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"content": "\u003cp>A special election on Tuesday to determine whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-mateo-county\">San Mateo County\u003c/a> supervisors will have the power to oust embattled Sheriff Christina Corpus can move forward, a judge ruled this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots had already started to go out to voters when Corpus filed a challenge last month to \u003ca href=\"https://smcacre.gov/media/7604/download?attachment\">Measure A\u003c/a>, which the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016445/san-mateo-county-board-asks-voters-for-authority-to-remove-sheriff-christina-corpus\">moved to put on the ballot\u003c/a> in December. The proposed charter amendment would give the board the authority to remove an elected sheriff without putting voters through a full recall vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus contended that the board “lacked statutory authority to present Measure A to the voters in a special election and that the Resolution was tainted by bias and cannot proceed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://web.sanmateocourt.org/online_services/law_and_motion_tentative_rulings/lawmotion/wednesday_healy/wedlm.pdf?t=1740600060765&_gl=1*1qnpfpm*_ga*NjIyODE1NDcwLjE3MjU0MDY2MjM.*_ga_Q54155JCX0*MTc0MDYwMDA2MC40MC4wLjE3NDA2MDAwNjAuMC4wLjA\">her ruling on Wednesday\u003c/a>, San Mateo County Superior Court Judge Nicole Healy wrote she wouldn’t cancel the election as Corpus wanted because, among other reasons, county officials followed proper legal protocols. Healy also denied Corpus’ claim that the state Public Safety Officers’ Procedural Bill of Rights should shield her from the special election, ruling that the county is not her actual employer because “the Attorney General has direct supervisory authority over sheriffs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Describing Corpus as “a fighter,” Thomas “Tip” Mazzucco of the San Francisco-based law firm of Murphy, Pearson, Bradley & Feeney said in a statement that her legal team is disappointed that the judge didn’t stop the special election, but he added that they “respect the thoughtful consideration” Healy gave to the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12016456\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/BCN-20241113-SHERIFFCORPUS-01-scaled-e1740697386743.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12016456\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/BCN-20241113-SHERIFFCORPUS-01-scaled-e1740697386743.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Mateo County Sheriff Christina Corpus addressing the county Board of Supervisors on Nov. 13, 2024, in Redwood City, following a scathing report about her leadership team. \u003ccite>(Alise Maripuu/Bay City News)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>County Attorney John Nibbelin \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/special-election-measure-move-forward-after-judge-rejects-sheriffs-challenge\">said in a statement\u003c/a> that Corpus’ decision not to challenge Healy’s tentative ruling “reflects the strength of the County’s legal position” and the care Healy used in reaching her decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus took office in 2023 after being the first woman and first Latina candidate to seek the position in county history. It’s because of that she has alleged that she has been unfairly targeted by county officials and those she called “the old guard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But early into her term, county officials hired retired judge LaDoris Cordell to investigate what they said was an “unprecedented amount” of complaints against her and her appointed executive director, Victor Aenlle. In her \u003ca href=\"https://sanmateocounty.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=13544883&GUID=95923619-2B6F-477A-8684-CD64124A3BAA\">408-page report\u003c/a> released in November, Cordell found that Corpus and Aenlle — who were alleged to be in a romantic relationship, which they deny — led the department with “lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus and Aenlle were found to have retaliated against department employees for reasons including engaging in union activities, moving on to other positions or participating in Cordell’s investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 12, the day Cordell’s report was to be made public, Corpus called for the head of the sheriff’s deputy’s union, Carlos Tapia, to be arrested on suspicion of time card fraud. San Mateo County District Attorney Stephen Wagstaffe \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018543/san-mateo-county-da-throws-out-charges-against-sheriffs-union-president\">later determined\u003c/a> that there was no evidence to support those claims and cleared Tapia of any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027891 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/RobloxGetty.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tapia alleged he was targeted for being an outspoken critic of the sheriff’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, supervisors took a vote of no confidence in Corpus’ leadership and advanced Measure A to amend the county’s charter to give them the authority to remove a sheriff for cause by a four-fifths vote, following written notice and a chance to address the allegations against her. Corpus declined to be interviewed by Cordell and only briefly addressed the board at its Nov. 13 meeting, saying she was the victim of a politically motivated attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, several county, state and federal lawmakers have called for Corpus to resign, and several municipalities under her jurisdiction have also placed votes of no confidence in her leadership. Still, Corpus has denied those calls, even as all but one of her executive team has resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026356/lawsuit-alleges-continued-intimidation-retaliation-at-san-mateo-sheriffs-office\">lawsuit filed\u003c/a> by former San Mateo County Sheriff’s Capt. Brian Philip — who was recruited into the role by Corpus and then resigned after defying orders to arrest Tapia — alleges a pattern and practice of behavior inside the sheriff’s department under Corpus’ leadership, including affirming allegations of retaliation and intimidation that Cordell found during her investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Measure A would be a rare feat in California, as only two other boards of charter counties have been granted such authority before: San Bernardino County in 2001 and Los Angeles County in 2022. Neither board elected to use that power, so should San Mateo County supervisors ultimately decide to vote out its sheriff, it may be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018283/california-sheriffs-are-rarely-removed-from-office-san-mateo-is-trying-anyway\">the first time in state history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who have signed paperwork in favor of Measure A include U.S. Reps. Anna Eshoo and Kevin Mullin, state Assemblymember Diane Papan, former state Sen. Gerald Hill, South San Francisco Mayor Eddie Flores, San Mateo County Supervisor Noelia Corzo and the heads of the two unions representing deputies and sergeants in the San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A judge ruled against Sheriff Christina Corpus’ challenge and cleared the way for Tuesday’s special election on Measure A, which would allow supervisors to oust her from office. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A special election on Tuesday to determine whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-mateo-county\">San Mateo County\u003c/a> supervisors will have the power to oust embattled Sheriff Christina Corpus can move forward, a judge ruled this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots had already started to go out to voters when Corpus filed a challenge last month to \u003ca href=\"https://smcacre.gov/media/7604/download?attachment\">Measure A\u003c/a>, which the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016445/san-mateo-county-board-asks-voters-for-authority-to-remove-sheriff-christina-corpus\">moved to put on the ballot\u003c/a> in December. The proposed charter amendment would give the board the authority to remove an elected sheriff without putting voters through a full recall vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus contended that the board “lacked statutory authority to present Measure A to the voters in a special election and that the Resolution was tainted by bias and cannot proceed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://web.sanmateocourt.org/online_services/law_and_motion_tentative_rulings/lawmotion/wednesday_healy/wedlm.pdf?t=1740600060765&_gl=1*1qnpfpm*_ga*NjIyODE1NDcwLjE3MjU0MDY2MjM.*_ga_Q54155JCX0*MTc0MDYwMDA2MC40MC4wLjE3NDA2MDAwNjAuMC4wLjA\">her ruling on Wednesday\u003c/a>, San Mateo County Superior Court Judge Nicole Healy wrote she wouldn’t cancel the election as Corpus wanted because, among other reasons, county officials followed proper legal protocols. Healy also denied Corpus’ claim that the state Public Safety Officers’ Procedural Bill of Rights should shield her from the special election, ruling that the county is not her actual employer because “the Attorney General has direct supervisory authority over sheriffs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Describing Corpus as “a fighter,” Thomas “Tip” Mazzucco of the San Francisco-based law firm of Murphy, Pearson, Bradley & Feeney said in a statement that her legal team is disappointed that the judge didn’t stop the special election, but he added that they “respect the thoughtful consideration” Healy gave to the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12016456\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/BCN-20241113-SHERIFFCORPUS-01-scaled-e1740697386743.