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"content": "\u003cp>In defending the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/02/trump-unveils-legislation-limiting-legal-immigration/\">Trump administration’s support for legislation that cuts legal immigration\u003c/a>, senior policy adviser Stephen Miller \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/washington/la-na-essential-washington-updates-watch-cnn-s-jim-acosta-and-white-house-1501704278-htmlstory.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dismissed\u003c/a> the famous Statue of Liberty poem by Emma Lazarus since it was added after the statue was completed. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The RAISE Act (for Reforming American Immigration for a Strong Economy), would dramatically cut legal immigration to the United States — including cutting the number of refugees allowed in the country by half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To refresh your memory, here are the words of Emma Lazarus’ poem, inscribed in bronze at the base of the Statue of Liberty:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame,\u003cbr>\nWith conquering limbs astride from land to land;\u003cbr>\nHere at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand\u003cbr>\nA mighty woman with a torch, whose flame\u003cbr>\nIs the imprisoned lightning, and her name\u003cbr>\nMother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand\u003cbr>\nGlows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command\u003cbr>\nThe air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame.\u003cbr>\n“Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!” cries she\u003cbr>\nWith silent lips. “Give me your tired, your poor,\u003cbr>\nYour huddled masses yearning to breathe free,\u003cbr>\nThe wretched refuse of your teeming shore.\u003cbr>\nSend these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,\u003cbr>\nI lift my lamp beside the golden door!”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>A big Butte County walnut rancher has filed a $15.45 million claim against the state Department of Water Resources, alleging the agency is responsible for damage suffered after the Oroville spillway emergency in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JEM Farms and Chandon Ranch -- jointly owned properties that straddle the Feather River 17 miles below Oroville Dam -- say they lost a total of 27 acres of land because of the way the water agency maintained and operated the spillway before, during and after the February crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our investigation shows the Department of Water Resources failed to address a known hazard, and made only Band-Aid repairs,\" attorney Niall McCarthy of Burlingame-based Cotchett, Pitre & McCarthy said in a statement. “For years, the State of California knew the gated spillway would fail, but chose to roll the dice with the safety and property of the residents of Oroville.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large water releases at the height of the incident were followed by an \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/23/engineers-assess-spillway-problem-at-oroville-dam/#feb26\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">abrupt reduction of flows\u003c/a> on Feb. 27, leading to \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/state/california/water-and-drought/article136830223.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">widespread bank collapses\u003c/a> downstream from the dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"yeXIsuXtliP7hUm2hcff07MAxL0Qg3TL\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As land collapsed on the two farm properties -- the parcels total 2,000 acres, with JEM having 4 miles of frontage on the river's east bank, Chandon three-quarters of a mile on the west -- sections of their walnut orchards dropped into the river, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim calculates the value of the lost 27 acres at $1.08 million -- $40,000 an acre -- and losses of future walnut production over the next 50 years at about $14 million. The action also seeks $200,000 for cleaning up the mess left behind by the rapidly fluctuating river levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Normally, they raise (the river) up incrementally and they let it down incrementally,\" George Onyett, who has managed JEM Farms for 41 years, said in a phone interview Thursday. \"This was just one fell swoop -- the river went down about 8 feet when they shut the spillway off.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"ho2ipcJyTewheKuMVbg6HSjatwWRgGll\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Water Resources did not respond to a request for comment on the claim. The agency said earlier this year that heavy winter rainfall, not its releases, was the likely culprit for the erosion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve received over a year’s worth of rain in two months,” Lauren Bisnett, a DWR spokeswoman, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-feather-river-erosion-20170315-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a> in March. “It’s not uncommon to see erosion in that region.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for businesses and residents in and around Oroville say they're preparing similar claims against the state ... to meet a six-month deadline that arrives this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actions are the first step in a process that will likely result in the state rejecting the claims and the filing of lawsuits against the Department of Water Resources.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A big Butte County walnut rancher has filed a $15.45 million claim against the state Department of Water Resources, alleging the agency is responsible for damage suffered after the Oroville spillway emergency in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JEM Farms and Chandon Ranch -- jointly owned properties that straddle the Feather River 17 miles below Oroville Dam -- say they lost a total of 27 acres of land because of the way the water agency maintained and operated the spillway before, during and after the February crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our investigation shows the Department of Water Resources failed to address a known hazard, and made only Band-Aid repairs,\" attorney Niall McCarthy of Burlingame-based Cotchett, Pitre & McCarthy said in a statement. “For years, the State of California knew the gated spillway would fail, but chose to roll the dice with the safety and property of the residents of Oroville.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large water releases at the height of the incident were followed by an \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/23/engineers-assess-spillway-problem-at-oroville-dam/#feb26\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">abrupt reduction of flows\u003c/a> on Feb. 27, leading to \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/state/california/water-and-drought/article136830223.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">widespread bank collapses\u003c/a> downstream from the dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As land collapsed on the two farm properties -- the parcels total 2,000 acres, with JEM having 4 miles of frontage on the river's east bank, Chandon three-quarters of a mile on the west -- sections of their walnut orchards dropped into the river, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim calculates the value of the lost 27 acres at $1.08 million -- $40,000 an acre -- and losses of future walnut production over the next 50 years at about $14 million. The action also seeks $200,000 for cleaning up the mess left behind by the rapidly fluctuating river levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Normally, they raise (the river) up incrementally and they let it down incrementally,\" George Onyett, who has managed JEM Farms for 41 years, said in a phone interview Thursday. \"This was just one fell swoop -- the river went down about 8 feet when they shut the spillway off.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Water Resources did not respond to a request for comment on the claim. The agency said earlier this year that heavy winter rainfall, not its releases, was the likely culprit for the erosion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve received over a year’s worth of rain in two months,” Lauren Bisnett, a DWR spokeswoman, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-feather-river-erosion-20170315-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">told the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a> in March. “It’s not uncommon to see erosion in that region.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for businesses and residents in and around Oroville say they're preparing similar claims against the state ... to meet a six-month deadline that arrives this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actions are the first step in a process that will likely result in the state rejecting the claims and the filing of lawsuits against the Department of Water Resources.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After a man held a knife to her throat, forced her into her car and repeatedly raped her, Helena Lazaro underwent a painful and humiliating medical forensic examination. The 17-year-old wanted her attacker caught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She never imagined the evidence collected in what is known as a rape kit would sit untouched for years by the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department. And by the time she discovered the identity of her attacker, prosecutors couldn’t charge him with the rape because the statute of limitations had expired in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about that 17-year-old girl, the 25-year-old girl, the 30-year-old woman – all the versions of myself who have suffered,” Lazaro says. “That suffering could have ended much sooner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victims’ rights groups estimate that hundreds of thousands of rape kits remain untested at police departments and crime lab storage facilities nationwide—thus far a partial inventory of California by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.endthebacklog.org/California\">End the Backlog Initiative\u003c/a> has identified some 9,000 untested kits. But the precise number remains a mystery because most states, including California, don’t inventory rape kits, and rape survivors sometimes struggle to get information about their own cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/08/TCRAMc170802.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RapeKitBacklog-1920x1209.jpg\" Title=\"Despite Backlog of Rape Kits, California's Not Requiring They Be Tested or Tallied\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement might opt not to submit kits for DNA and other analysis for any number of reasons—the case may be solved or cleared without need for test results, or officers may regard it as a low priority. But another reason so many kits gather dust is financial: Processing costs an estimated $500 to $1,500 per kit, sometimes more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislative efforts to count and clear the rape kit backlog, to track the kits and to mandate all new kits be tested have failed over the years in California, with the powerful law enforcement lobby citing the burden on local police budgets and labor. This year appears to be no different. Some legislation that would reform rape kit collection has been watered down. Other bills await approval from lawmakers charged with weeding through bills that carry a price tag, who often reject popular measures because of their cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The responsibility for submitting rape kits for testing largely falls to local police departments and county sheriff’s offices. But a growing number of states have gotten involved—reacting to public outcry and to evidence that testing rape kits puts serial rapists behind bars. In recent years, California has \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/13-14/bill/asm/ab_1501-1550/ab_1517_bill_20140930_chaptered.pdf\">“encouraged”\u003c/a> law enforcement to submit kits within a certain timeframe and legalized a victims’ bill of rights. But unlike many other states, California has stopped short of mandating testing or even paying to calculate the depth of the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘When kits are untested, survivors do not get justice.’\u003ccite>Assemblyman David Chiu\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One legislator has even resorted to a novel approach to crime-solving: A bill that would ask California taxpayers to donate directly to the rape kit backlog fund when filing their state income tax returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It takes significant resources and political will, getting leaders to engage in this problem and say it’s a priority and want to fix it,” said Ilse Knecht, director of policy and advocacy at the Joyful Heart Foundation, a national nonprofit that works on sexual assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracking these kits, Knecht argues, is one way the public can hold law enforcement accountable for failures to prioritize sexual assaults as violent crimes, blaming the victim or only testing rape kits if a stranger committed the assault. Those cultural, subjective circumstances are the reason she and other advocates believe every rape kit ought to be tested — to end the discretion, and some say discrimination, involved in rape kit testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the injustice of this situation is obvious but bears some repeating,” Assemblyman David Chiu testified before a Senate committee in June. “When kits are untested, survivors do not get justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[RapeKitBacklog]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu, D-San Francisco, authored \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB41\">AB 41\u003c/a>, which would require local law enforcement agencies to log, not test, all future rape kits into a California Department of Justice database. It’s a small step toward the eventual goal of testing all rape kits, but even so, simply tracking new kits has garnered the opposition of the California State Sheriffs’ Association, which argues the reporting requirement would divert limited resources from critical services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If agencies report this information, there will be a database about who has untested kits and why they are untested,” said Cory Salzillo, legislative director of the sheriffs’ association. “That doesn’t necessarily translate into convictions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo also challenges the premise that every rape kit should be tested, citing cases where a person who committed a rape admitted to it, both the victim and the perpetrator agree a sexual encounter took place, or if a victim has recanted. But it’s hard to know what percentage of untested kits stem from solved cases in California because law enforcement isn’t required to report the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lazaro still doesn’t know why the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department didn’t submit her test for analysis or why her case remained unsolved for so long. She spent her final year of high school terrified of her unknown attacker, who had threatened to kill her and her family if she ever reported the attack. When authorities did send Lazaro’s evidence kit for testing in 2003—seven years later—they didn’t tell her they had found a match. Her case never moved forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I hate that I have to argue that it should be important enough to say ‘we need to prevent women from being raped.’ We track information about so many other crimes. Why is this an exception?’\u003ccite>Helena Lazaro\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>She didn’t learn the name of that match until 2009, after the sheriff’s department responded to an inquiry from a local rape crisis agency. Lazaro said she was told that the results had never made it from the lab to the sheriff’s department, and received an apology. But by then, California’s 10-year statute of limitations on rape had expired. (Last year Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation that removes the statute of limitations on new sex crimes.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Capt. Carlos Marquez from the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department declined to comment on the case, saying he was about to meet with Lazaro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Lazaro was relieved when she finally learned that the man authorities had identified through testing as her rapist—a long-haul truck driver from Ohio—was in prison for sexually assaulting his wife. She was safe. She believed her case had just slipped through the cracks. But then she learned about the hundreds of thousands of women nationwide whose rape kits have never been tested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hate that I have to argue that it should be important enough to say ‘we need to prevent women from being raped,’ ” Lazaro said. “We track information about so many other crimes. Why is this an exception?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers on the Senate Appropriations Committee have put Chiu’s bill on the suspense file, meaning it has a cost to the state and will be heard later this summer. Similar bills have died twice before in appropriations committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11608356\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11608356\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"Assemblyman David Chiu authored AB 41, which would require local law enforcement agencies to log, not test, all future rape kits into a state database.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-1020x703.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-960x662.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblyman David Chiu authored AB 41, which would require local law enforcement agencies to log, not test, all future rape kits into a state database. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A recent Senate analysis concluded that Chiu’s rape kit reporting bill presents a “potentially significant workload cost of more than $100,000 a year to local law enforcement agencies statewide,” although that cost would likely be reimbursed by the state. Related legislation that would ban the destruction of a rape kit in an unsolved case for 20 years could cost the state $3 million for a new storage facility, along with $150,000 in ongoing costs. That bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1312\">AB 1312\u003c/a> by Democratic Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher of San Diego, initially contained a provision that would have mandated the submission and testing of all newly collected rape kits. But that was stripped from the bill because of its cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Funding shouldn’t even be a question,” said Harriet Salarno, chair of Crime Victims United Charitable Foundation, whose daughter was murdered and has been working with victims for the last 37 years. “Public safety is a constitutional right. Public safety is a priority. They are using funding as an excuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the cost of testing a rape kit is far outweighed by the cost of crimes prevented. In 2016, the Begun Center for Violence Prevention Research and Education at Case Western Reserve University in Ohio released a \u003ca href=\"http://begun.case.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Cost-Savings-and-Cost-Effectiveness-Brief.pdf\">study\u003c/a> that showed Cuyahoga County, Ohio, had saved $48.2 million by averting future sexual assaults after testing its 4,347 unsubmitted rape kits. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.bja.gov/funding/SAKI17.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by the U.S. Justice Department noted that Detroit alone had identified over 400 serial rapists through the testing of backlogged kits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A growing number of states have taken steps to address the backlog. Arkansas, Iowa, Louisiana and Minnesota now require law enforcement to inventory untested rape kits. Connecticut, Illinois, Ohio and Michigan require all rape kits be tested within certain time frames. California joins Kentucky, Oregon, Pennsylvania and Utah with laws that give survivors the right to know the status of their rape kit, according to the Joyful Heart Foundation, which runs a campaign called End The Backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”FNwbVnmcTUGQ65cjD0RXgvwxD3TCBWbz”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress has also stepped in. Since 2015, federal lawmakers have approved $131 million for the Sexual Assault Kit Initiative, and federal agencies have awarded millions in other grant dollars to help law enforcement and crime labs with their backlogs. The California Department of Justice, Orange County, the Riverside Police Department, the Alameda County District Attorney’s Office and the Contra Costa County District Attorney’s Office, have all benefited from funding, according to the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, lawmakers have been reluctant to mandate law enforcement test all future rape kits, eliminate the backlog of untested rape kits or even do a statewide count to determine the backlog that exists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblyman Evan Low, from the Silicon Valley city of Campbell, said that’s why he put forward \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB280\">AB 280\u003c/a>—to find an alternative way to raise funds to eliminate the rape kit backlog. His bill would add a check-off box to personal income tax forms that allows taxpayers to donate directly to the Rape Kit Backlog Voluntary Tax Contribution Fund. If approved by lawmakers and signed into law, California taxpayers would have to donate at least $250,000 a year for the box to stay on the form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea, however, hasn’t been well received among advocates for sexual assault victims, who commend Low’s intent but argue the funding should come from law enforcement budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the criminal justice system. Laws have been broken and you can’t prosecute without criminal evidence,” says Patti Giggans, executive director of Peace Over Violence, who worked with Los Angeles area public officials after Human Rights Watch in 2009 revealed more than 12,500 untested rape kits in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know of any other crime where you go to the public,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low is the first to admit that his bill is “not the ideal nor perfect solution” to address the backlog. “I am in agreement that we as a state and public jurisdictions should adequately fund this for justice to be obtained,” Low says. “But, that’s not the reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lazaro, whose attacker pleaded guilty to rape 15 years later, wants lawmakers to think about survivors like herself when these bills come before them. She is still traumatized by what happened to her at the car wash just four blocks from her home in Downey. And she wonders how her life might have been different had law enforcement immediately submitted her rape kit for testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life,” Lazaro said. “And I’m just now starting to come to terms with how much of my life was stolen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Samantha Young is a contributor to \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>—a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After a man held a knife to her throat, forced her into her car and repeatedly raped her, Helena Lazaro underwent a painful and humiliating medical forensic examination. The 17-year-old wanted her attacker caught.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She never imagined the evidence collected in what is known as a rape kit would sit untouched for years by the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department. And by the time she discovered the identity of her attacker, prosecutors couldn’t charge him with the rape because the statute of limitations had expired in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about that 17-year-old girl, the 25-year-old girl, the 30-year-old woman – all the versions of myself who have suffered,” Lazaro says. “That suffering could have ended much sooner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victims’ rights groups estimate that hundreds of thousands of rape kits remain untested at police departments and crime lab storage facilities nationwide—thus far a partial inventory of California by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.endthebacklog.org/California\">End the Backlog Initiative\u003c/a> has identified some 9,000 untested kits. But the precise number remains a mystery because most states, including California, don’t inventory rape kits, and rape survivors sometimes struggle to get information about their own cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement might opt not to submit kits for DNA and other analysis for any number of reasons—the case may be solved or cleared without need for test results, or officers may regard it as a low priority. But another reason so many kits gather dust is financial: Processing costs an estimated $500 to $1,500 per kit, sometimes more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislative efforts to count and clear the rape kit backlog, to track the kits and to mandate all new kits be tested have failed over the years in California, with the powerful law enforcement lobby citing the burden on local police budgets and labor. This year appears to be no different. Some legislation that would reform rape kit collection has been watered down. Other bills await approval from lawmakers charged with weeding through bills that carry a price tag, who often reject popular measures because of their cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The responsibility for submitting rape kits for testing largely falls to local police departments and county sheriff’s offices. But a growing number of states have gotten involved—reacting to public outcry and to evidence that testing rape kits puts serial rapists behind bars. In recent years, California has \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/13-14/bill/asm/ab_1501-1550/ab_1517_bill_20140930_chaptered.pdf\">“encouraged”\u003c/a> law enforcement to submit kits within a certain timeframe and legalized a victims’ bill of rights. But unlike many other states, California has stopped short of mandating testing or even paying to calculate the depth of the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘When kits are untested, survivors do not get justice.’