffs.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-80107\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/11/handcuffs.jpg\" alt=\"(Getty Images)\" width=\"600\" height=\"339\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A debate over the proper punishment for crimes like simple drug possession and petty theft is headed to this fall's statewide ballot, with backers arguing that reducing the penalty from a felony to a misdemeanor would reap both fiscal and societal benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://safetyandschools.com/\" target=\"_blank\">initiative\u003c/a>, authored by San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón and former San Diego Police Chief Bill Lansdowne, officially made the ballot Thursday afternoon -- the final day for measures to qualify for the Nov. 4 election. Elections officials in California's 58 counties \u003ca href=\"http://www.sos.ca.gov/admin/press-releases/2014/db14-055.htm\" target=\"_blank\">reported enough valid voter signatures\u003c/a> in a random sampling to place the measure on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative, one of six measures on the November ballot, would use the money saved from prison sentences on K-12 school programs for at-risk students, trauma programs for crime victims, and mental health or substance abuse programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office estimates the initiative, if enacted by voters, \u003ca href=\"http://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2013/130764.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">could save several hundred million dollars\u003c/a> in annual state and county criminal justice costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón has called the initiative a way to continue the push for reform of California's system of crime and punishment. In 2012, \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_36,_Changes_in_the_%22Three_Strikes%22_Law_(2012)\" target=\"_blank\">voters modified the long-standing \"three strikes\" law\u003c/a> to focus on the maximum punishment for violent crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By state law, all ballot measures must qualify no later than 131 days before an election -- Thursday for this fall's election. Still, the ballot is unlikely to be finalized for several more weeks; the Legislature (which can waive those election rules) continues work on a revamped water bond and a proposed school construction bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with those measures, November is on course to feature one of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/06/13/2014/november-2014-ballot-looks-short/\" target=\"_blank\">the shortest general election ballots\u003c/a> in the 103-year history of direct democracy in the Golden State. The record for fewest propositions was set in November 2000, with only eight measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonviolent crimes initiative joins a ballot featuring proposals to enact \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/16/us/politics/california-legislators-reach-deal-for-new-rainy-day-fund-on-ballot.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\">a new rainy day state budget reserve\u003c/a>; to give the state insurance commissioner \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Insurance_Companies_Required_to_Justify_Their_Rates_to_the_Public_Initiative_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">new power to regulate health insurance rates\u003c/a>; to loosen the state's \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Increase_in_Cap_on_Medical_Malpractice_Lawsuits_Initiative_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">1975 cap on medical malpractice awards\u003c/a>; and to overturn, via referendum, \u003ca href=\"http://capitolweekly.net/anti-casino-referendum-qualifies/\" target=\"_blank\">approval of a new off-reservation Indian casino in the Central Valley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_80107\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/11/handcuffs.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-80107\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/11/handcuffs.jpg\" alt=\"(Getty Images)\" width=\"600\" height=\"339\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A debate over the proper punishment for crimes like simple drug possession and petty theft is headed to this fall's statewide ballot, with backers arguing that reducing the penalty from a felony to a misdemeanor would reap both fiscal and societal benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://safetyandschools.com/\" target=\"_blank\">initiative\u003c/a>, authored by San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón and former San Diego Police Chief Bill Lansdowne, officially made the ballot Thursday afternoon -- the final day for measures to qualify for the Nov. 4 election. Elections officials in California's 58 counties \u003ca href=\"http://www.sos.ca.gov/admin/press-releases/2014/db14-055.htm\" target=\"_blank\">reported enough valid voter signatures\u003c/a> in a random sampling to place the measure on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative, one of six measures on the November ballot, would use the money saved from prison sentences on K-12 school programs for at-risk students, trauma programs for crime victims, and mental health or substance abuse programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office estimates the initiative, if enacted by voters, \u003ca href=\"http://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2013/130764.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">could save several hundred million dollars\u003c/a> in annual state and county criminal justice costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón has called the initiative a way to continue the push for reform of California's system of crime and punishment. In 2012, \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_36,_Changes_in_the_%22Three_Strikes%22_Law_(2012)\" target=\"_blank\">voters modified the long-standing \"three strikes\" law\u003c/a> to focus on the maximum punishment for violent crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By state law, all ballot measures must qualify no later than 131 days before an election -- Thursday for this fall's election. Still, the ballot is unlikely to be finalized for several more weeks; the Legislature (which can waive those election rules) continues work on a revamped water bond and a proposed school construction bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with those measures, November is on course to feature one of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/06/13/2014/november-2014-ballot-looks-short/\" target=\"_blank\">the shortest general election ballots\u003c/a> in the 103-year history of direct democracy in the Golden State. The record for fewest propositions was set in November 2000, with only eight measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonviolent crimes initiative joins a ballot featuring proposals to enact \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/16/us/politics/california-legislators-reach-deal-for-new-rainy-day-fund-on-ballot.