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12016456\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/BCN-20241113-SHERIFFCORPUS-01-scaled-e1740697386743.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Mateo County Sheriff Christina Corpus addressing the county Board of Supervisors on Nov. 13, 2024, in Redwood City, following a scathing report about her leadership team. \u003ccite>(Alise Maripuu/Bay City News)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>County Attorney John Nibbelin \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/special-election-measure-move-forward-after-judge-rejects-sheriffs-challenge\">said in a statement\u003c/a> that Corpus’ decision not to challenge Healy’s tentative ruling “reflects the strength of the County’s legal position” and the care Healy used in reaching her decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus took office in 2023 after being the first woman and first Latina candidate to seek the position in county history. It’s because of that she has alleged that she has been unfairly targeted by county officials and those she called “the old guard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But early into her term, county officials hired retired judge LaDoris Cordell to investigate what they said was an “unprecedented amount” of complaints against her and her appointed executive director, Victor Aenlle. In her \u003ca href=\"https://sanmateocounty.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=13544883&GUID=95923619-2B6F-477A-8684-CD64124A3BAA\">408-page report\u003c/a> released in November, Cordell found that Corpus and Aenlle — who were alleged to be in a romantic relationship, which they deny — led the department with “lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus and Aenlle were found to have retaliated against department employees for reasons including engaging in union activities, moving on to other positions or participating in Cordell’s investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 12, the day Cordell’s report was to be made public, Corpus called for the head of the sheriff’s deputy’s union, Carlos Tapia, to be arrested on suspicion of time card fraud. San Mateo County District Attorney Stephen Wagstaffe \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018543/san-mateo-county-da-throws-out-charges-against-sheriffs-union-president\">later determined\u003c/a> that there was no evidence to support those claims and cleared Tapia of any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tapia alleged he was targeted for being an outspoken critic of the sheriff’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, supervisors took a vote of no confidence in Corpus’ leadership and advanced Measure A to amend the county’s charter to give them the authority to remove a sheriff for cause by a four-fifths vote, following written notice and a chance to address the allegations against her. Corpus declined to be interviewed by Cordell and only briefly addressed the board at its Nov. 13 meeting, saying she was the victim of a politically motivated attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, several county, state and federal lawmakers have called for Corpus to resign, and several municipalities under her jurisdiction have also placed votes of no confidence in her leadership. Still, Corpus has denied those calls, even as all but one of her executive team has resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026356/lawsuit-alleges-continued-intimidation-retaliation-at-san-mateo-sheriffs-office\">lawsuit filed\u003c/a> by former San Mateo County Sheriff’s Capt. Brian Philip — who was recruited into the role by Corpus and then resigned after defying orders to arrest Tapia — alleges a pattern and practice of behavior inside the sheriff’s department under Corpus’ leadership, including affirming allegations of retaliation and intimidation that Cordell found during her investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Measure A would be a rare feat in California, as only two other boards of charter counties have been granted such authority before: San Bernardino County in 2001 and Los Angeles County in 2022. Neither board elected to use that power, so should San Mateo County supervisors ultimately decide to vote out its sheriff, it may be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018283/california-sheriffs-are-rarely-removed-from-office-san-mateo-is-trying-anyway\">the first time in state history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who have signed paperwork in favor of Measure A include U.S. Reps. Anna Eshoo and Kevin Mullin, state Assemblymember Diane Papan, former state Sen. Gerald Hill, South San Francisco Mayor Eddie Flores, San Mateo County Supervisor Noelia Corzo and the heads of the two unions representing deputies and sergeants in the San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco on Thursday found that the mass firings of probationary employees were likely unlawful, granting some temporary relief to a coalition of labor unions and organizations that has sued to stop the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration’s\u003c/a> massive trimming of the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup ordered the Office of Personnel Management to inform certain federal agencies that it had no authority to order the firings of probationary employees, including the Department of Defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OPM does not have any authority whatsoever, under any statute in the history of the universe,” to hire or fire any employees but its own, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup handed down the order on a temporary restraining order sought by labor unions and nonprofits in a lawsuit filed by the coalition filed last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/federal-employees-firing-lawsuit-trump-probation-unions-4a9384c21e408df85ca17dfac5b9dc93\">filed\u003c/a> by five labor unions and five nonprofit organizations is among multiple lawsuits pushing back on the administration’s efforts to vastly shrink the federal workforce, which Trump has called bloated and sloppy. Thousands of probationary employees \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-federal-workers-layoffs-doge-406752da1614755b8fabe9c94e0c71a8\">have already been fired\u003c/a> and his administration is now \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-elon-musk-federal-workers-layoffs-d295d4bb2cdd5023c27d9cb03754e81b\">aiming at career officials\u003c/a> with civil service protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say the Office of Personnel Management had no authority to terminate the jobs of probationary workers who generally have less than a year on the job. They also say the firings were predicated on a lie of poor performance by the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the government say the Office of Personnel Management did not direct the firings, but asked agencies to review and determine whether employees on probation were fit for continued employment. They also say that probationary employees are not guaranteed employment and that only the highest performing and mission-critical employees should be hired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are an estimated 200,000 probationary workers — generally employees who have less than a year on the job — across federal agencies. About 15,000 are employed in California, providing services ranging from fire prevention to veterans’ care, the complaint says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027914]Unions have recently struck out with two other federal judges in similar lawsuits attempting to stop the Trump administration’s goal of vastly reducing the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup, who was appointed by President Bill Clinton, a Democrat, has presided over many high-profile cases and is known for his blunt talk. He oversaw the criminal probation of Pacific Gas & Electric and has called the nation’s largest utility a “\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/wildfires-business-fires-crime-california-367cb44acf704920a0c2a72d60890bc5\">continuing menace\u003c/a> to California.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco on Thursday found that the mass firings of probationary employees were likely unlawful, granting some temporary relief to a coalition of labor unions and organizations that has sued to stop the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration’s\u003c/a> massive trimming of the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup ordered the Office of Personnel Management to inform certain federal agencies that it had no authority to order the firings of probationary employees, including the Department of Defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OPM does not have any authority whatsoever, under any statute in the history of the universe,” to hire or fire any employees but its own, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup handed down the order on a temporary restraining order sought by labor unions and nonprofits in a lawsuit filed by the coalition filed last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/federal-employees-firing-lawsuit-trump-probation-unions-4a9384c21e408df85ca17dfac5b9dc93\">filed\u003c/a> by five labor unions and five nonprofit organizations is among multiple lawsuits pushing back on the administration’s efforts to vastly shrink the federal workforce, which Trump has called bloated and sloppy. Thousands of probationary employees \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-federal-workers-layoffs-doge-406752da1614755b8fabe9c94e0c71a8\">have already been fired\u003c/a> and his administration is now \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-elon-musk-federal-workers-layoffs-d295d4bb2cdd5023c27d9cb03754e81b\">aiming at career officials\u003c/a> with civil service protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say the Office of Personnel Management had no