\u003ccite>Assemblyman David Chiu\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One legislator has even resorted to a novel approach to crime-solving: A bill that would ask California taxpayers to donate directly to the rape kit backlog fund when filing their state income tax returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It takes significant resources and political will, getting leaders to engage in this problem and say it’s a priority and want to fix it,” said Ilse Knecht, director of policy and advocacy at the Joyful Heart Foundation, a national nonprofit that works on sexual assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracking these kits, Knecht argues, is one way the public can hold law enforcement accountable for failures to prioritize sexual assaults as violent crimes, blaming the victim or only testing rape kits if a stranger committed the assault. Those cultural, subjective circumstances are the reason she and other advocates believe every rape kit ought to be tested — to end the discretion, and some say discrimination, involved in rape kit testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the injustice of this situation is obvious but bears some repeating,” Assemblyman David Chiu testified before a Senate committee in June. “When kits are untested, survivors do not get justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[RapeKitBacklog]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu, D-San Francisco, authored \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB41\">AB 41\u003c/a>, which would require local law enforcement agencies to log, not test, all future rape kits into a California Department of Justice database. It’s a small step toward the eventual goal of testing all rape kits, but even so, simply tracking new kits has garnered the opposition of the California State Sheriffs’ Association, which argues the reporting requirement would divert limited resources from critical services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If agencies report this information, there will be a database about who has untested kits and why they are untested,” said Cory Salzillo, legislative director of the sheriffs’ association. “That doesn’t necessarily translate into convictions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salzillo also challenges the premise that every rape kit should be tested, citing cases where a person who committed a rape admitted to it, both the victim and the perpetrator agree a sexual encounter took place, or if a victim has recanted. But it’s hard to know what percentage of untested kits stem from solved cases in California because law enforcement isn’t required to report the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lazaro still doesn’t know why the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department didn’t submit her test for analysis or why her case remained unsolved for so long. She spent her final year of high school terrified of her unknown attacker, who had threatened to kill her and her family if she ever reported the attack. When authorities did send Lazaro’s evidence kit for testing in 2003—seven years later—they didn’t tell her they had found a match. Her case never moved forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I hate that I have to argue that it should be important enough to say ‘we need to prevent women from being raped.’ We track information about so many other crimes. Why is this an exception?’\u003ccite>Helena Lazaro\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>She didn’t learn the name of that match until 2009, after the sheriff’s department responded to an inquiry from a local rape crisis agency. Lazaro said she was told that the results had never made it from the lab to the sheriff’s department, and received an apology. But by then, California’s 10-year statute of limitations on rape had expired. (Last year Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation that removes the statute of limitations on new sex crimes.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Capt. Carlos Marquez from the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department declined to comment on the case, saying he was about to meet with Lazaro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Lazaro was relieved when she finally learned that the man authorities had identified through testing as her rapist—a long-haul truck driver from Ohio—was in prison for sexually assaulting his wife. She was safe. She believed her case had just slipped through the cracks. But then she learned about the hundreds of thousands of women nationwide whose rape kits have never been tested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hate that I have to argue that it should be important enough to say ‘we need to prevent women from being raped,’ ” Lazaro said. “We track information about so many other crimes. Why is this an exception?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers on the Senate Appropriations Committee have put Chiu’s bill on the suspense file, meaning it has a cost to the state and will be heard later this summer. Similar bills have died twice before in appropriations committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11608356\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11608356\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"Assemblyman David Chiu authored AB 41, which would require local law enforcement agencies to log, not test, all future rape kits into a state database.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-1020x703.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-960x662.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/DavidChiu-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblyman David Chiu authored AB 41, which would require local law enforcement agencies to log, not test, all future rape kits into a state database. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A recent Senate analysis concluded that Chiu’s rape kit reporting bill presents a “potentially significant workload cost of more than $100,000 a year to local law enforcement agencies statewide,” although that cost would likely be reimbursed by the state. Related legislation that would ban the destruction of a rape kit in an unsolved case for 20 years could cost the state $3 million for a new storage facility, along with $150,000 in ongoing costs. That bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1312\">AB 1312\u003c/a> by Democratic Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher of San Diego, initially contained a provision that would have mandated the submission and testing of all newly collected rape kits. But that was stripped from the bill because of its cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Funding shouldn’t even be a question,” said Harriet Salarno, chair of Crime Victims United Charitable Foundation, whose daughter was murdered and has been working with victims for the last 37 years. “Public safety is a constitutional right. Public safety is a priority. They are using funding as an excuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the cost of testing a rape kit is far outweighed by the cost of crimes prevented. In 2016, the Begun Center for Violence Prevention Research and Education at Case Western Reserve University in Ohio released a \u003ca href=\"http://begun.case.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Cost-Savings-and-Cost-Effectiveness-Brief.pdf\">study\u003c/a> that showed Cuyahoga County, Ohio, had saved $48.2 million by averting future sexual assaults after testing its 4,347 unsubmitted rape kits. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.bja.gov/funding/SAKI17.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by the U.S. Justice Department noted that Detroit alone had identified over 400 serial rapists through the testing of backlogged kits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A growing number of states have taken steps to address the backlog. Arkansas, Iowa, Louisiana and Minnesota now require law enforcement to inventory untested rape kits. Connecticut, Illinois, Ohio and Michigan require all rape kits be tested within certain time frames. California joins Kentucky, Oregon, Pennsylvania and Utah with laws that give survivors the right to know the status of their rape kit, according to the Joyful Heart Foundation, which runs a campaign called End The Backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress has also stepped in. Since 2015, federal lawmakers have approved $131 million for the Sexual Assault Kit Initiative, and federal agencies have awarded millions in other grant dollars to help law enforcement and crime labs with their backlogs. The California Department of Justice, Orange County, the Riverside Police Department, the Alameda County District Attorney’s Office and the Contra Costa County District Attorney’s Office, have all benefited from funding, according to the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, lawmakers have been reluctant to mandate law enforcement test all future rape kits, eliminate the backlog of untested rape kits or even do a statewide count to determine the backlog that exists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblyman Evan Low, from the Silicon Valley city of Campbell, said that’s why he put forward \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB280\">AB 280\u003c/a>—to find an alternative way to raise funds to eliminate the rape kit backlog. His bill would add a check-off box to personal income tax forms that allows taxpayers to donate directly to the Rape Kit Backlog Voluntary Tax Contribution Fund. If approved by lawmakers and signed into law, California taxpayers would have to donate at least $250,000 a year for the box to stay on the form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea, however, hasn’t been well received among advocates for sexual assault victims, who commend Low’s intent but argue the funding should come from law enforcement budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the criminal justice system. Laws have been broken and you can’t prosecute without criminal evidence,” says Patti Giggans, executive director of Peace Over Violence, who worked with Los Angeles area public officials after Human Rights Watch in 2009 revealed more than 12,500 untested rape kits in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know of any other crime where you go to the public,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low is the first to admit that his bill is “not the ideal nor perfect solution” to address the backlog. “I am in agreement that we as a state and public jurisdictions should adequately fund this for justice to be obtained,” Low says. “But, that’s not the reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lazaro, whose attacker pleaded guilty to rape 15 years later, wants lawmakers to think about survivors like herself when these bills come before them. She is still traumatized by what happened to her at the car wash just four blocks from her home in Downey. And she wonders how her life might have been different had law enforcement immediately submitted her rape kit for testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life,” Lazaro said. “And I’m just now starting to come to terms with how much of my life was stolen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Samantha Young is a contributor to \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>—a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Who Snatched My Car? Wells Fargo Did",
"title": "Who Snatched My Car? Wells Fargo Did",
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"content": "\u003cp>Wells Fargo is back in the spotlight for another scandal. This time, for signing up 490,000 auto-loan customers for insurance they didn't need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes less than a year after the bank generated a massive public outcry for opening millions of \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/07/10/536467874/wells-fargo-to-pay-142-million-to-customers-hurt-by-bogus-accounts\">unwanted accounts\u003c/a> for customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Customers who already had car insurance say they had no idea they were being charged for this insurance from Wells Fargo. And the bank acknowledges that tens of thousands of people wound up in default, which affected people's credit scores, and thousands had their cars repossessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them was Michael Feifer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One morning in February, he was heading off to his job in Maryland at a company that builds guitars. He walked to the spot where he'd parked his car, but it wasn't there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I called the police,\" he says. \"I was livid. I thought somebody stole my car.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Somebody had improperly made off with Feifer's car. But it wasn't a car thief. It was Wells Fargo bank. The police informed him of this when he called them. \"That's when I found out it was repossessed,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feifer says he had no idea why the bank would repo his car. He says his payments were automatically taken out of his checking account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I've never missed a payment,\" he says. \"My insurance was current.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/541182948/541197575\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So he called Wells Fargo and found out the bank had put another insurance policy on his car. Lenders do this when a borrower doesn't have insurance. Wells Fargo calls it collateral protection insurance, or CPI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there's nothing wrong with that, but Wells Fargo imposed this insurance on nearly a half-million people who already had insurance. The bank outlined the scope of the problems and its efforts to resolve them \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.wf.com/press-release/consumer-lending/wells-fargo-announces-plan-remediate-customers-auto-insurance\">in a statement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right after Feifer's car got repo'd, Wells Fargo told him he was marked as delinquent for not paying this insurance — which he didn't want or need or even know about. \"They said, 'Well, you owe $1,500,' \" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo is among NPR's financial supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo has been trying to repair its image in the wake of a massive consumer banking scandal. Part of that effort has been to improve the way the bank works with customers when they run into problems or have complaints. Feifer's story suggests the bank still has a ways to go on that front.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"uP21GXOYnVNMbFXpXAsr7NRTNbc9eDvZ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I showed up at that bank with my bank statements showing all the payments I made for my vehicle and my proof of insurance showing that I've never had a lapse in my insurance,\" he says. \"The people at the bank were like, 'Well, you shouldn't owe anything because it's not your fault.' They were just as confused as I was.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feifer says the branch employees were trying to be helpful. They called up the Wells Fargo department for him that deals with car repossessions to find out what was going on. They kept getting put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We were probably on hold for a total of 2½ hours while I was in there,\" Feifer says. \"I literally spent the whole day\" at the branch. He says the employees were getting frustrated, too. \"They're like, 'This is ridiculous. You shouldn't be on hold for this long.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What Feifer didn't know was that Wells Fargo had already been doing an internal investigation into complaints from lots of customers for the same insurance mix-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feifer was eventually told to call back several days later. Then he was told there was no record of his prior calls from the branch. He said the person he spoke to on the phone wouldn't let him talk to a supervisor. \"She was rude to me, talking over me. I felt like she wasn't willing to hear anything I had to say,\" Feifer says. He says the Wells Fargo representative just kept telling him he had to pay the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"MODxKyPoGaKNEetxMlO99Uj0fXPxmGiG\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Feifer was told that the clock was ticking and his car would be auctioned off two weeks from the day it was repossessed. So, after much haggling with the bank, he paid about $600 to get his car back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feifer said he figured this was just some freak mistake. But when he heard this insurance issue affected hundreds of thousands of customers, \"I was blown away,\" he says. \"I wasn't alone in it and I felt like they're preying on everybody, taking people's money. I felt like they're crooks.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo says this was not a case of trying to improperly profit at customers' expense, but rather just an embarrassing breakdown in processes and internal controls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We take full responsibility for our failure to appropriately manage the CPI program and are extremely sorry for any harm this caused our customers, who expect and deserve better from us,\" Franklin Codel, head of Wells Fargo Consumer Lending, said in a statement. \"Upon our discovery, we acted swiftly to discontinue the program and immediately develop a plan to make impacted customers whole.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"RZ2Vu2VV8PHzku9ab0JRwMNCOmB6UZSx\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates, though, say this latest debacle shows that the bank still has serious and systemic problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we are seeing here is a colossal failure of management on behalf of Wells Fargo,\" says Ira Rheingold, executive director of the National Association of Consumer Advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says that once again vast numbers of customers are getting products they don't want pushed on them without their knowledge. And on top of that, he says, when customers complained, it took too long for Wells Fargo management to figure out the problem and fix it. \"They are not investing the necessary resources for consumers who have problems to service those customers who they talk about in glowing terms,\" Rheingold says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going forward, Wells Fargo is setting aside about $80 million for remediation and says customers will start getting letters and refund checks later this month. Class-action lawsuits are being filed on behalf of customers. The bank has no comment on those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a spokesperson says Wells Fargo is very sorry for Feifer's experience and that he will be part of the remediation effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Who+Snatched+My+Car%3F+Wells+Fargo+Did&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Wells Fargo is back in the spotlight for another scandal. This time, for signing up 490,000 auto-loan customers for insurance they didn't need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes less than a year after the bank generated a massive public outcry for opening millions of \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/07/10/536467874/wells-fargo-to-pay-142-million-to-customers-hurt-by-bogus-accounts\">unwanted accounts\u003c/a> for customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Customers who already had car insurance say they had no idea they were being charged for this insurance from Wells Fargo. And the bank acknowledges that tens of thousands of people wound up in default, which affected people's credit scores, and thousands had their cars repossessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them was Michael Feifer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One morning in February, he was heading off to his job in Maryland at a company that builds guitars. He walked to the spot where he'd parked his car, but it wasn't there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I called the police,\" he says. \"I was livid. I thought somebody stole my car.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Somebody had improperly made off with Feifer's car. But it wasn't a car thief. It was Wells Fargo bank. The police informed him of this when he called them. \"That's when I found out it was repossessed,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feifer says he had no idea why the bank would repo his car. He says his payments were automatically taken out of his checking account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I've never missed a payment,\" he says. \"My insurance was current.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/541182948/541197575\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So he called Wells Fargo and found out the bank had put another insurance policy on his car. Lenders do this when a borrower doesn't have insurance. Wells Fargo calls it collateral protection insurance, or CPI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there's nothing wrong with that, but Wells Fargo imposed this insurance on nearly a half-million people who already had insurance. The bank outlined the scope of the problems and its efforts to resolve them \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.wf.com/press-release/consumer-lending/wells-fargo-announces-plan-remediate-customers-auto-insurance\">in a statement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right after Feifer's car got repo'd, Wells Fargo told him he was marked as delinquent for not paying this insurance — which he didn't want or need or even know about. \"They said, 'Well, you owe $1,500,' \" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo is among NPR's financial supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo has been trying to repair its image in the wake of a massive consumer banking scandal. Part of that effort has been to improve the way the bank works with customers when they run into problems or have complaints. Feifer's story suggests the bank still has a ways to go on that front.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I showed up at that bank with my bank statements showing all the payments I made for my vehicle and my proof of insurance showing that I've never had a lapse in my insurance,\" he says. \"The people at the bank were like, 'Well, you shouldn't owe anything because it's not your fault.' They were just as confused as I was.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feifer says the branch employees were trying to be helpful. They called up the Wells Fargo department for him that deals with car repossessions to find out what was going on. They kept getting put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We were probably on hold for a total of 2½ hours while I was in there,\" Feifer says. \"I literally spent the whole day\" at the branch. He says the employees were getting frustrated, too. \"They're like, 'This is ridiculous. You shouldn't be on hold for this long.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What Feifer didn't know was that Wells Fargo had already been doing an internal investigation into complaints from lots of customers for the same insurance mix-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feifer was eventually told to call back several days later. Then he was told there was no record of his prior calls from the branch. He said the person he spoke to on the phone wouldn't let him talk to a supervisor. \"She was rude to me, talking over me. I felt like she wasn't willing to hear anything I had to say,\" Feifer says. He says the Wells Fargo representative just kept telling him he had to pay the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Feifer was told that the clock was ticking and his car would be auctioned off two weeks from the day it was repossessed. So, after much haggling with the bank, he paid about $600 to get his car back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feifer said he figured this was just some freak mistake. But when he heard this insurance issue affected hundreds of thousands of customers, \"I was blown away,\" he says. \"I wasn't alone in it and I felt like they're preying on everybody, taking people's money. I felt like they're crooks.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo says this was not a case of trying to improperly profit at customers' expense, but rather just an embarrassing breakdown in processes and internal controls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We take full responsibility for our failure to appropriately manage the CPI program and are extremely sorry for any harm this caused our customers, who expect and deserve better from us,\" Franklin Codel, head of Wells Fargo Consumer Lending, said in a statement. \"Upon our discovery, we acted swiftly to discontinue the program and immediately develop a plan to make impacted customers whole.