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\">a new rainy day state budget reserve\u003c/a>; to give the state insurance commissioner \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Insurance_Companies_Required_to_Justify_Their_Rates_to_the_Public_Initiative_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">new power to regulate health insurance rates\u003c/a>; to loosen the state's \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Increase_in_Cap_on_Medical_Malpractice_Lawsuits_Initiative_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">1975 cap on medical malpractice awards\u003c/a>; and to overturn, via referendum, \u003ca href=\"http://capitolweekly.net/anti-casino-referendum-qualifies/\" target=\"_blank\">approval of a new off-reservation Indian casino in the Central Valley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Bryan Stow Lawsuit Against L.A. Dodgers Goes to Jury",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Linda Deutsch\u003cbr>\nAssociated Press\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LOS ANGELES — A negligence lawsuit against the Los Angeles Dodgers and former owner Frank McCourt over a beating that left a San Francisco Giants fan with brain damage was put in the hands of a jury Thursday after closing arguments by attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_44935\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 134px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2011/10/bryanstow1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-44935\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2011/10/bryanstow1.jpg\" alt=\"Bryan Stow (Courtesy, Stow Family).\" width=\"134\" height=\"200\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bryan Stow (Courtesy, Stow Family).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The lawyer for victim Bryan Stow asked for $37.2 million in actual damages and suggested doubling it to account for pain and suffering. The defense argued there should be no finding of liability and no damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the testimony during the trial focused on Stow's need for lifetime care, and the contention that there was insufficient security to protect fans at the game on Opening Day of 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses said no security guards were visible in the parking lot where Stow was beaten after the game between the rival teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense countered that there was more security than at any other Dodgers opening day in history, and no one could have prevented the assault on Stow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Dana Fox said responsibility for the beating lies with Dodger fans Louie Sanchez and Marvin Norwood, who pleaded guilty in the beating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fox also cited testimony that Stow's blood-alcohol level was .18 percent and a witness account of Stow yelling in the parking lot with his arms up in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There were three parties responsible — Sanchez, Norwood and, unfortunately, Stow himself. There were things Mr. Stow did that put these things in action,\" Fox said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stow's attorney, Tom Girardi, argued that the Dodgers failed their responsibility to keep fans safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Dodger Stadium got to a place where it was a total mess,\" Girardi said. \"There was a culture of violence. Beer sales were off the charts.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said, \"The only thing Bryan Stow was doing was wearing a jersey that said 'Giants.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Girardi said jurors must decide whether the Dodgers exercised reasonable care to protect fans, and he asserted that there should have been more uniformed police officers at the stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Girardi also suggested that the jury assign 100 percent of the fault to the team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The closing arguments came a day after Stow sat front and center in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stow, 45, didn't testify, but his appearance in a wheelchair showed jurors the ghastly scars on his head where his skull was temporarily removed during treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jurors also saw a brief video of the two men who went to prison for beating Stow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Girardi said outside court Wednesday that the former paramedic has no memory of the events and had to be told why he was sitting in the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Linda Deutsch\u003cbr>\nAssociated Press\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LOS ANGELES — A negligence lawsuit against the Los Angeles Dodgers and former owner Frank McCourt over a beating that left a San Francisco Giants fan with brain damage was put in the hands of a jury Thursday after closing arguments by attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_44935\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 134px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2011/10/bryanstow1.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-44935\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2011/10/bryanstow1.jpg\" alt=\"Bryan Stow (Courtesy, Stow Family).\" width=\"134\" height=\"200\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bryan Stow (Courtesy, Stow Family).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The lawyer for victim Bryan Stow asked for $37.2 million in actual damages and suggested doubling it to account for pain and suffering. The defense argued there should be no finding of liability and no damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the testimony during the trial focused on Stow's need for lifetime care, and the contention that there was insufficient security to protect fans at the game on Opening Day of 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses said no security guards were visible in the parking lot where Stow was beaten after the game between the rival teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense countered that there was more security than at any other Dodgers opening day in history, and no one could have prevented the assault on Stow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Dana Fox said responsibility for the beating lies with Dodger fans Louie Sanchez and Marvin Norwood, who pleaded guilty in the beating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fox also cited testimony that Stow's blood-alcohol level was .18 percent and a witness account of Stow yelling in the parking lot with his arms up in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There were three parties responsible — Sanchez, Norwood and, unfortunately, Stow himself. There were things Mr. Stow did that put these things in action,\" Fox said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stow's attorney, Tom Girardi, argued that the Dodgers failed their responsibility to keep fans safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Dodger Stadium got to a place where it was a total mess,\" Girardi said. \"There was a culture of violence. Beer sales were off the charts.