authority to terminate the jobs of probationary workers who generally have less than a year on the job. They also say the firings were predicated on a lie of poor performance by the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the government say the Office of Personnel Management did not direct the firings, but asked agencies to review and determine whether employees on probation were fit for continued employment. They also say that probationary employees are not guaranteed employment and that only the highest performing and mission-critical employees should be hired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are an estimated 200,000 probationary workers — generally employees who have less than a year on the job — across federal agencies. About 15,000 are employed in California, providing services ranging from fire prevention to veterans’ care, the complaint says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Over the course of two years, Evelyn Alfred built a home on vacant city-owned land in Vallejo. Using wooden beams, insulation, tarps and some experience in construction, she built a two-room structure, complete with windows and blinds, a shower, leather couches and a raised bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Alfred, who is 64 years old, has several disabilities, and has been unhoused for more than two decades, her makeshift home provided shelter and stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when city officials told her she had to leave in late October, her eviction seemed all but inevitable. Just a few months earlier, the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">had given cities greater leeway to remove people\u003c/a> living in structures like hers, under threat of fines and jail time — even if no alternative shelter was available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of a sudden, I got a notice, [a] lady came and said you got 72 hours notice … And I said ‘I can’t move in 72 hours,’” Alfred recalled. “There’s no way.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sued. And earlier this month, a district court judge determined she could stay until the case is resolved in a victory legal advocates say is the first of its kind in the country since the Supreme Court’s order last year — and one they say could have broad implications for legal fights over homeless encampments across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People experiencing homelessness and their allies have long used the courts to fight what they see as overly aggressive tactics to remove them from city streets, but the Supreme Court’s recent decision \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000606/scenes-from-san-franciscos-unhoused-encampment-sweeps\">dealt them a major blow\u003c/a>. Now, with Alfred’s case, they’re hoping another legal strategy has gained a foothold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sends a message that the courts recognize unhoused people have multiple constitutional rights that may be violated by criminalization or sweeps policies,” said Tristia Bauman, an attorney with the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley who specializes in laws related to homelessness but wasn’t involved in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone, however, thinks it’s a winning argument. Ilan Wurman, an attorney who’s pioneered legal arguments brought by business owners against cities in an effort to force them to clean encampments, said the Supreme Court’s decision upheld an established legal precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The courts are going to see through it,” Wurman said. “The nub of the Supreme Court’s prior ruling was that these municipal regulations and ordinances fit comfortably within a longstanding tradition of reasonable police powers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even Wurman admitted Alfred’s case was likely to inspire new litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">Supreme Court decision in City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Johnson\u003c/a>, cities across California have moved to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/09/camping-ban-ordinances/\">crackdown on encampments\u003c/a>. By the National Homelessness Law Center’s tally, some 40 California jurisdictions have passed or strengthened laws governing homelessness, among them Fremont, which earlier this month adopted what’s believed to be one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026580/this-bay-area-city-just-passed-the-most-extreme-encampment-ban-in-california\">broadest anti-camping laws\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12026580]Vallejo has a \u003ca href=\"https://library.municode.com/ca/vallejo/codes/municipal_code?nodeId=TIT7PUHESAWE_IVOFAGPUHESA_CH7.67UNCASTPEPRPU\">longstanding camping ban on the books\u003c/a>, and relied on that, its \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofvallejo.net/common/pages/DisplayFile.aspx?itemId=17972007\">encampment policy\u003c/a> and the state penal code and in its attempt to clear the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alfred’s case, however, federal District Court Judge Dena Coggins found that Vallejo’s plan to raze her shelter while failing to offer Alfred any alternative and barring her from camping anywhere in the city would likely “expose her to more dangerous conditions than she currently faces” — a violation of her due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her order, Coggins pointed out Alfred had submitted applications with multiple services providers and had reached out to more than a dozen apartment buildings, only to run into waiting lists. The city, meanwhile, had done next to nothing to connect Alfred with housing resources and had given her closer to 65 hours notice to leave, in an apparent violation of its own policies, according to the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city did not provide an interview or written statement in response to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028489\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1131px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028489\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1131\" height=\"848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112.jpg 1131w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1131px) 100vw, 1131px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Evelyn Alfred built this makeshift structure on vacant city-owned land across from the Vallejo marina over the course of two years. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Eli Smith)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In her scathing dissent on the Grants Pass ruling, Justice Sonia Sotomayor pointed to the due process clause as a possible avenue for challenging “anti-homelessness ordinances,” writing it “may well place constitutional limits” on such policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the legal argument Alfred’s lawyers presented to Coggins, but until her ruling, those arguments \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993380/unhoused-oakland-residents-eviction-battle-is-early-test-of-supreme-court-ruling\">had only been successful in buying unhoused people a few extra days\u003c/a> or weeks to pack their belongings before being forced to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Andrea Henson, who has supported several unhoused people in those cases, including in Alfred’s Vallejo suit, said the Supreme Court’s decision has made it more difficult to ask judges to block encampment sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been extraordinarily hard going to court about these [sweeps] because of the environment,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more cities establish new policies to crack down on encampments, Henson said she hopes they’ll look to Alfred’s legal victory as a cautionary tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t offer anything, and you don’t let people camp anywhere, there’s precedent now that that can be seen as deliberate indifference,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12000987]Before Henson got involved, advocates with the local chapter of the California Homeless Union initially filed the lawsuit. Their win is the latest illustration of the impact of the group’s organizing efforts, which have led to lawsuits around the state filed by unhoused people and activists without formal legal schooling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is to build leadership and build a movement,” said union member Eli Smith, who initiated the Vallejo action, though she’s not a trained lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eli is heartened by all the new faces that showed up at the local union’s weekly meeting after their win made news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am hoping that it will help not just fortify the tools we have to fight and set a legal precedent, which is incredibly significant,” Eli said, “but that it’ll also give people hope in this political landscape that is so bleak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alfred said she’s now waiting to get approved for a subsidized unit in senior housing. For her, the injunction was a vindication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anybody’s homeless, I just tell them to fight because they don’t have the right to do what they’re doing to us, so just fight and let everybody know that you’re human too.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Legal advocates say the precedent set in a Vallejo case could act as a check on lawmakers as they move to crack down on encampments in the wake of last summer’s Supreme Court decision.