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates, though, say this latest debacle shows that the bank still has serious and systemic problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we are seeing here is a colossal failure of management on behalf of Wells Fargo,\" says Ira Rheingold, executive director of the National Association of Consumer Advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says that once again vast numbers of customers are getting products they don't want pushed on them without their knowledge. And on top of that, he says, when customers complained, it took too long for Wells Fargo management to figure out the problem and fix it. \"They are not investing the necessary resources for consumers who have problems to service those customers who they talk about in glowing terms,\" Rheingold says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going forward, Wells Fargo is setting aside about $80 million for remediation and says customers will start getting letters and refund checks later this month. Class-action lawsuits are being filed on behalf of customers. The bank has no comment on those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When San Francisco defense attorney Kevin Mitchell visits a new client in jail, there’s one thing at the top of his mind: “I want my clients to have some way to get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell says he’s got a better chance of winning a case if his client \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">can walk freely into court in a coat and tie rather than under guard or in an orange jumpsuit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always prefer having a client come through the front door,” Mitchell said. “Judges and the prosecutors treat them better that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.arnoldfoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/LJAF_Report_state-sentencing_FNL.pdf\">Arnold Foundation\u003c/a> backs up Mitchell’s claim. A 2013 report found that defendants who are in jail before trial plead guilty more often and get tougher sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So a big part of Mitchell’s job right off the bat is arguing for bail if his clients are denied it, arguing for a bail reduction if his clients can’t afford it or, if the charges are minor, arguing to release his client with a promise they’ll show up in court. But if the judge doesn’t go for any of these options, Mitchell will often try to convince a judge to release his client on electronic monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electronic monitoring seems like a win-win. Judges are reassured that defendants will show up to court dates, and defendants can keep their lives from falling apart while they wait for their case to be adjudicated. But it can come with a cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, the first thing I ask is if my client can pay it,” Mitchell said of electronic monitoring. And he said if they can’t — sometimes they just have to stay in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Growing Popularity of Electronic Monitoring Devices\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The use of electronic monitoring has \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/issue-briefs/2016/09/use-of-electronic-offender-tracking-devices-expands-sharply\">increased sharply \u003c/a>in the past 10 years for both pretrial defendants and sentenced individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leslie Summers, the director of community and government relations for \u003ca href=\"http://lcaservices.com/\">Leaders in Community Alternatives (LCA)\u003c/a>, a company that does electronic monitoring for Riverside, Marin, Alameda and San Francisco counties, says it got started back in the ’80s when \u003ca href=\"http://lcaservices.com/\">Jack Love\u003c/a>, a judge in New Mexico, was reading a “Spider-Man” comic strip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”jsLCwqry9Osk9hZR1CS5K7IxcMeWDtRs”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The villain put some type of a tracking device on Spider-Man,” Summers said. “He wanted to know where he was all at all times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge was struck by this and thought, ” ‘Hmm, why can’t we do that with offenders?’ ” Summers said, “And so he got together with some engineer, and I believe in 1983 was the first prototype for electronic monitoring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California the use of pretrial GPS-tracking varies county by county. For example, in San Francisco there are about 70 pretrial defendants being monitored at any given time. In Alameda County there are roughly 12. San Francisco will pay for the cost of monitoring low-income defendants. Alameda won’t, so defendants have to pay the daily cost themselves or stay in jail. These costs can add up quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Hidden Costs of Electronic Monitoring\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In January, Mitchell convinced a judge to let his client, William Edwards, out of jail with a bulky GPS monitor attached to his ankle. Then Edwards got a bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11604765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11604765\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"William Edwards was released on electronic monitoring. His case was dismissed, but he still had to pay the monitoring company thousands of dollars. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William Edwards was released on electronic monitoring. His case was dismissed, but he still had to pay the monitoring company thousands of dollars. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know it was going to cost that much money,” Edwards said. “The cost was about $900 a month or roughly $26 a day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While on electronic monitoring, he was able to get his job back, but Edwards doesn’t make much money. The case dragged on so long that he began looking for a way out of the mounting bills, even if that meant pleading guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to convince him, ‘Don’t take any deal, you’re not guilty, don’t take a deal just to get out of this financial bind. You’ll pay that money back, alright? But you can’t get back your guilty plea,’” Mitchell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months, prosecutors dropped the case against Edwards due to lack of evidence. But he said he’s still paying back family members who loaned him the money he had to pay LCA — the company that does monitoring for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Alameda County we do have a flat bottom rate of $10 a day, which might sound like a lot,” Summers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law says no one can be excluded from the program for inability to pay, but the reality is that happens. LCA is a business, after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know we do the best we can,” Summers said. “And unfortunately there is a financial aspect to it and LCA has staff, and you know it’s a very labor-intensive program. At the same time, how much are we saving the county on people being in custody?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/08/LewisBailReform2.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/WilliamEdwards-1920x1263.jpg\" Title=\"Electronic Monitoring of Defendants Is Increasing, But at What Price?\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Changing Pretrial Practices\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Now Alameda County is changing the way it releases people pretrial. It just signed a $1.7 million contract with LCA to administer pretrial services for the county for two years, including drug treatment, weekly check-ins and monitoring of pretrial defendants. The new system will go into effect in about two months, and defendants will bear none of the cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This local shift comes at a time when lawmakers in Sacramento are also looking to release more people before trial. About \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/pretrial-detention-and-jail-capacity-in-california/\">60 percent\u003c/a> of people jailed in California are un-sentenced, and many of them are awaiting trial. Critics of the current bail system say many people are held in jail simply because they can’t afford to bail out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”eXn1O8Zf9SmjVDCvvuf2meuyVwnan5Fq”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bail reform bill \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\">SB 10\u003c/a> aims to put in place supervision and services for pretrial defendants. And electronic monitoring is just one of the conditions judges can put on a defendant’s release. The idea is that it should be used sparingly, only when an individual is deemed particularly risky. Other services would include everything from court date reminders to drug treatment and daily or monthly check-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, SB 10 would mean a lot less business for bail agents, but could mean opportunity for companies like LCA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley Law School professor Malcolm Feeley is an expert on contractors like LCA. He said the current bail system in California is broken, but he cautioned that we shouldn’t get too seduced by contractors promising a silver bullet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consistently, private contractors have offered innovation,” he said. “Every one of their innovations that I’ve looked at has widened the net. It’s a good idea in theory but it ends up widening the net, catching more people and putting more people under supervision or under more intense supervision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vendors are not at fault, according to Feeley — they are just promoting their products. But he cautioned that the nature of our criminal justice system — from risk-averse judges to business-savvy contractors — is to keep expanding the reach of the state even as it tries to shrink the number of people who are incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of SB 10 emphasized that getting a workable bill is just a first step toward implementation, but that the hard details of how to do that are still being worked out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To attorney Kevin Mitchell, pretrial services contractors look like the latest in a long line of industries that have made money off people like his clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I often tell people we live in a commonwealth,” he said. “The less wealth you have, the more common they treat you. And that just comes into play every day at the Hall of Justice.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When San Francisco defense attorney Kevin Mitchell visits a new client in jail, there’s one thing at the top of his mind: “I want my clients to have some way to get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell says he’s got a better chance of winning a case if his client \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">can walk freely into court in a coat and tie rather than under guard or in an orange jumpsuit.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always prefer having a client come through the front door,” Mitchell said. “Judges and the prosecutors treat them better that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.arnoldfoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/LJAF_Report_state-sentencing_FNL.pdf\">Arnold Foundation\u003c/a> backs up Mitchell’s claim. A 2013 report found that defendants who are in jail before trial plead guilty more often and get tougher sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So a big part of Mitchell’s job right off the bat is arguing for bail if his clients are denied it, arguing for a bail reduction if his clients can’t afford it or, if the charges are minor, arguing to release his client with a promise they’ll show up in court. But if the judge doesn’t go for any of these options, Mitchell will often try to convince a judge to release his client on electronic monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electronic monitoring seems like a win-win. Judges are reassured that defendants will show up to court dates, and defendants can keep their lives from falling apart while they wait for their case to be adjudicated. But it can come with a cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, the first thing I ask is if my client can pay it,” Mitchell said of electronic monitoring. And he said if they can’t — sometimes they just have to stay in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Growing Popularity of Electronic Monitoring Devices\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The use of electronic monitoring has \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/issue-briefs/2016/09/use-of-electronic-offender-tracking-devices-expands-sharply\">increased sharply \u003c/a>in the past 10 years for both pretrial defendants and sentenced individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leslie Summers, the director of community and government relations for \u003ca href=\"http://lcaservices.com/\">Leaders in Community Alternatives (LCA)\u003c/a>, a company that does electronic monitoring for Riverside, Marin, Alameda and San Francisco counties, says it got started back in the ’80s when \u003ca href=\"http://lcaservices.com/\">Jack Love\u003c/a>, a judge in New Mexico, was reading a “Spider-Man” comic strip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The villain put some type of a tracking device on Spider-Man,” Summers said. “He wanted to know where he was all at all times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge was struck by this and thought, ” ‘Hmm, why can’t we do that with offenders?’ ” Summers said, “And so he got together with some engineer, and I believe in 1983 was the first prototype for electronic monitoring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California the use of pretrial GPS-tracking varies county by county. For example, in San Francisco there are about 70 pretrial defendants being monitored at any given time. In Alameda County there are roughly 12. San Francisco will pay for the cost of monitoring low-income defendants. Alameda won’t, so defendants have to pay the daily cost themselves or stay in jail. These costs can add up quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Hidden Costs of Electronic Monitoring\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In January, Mitchell convinced a judge to let his client, William Edwards, out of jail with a bulky GPS monitor attached to his ankle. Then Edwards got a bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11604765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11604765\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"William Edwards was released on electronic monitoring. His case was dismissed, but he still had to pay the monitoring company thousands of dollars. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS25323_20170510_WilliamEdwards_credit_BertJohnson-1-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William Edwards was released on electronic monitoring. His case was dismissed, but he still had to pay the monitoring company thousands of dollars. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know it was going to cost that much money,” Edwards said. “The cost was about $900 a month or roughly $26 a day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While on electronic monitoring, he was able to get his job back, but Edwards doesn’t make much money. The case dragged on so long that he began looking for a way out of the mounting bills, even if that meant pleading guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to convince him, ‘Don’t take any deal, you’re not guilty, don’t take a deal just to get out of this financial bind. You’ll pay that money back, alright? But you can’t get back your guilty plea,’” Mitchell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months, prosecutors dropped the case against Edwards due to lack of evidence. But he said he’s still paying back family members who loaned him the money he had to pay LCA — the company that does monitoring for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Alameda County we do have a flat bottom rate of $10 a day, which might sound like a lot,” Summers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law says no one can be excluded from the program for inability to pay, but the reality is that happens. LCA is a business, after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know we do the best we can,” Summers said. “And unfortunately there is a financial aspect to it and LCA has staff, and you know it’s a very labor-intensive program. At the same time, how much are we saving the county on people being in custody?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Changing Pretrial Practices\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Now Alameda County is changing the way it releases people pretrial. It just signed a $1.7 million contract with LCA to administer pretrial services for the county for two years, including drug treatment, weekly check-ins and monitoring of pretrial defendants. The new system will go into effect in about two months, and defendants will bear none of the cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This local shift comes at a time when lawmakers in Sacramento are also looking to release more people before trial. About \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/pretrial-detention-and-jail-capacity-in-california/\">60 percent\u003c/a> of people jailed in California are un-sentenced, and many of them are awaiting trial. Critics of the current bail system say many people are held in jail simply because they can’t afford to bail out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bail reform bill \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\">SB 10\u003c/a> aims to put in place supervision and services for pretrial defendants. And electronic monitoring is just one of the conditions judges can put on a defendant’s release. The idea is that it should be used sparingly, only when an individual is deemed particularly risky. Other services would include everything from court date reminders to drug treatment and daily or monthly check-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, SB 10 would mean a lot less business for bail agents, but could mean opportunity for companies like LCA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley Law School professor Malcolm Feeley is an expert on contractors like LCA. He said the current bail system in California is broken, but he cautioned that we shouldn’t get too seduced by contractors promising a silver bullet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consistently, private contractors have offered innovation,” he said. “Every one of their innovations that I’ve looked at has widened the net. It’s a good idea in theory but it ends up widening the net, catching more people and putting more people under supervision or under more intense supervision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vendors are not at fault, according to Feeley — they are just promoting their products. But he cautioned that the nature of our criminal justice system — from risk-averse judges to business-savvy contractors — is to keep expanding the reach of the state even as it tries to shrink the number of people who are incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of SB 10 emphasized that getting a workable bill is just a first step toward implementation, but that the hard details of how to do that are still being worked out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To attorney Kevin Mitchell, pretrial services contractors look like the latest in a long line of industries that have made money off people like his clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I often tell people we live in a commonwealth,” he said. “The less wealth you have, the more common they treat you. And that just comes into play every day at the Hall of Justice.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Jailing Immigrants Means Money and Jobs for Poor Areas. Is This Deal Humane?",
"title": "Jailing Immigrants Means Money and Jobs for Poor Areas. Is This Deal Humane?",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]nside his cell in the Yuba County Jail, Rafael was vomiting again, too weak and dizzy to stand. He is HIV-positive and has hepatitis C. Without treatment, the two can be a deadly combination. But Rafael, 27, had not been treated for hepatitis C in six months, his medical records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED agreed not to use Rafael’s real name, to protect his medical privacy. More than once, Rafael says, he has been the target of violence as a result of the stigma of his illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March, Rafael had been held in the jail for half a year, waiting to find out if he would be deported to Mexico, the country of his birth. He tried to tune out the arguments of the other inmates over what to watch on television -- a struggle between criminal defendants and immigration detainees, orange uniforms versus red ones. He tried to ignore the flooded bathroom sinks. He tried to ignore the nausea. More than anything else, he thought about seeing a regular doctor rather than the jail's medical staff, who seemed to dismiss his worsening condition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcrmag/2017/08/TCRPM8417.mp3\" Image=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2017/08/04/YubaJail.jpg\" Title=\"Jailing Immigrants Means Money and Jobs for Poor Areas. Is This Deal Humane?\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael is one of roughly 200 men and women held by Immigration and Customs Enforcement at the Yuba jail on any given day. They make up about half of the jail population here in this rural county in the Sacramento Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Trump administration moves to vastly expand the deportation of immigrants, county jails across the country could be increasingly put to use to detain them because ICE facilities have simply \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/08/how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california/\">run out of room\u003c/a>. But ICE itself has repeatedly faulted Yuba County -- and other jails where immigrant detainees are held -- for inadequate conditions that fail to meet ICE's own standards. Yuba also faces a lawsuit over what inmate advocates call “negligent” care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"aH4OLFJMmfQXMe7RbpEM4sdPwSXBXKoO\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concern over a lack of safe and humane conditions at Yuba, and across ICE's already strained detention system, is propelling some California lawmakers to try to disentangle the state from Trump's deportation push.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three bills moving through the California Legislature could alter -- or end -- the ability of cities and counties to enter into detention contracts with ICE. But Yuba officials say that could spell disaster for their county’s finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Expanding Detention and Deportation\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Yuba County is among about 200 U.S. cities and counties that hold ICE detainees in local jails and private prisons under multimillion-dollar contracts with the federal government. Nationally, an average of 37,706 people a day are locked up, facing deportation. That’s 17 percent more than in fiscal year 2016, according to ICE data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba jail began detaining immigrants for the federal government in 1994. These days, the arrangement generates close to $6 million a year. That money supports half of the sheriff’s operations, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.co.yuba.ca.us/Departments/CAO/Budget/15-16/default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">county budget proposal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You come to rely upon that,” said county spokesman Russ Brown. “We make no bones about that. We've been able to find some level of stability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said Yuba County and other local governments that have held ICE contracts for decades are now caught in a political crossfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yuba County is conducting a service and (we) have been for years, and then because of a political battle Yuba County could very well see public safety fall off the map,\" Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599246\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599246\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-800x555.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"555\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-800x555.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-160x111.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-1020x708.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-1180x819.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-960x667.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-240x167.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-375x260.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-520x361.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrant detainees help a sheriff's deputy carry items to a truck outside the Yuba County Jail. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch4>Fleeing the Stigma of HIV\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Rafael was 6 months old when he came with his parents to the Bay Area from Mexico. He went to school in San Francisco and all of his family lives here, he says. As a kid he’d rent out local driveways and parking lots for 49ers football games. He punctuates every few words with “like” or “you know.” It wasn’t until he was in high school that he discovered he didn’t have legal status in the United States. That’s when his parents took him to meet an immigration lawyer after he was a victim of a crime.*\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before getting protection, he was arrested for drug possession and deported in 2010. In Mexico he discovered he was HIV-positive. That began a cycle of re-entries and deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael said he was physically threatened while seeking treatment for HIV in Mexico. He and his lawyers say he suffered even more traumatic incidents there. KQED agreed not to disclose them because he hasn’t shared what happened with his family. But he said he feared for his life, and fled back to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, Rafael had been diagnosed with hepatitis C, depression and post-traumatic stress disorder, along with HIV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"0NJTy2xDyi95AQeLIu4cHmoSGupAD8wS\"]Last September, he was convicted of driving under the influence and served 42 days at an Alameda County jail. As he was being released, Rafael was apprehended in the jail lobby by two immigration officers who sent him to ICE detention near Sacramento, ICE records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, Rafael tried to get an attorney to fight his deportation. He composed letters to lawyers outlining his fears and his medical conditions. He hid them under his mattress, the only private place he could find. One day, he returned from court to the cell he shared with several other men and saw his private papers out in the open, spread on top of his bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually everybody came in and greeted me, just said, ‘How’s it going?’ But that day everybody was just looking at me,” Rafael said. He described the incident later in a phone call from jail, speaking softly so other inmates wouldn’t overhear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the confrontation unfolded, Rafael said, a friend warned him that his cellmates had read his letters and were threatening to harm him if he didn’t leave the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody thought that they were going to get my infections, through me sitting down on the toilet and stuff like that,” Rafael said. “So everybody just decided that I had to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael grabbed his belongings and rushed to the common area, where he pressed an emergency button to summon the guards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his safety, ICE transferred Rafael from Sacramento to the Yuba County Jail in Marysville on Oct. 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Waiting for Treatment\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>When ICE moves a detainee, the agency is supposed to transfer all of the person’s medical records. But documents show that Yuba County Jail staff didn’t know at first that Rafael had hepatitis C. Even after they had confirmed his diagnosis, they still did not treat him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They weren't trying to give me my medicine, and I had symptoms,” he said in an interview from the jail. “I always put (in) my request to see the doctors and all they do is just give me, like, just Tums,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599250\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599250\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-1180x1770.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-960x1440.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-375x563.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-520x780.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kelly Wells works in the small office she shares with other immigration attorneys at Dolores Street Community Services in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kelly Wells, an immigration attorney with \u003ca href=\"http://www.dscs.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Dolores Street Community Services\u003c/a>, took on Rafael’s deportation case. But she said she ended up spending a lot of her time pushing jail officials to provide proper medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hep C, HIV co-infection can proceed within a matter of months to liver failure and death. So obviously we had a lot of concerns. He was exhibiting symptoms at the time, too -- symptoms that we don’t know what they were, as lawyers,” Wells says. “What we know is, he needs to see a real doctor who knows hep C.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Rafael and his attorneys, Wells and Frances Kreimer, submitted requests for him to see a specialist as he became more ill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don't treat you like a human being (in jail),” Rafael said. “It’s really different outside. My doctors would stay and explain to me, you know, details and stuff like that. They would do blood work and they would do all kinds of stuff to make sure that I didn't have anything else, you know, [a] complication. But in here, they don't do none of that. I have to ask for, like, blood work. My lawyers have to call them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED requested an interview with Yuba County’s sheriff (and a tour inside the jail) many times over the course of five months. Sheriff Steven L. Durfor declined to speak with us, citing many reasons, including the lawsuit challenging jail conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898770-Dkt-180-Defs-Opp-to-Pls-MTE-1-18-17-1255-1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">court documents\u003c/a>, the Yuba County counsel wrote that jail guards and medical staff are appropriately trained, have passed inspections and successfully “balance the legitimate interests of the jail with the rights of inmates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>How Yuba County Got Entwined With ICE\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>It’s not as if Yuba County set out to become so reliant on immigration detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County spokesman Russ Brown, who also handles legislative affairs, said the county’s financial dependence on ICE has grown over the years, largely due to elemental forces that eroded the local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599241\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599241\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-800x513.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"513\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-800x513.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-1020x655.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-1180x757.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-960x616.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-240x154.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-375x241.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-520x334.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">County spokesman Russ Brown stands where a levee broke in 1986, leading to a devastating flood of the nearby towns of Olivehurst and Linda. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most people in Yuba County live and work near the confluence of the Feather and Yuba rivers -- an area prone to flooding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said a catastrophic flood in 1986 started a downward spiral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That February, following a series of severe winter storms, a levee on the Yuba River collapsed, opening a 30-foot-wide gap that allowed water to engulf the towns of Linda and Olivehurst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aerial photographs of the flood show whole neighborhoods submerged in water, with only the rooftops of houses showing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flooding covered more than 30 square miles, killing one person, destroying nearly 900 homes and causing $95 million in damage, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.bepreparedyuba.org/pages/prepare/history.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Yuba County Office of Emergency Services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was one of those events,” Brown said. “It changes the status of a community overnight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11604786\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11604786\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-800x1360.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1360\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-800x1360.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-160x272.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-1020x1734.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-1180x2006.png 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-960x1632.png 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-240x408.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-375x638.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-520x884.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2.png 1500w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yuba County \u003ccite>(Mark Fiore/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The flood also destroyed a vital economic driver for the county: the Peach Tree Mall in Linda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Jane Griego, a former Yuba County supervisor who owns and runs the popular \u003ca href=\"https://www.yelp.com/biz/dukes-diner-olivehurst\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Duke’s Diner\u003c/a> in Olivehurst, remembers she was driving right by the mall that evening in 1986 when a sheriff’s deputy stopped her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a deputy that skidded into the intersection,” Griego recalled, “And he said, ‘Lady, the levee broke and here comes the water!’ And I looked over there and this wall of water is coming right towards the mall and towards us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She tore off in her car and drove to higher ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The water rose to nearly the top of the mall, forcing people inside to escape to the roof, to be airlifted to safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599225\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-800x560.jpg\" alt=\"After a levee broke water rose almost to the top of the Peach Tree Mall. More than 30 years later the mall still sits empty.\" width=\"800\" height=\"560\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-800x560.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-160x112.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-1020x714.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-1180x826.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-960x672.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-240x168.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-375x263.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-520x364.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After a levee broke, water rose almost to the top of the Peach Tree Mall. More than 30 years later, the mall still sits empty. \u003ccite>(Michael J. Nevins/U.S. Army Corps of Engineers)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch4>ICE Contract Helps Yuba County Weather Economic Downturns\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Griego sees the destruction of the mall as an economic blow from which Yuba County has yet to recover, even three decades later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Peach Tree Mall opened in the 1970s it held a movie theater, an arcade, and plenty of shops and eateries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s where all the kids hung out.” Griego recalled, “Either you were working there at the Orange Julius, meeting your friends there, or stopping by J.C. Penney’s to pick up some clothes for school. It was the place to be at!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the Peach Tree Mall sits with boarded-up windows and doors chained shut. It’s too far gone to renovate, and too expensive to remove.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599231\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599231\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-800x473.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"473\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-800x473.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-160x95.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-1020x604.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-1180x698.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-960x568.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-240x142.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-375x222.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-520x308.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">County officials tried moving government offices into the husk of the Peach Tree Mall. But it was too moldy for habitation. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s depressing to look at,” Griego said. “All 57 businesses left and not one of them came back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those businesses relocated to a mall just across the Feather River in neighboring Sutter County, and most Yuba residents now cross the bridge to shop there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watching that sales tax revenue pour into another county, Griego said, makes her “resentful, mad, angry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another catastrophic flood in 1997 caused an additional $300 million in economic losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griego was first elected to the Board of Supervisors in 2000. She said the economy was in bad shape, forcing county officials to cut back vital services for residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cut a lot,” Griego recalled. “I mean we cut to the bone, and then we cut to the bone marrow after that. And then there was nothing left to cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hardship for Yuba residents would have been even worse, she said, had it not been for the revenue from the contract to detain immigrants for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, the Board of Supervisors approved an expansion of the contract to lease up to 220 jail beds -- more than half of the entire jail -- to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Yuba County's History of Immigration\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>[gallery type=\"slideshow\" link=\"file\" ids=\"11599331,11599327,11599330,11599236,11599326,11599316\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Ongoing Allegations Over Negligent Medical Care\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>While the contract has helped the county, inmates and their advocates say the funds from the ICE contract haven't led to improved jail conditions -- for immigration detainees or the rest of the jail population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grand juries, human rights advocates and lawyers for inmates -- along with ICE auditors and county officials -- all have documented problems, ranging from inadequate medical and mental health care to overcrowding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba County Jail can hold up to 433 inmates, and it’s usually close to full, ICE audits and state data show. The jail shares a cramped building, originally built in 1962, with the courthouse, county records and part of the sheriff’s department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED was not permitted inside the jail, but a view of the conditions can be gained from government records and photographs taken by lawyers. The cells have bars with flaking paint. The jail’s medical facilities are underground. A May 2015 \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898574-Yuba-Grand-Jury-Report-2014.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grand jury report\u003c/a> noted that staff call part of the facility the “dungeon.” But the grand jury was more concerned with the lengthy delays for some inmates to see a doctor, or even a nurse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599319\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 390px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11599319\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-29.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"390\" height=\"296\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-29.jpg 390w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-29-160x121.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-29-240x182.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-29-375x285.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 390px) 100vw, 390px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One room houses Yuba County Jail's medical exam area, a telepsychiatry space and offices for medical staff. \u003ccite>(Photo from Yuba County's application to the Board of State and Community Corrections)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Yuba County Jail’s medical staff struggles to function in a small space, county officials wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898590-Yuba-County-BSCC-Proposal.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a grant application\u003c/a> to the state. Staff members use a single room for medical exams, psychiatry appointments and as an office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael described the lack of privacy. “They take you in with a bunch of inmates, and other inmates are waiting for their appointment,” he said. “Everybody can hear clearly what you're talking about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael said he wrote notes to the doctor as a way to explain his concerns privately. But then the doctor read the notes aloud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m still scared, you know,” he said. “I don’t like people finding out my medical situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/dro/detention-standards/pdf/medical_care.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">medical policy\u003c/a> specifically requires facilities to ensure patient confidentiality, especially for people with HIV. In several reports ICE criticized the Yuba jail’s policy of allowing jail guards to read inmates’ medical requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some inmates say they’ve suffered much more egregious problems with guards at the Yuba County Jail. Orsay Alegria-Simuta told KQED that he was beaten by a jail guard earlier this year while having an epileptic seizure. He said the staff denied him his prescribed medication and placed him in isolation for three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am not a criminal,” said Alegria-Simuta, who was held by ICE for months while in deportation proceedings. “I simply wanted my pills that day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alegria-Simuta, a native of Mexico*, is no longer locked up. But he said his right hand remains damaged from the beating. ICE is investigating the incident. The jail guard resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials say Yuba County does a poor job of monitoring its own jail. In recent audits ICE found that the facility did not properly investigate \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898587-Yuba-County-Jail-August-2014-Inspection.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sexual assaults\u003c/a> or guards’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898586-Yuba-County-Jail-April-2012-Inspection.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">use of force\u003c/a>. Jail officials did not medically screen inmates after such incidents, and failed to inform ICE about what occurred, the audits found. County officials did not respond in writing to ICE audits.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Attorneys Sue Over Jail Conditions\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Conditions at the jail have been notorious for so long that the county has been under \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898596-Dkt-163-6-PROP-Order-Granting-MTE-CD-for-Further.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">court order\u003c/a> to improve them for 38 years. Attorney Jennifer Stark, who helped with a lawsuit to enforce the order, has toured the jail several times and has spoken with immigrant detainees and other inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stark described an October 2014 incident in which a man attempted to hang himself in the shower, using a sheet. Other inmates found the man, but because there was no emergency call button they had to scream for several minutes to get the guards’ attention, she said. When the guards arrived, they weren’t carrying the proper masks to conduct CPR, so it was the inmates who worked to revive the man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599237\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11599237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15.jpg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The hallway leading to sections of the jail, including the H-tank. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Rosen Bien Galvan & Grunfeld LLP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The jail knew about this problem and did nothing,” said Stark. “No emergency call buttons were put into the old jail. … A few months later the very person who had been attempting CPR on his friend attempted to hang himself in the H-tank shower in the exact same way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898770-Dkt-180-Defs-Opp-to-Pls-MTE-1-18-17-1255-1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">court documents\u003c/a>, the Yuba County counsel called the concerns about suicide “exaggerated and misconceived.” The county noted that no inmates have died of suicide in the last 10 years and that “acts of self-harm do not equate a suicide attempt.” Court documents also show that, starting in March 2015, the jail added 16 emergency buttons and 13 security cameras, and is in the process of eliminating pipes that inmates could use to hang themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898574-Yuba-Grand-Jury-Report-2014.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent grand jury\u003c/a> was worried that inmates were unable to access psychiatric help, and when they did it was mainly through videoconferencing. When inmates told staff that they were having a mental health crisis, they were sometimes placed in isolation for days at a time, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898574-Yuba-Grand-Jury-Report-2014.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grand jury\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898587-Yuba-County-Jail-August-2014-Inspection.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ICE\u003c/a> found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael’s lawyer, Kelly Wells, told KQED that she had been representing Rafael for several months before he admitted he was having suicidal thoughts at Yuba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He told me that he hadn't revealed them to ICE specifically because he was afraid that he would be put into some kind of worse conditions,” Wells said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $20 million grant from the state will help pay for a new medical wing, scheduled to open in 2020, with more space for confidential treatment. In the meantime, jail officials have increased group therapy with a crisis counselor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent grand jury also \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898576-Yuba-Grand-Jury-Report-2015-16.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">noted \u003c/a>that despite problems, “overall, the Jail runs very effectively given their limited budget.“\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898590-Yuba-County-BSCC-Proposal.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an application\u003c/a> for the grant to build the new medical and mental health wing for the jail, county officials wrote that “the existing mental health and medical treatment, dental treatment, medical holding, medical and mental health beds, inmate programs, staff support, and laundry spaces are all deficient or non-existent in this facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Conditions of Detention Spur State Response\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Ongoing reports of inadequate care for immigrant detainees in California jails and private prisons prompted several state lawmakers to try to overhaul the state’s role in ICE detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599240\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599240\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-800x1238.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1238\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-800x1238.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-160x248.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-1020x1578.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-1180x1826.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-960x1486.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-240x371.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-375x580.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-520x805.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Senate President Pro Tem Kevin \u003cspan class=\"il\">de\u003c/span> \u003cspan class=\"il\">León\u003c/span> (D-Los Angeles) in his office in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s promise to deport millions more undocumented people added to the urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tem Kevin \u003cspan class=\"il\">de\u003c/span> \u003cspan class=\"il\">León\u003c/span> (D-Los Angeles) introduced a bill this year that would prohibit local agencies from using resources “to investigate, interrogate, detain, detect, or arrest” people for immigration purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It begs some ethical questions: whether counties should be profiteering on a very polarizing and polemic issue, which is the issue of immigration,” \u003cspan class=\"il\">de\u003c/span> \u003cspan class=\"il\">León\u003c/span> says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SB 54\u003c/a> does not explicitly target the ICE contracts of a dozen California cities and counties, including Yuba County, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898594-2017-2018-SB54-Senate-Floor-Analyses.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">legislative staff analysis\u003c/a> observes “prohibitions in the bill would make local law enforcement agencies legally unable to continue to carry out such a contract.