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said, \"The only thing Bryan Stow was doing was wearing a jersey that said 'Giants.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Girardi said jurors must decide whether the Dodgers exercised reasonable care to protect fans, and he asserted that there should have been more uniformed police officers at the stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Girardi also suggested that the jury assign 100 percent of the fault to the team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The closing arguments came a day after Stow sat front and center in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stow, 45, didn't testify, but his appearance in a wheelchair showed jurors the ghastly scars on his head where his skull was temporarily removed during treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jurors also saw a brief video of the two men who went to prison for beating Stow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Girardi said outside court Wednesday that the former paramedic has no memory of the events and had to be told why he was sitting in the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Associated Press\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_140189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/488633875.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-140189 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/488633875-640x426.jpg\" alt=\"The 74 Whole Foods stores in California will face random quarterly audits.(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The 74 Whole Foods stores in California will face random quarterly audits.(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>LOS ANGELES — Whole Foods will pay about $800,000 in penalties and fees after an investigation found the grocery retailer was overcharging customers in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and local inspectors discovered that purchased foods weighed less than the label advertised and the weight of salad bar containers wasn't subtracted at checkout, prosecutors said. In addition, the grocer sold prepared foods like kebabs by the item rather than by the pound, as mandated by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pricing discrepancies violated consumer protection laws regarding false advertising and unfair competition, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whole Foods must pay $210,000 to each of the city attorneys of \u003ca href=\"http://www.smgov.net/departments/cao/Content.aspx?id=48302\" target=\"_blank\">Santa Monica\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://atty.lacity.org/stellent/groups/electedofficials/@atty_contributor/documents/contributor_web_content/lacityp_028443.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.sandiego.gov/cityattorney/pdf/news/2014/nr140624.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">San Diego\u003c/a>, who brought the case against the retailer. Whole Foods must also reimburse county and state agencies that conducted the pricing investigation and pay $100,000 to a weights and measurements enforcement fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of an agreement covering five years, the grocer must appoint state- and store-level pricing accuracy managers, and each of the 74 Whole Foods stores in California will face random quarterly audits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The consumer protection case was brought against Whole Foods Market California Inc. and Mrs. Gooch's Natural Food Markets Inc., the two subsidiaries of Whole Foods Market Inc. that operate its California stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whole Foods issued a statement noting that the company cooperated with the yearlong investigation and prices were accurate 98 percent of the time. The Austin, Texas-based retailer vowed to improve internal procedures to reduce human error, according to the statement.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Associated Press\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_140189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/488633875.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-140189 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/488633875-640x426.jpg\" alt=\"The 74 Whole Foods stores in California will face random quarterly audits.(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The 74 Whole Foods stores in California will face random quarterly audits.(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>LOS ANGELES — Whole Foods will pay about $800,000 in penalties and fees after an investigation found the grocery retailer was overcharging customers in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and local inspectors discovered that purchased foods weighed less than the label advertised and the weight of salad bar containers wasn't subtracted at checkout, prosecutors said. In addition, the grocer sold prepared foods like kebabs by the item rather than by the pound, as mandated by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pricing discrepancies violated consumer protection laws regarding false advertising and unfair competition, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whole Foods must pay $210,000 to each of the city attorneys of \u003ca href=\"http://www.smgov.net/departments/cao/Content.aspx?id=48302\" target=\"_blank\">Santa Monica\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://atty.lacity.org/stellent/groups/electedofficials/@atty_contributor/documents/contributor_web_content/lacityp_028443.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.sandiego.gov/cityattorney/pdf/news/2014/nr140624.