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Over the course of two years, Evelyn Alfred built a home on vacant city-owned land in Vallejo. Using wooden beams, insulation, tarps and some experience in construction, she built a two-room structure, complete with windows and blinds, a shower, leather couches and a raised bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Alfred, who is 64 years old, has several disabilities, and has been unhoused for more than two decades, her makeshift home provided shelter and stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when city officials told her she had to leave in late October, her eviction seemed all but inevitable. Just a few months earlier, the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">had given cities greater leeway to remove people\u003c/a> living in structures like hers, under threat of fines and jail time — even if no alternative shelter was available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of a sudden, I got a notice, [a] lady came and said you got 72 hours notice … And I said ‘I can’t move in 72 hours,’” Alfred recalled. “There’s no way.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sued. And earlier this month, a district court judge determined she could stay until the case is resolved in a victory legal advocates say is the first of its kind in the country since the Supreme Court’s order last year — and one they say could have broad implications for legal fights over homeless encampments across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People experiencing homelessness and their allies have long used the courts to fight what they see as overly aggressive tactics to remove them from city streets, but the Supreme Court’s recent decision \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000606/scenes-from-san-franciscos-unhoused-encampment-sweeps\">dealt them a major blow\u003c/a>. Now, with Alfred’s case, they’re hoping another legal strategy has gained a foothold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sends a message that the courts recognize unhoused people have multiple constitutional rights that may be violated by criminalization or sweeps policies,” said Tristia Bauman, an attorney with the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley who specializes in laws related to homelessness but wasn’t involved in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone, however, thinks it’s a winning argument. Ilan Wurman, an attorney who’s pioneered legal arguments brought by business owners against cities in an effort to force them to clean encampments, said the Supreme Court’s decision upheld an established legal precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The courts are going to see through it,” Wurman said. “The nub of the Supreme Court’s prior ruling was that these municipal regulations and ordinances fit comfortably within a longstanding tradition of reasonable police powers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even Wurman admitted Alfred’s case was likely to inspire new litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">Supreme Court decision in City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Johnson\u003c/a>, cities across California have moved to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/09/camping-ban-ordinances/\">crackdown on encampments\u003c/a>. By the National Homelessness Law Center’s tally, some 40 California jurisdictions have passed or strengthened laws governing homelessness, among them Fremont, which earlier this month adopted what’s believed to be one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026580/this-bay-area-city-just-passed-the-most-extreme-encampment-ban-in-california\">broadest anti-camping laws\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Vallejo has a \u003ca href=\"https://library.municode.com/ca/vallejo/codes/municipal_code?nodeId=TIT7PUHESAWE_IVOFAGPUHESA_CH7.67UNCASTPEPRPU\">longstanding camping ban on the books\u003c/a>, and relied on that, its \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofvallejo.net/common/pages/DisplayFile.aspx?itemId=17972007\">encampment policy\u003c/a> and the state penal code and in its attempt to clear the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alfred’s case, however, federal District Court Judge Dena Coggins found that Vallejo’s plan to raze her shelter while failing to offer Alfred any alternative and barring her from camping anywhere in the city would likely “expose her to more dangerous conditions than she currently faces” — a violation of her due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her order, Coggins pointed out Alfred had submitted applications with multiple services providers and had reached out to more than a dozen apartment buildings, only to run into waiting lists. The city, meanwhile, had done next to nothing to connect Alfred with housing resources and had given her closer to 65 hours notice to leave, in an apparent violation of its own policies, according to the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city did not provide an interview or written statement in response to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028489\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1131px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028489\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1131\" height=\"848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112.jpg 1131w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1131px) 100vw, 1131px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Evelyn Alfred built this makeshift structure on vacant city-owned land across from the Vallejo marina over the course of two years. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Eli Smith)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In her scathing dissent on the Grants Pass ruling, Justice Sonia Sotomayor pointed to the due process clause as a possible avenue for challenging “anti-homelessness ordinances,” writing it “may well place constitutional limits” on such policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the legal argument Alfred’s lawyers presented to Coggins, but until her ruling, those arguments \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993380/unhoused-oakland-residents-eviction-battle-is-early-test-of-supreme-court-ruling\">had only been successful in buying unhoused people a few extra days\u003c/a> or weeks to pack their belongings before being forced to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Andrea Henson, who has supported several unhoused people in those cases, including in Alfred’s Vallejo suit, said the Supreme Court’s decision has made it more difficult to ask judges to block encampment sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been extraordinarily hard going to court about these [sweeps] because of the environment,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more cities establish new policies to crack down on encampments, Henson said she hopes they’ll look to Alfred’s legal victory as a cautionary tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t offer anything, and you don’t let people camp anywhere, there’s precedent now that that can be seen as deliberate indifference,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Before Henson got involved, advocates with the local chapter of the California Homeless Union initially filed the lawsuit. Their win is the latest illustration of the impact of the group’s organizing efforts, which have led to lawsuits around the state filed by unhoused people and activists without formal legal schooling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is to build leadership and build a movement,” said union member Eli Smith, who initiated the Vallejo action, though she’s not a trained lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eli is heartened by all the new faces that showed up at the local union’s weekly meeting after their win made news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am hoping that it will help not just fortify the tools we have to fight and set a legal precedent, which is incredibly significant,” Eli said, “but that it’ll also give people hope in this political landscape that is so bleak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alfred said she’s now waiting to get approved for a subsidized unit in senior housing. For her, the injunction was a vindication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anybody’s homeless, I just tell them to fight because they don’t have the right to do what they’re doing to us, so just fight and let everybody know that you’re human too.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "what-happens-if-the-president-disobeys-the-courts-a-constitutional-crisis-experts-say",