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other measures could also impact local jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SB 29\u003c/a>, introduced by state Sen. Ricardo Lara (D-Los Angeles), would require local jails with ICE detainees to provide a higher standard of care and subject them to a new layer of scrutiny. The attorney general would also be able to sue counties and cities and private prisons for any gross violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB630\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SB 630\u003c/a>, introduced by state Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley), would withhold state funds for jail construction from counties, including Yuba, Orange and Contra Costa, that hold people for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three bills have passed the state Senate. The Assembly will vote on them later this summer. If they pass it’s unclear whether Gov. Jerry Brown will sign them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Yuba Braces for Loss of Funds\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Sacramento’s legislative backlash against the Trump administration’s immigration agenda frustrates officials in Yuba County. They say struggling local governments, not the state, will pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County spokesman Brown said federal funds for detaining immigrants are now so closely intertwined with the general budget that any loss could force the county to shut down vital services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will decimate the budget of this sheriff's department, it will cause severe problems in terms of how they're able to serve our residents,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff could be forced to cut deputies patrolling the streets -- or find other ways to economize, Brown says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately Yuba County leaders fear they might have to shut down the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599341\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11599341 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff's deputies drive through Marysville, California, the seat of Yuba County. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch4>Rafael Gets His Day in Court\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>None of these changes will directly impact Rafael. He was released from the Yuba County Jail in April after being locked up for eight months. The medical staff finally began giving him his hepatitis C medication in the last three weeks of his incarceration. At his final immigration hearing, a judge found that Rafael has a legitimate fear of persecution if he were deported to Mexico, and granted him “withholding of removal.” It allows him to stay in the United States legally, but does not provide a path to citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really relieved for him because honestly, by that point, I had really started to lose faith in the immigration system,” said Rafael’s lawyer, Wells. “I've seen cases drag out and clients remain detained for so long for no reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just a few months after winning his freedom, Rafael found a new home and a new job in the Bay Area. Wells said Rafael is excited to spend more time with his two young children, who are both U.S. citizens. She’s currently helping him get health insurance so that he can see a doctor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED asked Rafael for an interview after he was freed, but he declined. He said he doesn’t want to relive everything he’s been through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[yubaDox]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>*Note that this piece has been updated to clarify Rafael's first immigration consultation. We have also updated the story to state that Orsay Alegria-Simuta's is from Mexico.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Federal dollars help keep rural Yuba County in the black, but critics say the jail is failing when it comes to inmates' medical needs.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>nside his cell in the Yuba County Jail, Rafael was vomiting again, too weak and dizzy to stand. He is HIV-positive and has hepatitis C. Without treatment, the two can be a deadly combination. But Rafael, 27, had not been treated for hepatitis C in six months, his medical records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED agreed not to use Rafael’s real name, to protect his medical privacy. More than once, Rafael says, he has been the target of violence as a result of the stigma of his illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March, Rafael had been held in the jail for half a year, waiting to find out if he would be deported to Mexico, the country of his birth. He tried to tune out the arguments of the other inmates over what to watch on television -- a struggle between criminal defendants and immigration detainees, orange uniforms versus red ones. He tried to ignore the flooded bathroom sinks. He tried to ignore the nausea. More than anything else, he thought about seeing a regular doctor rather than the jail's medical staff, who seemed to dismiss his worsening condition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael is one of roughly 200 men and women held by Immigration and Customs Enforcement at the Yuba jail on any given day. They make up about half of the jail population here in this rural county in the Sacramento Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Trump administration moves to vastly expand the deportation of immigrants, county jails across the country could be increasingly put to use to detain them because ICE facilities have simply \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/08/how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california/\">run out of room\u003c/a>. But ICE itself has repeatedly faulted Yuba County -- and other jails where immigrant detainees are held -- for inadequate conditions that fail to meet ICE's own standards. Yuba also faces a lawsuit over what inmate advocates call “negligent” care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concern over a lack of safe and humane conditions at Yuba, and across ICE's already strained detention system, is propelling some California lawmakers to try to disentangle the state from Trump's deportation push.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three bills moving through the California Legislature could alter -- or end -- the ability of cities and counties to enter into detention contracts with ICE. But Yuba officials say that could spell disaster for their county’s finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Expanding Detention and Deportation\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Yuba County is among about 200 U.S. cities and counties that hold ICE detainees in local jails and private prisons under multimillion-dollar contracts with the federal government. Nationally, an average of 37,706 people a day are locked up, facing deportation. That’s 17 percent more than in fiscal year 2016, according to ICE data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba jail began detaining immigrants for the federal government in 1994. These days, the arrangement generates close to $6 million a year. That money supports half of the sheriff’s operations, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.co.yuba.ca.us/Departments/CAO/Budget/15-16/default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">county budget proposal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You come to rely upon that,” said county spokesman Russ Brown. “We make no bones about that. We've been able to find some level of stability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said Yuba County and other local governments that have held ICE contracts for decades are now caught in a political crossfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yuba County is conducting a service and (we) have been for years, and then because of a political battle Yuba County could very well see public safety fall off the map,\" Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599246\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599246\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-800x555.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"555\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-800x555.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-160x111.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-1020x708.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-1180x819.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-960x667.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-240x167.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-375x260.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/women-detainees-520x361.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrant detainees help a sheriff's deputy carry items to a truck outside the Yuba County Jail. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch4>Fleeing the Stigma of HIV\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Rafael was 6 months old when he came with his parents to the Bay Area from Mexico. He went to school in San Francisco and all of his family lives here, he says. As a kid he’d rent out local driveways and parking lots for 49ers football games. He punctuates every few words with “like” or “you know.” It wasn’t until he was in high school that he discovered he didn’t have legal status in the United States. That’s when his parents took him to meet an immigration lawyer after he was a victim of a crime.*\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before getting protection, he was arrested for drug possession and deported in 2010. In Mexico he discovered he was HIV-positive. That began a cycle of re-entries and deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael said he was physically threatened while seeking treatment for HIV in Mexico. He and his lawyers say he suffered even more traumatic incidents there. KQED agreed not to disclose them because he hasn’t shared what happened with his family. But he said he feared for his life, and fled back to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, Rafael had been diagnosed with hepatitis C, depression and post-traumatic stress disorder, along with HIV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>Last September, he was convicted of driving under the influence and served 42 days at an Alameda County jail. As he was being released, Rafael was apprehended in the jail lobby by two immigration officers who sent him to ICE detention near Sacramento, ICE records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, Rafael tried to get an attorney to fight his deportation. He composed letters to lawyers outlining his fears and his medical conditions. He hid them under his mattress, the only private place he could find. One day, he returned from court to the cell he shared with several other men and saw his private papers out in the open, spread on top of his bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually everybody came in and greeted me, just said, ‘How’s it going?’ But that day everybody was just looking at me,” Rafael said. He described the incident later in a phone call from jail, speaking softly so other inmates wouldn’t overhear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the confrontation unfolded, Rafael said, a friend warned him that his cellmates had read his letters and were threatening to harm him if he didn’t leave the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody thought that they were going to get my infections, through me sitting down on the toilet and stuff like that,” Rafael said. “So everybody just decided that I had to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael grabbed his belongings and rushed to the common area, where he pressed an emergency button to summon the guards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his safety, ICE transferred Rafael from Sacramento to the Yuba County Jail in Marysville on Oct. 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Waiting for Treatment\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>When ICE moves a detainee, the agency is supposed to transfer all of the person’s medical records. But documents show that Yuba County Jail staff didn’t know at first that Rafael had hepatitis C. Even after they had confirmed his diagnosis, they still did not treat him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They weren't trying to give me my medicine, and I had symptoms,” he said in an interview from the jail. “I always put (in) my request to see the doctors and all they do is just give me, like, just Tums,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599250\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599250\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-1180x1770.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-960x1440.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-375x563.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells-520x780.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/kelly-engel-wells.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kelly Wells works in the small office she shares with other immigration attorneys at Dolores Street Community Services in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kelly Wells, an immigration attorney with \u003ca href=\"http://www.dscs.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Dolores Street Community Services\u003c/a>, took on Rafael’s deportation case. But she said she ended up spending a lot of her time pushing jail officials to provide proper medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hep C, HIV co-infection can proceed within a matter of months to liver failure and death. So obviously we had a lot of concerns. He was exhibiting symptoms at the time, too -- symptoms that we don’t know what they were, as lawyers,” Wells says. “What we know is, he needs to see a real doctor who knows hep C.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Rafael and his attorneys, Wells and Frances Kreimer, submitted requests for him to see a specialist as he became more ill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don't treat you like a human being (in jail),” Rafael said. “It’s really different outside. My doctors would stay and explain to me, you know, details and stuff like that. They would do blood work and they would do all kinds of stuff to make sure that I didn't have anything else, you know, [a] complication. But in here, they don't do none of that. I have to ask for, like, blood work. My lawyers have to call them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED requested an interview with Yuba County’s sheriff (and a tour inside the jail) many times over the course of five months. Sheriff Steven L. Durfor declined to speak with us, citing many reasons, including the lawsuit challenging jail conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898770-Dkt-180-Defs-Opp-to-Pls-MTE-1-18-17-1255-1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">court documents\u003c/a>, the Yuba County counsel wrote that jail guards and medical staff are appropriately trained, have passed inspections and successfully “balance the legitimate interests of the jail with the rights of inmates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>How Yuba County Got Entwined With ICE\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>It’s not as if Yuba County set out to become so reliant on immigration detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County spokesman Russ Brown, who also handles legislative affairs, said the county’s financial dependence on ICE has grown over the years, largely due to elemental forces that eroded the local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599241\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599241\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-800x513.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"513\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-800x513.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-1020x655.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-1180x757.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-960x616.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-240x154.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-375x241.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/russ-levee-520x334.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">County spokesman Russ Brown stands where a levee broke in 1986, leading to a devastating flood of the nearby towns of Olivehurst and Linda. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most people in Yuba County live and work near the confluence of the Feather and Yuba rivers -- an area prone to flooding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said a catastrophic flood in 1986 started a downward spiral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That February, following a series of severe winter storms, a levee on the Yuba River collapsed, opening a 30-foot-wide gap that allowed water to engulf the towns of Linda and Olivehurst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aerial photographs of the flood show whole neighborhoods submerged in water, with only the rooftops of houses showing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flooding covered more than 30 square miles, killing one person, destroying nearly 900 homes and causing $95 million in damage, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.bepreparedyuba.org/pages/prepare/history.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Yuba County Office of Emergency Services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was one of those events,” Brown said. “It changes the status of a community overnight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11604786\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11604786\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-800x1360.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1360\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-800x1360.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-160x272.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-1020x1734.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-1180x2006.png 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-960x1632.png 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-240x408.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-375x638.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2-520x884.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/yuba_vertical_final01-2.png 1500w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yuba County \u003ccite>(Mark Fiore/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The flood also destroyed a vital economic driver for the county: the Peach Tree Mall in Linda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Jane Griego, a former Yuba County supervisor who owns and runs the popular \u003ca href=\"https://www.yelp.com/biz/dukes-diner-olivehurst\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Duke’s Diner\u003c/a> in Olivehurst, remembers she was driving right by the mall that evening in 1986 when a sheriff’s deputy stopped her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a deputy that skidded into the intersection,” Griego recalled, “And he said, ‘Lady, the levee broke and here comes the water!’ And I looked over there and this wall of water is coming right towards the mall and towards us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She tore off in her car and drove to higher ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The water rose to nearly the top of the mall, forcing people inside to escape to the roof, to be airlifted to safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599225\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-800x560.jpg\" alt=\"After a levee broke water rose almost to the top of the Peach Tree Mall. More than 30 years later the mall still sits empty.\" width=\"800\" height=\"560\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-800x560.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-160x112.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-1020x714.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-1180x826.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-960x672.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-240x168.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-375x263.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/USGS-peachtree-mall-flood-520x364.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After a levee broke, water rose almost to the top of the Peach Tree Mall. More than 30 years later, the mall still sits empty. \u003ccite>(Michael J. Nevins/U.S. Army Corps of Engineers)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch4>ICE Contract Helps Yuba County Weather Economic Downturns\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Griego sees the destruction of the mall as an economic blow from which Yuba County has yet to recover, even three decades later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Peach Tree Mall opened in the 1970s it held a movie theater, an arcade, and plenty of shops and eateries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s where all the kids hung out.” Griego recalled, “Either you were working there at the Orange Julius, meeting your friends there, or stopping by J.C. Penney’s to pick up some clothes for school. It was the place to be at!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the Peach Tree Mall sits with boarded-up windows and doors chained shut. It’s too far gone to renovate, and too expensive to remove.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599231\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599231\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-800x473.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"473\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-800x473.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-160x95.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-1020x604.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-1180x698.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-960x568.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-240x142.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-375x222.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/peachtreemall1-520x308.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">County officials tried moving government offices into the husk of the Peach Tree Mall. But it was too moldy for habitation. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s depressing to look at,” Griego said. “All 57 businesses left and not one of them came back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those businesses relocated to a mall just across the Feather River in neighboring Sutter County, and most Yuba residents now cross the bridge to shop there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watching that sales tax revenue pour into another county, Griego said, makes her “resentful, mad, angry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another catastrophic flood in 1997 caused an additional $300 million in economic losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griego was first elected to the Board of Supervisors in 2000. She said the economy was in bad shape, forcing county officials to cut back vital services for residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cut a lot,” Griego recalled. “I mean we cut to the bone, and then we cut to the bone marrow after that. And then there was nothing left to cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hardship for Yuba residents would have been even worse, she said, had it not been for the revenue from the contract to detain immigrants for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, the Board of Supervisors approved an expansion of the contract to lease up to 220 jail beds -- more than half of the entire jail -- to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Yuba County's History of Immigration\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Ongoing Allegations Over Negligent Medical Care\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>While the contract has helped the county, inmates and their advocates say the funds from the ICE contract haven't led to improved jail conditions -- for immigration detainees or the rest of the jail population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grand juries, human rights advocates and lawyers for inmates -- along with ICE auditors and county officials -- all have documented problems, ranging from inadequate medical and mental health care to overcrowding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yuba County Jail can hold up to 433 inmates, and it’s usually close to full, ICE audits and state data show. The jail shares a cramped building, originally built in 1962, with the courthouse, county records and part of the sheriff’s department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED was not permitted inside the jail, but a view of the conditions can be gained from government records and photographs taken by lawyers. The cells have bars with flaking paint. The jail’s medical facilities are underground. A May 2015 \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898574-Yuba-Grand-Jury-Report-2014.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grand jury report\u003c/a> noted that staff call part of the facility the “dungeon.” But the grand jury was more concerned with the lengthy delays for some inmates to see a doctor, or even a nurse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599319\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 390px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11599319\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-29.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"390\" height=\"296\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-29.jpg 390w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-29-160x121.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-29-240x182.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-29-375x285.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 390px) 100vw, 390px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One room houses Yuba County Jail's medical exam area, a telepsychiatry space and offices for medical staff. \u003ccite>(Photo from Yuba County's application to the Board of State and Community Corrections)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Yuba County Jail’s medical staff struggles to function in a small space, county officials wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898590-Yuba-County-BSCC-Proposal.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a grant application\u003c/a> to the state. Staff members use a single room for medical exams, psychiatry appointments and as an office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael described the lack of privacy. “They take you in with a bunch of inmates, and other inmates are waiting for their appointment,” he said. “Everybody can hear clearly what you're talking about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael said he wrote notes to the doctor as a way to explain his concerns privately. But then the doctor read the notes aloud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m still scared, you know,” he said. “I don’t like people finding out my medical situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/dro/detention-standards/pdf/medical_care.