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">San Diego\u003c/a>, who brought the case against the retailer. Whole Foods must also reimburse county and state agencies that conducted the pricing investigation and pay $100,000 to a weights and measurements enforcement fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of an agreement covering five years, the grocer must appoint state- and store-level pricing accuracy managers, and each of the 74 Whole Foods stores in California will face random quarterly audits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The consumer protection case was brought against Whole Foods Market California Inc. and Mrs. Gooch's Natural Food Markets Inc., the two subsidiaries of Whole Foods Market Inc. that operate its California stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whole Foods issued a statement noting that the company cooperated with the yearlong investigation and prices were accurate 98 percent of the time. The Austin, Texas-based retailer vowed to improve internal procedures to reduce human error, according to the statement.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Mark Sherman\u003cbr>\nAssociated Press\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_92735\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/03/RS2263_SupremeCourt100311.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-92735\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/03/RS2263_SupremeCourt100311-640x438.jpg\" alt=\"The Supreme Court of the United States. (Paul J. Richards/AFP/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"438\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Supreme Court of the United States (Paul J. Richards/AFP/Getty Images) \u003ccite>(Paul J. Richards/AFP-Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>WASHINGTON — In a strong defense of digital age privacy, \u003ca href=\"http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/13pdf/13-132_8l9c.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a unanimous U.S. Supreme Court ruled Wednesday\u003c/a> that police may not generally search the cellphones of people they arrest without first getting search warrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cellphones are powerful devices unlike anything else police may find on someone they arrest, Chief Justice John Roberts said for the court. Because the phones contain so much information, police must get a warrant before looking through them, Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"right\">\u003ca href=\"#opinion\">\u003cstrong>Read full opinion: Riley v. California\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Modern cellphones are not just another technological convenience. With all they contain and all they may reveal, they hold for many Americans the privacies of life,” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message to police about what they should do before rummaging through a cellphone’s contents following an arrest is simple. “Get a warrant,” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chief justice acknowledged that barring searches would affect law enforcement, but said: “Privacy comes at a cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court chose not to extend earlier rulings that allow police to empty a suspect’s pockets and examine whatever they find to ensure officers’ safety and prevent the destruction of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Obama administration and the state of California, defending the cellphone searches, said cellphones should have no greater protection from a search than anything else police find.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the defendants in these cases, backed by civil libertarians, librarians and news media groups, argued that cellphones, especially smartphones, are increasingly powerful computers that can store troves of sensitive personal information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By recognizing that the digital revolution has transformed our expectations of privacy, today’s decision is itself revolutionary and will help to protect the privacy rights of all Americans,” American Civil Liberties Union legal director Steven Shapiro said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the cases decided Wednesday, one defendant carried a smartphone, while the other carried an older flip phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts said the comparison to packages of cigarettes and other items that were at issue in the earlier cases is not apt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A ride on horseback and a flight to the moon both “are ways of getting from point A to point B, but little else justifies lumping them together,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities concerned about the destruction of evidence can take steps to prevent the remote erasure of a phone’s contents or the activation of encryption, Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One exception to the warrant requirement left open by the decision is a case in which officers reasonably fear for their safety or the lives of others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two cases arose following arrests in San Diego and Boston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego, police found indications of gang membership when they looked through defendant David Leon Riley’s Samsung smartphone. Prosecutors used video and photographs found on the smartphone to persuade a jury to convict Riley of attempted murder and other charges. California courts rejected Riley’s efforts to throw out the evidence and upheld the convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court ordered the California Supreme Court to take a new look at Riley’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Boston, a federal appeals court ruled that police must have a warrant before searching arrestees’ cellphones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police arrested Brima Wurie on suspicion of selling crack cocaine, checked the call log on his flip phone and used that information to determine where he lived. When they searched Wurie’s home and had a warrant, they found crack, marijuana, a gun and ammunition. The evidence was enough to produce a conviction and a prison term of more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court ruled for Wurie, but left in place a drug conviction for selling cocaine near a school that did not depend on the tainted evidence. That conviction also carried a 20-year sentence. The administration appealed the court ruling because it wants to preserve the warrantless searches following arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices upheld that ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Here’s the full court opinion in Riley v. California:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"opinion\">\u003c/a>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"doc_33747\" class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"//www.scribd.com/embeds/231297500/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Mark Sherman\u003cbr>\nAssociated Press\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_92735\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/03/RS2263_SupremeCourt100311.