"title": "What Happens If a President Defies the Courts?",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n his first month back in the White House, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump and his allies\u003c/a> have intervened in almost every corner of the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Trump has sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026245/can-trump-actually-change-federal-funding-rules-through-executive-orders\">freeze billions of dollars in federal funding\u003c/a> through executive orders, billionaire Elon Musk — who \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/doge-elon-musk-leadership-administrator/\">by all appearances has been tasked with leading the informal “Department of Government Efficiency”\u003c/a> — has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5304220/irs-job-cuts-doge-tax-season\">overseen thousands of layoffs at different government offices\u003c/a>. And newly appointed agency heads are scrubbing away federal initiatives \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/6-ways-trumps-executive-orders-are-targeting-transgender-people\">related to transgender people\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/unleashing-american-energy/\">climate justice\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-dei-education-diversity-equity-inclusion-20cf8a2941f4f35e0b5b0e07c6347ebb\">diversity, equity and inclusion\u003c/a> (DEI).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Democrat-led states and civil rights groups are pushing back against these sweeping moves by suing the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many of these lawsuits, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024387/california-22-other-states-sue-to-block-trumps-federal-funding-freeze\">are ruling against Trump\u003c/a>, arguing that his plans go against the Constitution of the United States — the 237-year-old document that establishes how the American government works and lays out the relationship between the president, Congress and the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several federal judges, for example, have already frozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">Trump’s executive order that would end birthright citizenship\u003c/a> for children born in the U.S. to parents without a permanent immigration status on the grounds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">it defies the Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘constitutional crisis’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The White House has responded to unfavorable court decisions by attacking the authority of judges. “If a judge tried to tell a general how to conduct a military operation, that would be illegal,” Vice President J.D. Vance \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JDVance/status/1888607143030391287\">said on social media platform X\u003c/a> earlier this month. “Judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Trump himself has gone even further: “He who saves his Country does not violate any Law,” Trump \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1890831570535055759/\">posted on social media\u003c/a>, referencing a quote frequently attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12024082]U.S. history is full of instances where one branch of government disagrees with another. However, both historians and legal experts note that when these disagreements happen, the branches do not question — or defy — the others’ authority. As the White House doubles down on its anti-court rhetoric, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/02/10/what-is-constitutional-crisis/\">more news outlets\u003c/a> and constitutional scholars have started to use the term “constitutional crisis” to emphasize the seriousness of the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what does this term actually mean? And what could happen in the coming weeks and months if the White House potentially defies the judicial branch altogether?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the Constitution allows the courts to challenge the other branches\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1787, dozens of men, including George Washington and Alexander Hamilton, gathered in Philadelphia \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/founding-fathers\">to design a new system of government for the United States\u003c/a>, then barely four years old with a \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/intro.5-2/ALDE_00000049/\">weak central government that was struggling to respond to the nation’s problems\u003c/a>. One question they faced was: how do you create a central government that possessed enough authority but could not abuse its power?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their solution was \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/duel-hamilton-and-us-constitution/\">splitting the power of the central government between three branches\u003c/a>: the executive, legislative and judicial. Each branch has tools to preserve its own authority and limit the actions of the other two, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/branches-of-government\">system of checks and balances\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ambition must be made to counteract ambition,” future president James Madison (or Hamilton) said in a \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">1788 essay\u003c/a> explaining the system of checks and balances. “It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A president can veto legislation from Congress; Congress can impeach and remove a president; a president can appoint judges; and Congress can remove them. But how would the judiciary, led by the Supreme Court, check the other two branches?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the framers called the judiciary the weakest branch because it wouldn’t be able to enforce its decisions other than through institutional respect for it,” said Bernadette Meyler, a professor at Stanford Law School who specializes in constitutional law and history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, soon after the Constitution was adopted as the “\u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/article-6/\">supreme Law of the Land\u003c/a>,” the Supreme Court soon began to flex its muscles. In an \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/marbury-v-madison\">1803 case\u003c/a>, the court affirmed — for the very first time — its power to review acts of Congress and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fjc.gov/history/cases/cases-that-shaped-the-federal-courts/marbury-v-madison\">strike down those acts it finds to be unconstitutional\u003c/a>. And in the 200 years since then, Congress has respected the court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/constitutional.aspx\">judicial review process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 911px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969070\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg\" alt=\"The front of the Supreme Court building with a blue sky in the background.\" width=\"911\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg 911w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 911px) 100vw, 911px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the U.S. Supreme Court on Jan. 31, 2017, in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 20th Century, the court also began to check the president. In 1952, the Supreme Court ruled that it was unconstitutional for President Harry Truman to seize private steel mills for the Korean War effort, and despite disagreeing with the decision, Truman obeyed the court. Decades later, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/anniversary-of-united-states-v-nixon\">the Supreme Court successfully ordered President Richard Nixon\u003c/a> to hand over tapes of conversations with his associates, who were accused of being involved in the Watergate scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the Supreme Court has no military or budget at its command, why do the other branches listen to it? Its authority comes from historical precedent, said Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the School of Law at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout American history, presidents — Democrats and Republicans — adhered to court orders even when they disagreed with them,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the president abandons this precedent and instead disobeys the courts, it would put the U.S. in completely uncharted territory, Chemerinsky said. “Then we really have a constitutional crisis unlike what we’ve seen before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What could happen if a president defies the courts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A month into Trump’s second term, no case against his administration has been heard by the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, federal judges at the lower levels of the judiciary have already pushed back against the White House. Besides freezing Trump’s birthright citizenship order, judges across the country have halted orders that would have ended federal funding to medical institutions \u003ca href=\"https://www.atg.wa.gov/news/news-releases/wa-judge-temporarily-halts-unconstitutional-trump-order-targeting-gender#:~:text=WA%20judge%20temporarily%20halts%20unconstitutional%20Trump%20order%20targeting%20gender%20affirming%20care%20for%20youth,-FOR%20IMMEDIATE%20RELEASE&text=SEATTLE%20%E2%80%94%20A%20federal%20judge%20today,institutions%20providing%20gender%2Daffirming%20care.\">providing gender-affirming care for transgender youth\u003c/a>, rejected the White House’s plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/science/science-news/trump-administration-sued-22-states-funding-cuts-research-projects-rcna191529\">freeze millions of dollars for scientific research\u003c/a> and prevented the administration from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/14/nx-s1-5297870/cfpb-doge-trump-musk-federal-workforce\">firing officials at certain independent agencies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12026245]But what can the courts do if the White House, which insists its authority is being unfairly limited, ultimately disobeys their rulings? Then, the courts could “hold the government officials who carry out the president’s policies in contempt of court,” Chemerinsky said, adding that \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf\">it’s unlikely for a sitting president to be held in contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two different types of punishments for disobeying a court: \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-754-criminal-versus-civil-contempt\">civil contempt and criminal contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In civil contempt, someone is fined or put in jail until they comply with the court order,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal contempt, however, is a punishment \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-728-criminal-contempt\">that can also include either jail time or hefty fines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president can pardon someone who has been convicted of criminal contempt but not civil contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The contempt power can theoretically