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">medical policy\u003c/a> specifically requires facilities to ensure patient confidentiality, especially for people with HIV. In several reports ICE criticized the Yuba jail’s policy of allowing jail guards to read inmates’ medical requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some inmates say they’ve suffered much more egregious problems with guards at the Yuba County Jail. Orsay Alegria-Simuta told KQED that he was beaten by a jail guard earlier this year while having an epileptic seizure. He said the staff denied him his prescribed medication and placed him in isolation for three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am not a criminal,” said Alegria-Simuta, who was held by ICE for months while in deportation proceedings. “I simply wanted my pills that day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alegria-Simuta, a native of Mexico*, is no longer locked up. But he said his right hand remains damaged from the beating. ICE is investigating the incident. The jail guard resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials say Yuba County does a poor job of monitoring its own jail. In recent audits ICE found that the facility did not properly investigate \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898587-Yuba-County-Jail-August-2014-Inspection.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sexual assaults\u003c/a> or guards’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898586-Yuba-County-Jail-April-2012-Inspection.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">use of force\u003c/a>. Jail officials did not medically screen inmates after such incidents, and failed to inform ICE about what occurred, the audits found. County officials did not respond in writing to ICE audits.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Attorneys Sue Over Jail Conditions\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Conditions at the jail have been notorious for so long that the county has been under \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898596-Dkt-163-6-PROP-Order-Granting-MTE-CD-for-Further.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">court order\u003c/a> to improve them for 38 years. Attorney Jennifer Stark, who helped with a lawsuit to enforce the order, has toured the jail several times and has spoken with immigrant detainees and other inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stark described an October 2014 incident in which a man attempted to hang himself in the shower, using a sheet. Other inmates found the man, but because there was no emergency call button they had to scream for several minutes to get the guards’ attention, she said. When the guards arrived, they weren’t carrying the proper masks to conduct CPR, so it was the inmates who worked to revive the man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599237\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11599237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15.jpg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/G-H-I-Hallways-rec_d-11-10-15-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The hallway leading to sections of the jail, including the H-tank. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Rosen Bien Galvan & Grunfeld LLP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The jail knew about this problem and did nothing,” said Stark. “No emergency call buttons were put into the old jail. … A few months later the very person who had been attempting CPR on his friend attempted to hang himself in the H-tank shower in the exact same way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898770-Dkt-180-Defs-Opp-to-Pls-MTE-1-18-17-1255-1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">court documents\u003c/a>, the Yuba County counsel called the concerns about suicide “exaggerated and misconceived.” The county noted that no inmates have died of suicide in the last 10 years and that “acts of self-harm do not equate a suicide attempt.” Court documents also show that, starting in March 2015, the jail added 16 emergency buttons and 13 security cameras, and is in the process of eliminating pipes that inmates could use to hang themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898574-Yuba-Grand-Jury-Report-2014.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent grand jury\u003c/a> was worried that inmates were unable to access psychiatric help, and when they did it was mainly through videoconferencing. When inmates told staff that they were having a mental health crisis, they were sometimes placed in isolation for days at a time, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898574-Yuba-Grand-Jury-Report-2014.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grand jury\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898587-Yuba-County-Jail-August-2014-Inspection.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ICE\u003c/a> found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael’s lawyer, Kelly Wells, told KQED that she had been representing Rafael for several months before he admitted he was having suicidal thoughts at Yuba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He told me that he hadn't revealed them to ICE specifically because he was afraid that he would be put into some kind of worse conditions,” Wells said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $20 million grant from the state will help pay for a new medical wing, scheduled to open in 2020, with more space for confidential treatment. In the meantime, jail officials have increased group therapy with a crisis counselor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent grand jury also \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898576-Yuba-Grand-Jury-Report-2015-16.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">noted \u003c/a>that despite problems, “overall, the Jail runs very effectively given their limited budget.“\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898590-Yuba-County-BSCC-Proposal.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an application\u003c/a> for the grant to build the new medical and mental health wing for the jail, county officials wrote that “the existing mental health and medical treatment, dental treatment, medical holding, medical and mental health beds, inmate programs, staff support, and laundry spaces are all deficient or non-existent in this facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Conditions of Detention Spur State Response\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Ongoing reports of inadequate care for immigrant detainees in California jails and private prisons prompted several state lawmakers to try to overhaul the state’s role in ICE detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599240\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11599240\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-800x1238.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1238\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-800x1238.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-160x248.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-1020x1578.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-1180x1826.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-960x1486.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-240x371.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-375x580.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/de-leon-1-520x805.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Senate President Pro Tem Kevin \u003cspan class=\"il\">de\u003c/span> \u003cspan class=\"il\">León\u003c/span> (D-Los Angeles) in his office in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s promise to deport millions more undocumented people added to the urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tem Kevin \u003cspan class=\"il\">de\u003c/span> \u003cspan class=\"il\">León\u003c/span> (D-Los Angeles) introduced a bill this year that would prohibit local agencies from using resources “to investigate, interrogate, detain, detect, or arrest” people for immigration purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It begs some ethical questions: whether counties should be profiteering on a very polarizing and polemic issue, which is the issue of immigration,” \u003cspan class=\"il\">de\u003c/span> \u003cspan class=\"il\">León\u003c/span> says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SB 54\u003c/a> does not explicitly target the ICE contracts of a dozen California cities and counties, including Yuba County, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3898594-2017-2018-SB54-Senate-Floor-Analyses.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">legislative staff analysis\u003c/a> observes “prohibitions in the bill would make local law enforcement agencies legally unable to continue to carry out such a contract.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other measures could also impact local jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SB 29\u003c/a>, introduced by state Sen. Ricardo Lara (D-Los Angeles), would require local jails with ICE detainees to provide a higher standard of care and subject them to a new layer of scrutiny. The attorney general would also be able to sue counties and cities and private prisons for any gross violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB630\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">SB 630\u003c/a>, introduced by state Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley), would withhold state funds for jail construction from counties, including Yuba, Orange and Contra Costa, that hold people for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three bills have passed the state Senate. The Assembly will vote on them later this summer. If they pass it’s unclear whether Gov. Jerry Brown will sign them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Yuba Braces for Loss of Funds\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Sacramento’s legislative backlash against the Trump administration’s immigration agenda frustrates officials in Yuba County. They say struggling local governments, not the state, will pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County spokesman Brown said federal funds for detaining immigrants are now so closely intertwined with the general budget that any loss could force the county to shut down vital services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will decimate the budget of this sheriff's department, it will cause severe problems in terms of how they're able to serve our residents,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff could be forced to cut deputies patrolling the streets -- or find other ways to economize, Brown says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately Yuba County leaders fear they might have to shut down the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11599341\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11599341 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/yuba-25-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff's deputies drive through Marysville, California, the seat of Yuba County. \u003ccite>(Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch4>Rafael Gets His Day in Court\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>None of these changes will directly impact Rafael. He was released from the Yuba County Jail in April after being locked up for eight months. The medical staff finally began giving him his hepatitis C medication in the last three weeks of his incarceration. At his final immigration hearing, a judge found that Rafael has a legitimate fear of persecution if he were deported to Mexico, and granted him “withholding of removal.” It allows him to stay in the United States legally, but does not provide a path to citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really relieved for him because honestly, by that point, I had really started to lose faith in the immigration system,” said Rafael’s lawyer, Wells. “I've seen cases drag out and clients remain detained for so long for no reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just a few months after winning his freedom, Rafael found a new home and a new job in the Bay Area. Wells said Rafael is excited to spend more time with his two young children, who are both U.S. citizens. She’s currently helping him get health insurance so that he can see a doctor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED asked Rafael for an interview after he was freed, but he declined. He said he doesn’t want to relive everything he’s been through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[yubaDox]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>*Note that this piece has been updated to clarify Rafael's first immigration consultation. We have also updated the story to state that Orsay Alegria-Simuta's is from Mexico.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "MAP: Where ICE Detains Immigrants",
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"content": "\u003cp>This fiscal year immigration officials are detaining more people across the country in local jails and private prisons than they did last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, the government must detain people before deporting them. The average number of people in immigration detention on any given day nationally increased by 17 percent from fiscal year 2016 to fiscal year 2017, according to data obtained by KQED through a Freedom of Information Act request. Data are only available for the first part of fiscal year 2017 from October 3, 2016 to March 20, 2017. The federal government’s fiscal year begins in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”fOflMiW9vi8YxT1LjQiwyZhUnL4XMrRO”]Immigration and Customs Enforcement relies on a network of more than 200 locally operated jails (purple), private prisons (blue) and their own facilities (yellow) to hold all these people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1482\" height=\"1120\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11953646\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM.png 1482w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM-800x605.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM-1020x771.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM-160x121.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1482px) 100vw, 1482px\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 0.6255em;float: right;\">Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED\u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\n\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>We can see that ICE has far more contracts with local county and city jails to hold people than with private companies. However, jails can hold only so many people because they’re often smaller than private prisons, and regular jail populations can vary drastically. So, although there are more local jails holding detainees, there are far more detainees in privately operated prisons. When we adjust for population, we can see how many more detainees are in private prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data show that over the last few months ICE has increasingly relied on private detention, where it’s generally cheaper to incarcerate people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between October 2016 and March 2017 the government signed additional contracts to detain people in eight new private facilities, seven new county jails and one new city jail. It also ended 28 contracts. However, most of those were with county jails that had not held detainees for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, ICE had contracts to hold people in:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>44 private prisons\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>153 local jails\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Five of its own facilities\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>As of March 20, 2017, about two-thirds of detainees were held in privately operated prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"noborder callout aligncenter\">\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-9PmdQ\" src=\"//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/9PmdQ/3/\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">if(\"undefined\"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"]={},window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].embedDeltas={\"100\":757,\"200\":571,\"300\":473,\"400\":456,\"500\":417,\"600\":400,\"700\":400,\"800\":400,\"900\":400,\"1000\":400},window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].iframe=document.getElementById(\"datawrapper-chart-9PmdQ\"),window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+\"px\",window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(a){if(\"undefined\"!=typeof a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])for(var b in a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])if(\"9PmdQ\"==b)window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].iframe.style.height=a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"][b]+\"px\"});\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 0.6255em;float: right;\">Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED\u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>The number of detainees is also increasing because of new policies to automatically detain more people. And those people are being detained longer, as more people go into immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite hiring \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/news-and-information\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">45 new immigration judges\u003c/a> since January, the court’s backlog continues to grow, according to data from \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/court_backlog/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Syracuse University’s Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a>. As of June, it took an average of 667 days to close a case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout noborder aligncenter\">\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-WWuK4\" src=\"//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/WWuK4/2/\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">if(\"undefined\"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"]={},window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].embedDeltas={\"100\":410,\"200\":337,\"300\":312,\"400\":295,\"500\":295,\"600\":295,\"700\":295,\"800\":295,\"900\":295,\"1000\":295},window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].iframe=document.getElementById(\"datawrapper-chart-WWuK4\"),window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+\"px\",window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(a){if(\"undefined\"!=typeof a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])for(var b in a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])if(\"WWuK4\"==b)window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].iframe.style.height=a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"][b]+\"px\"});\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 0.6255em; float:right;\">Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED\u003c/span>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>In the first four months of the Trump presidency, immigration officers \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/17/immigration-arrests-climb-by-almost-40-percent-under-trump/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arrested 38 percent more people\u003c/a> than in the same period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both immigration officials and advocates expect detention populations to continue to increase as more people are arrested, more people are automatically detained and the immigration court backlog increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Julie Small contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This fiscal year immigration officials are detaining more people across the country in local jails and private prisons than they did last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, the government must detain people before deporting them. The average number of people in immigration detention on any given day nationally increased by 17 percent from fiscal year 2016 to fiscal year 2017, according to data obtained by KQED through a Freedom of Information Act request. Data are only available for the first part of fiscal year 2017 from October 3, 2016 to March 20, 2017. The federal government’s fiscal year begins in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement relies on a network of more than 200 locally operated jails (purple), private prisons (blue) and their own facilities (yellow) to hold all these people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1482\" height=\"1120\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11953646\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM.png 1482w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM-800x605.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM-1020x771.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/Screen-Shot-2023-06-21-at-3.38.27-PM-160x121.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1482px) 100vw, 1482px\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 0.6255em;float: right;\">Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED\u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\n\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>We can see that ICE has far more contracts with local county and city jails to hold people than with private companies. However, jails can hold only so many people because they’re often smaller than private prisons, and regular jail populations can vary drastically. So, although there are more local jails holding detainees, there are far more detainees in privately operated prisons. When we adjust for population, we can see how many more detainees are in private prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data show that over the last few months ICE has increasingly relied on private detention, where it’s generally cheaper to incarcerate people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between October 2016 and March 2017 the government signed additional contracts to detain people in eight new private facilities, seven new county jails and one new city jail. It also ended 28 contracts. However, most of those were with county jails that had not held detainees for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, ICE had contracts to hold people in:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>44 private prisons\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>153 local jails\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Five of its own facilities\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>As of March 20, 2017, about two-thirds of detainees were held in privately operated prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"noborder callout aligncenter\">\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-9PmdQ\" src=\"//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/9PmdQ/3/\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">if(\"undefined\"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"]={},window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].embedDeltas={\"100\":757,\"200\":571,\"300\":473,\"400\":456,\"500\":417,\"600\":400,\"700\":400,\"800\":400,\"900\":400,\"1000\":400},window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].iframe=document.getElementById(\"datawrapper-chart-9PmdQ\"),window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+\"px\",window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(a){if(\"undefined\"!=typeof a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])for(var b in a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])if(\"9PmdQ\"==b)window.datawrapper[\"9PmdQ\"].iframe.style.height=a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"][b]+\"px\"});\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 0.6255em;float: right;\">Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED\u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>The number of detainees is also increasing because of new policies to automatically detain more people. And those people are being detained longer, as more people go into immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite hiring \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/news-and-information\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">45 new immigration judges\u003c/a> since January, the court’s backlog continues to grow, according to data from \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/court_backlog/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Syracuse University’s Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse\u003c/a>. As of June, it took an average of 667 days to close a case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout noborder aligncenter\">\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-WWuK4\" src=\"//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/WWuK4/2/\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">if(\"undefined\"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"]={},window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].embedDeltas={\"100\":410,\"200\":337,\"300\":312,\"400\":295,\"500\":295,\"600\":295,\"700\":295,\"800\":295,\"900\":295,\"1000\":295},window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].iframe=document.getElementById(\"datawrapper-chart-WWuK4\"),window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+\"px\",window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(a){if(\"undefined\"!=typeof a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])for(var b in a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])if(\"WWuK4\"==b)window.datawrapper[\"WWuK4\"].iframe.style.height=a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"][b]+\"px\"});\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 0.6255em; float:right;\">Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED\u003c/span>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>In the first four months of the Trump presidency, immigration officers \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/17/immigration-arrests-climb-by-almost-40-percent-under-trump/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arrested 38 percent more people\u003c/a> than in the same period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both immigration officials and advocates expect detention populations to continue to increase as more people are arrested, more people are automatically detained and the immigration court backlog increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Julie Small contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "l-a-councilman-says-pot-industry-needs-a-bank-and-city-could-provide-one",