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-92735\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/03/RS2263_SupremeCourt100311-640x438.jpg\" alt=\"The Supreme Court of the United States. (Paul J. Richards/AFP/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"438\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Supreme Court of the United States (Paul J. Richards/AFP/Getty Images) \u003ccite>(Paul J. Richards/AFP-Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>WASHINGTON — In a strong defense of digital age privacy, \u003ca href=\"http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/13pdf/13-132_8l9c.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a unanimous U.S. Supreme Court ruled Wednesday\u003c/a> that police may not generally search the cellphones of people they arrest without first getting search warrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cellphones are powerful devices unlike anything else police may find on someone they arrest, Chief Justice John Roberts said for the court. Because the phones contain so much information, police must get a warrant before looking through them, Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"right\">\u003ca href=\"#opinion\">\u003cstrong>Read full opinion: Riley v. California\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Modern cellphones are not just another technological convenience. With all they contain and all they may reveal, they hold for many Americans the privacies of life,” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message to police about what they should do before rummaging through a cellphone’s contents following an arrest is simple. “Get a warrant,” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chief justice acknowledged that barring searches would affect law enforcement, but said: “Privacy comes at a cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court chose not to extend earlier rulings that allow police to empty a suspect’s pockets and examine whatever they find to ensure officers’ safety and prevent the destruction of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Obama administration and the state of California, defending the cellphone searches, said cellphones should have no greater protection from a search than anything else police find.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the defendants in these cases, backed by civil libertarians, librarians and news media groups, argued that cellphones, especially smartphones, are increasingly powerful computers that can store troves of sensitive personal information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By recognizing that the digital revolution has transformed our expectations of privacy, today’s decision is itself revolutionary and will help to protect the privacy rights of all Americans,” American Civil Liberties Union legal director Steven Shapiro said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the cases decided Wednesday, one defendant carried a smartphone, while the other carried an older flip phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts said the comparison to packages of cigarettes and other items that were at issue in the earlier cases is not apt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A ride on horseback and a flight to the moon both “are ways of getting from point A to point B, but little else justifies lumping them together,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities concerned about the destruction of evidence can take steps to prevent the remote erasure of a phone’s contents or the activation of encryption, Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One exception to the warrant requirement left open by the decision is a case in which officers reasonably fear for their safety or the lives of others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two cases arose following arrests in San Diego and Boston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego, police found indications of gang membership when they looked through defendant David Leon Riley’s Samsung smartphone. Prosecutors used video and photographs found on the smartphone to persuade a jury to convict Riley of attempted murder and other charges. California courts rejected Riley’s efforts to throw out the evidence and upheld the convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court ordered the California Supreme Court to take a new look at Riley’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Boston, a federal appeals court ruled that police must have a warrant before searching arrestees’ cellphones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police arrested Brima Wurie on suspicion of selling crack cocaine, checked the call log on his flip phone and used that information to determine where he lived. When they searched Wurie’s home and had a warrant, they found crack, marijuana, a gun and ammunition. The evidence was enough to produce a conviction and a prison term of more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court ruled for Wurie, but left in place a drug conviction for selling cocaine near a school that did not depend on the tainted evidence. That conviction also carried a 20-year sentence. The administration appealed the court ruling because it wants to preserve the warrantless searches following arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices upheld that ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Here’s the full court opinion in Riley v. California:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"opinion\">\u003c/a>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"doc_33747\" class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"//www.scribd.com/embeds/231297500/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Oakland Shuts Down Three Marijuana 'Speakeasies'",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_109202\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/4903_transform-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-109202\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/4903_transform-1.jpg\" alt=\"(David McNew/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While most of the country is embroiled in debate on marijuana legalization, for the past 10 years many Oakland residents have been taking advantage of \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2004/11/02/ca/alm/meas/Z/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Measure Z\u003c/a>, which makes private use of pot by adults the Police Department’s lowest enforcement priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the measure passed in 2004, so-called Measure Z clubs — speakeasies of sorts — have popped up all over Oakland. They sell pot to adults with little interference from the city. But after years of a hands-off, quiet enforcement approach, Oakland police have raided and shut down three clubs in the past few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe DeVries, staffer for Oakland’s \u003ca href=\"http://www2.oaklandnet.com/Government/o/CityAdministration/d/CannabisRegulatoryCommissionformerlyknownasMeasureZCommittee/index.