be used to put [executive officials] in jail until they comply,” said Pamela Karlan, who teaches at Stanford Law School and helps lead the institution’s Supreme Court Litigation Clinic. “If it comes to that, we are going to be beyond the constitutional crisis. At that point, our government is falling apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts also have the power to order “remedies,” Stanford Law’s Meyler said, actions to make up for the harm or unlawful action someone has experienced. One common example of this is when a judge finds that an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/wrongful-termination\">was wrongfully terminated by their employer\u003c/a>, the court can either order that the employee get their job back or receive compensation for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the court held that a removal of a particular officer was unconstitutional, there might be some way in which the courts, through their equitable power of crafting remedies, could have some effect,” Meyler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Trump has been able to enact his plans so far — even when legal experts say they’re unlawful\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Trump’s inauguration, KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">spoke to multiple legal experts\u003c/a> to ask if his campaign promise to end birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants would go against established law. All of them said yes and went as far as to say that doing so would violate the Constitution and decades of judicial precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump still went ahead and, on his first day back in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">signed an executive order limiting birthright citizenship\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Trump enacts executive orders that go against established law or longstanding judicial decisions, Meyler said his ultimate intention could be to reopen these policy questions through court decisions. In other situations, she said, the White House may be getting its way for now — dismissing thousands of federal employees, for example — because the courts simply move slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a gap in time between when the executive fails to comply with law and when the court’s finally adjudicated,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also important to remember that in certain instances, the courts may actually side with Trump — even if their decisions run contrary to public opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are counting on the courts to jump in and save us from this person that we elected, and our Constitution just may not be up to the task of doing that,” said Jodi Short, professor at UC Law San Francisco, who focuses on constitutional law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028420\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028420\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People participate in a protest against the Trump administration’s mass firing of government workers and civil servants in front of the Capitol building in Washington D.C. on Presidents’ Day, Feb. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Dominic Gwinn / Middle East Images via AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another reason Trump is able to further his agenda so quickly and forcefully in his first month: Congress, where Trump-friendly Republicans control both the House and the Senate, has so far shown little interest in reining in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the nation’s history, Congress has used a variety of tools — legislation, censures (a formal condemnation of an official) and even impeachment — to stop presidents who have acted against established law. But so far into this administration, Republican Congressional leaders have not utilized these tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the consequences of a constitutional crisis could look like\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Chemerinsky, Trump’s threats against the courts signal the president’s belief that he is ultimately above the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of the rule of law is that no one, not even the president, is above the law,” he said. But if the president doesn’t have to comply with the Constitution, federal laws and court orders, “then he’s truly above and outside the law,” said Chemerinsky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We call a ruler like that a dictator,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='donald-trump']When the framers of the Constitution headed back home from Philadelphia in 1787, many promised the public that the purpose of the document \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">was to prevent one branch of government from reaching unlimited power\u003c/a>. Ultimately, the Constitution is a promise from the government to the American people of how it will behave and “envisions a system where our elected officials are also supposed to be acting within the bounds of the law,” UC Law’s Short said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the government works, it often works in ways that are invisible,” she said, providing an example of how Americans expect to receive clean water when they turn on their taps. “That’s occurring because of layers and layers of government regulation, but you never think about it until it doesn’t work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its search for government “waste,” the Trump administration has fired thousands of highly trained career officials who had direct roles in ensuring the safety of the public, including \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/faa-firings-trump-doge-safety-airlines-27390c6a7aac58063652302df5a243d3\">inspectors at the Federal Aviation Administration\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2025/02/17/nx-s1-5300052/federal-employees-layoffs-cdc-nih-fda\">researchers at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5301150/trump-federal-employees-fired-veteran-food-agriculture\">pest control experts at the Department of Agriculture\u003c/a>, among many more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People love to focus on the way that the government intrudes into their lives in negative ways, but the government supports our ability to exist in a highly developed and privileged society,” Short said. “[When] the agencies supporting all of that get gutted and politicized, I think it’s a huge threat to our everyday standard of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n his first month back in the White House, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump and his allies\u003c/a> have intervened in almost every corner of the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Trump has sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026245/can-trump-actually-change-federal-funding-rules-through-executive-orders\">freeze billions of dollars in federal funding\u003c/a> through executive orders, billionaire Elon Musk — who \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/doge-elon-musk-leadership-administrator/\">by all appearances has been tasked with leading the informal “Department of Government Efficiency”\u003c/a> — has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5304220/irs-job-cuts-doge-tax-season\">overseen thousands of layoffs at different government offices\u003c/a>. And newly appointed agency heads are scrubbing away federal initiatives \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/6-ways-trumps-executive-orders-are-targeting-transgender-people\">related to transgender people\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/unleashing-american-energy/\">climate justice\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-dei-education-diversity-equity-inclusion-20cf8a2941f4f35e0b5b0e07c6347ebb\">diversity, equity and inclusion\u003c/a> (DEI).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Democrat-led states and civil rights groups are pushing back against these sweeping moves by suing the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many of these lawsuits, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024387/california-22-other-states-sue-to-block-trumps-federal-funding-freeze\">are ruling against Trump\u003c/a>, arguing that his plans go against the Constitution of the United States — the 237-year-old document that establishes how the American government works and lays out the relationship between the president, Congress and the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several federal judges, for example, have already frozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">Trump’s executive order that would end birthright citizenship\u003c/a> for children born in the U.S. to parents without a permanent immigration status on the grounds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">it defies the Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘constitutional crisis’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The White House has responded to unfavorable court decisions by attacking the authority of judges. “If a judge tried to tell a general how to conduct a military operation, that would be illegal,” Vice President J.D. Vance \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JDVance/status/1888607143030391287\">said on social media platform X\u003c/a> earlier this month. “Judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Trump himself has gone even further: “He who saves his Country does not violate any Law,” Trump \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1890831570535055759/\">posted on social media\u003c/a>, referencing a quote frequently attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>U.S. history is full of instances where one branch of government disagrees with another. However, both historians and legal experts note that when these disagreements happen, the branches do not question — or defy — the others’ authority. As the White House doubles down on its anti-court rhetoric, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/02/10/what-is-constitutional-crisis/\">more news outlets\u003c/a> and constitutional scholars have started to use the term “constitutional crisis” to emphasize the seriousness of the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what does this term actually mean? And what could happen in the coming weeks and months if the White House potentially defies the judicial branch altogether?