"title": "L.A. Councilman Says Pot Industry Needs a Bank, and City Could Provide One",
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"content": "\u003cp>When L.A. City Council President Herb Wesson pitched the idea of a Bank of Los Angeles last week, he singled out the city’s growing pot industry as one that could really benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you know we got people that are going to go home tonight that got a million dollars in cash buried in the backyard, and a million buried in the walls?” asked Wesson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to make this industry work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though pot is now legal in California, it’s still illegal under federal law. And since banks are federally regulated, they have to abstain from the marijuana business. So legal marijuana growers and retailers operate in a largely cash-based economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re basically forcing these business to commit money-laundering,” said Susan Soares, executive director of the marijuana advocacy group \u003ca href=\"http://www.cannabisawarenessresearcheconomics.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">C.A.R.E.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because sleeping with your money under your mattress is only half the equation. How do you spend that money? You end up commingling funds or set up all kinds of entities and play the shell game,” said Soares.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11606180\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11606180 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"L.A. City Council President Herb Wesson\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-1020x661.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-1180x765.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-960x622.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-520x337.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">When L.A. City Council President Herb Wesson pitched the idea of a Bank of Los Angeles, he singled out the city’s growing pot industry as one that could benefit. \u003ccite>(Ken James/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There’s yet to be a city or state in the U.S. to create an independent banking system designed to accommodate the legal pot industry, though Colorado lawmakers endorsed so-called cannabis credit co-ops that would work kind of like credit unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Oakland are exploring the creation of locally controlled banks. As in those cities, L.A.’s would also focus on areas of the local economy outside of marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skeptics like Jack Humphreville say a locally controlled bank sounds like a good idea on paper. But in reality he believes it’s fraught with a host of challenges and potential conflicts for city leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humphreville keeps an eye on city politics through his blog \u003ca href=\"http://www.citywatchla.com/index.php/contributors/1644-jack-humphreville\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">City Watch LA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of regulation. You need money, and you need management,” said Humphreville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Will (officials) use this as a honey pot, will they be giving loans to all their friends who don’t deserve credit?” he wondered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An L.A. budget committee led by Councilman Paul Kerkorian is working through those details and is expected to report back to the City Council in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When L.A. City Council President Herb Wesson pitched the idea of a Bank of Los Angeles last week, he singled out the city’s growing pot industry as one that could really benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you know we got people that are going to go home tonight that got a million dollars in cash buried in the backyard, and a million buried in the walls?” asked Wesson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to make this industry work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though pot is now legal in California, it’s still illegal under federal law. And since banks are federally regulated, they have to abstain from the marijuana business. So legal marijuana growers and retailers operate in a largely cash-based economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re basically forcing these business to commit money-laundering,” said Susan Soares, executive director of the marijuana advocacy group \u003ca href=\"http://www.cannabisawarenessresearcheconomics.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">C.A.R.E.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because sleeping with your money under your mattress is only half the equation. How do you spend that money? You end up commingling funds or set up all kinds of entities and play the shell game,” said Soares.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11606180\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11606180 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"L.A. City Council President Herb Wesson\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-1020x661.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-1180x765.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-960x622.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/HerbWesson-520x337.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">When L.A. City Council President Herb Wesson pitched the idea of a Bank of Los Angeles, he singled out the city’s growing pot industry as one that could benefit. \u003ccite>(Ken James/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There’s yet to be a city or state in the U.S. to create an independent banking system designed to accommodate the legal pot industry, though Colorado lawmakers endorsed so-called cannabis credit co-ops that would work kind of like credit unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Oakland are exploring the creation of locally controlled banks. As in those cities, L.A.’s would also focus on areas of the local economy outside of marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skeptics like Jack Humphreville say a locally controlled bank sounds like a good idea on paper. But in reality he believes it’s fraught with a host of challenges and potential conflicts for city leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humphreville keeps an eye on city politics through his blog \u003ca href=\"http://www.citywatchla.com/index.php/contributors/1644-jack-humphreville\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">City Watch LA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of regulation. You need money, and you need management,” said Humphreville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Will (officials) use this as a honey pot, will they be giving loans to all their friends who don’t deserve credit?” he wondered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An L.A. budget committee led by Councilman Paul Kerkorian is working through those details and is expected to report back to the City Council in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 1872, 13-year-old Hong Yen Chang came to the U.S. to be groomed as a diplomat. He earned degrees from Yale University and Columbia University's law school, and passed the bar exam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He became the first Chinese-American lawyer in the U.S. in 1888, when he was admitted to the New York bar. But not all states were as welcoming. When Chang applied for a California law license in 1892, the state's Supreme Court denied his application citing bar association rules, which precluded noncitizens from joining. Chang was unable to become a citizen because of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century later, Chang's descendants petitioned for their relative to be granted posthumous bar admission and brought the case before the California Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, the California Supreme Court reversed the ruling. \"Even if we cannot undo history, we can acknowledge it and, in doing so, accord a full measure of recognition to Chang's path-breaking efforts to become the first lawyer of Chinese descent in the United States,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-chinese-lawyer-20150316-story.html\">the judges wrote\u003c/a> in their decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That case got me thinking about the fact that Asian-Americans have been formally excluded from the legal profession as Chang was, and of course, [with] all the informal barriers,\" says California Supreme Court justice Goodwin Liu, who reviewed the case. He said he realized he hadn't seen a comprehensive study of how Asian-Americans came into the legal profession — so he took it upon himself to lead one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/08/GordonLiu2way.mp3\" Image=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2017/08/01/Liu.jpg\" Title=\"Goodwin Liu on What's Keeping Asian-Americans From Ascending the Legal Ranks\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the study, Liu shows that though Asian-Americans are the fastest-growing minority group in the legal field, there's still a stark lack of Asian-American lawyers in top positions in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, 10 percent of graduates at the top-30 law schools were Asian-American, according to the study. Yet they comprised only about 6 percent of federal law clerks and 4 percent of state law clerks. Compare that to white students, and you'll see a striking contrast: 58 percent of students from top-30 schools were white, but still landed 82 percent of all federal clerkships and 80 percent of all state clerkships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liu and his co-researchers also found that while Asian-Americans comprise 5 percent of lawyers in the U.S. and 7 percent of law students, only 3 percent of federal judges are Asian-American, and three out of 94 U.S. attorneys last year were Asian-American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study noted that some obstacles Asian-Americans face include a lack of access to mentors, as well as stereotypes of Asians as being unable to assimilate or socially awkward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Whereas Asian Americans are regarded as having the 'hard skills' required for lawyerly competence, they are regarded as lacking many important 'soft skills,' \" the researchers wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study also pointed out that there's a dearth of Asian-American lawyers in public service roles:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"It is notable that few Asian Americans appear motivated to pursue law in order to gain a pathway into government or politics. ... Greater penetration into these public leadership roles is critical if the increasing number of Asian American attorneys is to translate into increasing influence of Asian Americans in the legal profession and throughout society. A major challenge is to encourage Asian American lawyers to pursue public service roles and to eliminate barriers for those who do.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>When asked to break out the data further by ethnicity, Xiaonan Hu, one of the researchers, told NPR that she noticed Filipino-American and Indian-American respondents were more likely to say they enrolled in law school to work in government or politics than, say, Japanese-American or Korean-American respondents. Two percent of respondents who were Japanese-American and 3 percent of Korean-Americans ranked the entry into government or politics as a top motivator for going to law school, compared to 11 percent of Filipino-Americans and 5 percent of Indian-Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what could account for this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It doesn't seem like it's as much about those groups [being] MORE interested in government and politics, but less averse to it,\" Karthick Ramakrishnan, a professor of political science at UC Riverside, wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For Filipino Americans, many of them made advancements in government and local politics in California and Hawaii, where they have large populations and there were relatively long-standing Filipino communities,\" said Ramakrishnan, who also runs the project \u003ca href=\"http://aapidata.com/\">AAPI DATA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Indian Americans, by comparison, are much more recently arrived in the United States (with their population booming in the last two decades). That normally would mean that we would not expect them to be involved in politics. But, past research indicates that prior experience with democracy and high English proficiency tend to mean greater political participation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while there are rampant structural issues that need to be addressed, Chris Kang, former national director of the National Council of Asian Pacific Americans, said that emphasizing role models can sometimes be powerful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kang was working with the Obama administration as President Obama's deputy counsel, he helped appoint federal judges. Kang said he and his team tried to highlight each new justice's ethnicity and gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It wasn't just 'the first Asian-American judge in the district,' but we really went and highlighted 'the first Vietnamese-American, the first Filipino-American,' \" Kang told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If there's someone of your particular ethnicity — or an Asian-American woman, [where there's] only been two to the federal bench before — seeing now a dozen of them starts to make a difference,\" Kang said, \"and you start to think as you're going into law school or you're a lawyer considering what's next for you, that a judgeship might be possible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=What%27s+Keeping+Asian-American+Lawyers+From+Ascending+The+Legal+Ranks%3F&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1872, 13-year-old Hong Yen Chang came to the U.S. to be groomed as a diplomat. He earned degrees from Yale University and Columbia University's law school, and passed the bar exam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He became the first Chinese-American lawyer in the U.S. in 1888, when he was admitted to the New York bar. But not all states were as welcoming. When Chang applied for a California law license in 1892, the state's Supreme Court denied his application citing bar association rules, which precluded noncitizens from joining. Chang was unable to become a citizen because of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century later, Chang's descendants petitioned for their relative to be granted posthumous bar admission and brought the case before the California Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, the California Supreme Court reversed the ruling. \"Even if we cannot undo history, we can acknowledge it and, in doing so, accord a full measure of recognition to Chang's path-breaking efforts to become the first lawyer of Chinese descent in the United States,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-chinese-lawyer-20150316-story.html\">the judges wrote\u003c/a> in their decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That case got me thinking about the fact that Asian-Americans have been formally excluded from the legal profession as Chang was, and of course, [with] all the informal barriers,\" says California Supreme Court justice Goodwin Liu, who reviewed the case. He said he realized he hadn't seen a comprehensive study of how Asian-Americans came into the legal profession — so he took it upon himself to lead one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the study, Liu shows that though Asian-Americans are the fastest-growing minority group in the legal field, there's still a stark lack of Asian-American lawyers in top positions in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, 10 percent of graduates at the top-30 law schools were Asian-American, according to the study. Yet they comprised only about 6 percent of federal law clerks and 4 percent of state law clerks. Compare that to white students, and you'll see a striking contrast: 58 percent of students from top-30 schools were white, but still landed 82 percent of all federal clerkships and 80 percent of all state clerkships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liu and his co-researchers also found that while Asian-Americans comprise 5 percent of lawyers in the U.S. and 7 percent of law students, only 3 percent of federal judges are Asian-American, and three out of 94 U.S. attorneys last year were Asian-American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study noted that some obstacles Asian-Americans face include a lack of access to mentors, as well as stereotypes of Asians as being unable to assimilate or socially awkward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Whereas Asian Americans are regarded as having the 'hard skills' required for lawyerly competence, they are regarded as lacking many important 'soft skills,' \" the researchers wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study also pointed out that there's a dearth of Asian-American lawyers in public service roles:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"It is notable that few Asian Americans appear motivated to pursue law in order to gain a pathway into government or politics. ... Greater penetration into these public leadership roles is critical if the increasing number of Asian American attorneys is to translate into increasing influence of Asian Americans in the legal profession and throughout society. A major challenge is to encourage Asian American lawyers to pursue public service roles and to eliminate barriers for those who do.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>When asked to break out the data further by ethnicity, Xiaonan Hu, one of the researchers, told NPR that she noticed Filipino-American and Indian-American respondents were more likely to say they enrolled in law school to work in government or politics than, say, Japanese-American or Korean-American respondents. Two percent of respondents who were Japanese-American and 3 percent of Korean-Americans ranked the entry into government or politics as a top motivator for going to law school, compared to 11 percent of Filipino-Americans and 5 percent of Indian-Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what could account for this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It doesn't seem like it's as much about those groups [being] MORE interested in government and politics, but less averse to it,\" Karthick Ramakrishnan, a professor of political science at UC Riverside, wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For Filipino Americans, many of them made advancements in government and local politics in California and Hawaii, where they have large populations and there were relatively long-standing Filipino communities,\" said Ramakrishnan, who also runs the project \u003ca href=\"http://aapidata.com/\">AAPI DATA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Indian Americans, by comparison, are much more recently arrived in the United States (with their population booming in the last two decades). That normally would mean that we would not expect them to be involved in politics. But, past research indicates that prior experience with democracy and high English proficiency tend to mean greater political participation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while there are rampant structural issues that need to be addressed, Chris Kang, former national director of the National Council of Asian Pacific Americans, said that emphasizing role models can sometimes be powerful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kang was working with the Obama administration as President Obama's deputy counsel, he helped appoint federal judges. 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"content": "\u003cp>Dr. Carolyn Sufrin is sitting before a classroom reading a passage from her book, “Jailcare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on her experience as an obstetrician inside San Francisco’s jail, Sufrin is relating a passage about an inmate who recently gave birth in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She said to me, ‘I mean, my worst day in jail is way better than my best day on the streets.’ I had heard Kima say this before, but each time the comparison emerged, I had to pause to digest it: My worst day in jail is better than my best day on the streets. It was a profound statement,” Sufrin read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Sufrin was reading, Jamesa had to rush out of the classroom, into an adjacent bathroom, to throw up. She’s 11 weeks pregnant. She’s also, like all the students in this classroom, an inmate at San Francisco’s women’s jail — because of that, we’re using only her first name.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The idea jail can be a site of caregiving, or of safety and a place that some women might sometimes desire. … That’s really troubling and problematic.’\u003ccite>Carolyn Sufrin\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Jamesa is 25 and has a 4-year-old son at home, but said she’s never been pregnant in jail before. And, she said, it’s scary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to have my baby in jail, ’cause I would like to go home with my baby — I got to go home with my first son, when I had him, I never was in jail or nothing, so I got to go home with my baby. I don’t want to feel that detachment, only get three days and then from the hospital I have to go to jail and my baby gotta go somewhere else,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sufrin is here to hear these stories. She’s made this her life’s work, after she delivered a baby from a shackled inmate in Pennsylvania during her medical training. Sufrin says she was shocked — and decided she wanted to work with incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2007 to 2013, she worked inside the San Francisco County Jail — as an ob/gyn and then doing research for a Ph.D. in medical anthropology. Her book is based on that research, and the paradoxical nature of finding support while being incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea jail can be a site of caregiving, or of safety or of home and a place that some women might sometimes desire, like I said, that’s really troubling and problematic,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11591987\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11591987\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-800x1038.jpg\" alt=\"Dr. Carolyn Sufrin reads to female inmates at San Francisco Jail from her book.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1038\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-800x1038.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-160x208.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-1020x1323.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-1180x1530.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-960x1245.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-240x311.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-375x486.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-520x674.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Carolyn Sufrin reads to female inmates at San Francisco County Jail from her book. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sufrin tells the women that to some people this may indicate the system’s working — because women are getting some medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But to read this depiction of the safety net of jail in such a practical and also fatalistic way, it ignores the punishment, and the putative structures from which this caregiving arises. It claims to see glimmer of home in fundamentally flawed system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her message is that something is deeply wrong with our society if jail is where women — particularly poor women of color — get the most consistent medical care. The students seem to agree, but they say this is about more than just pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jamesa said the baby growing in her belly isn’t the only child she’s thinking about: Since her first son was born, they’ve been inseparable — and that being there for him is the most important thing to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son is all I got. I don’t got my mama — I was in foster care. She’s around, I know her, but that ain’t my mama, she just had me,” she said. “It hurt hecka bad to know I can’t be with my baby every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tonnette, another inmate, says she’s never been pregnant in jail. But she is missing her 5-year-old son, who she talks to on the phone as much as she can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has been going through this for years to the point that he’s like, all right, and that makes me feel bad — not him crying but him understanding about what I’m going through. At 5 years old, that’s kinda heavy on me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women say there’s another excruciating thing about being separated from your kids — the chance you might lose custody of them while you’re locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti, 29, said she was in jail a year ago when she got papers informing her that her son’s grandmother was trying to take full custody of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She just took him. I asked her to hold my son until I get my life together, and have a place to live,” she said. “So I was crying, because she took my son, and they took me out our of class, to a holding cell, then I am talking about committing suicide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti said a female deputy eventually came and talked to her, calming her down. But she said the default in these situations, when you’re behind bars, is to be put in a cell alone, not supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of pregnant women and mothers in prisons and jails was recently tackled by California Sen. Kamala Harris in a speech before a bipartisan criminal justice reform group in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, there are women who are shackled while they are pregnant and in some states, while they give birth. That’s wrong,” Harris said. “What impacts a mother impacts a child. Because the fact is on this subject, we must keep in mind, nearly 80 percent of incarcerated women are mothers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris has authored legislation to give incarcerated mothers in the federal prison system — and their kids — more rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Sheriff’s Department does more than many jail systems — for example, they let new moms pump their breast milk for their kids. But for the inmates in jail, they just want to be home with their kids.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Dr. Carolyn Sufrin says something is deeply wrong in our society if jail is where women -- particularly poor women of color -- get the most consistent medical care.",