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Cannabis Regulatory Commission\u003c/a>, says that, in the past, Measure Z clubs have closed after the city received complaints from neighboring businesses, residents or sometimes concerned parents and were told to shut their doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since Measure Z popped up, the city has taken the abatement approach, and that has been enough,” DeVries says. “Send a letter, request a visit or schedule a visit, and that was enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two of the recent cases, cease-and-desist letters were sent to the now-closed Measure Z clubs after the city got numerous complaints. But the clubs stayed open and “forced the city’s hand,” DeVries says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third instance occurred when police were investigating drug use in North Oakland’s Bushrod Park and were tipped off to a club not far from there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The intent [of Measure Z] was to get marijuana sales out of the streets and away from children,” DeVries says. “If marijuana is only being sold to adults at a private club, you are taking marijuana out of the neighborhood and away from children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the conflict around Measure Z clubs arises from the wording of city regulations that enacted Measure Z. In 2005, the City Council adopted a definition of the kind of private cannabis offenses that \u003ca href=\"http://www2.oaklandnet.com/oakca1/groups/cityadministrator/documents/report/oak041645.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">were not covered by the measure\u003c/a>. In essence, the council’s resolution said the Oakland Police Department’s “lowest enforcement priority” would not apply to pot sold in any commercial setting:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Private adult cannabis offenses do not include the use, sale, distribution, preparation and/or cultivation in settings that are not private, including but not limited to markets, stores, cabarets, establishments selling alcoholic beverages, cafes and restaurants, retail outlets, stores and other commercial establishments. …\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>While many club owners argue they’re running “private” establishments, the city says some of the clubs fall under the definition of commercial enterprises not protected by Measure Z.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a fascinating gray area in a city that, from a policy perspective, they would like to see cannabis treated similarly to alcohol,” DeVries says. “But we have to wait until state law changes.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_109202\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/4903_transform-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-109202\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/4903_transform-1.jpg\" alt=\"(David McNew/Getty Images)\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While most of the country is embroiled in debate on marijuana legalization, for the past 10 years many Oakland residents have been taking advantage of \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2004/11/02/ca/alm/meas/Z/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Measure Z\u003c/a>, which makes private use of pot by adults the Police Department’s lowest enforcement priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the measure passed in 2004, so-called Measure Z clubs — speakeasies of sorts — have popped up all over Oakland. They sell pot to adults with little interference from the city. But after years of a hands-off, quiet enforcement approach, Oakland police have raided and shut down three clubs in the past few months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe DeVries, staffer for Oakland’s \u003ca href=\"http://www2.oaklandnet.com/Government/o/CityAdministration/d/CannabisRegulatoryCommissionformerlyknownasMeasureZCommittee/index.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Cannabis Regulatory Commission\u003c/a>, says that, in the past, Measure Z clubs have closed after the city received complaints from neighboring businesses, residents or sometimes concerned parents and were told to shut their doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since Measure Z popped up, the city has taken the abatement approach, and that has been enough,” DeVries says. “Send a letter, request a visit or schedule a visit, and that was enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two of the recent cases, cease-and-desist letters were sent to the now-closed Measure Z clubs after the city got numerous complaints. But the clubs stayed open and “forced the city’s hand,” DeVries says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third instance occurred when police were investigating drug use in North Oakland’s Bushrod Park and were tipped off to a club not far from there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The intent [of Measure Z] was to get marijuana sales out of the streets and away from children,” DeVries says. “If marijuana is only being sold to adults at a private club, you are taking marijuana out of the neighborhood and away from children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the conflict around Measure Z clubs arises from the wording of city regulations that enacted Measure Z. In 2005, the City Council adopted a definition of the kind of private cannabis offenses that \u003ca href=\"http://www2.oaklandnet.com/oakca1/groups/cityadministrator/documents/report/oak041645.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">were not covered by the measure\u003c/a>. In essence, the council’s resolution said the Oakland Police Department’s “lowest enforcement priority” would not apply to pot sold in any commercial setting:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Private adult cannabis offenses do not include the use, sale, distribution, preparation and/or cultivation in settings that are not private, including but not limited to markets, stores, cabarets, establishments selling alcoholic beverages, cafes and restaurants, retail outlets, stores and other commercial establishments. …\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>While many club owners argue they’re running “private” establishments, the city says some of the clubs fall under the definition of commercial enterprises not protected by Measure Z.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a fascinating gray area in a city that, from a policy perspective, they would like to see cannabis treated similarly to alcohol,” DeVries says. “But we have to wait until state law changes.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Berkeley Aims to Tackle Alleged Racial Profiling By Collecting Better Data",
"title": "Berkeley Aims to Tackle Alleged Racial Profiling By Collecting Better Data",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Tracey Taylor\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/06/19/berkeley-adopts-anti-bias-policing-policy-commits-to-collecting-data-to-tackle-alleged-racial-profiling/\" target=\"_blank\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_139710\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/berk-police.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-139710\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/berk-police-640x426.jpg\" alt=\"Berkeley Police officers patrolling at night: a new policing policy adopted unanimously by the City Council aims to address alleged racial profiling when police make stops. (Emilie Raguso/Berkeleyside)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Police officers patrolling at night: a new policing policy adopted unanimously by the City Council aims to address alleged racial profiling when police make stops. (Emilie Raguso/Berkeleyside)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley City Council on Tuesday adopted an anti-bias policing policy with a view to eradicating, or at least reducing, alleged cases of racial profiling by the city’s police. The policy will see the city begin to collect data on police stops to analyze whether incidents of profiling are happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, Berkeley Police record data about vehicle stops, but data about other types of contacts — including pedestrians and bicyclists — is not collected unless there is an arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.berkeley.ca.us/Clerk/City_Council/2014/06_Jun/Documents/2014-06-17_Item_03_Implementation_of_Fair.aspx\">“Fair and Impartial Policing Policy”\u003c/a> has been a year in the making, and was crafted by a committee that included representatives from the Berkeley Police Department working in collaboration with the Police Review Commission, the Peace and Justice Commission, the Coalition for a Safe Berkeley, and the East Bay ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\"Too many of our young black and brown youth are stopped for jaywalking, or ‘walking or driving while black.'\"\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Councilman Jesse Arreguín brought the recommendation to the Council in order, he said, to help implement state law which prohibits racial profiling by law enforcement officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in Berkeley which has an excellent and well-trained police force, and a city with a long history of progressive values, racial profiling has occurred throughout our city’s history,” \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.berkeley.ca.us/Clerk/City_Council/2014/06_Jun/Documents/2014-06-17_Item_03_Implementation_of_Fair.aspx\">the supporting city document states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police training on the policy has already begun and is expected to be complete within four months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several speakers at the meeting said they had witnessed, or been subject to, racial profiling by Berkeley Police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local resident Charles Brown, who said he works at the Berkeley Flea Market among other things, described witnessing an African American man being arrested at the market for “talking too loud.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Controversial Video\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reference was made to \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/05/09/berkeley-police-stop-sparks-racial-controversy/\">a recent video of a police stop of a group of young people\u003c/a>, some of whom were former UC Berkeley students, which sparked accusations of racial profiling by BPD officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Too many of our young black and brown youth are stopped for jaywalking, or ‘walking or driving while black,’” said Barbara White, vice-president of the Berkeley NAACP. “If we continue to racially profile young people they will be fearful of coming to Berkeley.” She added: “Officers not doing their job should be accountable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley NAACP President Mansour Id-Deen urged the Council to adopt the policy, saying 34 cities in California had already implemented data collection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move comes on the heels of \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/06/19/berkeley-adopts-anti-bias-policing-policy-commits-to-collecting-data-to-tackle-alleged-racial-profiling/%C2%A0http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/05/12/community-comes-out-for-naacp-forum-on-alleged-racial-profiling-by-police-in-berkeley/comment-page-1/\">a town hall meeting organized by the Berkeley NAACP\u003c/a> last month to discuss racial profiling, which was attended by more than 100 members of the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilman Max Anderson said he wished more of his colleagues on the Council had been at the meeting to hear testimony from so many about biased policing. “Some people don’t see it as their problem,” he said. Anderson said the new policy was an opportunity for training and upgrading skills in the city and “ensuring all citizens are treated in a fair and impartial way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilman Arreguín stressed how important it would be to have detailed police stop data so as to be able to determine whether the policy was making a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is critical in maintaining the Berkeley police force’s reputation as progressive,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley City Manager Christine Daniel will request the police department put the policy — which was voted in unanimously and is known as General Order B4 — into effect within four months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both she and Berkeley Police Chief Michael Meehan will report back to the Council after the summer recess on the status of relevant training for police officers, as well as the implementation of the policy. The Council agreed they would ideally like to see annual reporting of stop and search data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED News Associate \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a> is an independently owned news website based in Berkeley. \u003ca href=\"http://eepurl.com/lh_3b\">Click here\u003c/a> if you would you like to receive the latest Berkeley news in your inbox once a day for free with Berkeleyside's Daily Briefing email.