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"title": "What Does It Say When Jail Is a Safety Net for Pregnant Women? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dr. Carolyn Sufrin is sitting before a classroom reading a passage from her book, “Jailcare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on her experience as an obstetrician inside San Francisco’s jail, Sufrin is relating a passage about an inmate who recently gave birth in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She said to me, ‘I mean, my worst day in jail is way better than my best day on the streets.’ I had heard Kima say this before, but each time the comparison emerged, I had to pause to digest it: My worst day in jail is better than my best day on the streets. It was a profound statement,” Sufrin read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Sufrin was reading, Jamesa had to rush out of the classroom, into an adjacent bathroom, to throw up. She’s 11 weeks pregnant. She’s also, like all the students in this classroom, an inmate at San Francisco’s women’s jail — because of that, we’re using only her first name.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The idea jail can be a site of caregiving, or of safety and a place that some women might sometimes desire. … That’s really troubling and problematic.’\u003ccite>Carolyn Sufrin\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Jamesa is 25 and has a 4-year-old son at home, but said she’s never been pregnant in jail before. And, she said, it’s scary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to have my baby in jail, ’cause I would like to go home with my baby — I got to go home with my first son, when I had him, I never was in jail or nothing, so I got to go home with my baby. I don’t want to feel that detachment, only get three days and then from the hospital I have to go to jail and my baby gotta go somewhere else,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sufrin is here to hear these stories. She’s made this her life’s work, after she delivered a baby from a shackled inmate in Pennsylvania during her medical training. Sufrin says she was shocked — and decided she wanted to work with incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2007 to 2013, she worked inside the San Francisco County Jail — as an ob/gyn and then doing research for a Ph.D. in medical anthropology. Her book is based on that research, and the paradoxical nature of finding support while being incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea jail can be a site of caregiving, or of safety or of home and a place that some women might sometimes desire, like I said, that’s really troubling and problematic,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11591987\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11591987\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-800x1038.jpg\" alt=\"Dr. Carolyn Sufrin reads to female inmates at San Francisco Jail from her book.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1038\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-800x1038.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-160x208.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-1020x1323.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-1180x1530.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-960x1245.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-240x311.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-375x486.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-520x674.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Carolyn Sufrin reads to female inmates at San Francisco County Jail from her book. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sufrin tells the women that to some people this may indicate the system’s working — because women are getting some medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But to read this depiction of the safety net of jail in such a practical and also fatalistic way, it ignores the punishment, and the putative structures from which this caregiving arises. It claims to see glimmer of home in fundamentally flawed system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her message is that something is deeply wrong with our society if jail is where women — particularly poor women of color — get the most consistent medical care. The students seem to agree, but they say this is about more than just pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jamesa said the baby growing in her belly isn’t the only child she’s thinking about: Since her first son was born, they’ve been inseparable — and that being there for him is the most important thing to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son is all I got. I don’t got my mama — I was in foster care. She’s around, I know her, but that ain’t my mama, she just had me,” she said. “It hurt hecka bad to know I can’t be with my baby every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tonnette, another inmate, says she’s never been pregnant in jail. But she is missing her 5-year-old son, who she talks to on the phone as much as she can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has been going through this for years to the point that he’s like, all right, and that makes me feel bad — not him crying but him understanding about what I’m going through. At 5 years old, that’s kinda heavy on me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women say there’s another excruciating thing about being separated from your kids — the chance you might lose custody of them while you’re locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti, 29, said she was in jail a year ago when she got papers informing her that her son’s grandmother was trying to take full custody of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She just took him. I asked her to hold my son until I get my life together, and have a place to live,” she said. “So I was crying, because she took my son, and they took me out our of class, to a holding cell, then I am talking about committing suicide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti said a female deputy eventually came and talked to her, calming her down. But she said the default in these situations, when you’re behind bars, is to be put in a cell alone, not supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of pregnant women and mothers in prisons and jails was recently tackled by California Sen. Kamala Harris in a speech before a bipartisan criminal justice reform group in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, there are women who are shackled while they are pregnant and in some states, while they give birth. That’s wrong,” Harris said. “What impacts a mother impacts a child. Because the fact is on this subject, we must keep in mind, nearly 80 percent of incarcerated women are mothers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris has authored legislation to give incarcerated mothers in the federal prison system — and their kids — more rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Sheriff’s Department does more than many jail systems — for example, they let new moms pump their breast milk for their kids. But for the inmates in jail, they just want to be home with their kids.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Former Contra Costa Sheriff's Deputy to Stand Trial in Sexual Exploitation Case",
"title": "Former Contra Costa Sheriff's Deputy to Stand Trial in Sexual Exploitation Case",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>There is sufficient evidence for a former Contra Costa County sheriff's deputy who \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/06/30/contra-costa-deputy-resigns-amid-growing-sexual-misconduct-scandal/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resigned\u003c/a> in the wake of a law enforcement \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/police-sexual-exploitation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sexual exploitation scandal\u003c/a> involving several Bay Area agencies to stand trial for sex crimes against a child, an Alameda County Superior Court judge ruled on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ricardo Perez is \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/09/30/ex-contra-costa-deputy-arraigned-in-sex-exploitation-case-released-with-no-bail/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">charged\u003c/a> with one felony count of oral copulation with a minor and two misdemeanor counts of lewd conduct in a public place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Abuslin, the now-19-year-old woman at the center of the case, testified at a preliminary hearing for Perez on Thursday about dozens of lewd messages and naked photos she exchanged with the ex-deputy after sending him a Facebook friend request in July 2015, when she was 17 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"vI6A4Ii6I6rEWwl2PKQFMnvofqP6ZzhD\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two allegedly met several times for sex later that month, according to Abuslin's testimony and electronic messages that are evidence in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez's defense attorney, Joseph Motta, said there was no evidence that his client \"either knew or should have known\" that Abuslin was under 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abuslin, whose mother is an Oakland Police Department dispatcher, testified that she established relationships online with numerous police officers and that she often slept with them as a form of protection. She said she had worked in the sex trade since she was 12 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You can prostitute yourself -- it’s a lot more than money. You can trade your body for … anything you can use,\" she said. \"It’s like, they talk and they, you know, they most likely won’t bother you if you’re giving them the cat.\" She clarified she meant \"vagina.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"bmpVuXXtBk5w3pobLIhJMfDpCdmrdlJB\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The broader case involves Abuslin's relationships with officers from Oakland, Livermore, Richmond and San Francisco, as well as Alameda and Contra Costa County sheriff's deputies, according to legal claims filed against those jurisdictions. It also involves a former guard for a military equipment facility in Stockton who was \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/12/29/u-s-military-officer-tied-to-bay-area-sexual-misconduct-is-fired/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fired\u003c/a> late last year for soliciting sex and prostitution work from Abuslin after the case became public last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she was involved with a deceased OPD officer, Brendan O'Brien, whose suicide in September 2015 brought Abuslin to the Oakland Police Department's attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He reportedly left a note indicating several other officers were involved with the teen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OPD leadership, including former Police Chief Sean Whent, kept internal and criminal investigations about Abuslin quiet, and quickly closed both probes. Whent resigned after the case became public, followed by a quick succession of replacement police chiefs. A report by a court-appointed investigator \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/06/21/court-oakland-police-investigation-into-sexual-misconduct-seriously-deficient/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">found serious deficiencies\u003c/a> in OPD's response and investigators' treatment of Abuslin in a report released last month. The case has indefinitely extended federal court oversight of the Oakland Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"rNeGJXmPxM2viOPdhvi5eplOwnQE5EUq\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abuslin wiped tears from her eyes when she testified about O'Brien.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Brendan O'Brien was a person she had very strong feelings about,\" said civil rights attorney John Burris, who represents Abuslin in her civil claims. \"There was some significant conversations that had taken place right before he committed suicide.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/06/01/teen-tied-to-sexual-misconduct-case-relieved-by-oakland-settlement/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">settled\u003c/a> Abuslin's claim against the city for $989,000 last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abuslin testified that she became enraged with Perez and other officers in early 2016, after OPD Officer Warit Utappa stole her cellphone and shared its contents with what she called \"the little group\" of officers, referring to a cadre of cops who were talking about her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"NoZCmy1qRC16Jf7FjoplvO7aoLKfGGYh\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it’s really low of men who gossip about women,\" she said in court. \"I think that’s really low.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utappa was among seven officers who Alameda County District Attorney Nancy O'Malley \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/09/09/alameda-county-da-charges-7-cops-with-sexually-exploiting-teenager/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announced would be charged\u003c/a> in September, but prosecutors ended up declining to file against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In messages she sent to Perez in January 2016, Abuslin called herself \"Satan\" and threatened to \"snitch\" on all the officers she'd been involved with, according to her testimony and messages read aloud in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Motta asked her why she referred to herself as \"Satan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I gave my life over to God,\" she said. \"But I used to think this is the devil’s work and if all these bad things are happening to me, then I used to think the devil must love me.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"HUDVWhvvWOfTmVMylgsRaXXzYPPfJ358\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez sent multiple photographs of his naked penis to Abuslin between July 2015 and April 2016, and Abuslin, though sometimes she protested, sent several naked, sexually explicit photographs of herself to the former deputy, sometimes while he appeared to be on duty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told Perez that she had been 17 years old when they had sex several months later, after she'd turned 18, Abuslin testified, and she also told him she worked in the sex trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I do not remember his words but I remember his attitude. It was like 'whatever,' \" she said. \"He did not seem shocked.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former deputy continued to request naked pictures, and Abuslin testified she sent at least one explicit photo to him taken after they had sex, when she was 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also discussed her relationships with other law enforcement officers. Perez joked about it in the messages read in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is pretty strong testimony that he willfully engaged in the conduct, there’s no doubt about that: Whether sex, texting on duty or off duty, having sexual conduct with her on or off duty, willing to have other officers participate as well, and having discussions about all of that,\" Burris said. \"This is very lowlife conduct.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But whether it's criminal will likely hinge on whether Perez knew Abuslin was under age. The graphic nature of their communications doesn't matter, Motta argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As offensive as it may be to the court, it’s not illegal,\" Motta said. \"It’s the equivalent of pillow talk with people who aren’t next to each other.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired Judge Joan Cartwright, who presided over the hearing, found there was sufficient evidence to reasonably believe Perez is guilty, however, and ruled the case to move toward trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She was clearly 17 years old when this was occurring,\" Cartwright said from the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez is scheduled to be back in court Aug. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The original version of this report misidentified the judge presiding over the July 27 preliminary hearing in this case. It has been corrected to attribute retired Judge Joan Cartwright.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Ricardo Perez is charged with one felony count of oral copulation with a minor and two misdemeanor counts of lewd conduct in a public place.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>There is sufficient evidence for a former Contra Costa County sheriff's deputy who \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/06/30/contra-costa-deputy-resigns-amid-growing-sexual-misconduct-scandal/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">resigned\u003c/a> in the wake of a law enforcement \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/police-sexual-exploitation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sexual exploitation scandal\u003c/a> involving several Bay Area agencies to stand trial for sex crimes against a child, an Alameda County Superior Court judge ruled on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ricardo Perez is \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/09/30/ex-contra-costa-deputy-arraigned-in-sex-exploitation-case-released-with-no-bail/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">charged\u003c/a> with one felony count of oral copulation with a minor and two misdemeanor counts of lewd conduct in a public place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Abuslin, the now-19-year-old woman at the center of the case, testified at a preliminary hearing for Perez on Thursday about dozens of lewd messages and naked photos she exchanged with the ex-deputy after sending him a Facebook friend request in July 2015, when she was 17 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two allegedly met several times for sex later that month, according to Abuslin's testimony and electronic messages that are evidence in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez's defense attorney, Joseph Motta, said there was no evidence that his client \"either knew or should have known\" that Abuslin was under 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abuslin, whose mother is an Oakland Police Department dispatcher, testified that she established relationships online with numerous police officers and that she often slept with them as a form of protection. She said she had worked in the sex trade since she was 12 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You can prostitute yourself -- it’s a lot more than money. You can trade your body for … anything you can use,\" she said. \"It’s like, they talk and they, you know, they most likely won’t bother you if you’re giving them the cat.\" She clarified she meant \"vagina.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The broader case involves Abuslin's relationships with officers from Oakland, Livermore, Richmond and San Francisco, as well as Alameda and Contra Costa County sheriff's deputies, according to legal claims filed against those jurisdictions. It also involves a former guard for a military equipment facility in Stockton who was \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/12/29/u-s-military-officer-tied-to-bay-area-sexual-misconduct-is-fired/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fired\u003c/a> late last year for soliciting sex and prostitution work from Abuslin after the case became public last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she was involved with a deceased OPD officer, Brendan O'Brien, whose suicide in September 2015 brought Abuslin to the Oakland Police Department's attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He reportedly left a note indicating several other officers were involved with the teen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OPD leadership, including former Police Chief Sean Whent, kept internal and criminal investigations about Abuslin quiet, and quickly closed both probes. Whent resigned after the case became public, followed by a quick succession of replacement police chiefs. A report by a court-appointed investigator \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/06/21/court-oakland-police-investigation-into-sexual-misconduct-seriously-deficient/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">found serious deficiencies\u003c/a> in OPD's response and investigators' treatment of Abuslin in a report released last month. The case has indefinitely extended federal court oversight of the Oakland Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abuslin wiped tears from her eyes when she testified about O'Brien.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Brendan O'Brien was a person she had very strong feelings about,\" said civil rights attorney John Burris, who represents Abuslin in her civil claims. \"There was some significant conversations that had taken place right before he committed suicide.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/06/01/teen-tied-to-sexual-misconduct-case-relieved-by-oakland-settlement/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">settled\u003c/a> Abuslin's claim against the city for $989,000 last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abuslin testified that she became enraged with Perez and other officers in early 2016, after OPD Officer Warit Utappa stole her cellphone and shared its contents with what she called \"the little group\" of officers, referring to a cadre of cops who were talking about her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it’s really low of men who gossip about women,\" she said in court. \"I think that’s really low.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Utappa was among seven officers who Alameda County District Attorney Nancy O'Malley \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/09/09/alameda-county-da-charges-7-cops-with-sexually-exploiting-teenager/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announced would be charged\u003c/a> in September, but prosecutors ended up declining to file against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In messages she sent to Perez in January 2016, Abuslin called herself \"Satan\" and threatened to \"snitch\" on all the officers she'd been involved with, according to her testimony and messages read aloud in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Motta asked her why she referred to herself as \"Satan.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I gave my life over to God,\" she said. \"But I used to think this is the devil’s work and if all these bad things are happening to me, then I used to think the devil must love me.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez sent multiple photographs of his naked penis to Abuslin between July 2015 and April 2016, and Abuslin, though sometimes she protested, sent several naked, sexually explicit photographs of herself to the former deputy, sometimes while he appeared to be on duty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told Perez that she had been 17 years old when they had sex several months later, after she'd turned 18, Abuslin testified, and she also told him she worked in the sex trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I do not remember his words but I remember his attitude. It was like 'whatever,' \" she said. \"He did not seem shocked.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former deputy continued to request naked pictures, and Abuslin testified she sent at least one explicit photo to him taken after they had sex, when she was 17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also discussed her relationships with other law enforcement officers. Perez joked about it in the messages read in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is pretty strong testimony that he willfully engaged in the conduct, there’s no doubt about that: Whether sex, texting on duty or off duty, having sexual conduct with her on or off duty, willing to have other officers participate as well, and having discussions about all of that,\" Burris said. \"This is very lowlife conduct.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But whether it's criminal will likely hinge on whether Perez knew Abuslin was under age. The graphic nature of their communications doesn't matter, Motta argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As offensive as it may be to the court, it’s not illegal,\" Motta said. \"It’s the equivalent of pillow talk with people who aren’t next to each other.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired Judge Joan Cartwright, who presided over the hearing, found there was sufficient evidence to reasonably believe Perez is guilty, however, and ruled the case to move toward trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She was clearly 17 years old when this was occurring,\" Cartwright said from the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez is scheduled to be back in court Aug. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
},
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
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