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>By Tracey Taylor\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/06/19/berkeley-adopts-anti-bias-policing-policy-commits-to-collecting-data-to-tackle-alleged-racial-profiling/\" target=\"_blank\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_139710\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/berk-police.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-139710\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/06/berk-police-640x426.jpg\" alt=\"Berkeley Police officers patrolling at night: a new policing policy adopted unanimously by the City Council aims to address alleged racial profiling when police make stops. (Emilie Raguso/Berkeleyside)\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Police officers patrolling at night: a new policing policy adopted unanimously by the City Council aims to address alleged racial profiling when police make stops. (Emilie Raguso/Berkeleyside)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley City Council on Tuesday adopted an anti-bias policing policy with a view to eradicating, or at least reducing, alleged cases of racial profiling by the city’s police. The policy will see the city begin to collect data on police stops to analyze whether incidents of profiling are happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, Berkeley Police record data about vehicle stops, but data about other types of contacts — including pedestrians and bicyclists — is not collected unless there is an arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.berkeley.ca.us/Clerk/City_Council/2014/06_Jun/Documents/2014-06-17_Item_03_Implementation_of_Fair.aspx\">“Fair and Impartial Policing Policy”\u003c/a> has been a year in the making, and was crafted by a committee that included representatives from the Berkeley Police Department working in collaboration with the Police Review Commission, the Peace and Justice Commission, the Coalition for a Safe Berkeley, and the East Bay ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\"Too many of our young black and brown youth are stopped for jaywalking, or ‘walking or driving while black.'\"\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Councilman Jesse Arreguín brought the recommendation to the Council in order, he said, to help implement state law which prohibits racial profiling by law enforcement officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in Berkeley which has an excellent and well-trained police force, and a city with a long history of progressive values, racial profiling has occurred throughout our city’s history,” \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.berkeley.ca.us/Clerk/City_Council/2014/06_Jun/Documents/2014-06-17_Item_03_Implementation_of_Fair.aspx\">the supporting city document states\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police training on the policy has already begun and is expected to be complete within four months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several speakers at the meeting said they had witnessed, or been subject to, racial profiling by Berkeley Police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local resident Charles Brown, who said he works at the Berkeley Flea Market among other things, described witnessing an African American man being arrested at the market for “talking too loud.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Controversial Video\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reference was made to \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/05/09/berkeley-police-stop-sparks-racial-controversy/\">a recent video of a police stop of a group of young people\u003c/a>, some of whom were former UC Berkeley students, which sparked accusations of racial profiling by BPD officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Too many of our young black and brown youth are stopped for jaywalking, or ‘walking or driving while black,’” said Barbara White, vice-president of the Berkeley NAACP. “If we continue to racially profile young people they will be fearful of coming to Berkeley.” She added: “Officers not doing their job should be accountable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley NAACP President Mansour Id-Deen urged the Council to adopt the policy, saying 34 cities in California had already implemented data collection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move comes on the heels of \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/06/19/berkeley-adopts-anti-bias-policing-policy-commits-to-collecting-data-to-tackle-alleged-racial-profiling/%C2%A0http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/05/12/community-comes-out-for-naacp-forum-on-alleged-racial-profiling-by-police-in-berkeley/comment-page-1/\">a town hall meeting organized by the Berkeley NAACP\u003c/a> last month to discuss racial profiling, which was attended by more than 100 members of the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilman Max Anderson said he wished more of his colleagues on the Council had been at the meeting to hear testimony from so many about biased policing. “Some people don’t see it as their problem,” he said. Anderson said the new policy was an opportunity for training and upgrading skills in the city and “ensuring all citizens are treated in a fair and impartial way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilman Arreguín stressed how important it would be to have detailed police stop data so as to be able to determine whether the policy was making a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is critical in maintaining the Berkeley police force’s reputation as progressive,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley City Manager Christine Daniel will request the police department put the policy — which was voted in unanimously and is known as General Order B4 — into effect within four months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both she and Berkeley Police Chief Michael Meehan will report back to the Council after the summer recess on the status of relevant training for police officers, as well as the implementation of the policy. The Council agreed they would ideally like to see annual reporting of stop and search data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED News Associate \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/\">Berkeleyside\u003c/a> is an independently owned news website based in Berkeley. \u003ca href=\"http://eepurl.com/lh_3b\">Click here\u003c/a> if you would you like to receive the latest Berkeley news in your inbox once a day for free with Berkeleyside's Daily Briefing email.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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},
"soldout": {
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