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the Constitution allows the courts to challenge the other branches\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1787, dozens of men, including George Washington and Alexander Hamilton, gathered in Philadelphia \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/founding-fathers\">to design a new system of government for the United States\u003c/a>, then barely four years old with a \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/intro.5-2/ALDE_00000049/\">weak central government that was struggling to respond to the nation’s problems\u003c/a>. One question they faced was: how do you create a central government that possessed enough authority but could not abuse its power?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their solution was \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/duel-hamilton-and-us-constitution/\">splitting the power of the central government between three branches\u003c/a>: the executive, legislative and judicial. Each branch has tools to preserve its own authority and limit the actions of the other two, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/branches-of-government\">system of checks and balances\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ambition must be made to counteract ambition,” future president James Madison (or Hamilton) said in a \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">1788 essay\u003c/a> explaining the system of checks and balances. “It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A president can veto legislation from Congress; Congress can impeach and remove a president; a president can appoint judges; and Congress can remove them. But how would the judiciary, led by the Supreme Court, check the other two branches?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the framers called the judiciary the weakest branch because it wouldn’t be able to enforce its decisions other than through institutional respect for it,” said Bernadette Meyler, a professor at Stanford Law School who specializes in constitutional law and history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, soon after the Constitution was adopted as the “\u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/article-6/\">supreme Law of the Land\u003c/a>,” the Supreme Court soon began to flex its muscles. In an \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/marbury-v-madison\">1803 case\u003c/a>, the court affirmed — for the very first time — its power to review acts of Congress and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fjc.gov/history/cases/cases-that-shaped-the-federal-courts/marbury-v-madison\">strike down those acts it finds to be unconstitutional\u003c/a>. And in the 200 years since then, Congress has respected the court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/constitutional.aspx\">judicial review process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 911px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969070\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg\" alt=\"The front of the Supreme Court building with a blue sky in the background.\" width=\"911\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg 911w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 911px) 100vw, 911px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the U.S. Supreme Court on Jan. 31, 2017, in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 20th Century, the court also began to check the president. In 1952, the Supreme Court ruled that it was unconstitutional for President Harry Truman to seize private steel mills for the Korean War effort, and despite disagreeing with the decision, Truman obeyed the court. Decades later, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/anniversary-of-united-states-v-nixon\">the Supreme Court successfully ordered President Richard Nixon\u003c/a> to hand over tapes of conversations with his associates, who were accused of being involved in the Watergate scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the Supreme Court has no military or budget at its command, why do the other branches listen to it? Its authority comes from historical precedent, said Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the School of Law at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout American history, presidents — Democrats and Republicans — adhered to court orders even when they disagreed with them,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the president abandons this precedent and instead disobeys the courts, it would put the U.S. in completely uncharted territory, Chemerinsky said. “Then we really have a constitutional crisis unlike what we’ve seen before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What could happen if a president defies the courts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A month into Trump’s second term, no case against his administration has been heard by the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, federal judges at the lower levels of the judiciary have already pushed back against the White House. Besides freezing Trump’s birthright citizenship order, judges across the country have halted orders that would have ended federal funding to medical institutions \u003ca href=\"https://www.atg.wa.gov/news/news-releases/wa-judge-temporarily-halts-unconstitutional-trump-order-targeting-gender#:~:text=WA%20judge%20temporarily%20halts%20unconstitutional%20Trump%20order%20targeting%20gender%20affirming%20care%20for%20youth,-FOR%20IMMEDIATE%20RELEASE&text=SEATTLE%20%E2%80%94%20A%20federal%20judge%20today,institutions%20providing%20gender%2Daffirming%20care.\">providing gender-affirming care for transgender youth\u003c/a>, rejected the White House’s plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/science/science-news/trump-administration-sued-22-states-funding-cuts-research-projects-rcna191529\">freeze millions of dollars for scientific research\u003c/a> and prevented the administration from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/14/nx-s1-5297870/cfpb-doge-trump-musk-federal-workforce\">firing officials at certain independent agencies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But what can the courts do if the White House, which insists its authority is being unfairly limited, ultimately disobeys their rulings? Then, the courts could “hold the government officials who carry out the president’s policies in contempt of court,” Chemerinsky said, adding that \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf\">it’s unlikely for a sitting president to be held in contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two different types of punishments for disobeying a court: \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-754-criminal-versus-civil-contempt\">civil contempt and criminal contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In civil contempt, someone is fined or put in jail until they comply with the court order,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal contempt, however, is a punishment \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-728-criminal-contempt\">that can also include either jail time or hefty fines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president can pardon someone who has been convicted of criminal contempt but not civil contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The contempt power can theoretically be used to put [executive officials] in jail until they comply,” said Pamela Karlan, who teaches at Stanford Law School and helps lead the institution’s Supreme Court Litigation Clinic. “If it comes to that, we are going to be beyond the constitutional crisis. At that point, our government is falling apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts also have the power to order “remedies,” Stanford Law’s Meyler said, actions to make up for the harm or unlawful action someone has experienced. One common example of this is when a judge finds that an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/wrongful-termination\">was wrongfully terminated by their employer\u003c/a>, the court can either order that the employee get their job back or receive compensation for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the court held that a removal of a particular officer was unconstitutional, there might be some way in which the courts, through their equitable power of crafting remedies, could have some effect,” Meyler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Trump has been able to enact his plans so far — even when legal experts say they’re unlawful\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Trump’s inauguration, KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">spoke to multiple legal experts\u003c/a> to ask if his campaign promise to end birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants would go against established law. All of them said yes and went as far as to say that doing so would violate the Constitution and decades of judicial precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump still went ahead and, on his first day back in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">signed an executive order limiting birthright citizenship\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Trump enacts executive orders that go against established law or longstanding judicial decisions, Meyler said his ultimate intention could be to reopen these policy questions through court decisions. In other situations, she said, the White House may be getting its way for now — dismissing thousands of federal employees, for example — because the courts simply move slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a gap in time between when the executive fails to comply with law and when the court’s finally adjudicated,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also important to remember that in certain instances, the courts may actually side with Trump — even if their decisions run contrary to public opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are counting on the courts to jump in and save us from this person that we elected, and our Constitution just may not be up to the task of doing that,” said Jodi Short, professor at UC Law San Francisco, who focuses on constitutional law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028420\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028420\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People participate in a protest against the Trump administration’s mass firing of government workers and civil servants in front of the Capitol building in Washington D.C. on Presidents’ Day, Feb. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Dominic Gwinn / Middle East Images via AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another reason Trump is able to further his agenda so quickly and forcefully in his first month: Congress, where Trump-friendly Republicans control both the House and the Senate, has so far shown little interest in reining in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the nation’s history, Congress has used a variety of tools — legislation, censures (a formal condemnation of an official) and even impeachment — to stop presidents who have acted against established law. But so far into this administration, Republican Congressional leaders have not utilized these tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the consequences of a constitutional crisis could look like\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Chemerinsky, Trump’s threats against the courts signal the president’s belief that he is ultimately above the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of the rule of law is that no one, not even the president, is above the law,” he said. But if the president doesn’t have to comply with the Constitution, federal laws and court orders, “then he’s truly above and outside the law,” said Chemerinsky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We call a ruler like that a dictator,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When the framers of the Constitution headed back home from Philadelphia in 1787, many promised the public that the purpose of the document \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">was to prevent one branch of government from reaching unlimited power\u003c/a>. Ultimately, the Constitution is a promise from the government to the American people of how it will behave and “envisions a system where our elected officials are also supposed to be acting within the bounds of the law,” UC Law’s Short said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the government works, it often works in ways that are invisible,” she said, providing an example of how Americans expect to receive clean water when they turn on their taps. “That’s occurring because of layers and layers of government regulation, but you never think about it until it doesn’t work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its search for government “waste,” the Trump administration has fired thousands of highly trained career officials who had direct roles in ensuring the safety of the public, including \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/faa-firings-trump-doge-safety-airlines-27390c6a7aac58063652302df5a243d3\">inspectors at the Federal Aviation Administration\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2025/02/17/nx-s1-5300052/federal-employees-layoffs-cdc-nih-fda\">researchers at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5301150/trump-federal-employees-fired-veteran-food-agriculture\">pest control experts at the Department of Agriculture\u003c/a>, among many more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People love to focus on the way that the government intrudes into their lives in negative ways, but the government supports our ability to exist in a highly developed and privileged society,” Short said. “[When] the agencies supporting all of that get gutted and politicized, I think it’s a huge threat to our everyday standard of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sf-activists-rally-against-luries-push-remove-outspoken-police-commissioner",
"title": "SF Activists Rally Against Lurie’s Push to Remove Outspoken Police Commissioner",
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"headTitle": "SF Activists Rally Against Lurie’s Push to Remove Outspoken Police Commissioner | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Community leaders and civil rights activists rallied Monday afternoon at San Francisco City Hall against Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Daniel Lurie\u003c/a>’s efforts to oust police commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone, a progressive and outspoken supporter of police reform in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It came ahead of a Board of Supervisors hearing on Tuesday on the motion to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025784/lurie-aims-oust-sf-police-commissioner-pushed-reforms-clashed-breed\">remove Carter-Oberstone from the commission\u003c/a>. Proponents of police accountability are urging supervisors to reject the motion, saying it could jeopardize the critical role and independence of watchdog agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the board signs off on this removal, which is being made with no accusation of wrongdoing, no accusation of incompetence, it will set a terrible precedent for not only the independence of the Police Commission but for every independent charter commission in the city,” Carter-Oberstone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone, who currently serves as vice president of the commission, said he was notified three weeks ago by the mayor’s office that it would be pursuing his formal removal after he rejected Lurie’s request for his resignation. The mayor still hasn’t provided the public with an explanation for why he should be removed, Carter-Oberstone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email sent to him by Lurie’s chief of staff, Staci Slaughter, which was obtained by KQED, Carter-Oberstone was told that the mayor is looking for a commissioner who is more open to collaboration. Carter-Oberstone’s relationship with former Mayor London Breed, who twice appointed him to the Police Commission, soured after he voted against her pick for the commission’s president and publicly exposed her office’s now-prohibited practice of having commission appointees preemptively sign undated resignation letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028382\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of San Francisco Police Commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone attend a rally on the steps of San Francisco City Hall protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He was also one of several city officials and commissioners who opposed Breed’s Proposition E, which greatly reduced the Police Commission’s oversight authority over SFPD and expanded the use of surveillance technology and police chases. Voters passed the measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone noted that he has no problems working with the mayor’s office to improve public safety as long as the independence of the commission is maintained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027784 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/241119-SFHomelessArrests-17-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Chan, an assistant chief at the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, said during Monday’s rally that San Francisco needs more commissioners like Carter-Oberstone and urged supervisors to “vote [their] values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need commissioners … who are not afraid to speak truth to power, who are not afraid to whistle blow when he knows something is wrong and unjust,” Chan, who previously served on the Police Commission, said during the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several nonprofit organizations, including the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California and the Council on American-Islamic Relations, also spoke up in support of Carter-Oberstone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Commissioner Carter-Oberstone has been a persistent, reliable advocate for police accountability and data-driven independent oversight,” said Musa Tariq, a policy coordinator at CAIR. “Under his leadership, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996060/san-francisco-police-are-now-restricted-from-certain-traffic-stops-heres-why\">limited abusive pretext traffic stops\u003c/a>, exposed corruption and more. His removal would mean the city of San Francisco sanctioning further police misconduct and abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tariq said San Francisco voters have consistently pushed for greater police oversight and urged supervisors to allow Carter-Oberstone to follow through on that effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/emanoukian\">\u003cem>Elize Manoukian\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Community leaders and civil rights activists are urging San Francisco supervisors to reject Mayor Daniel Lurie’s motion, saying it could threaten the independence of watchdogs.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Community leaders and civil rights activists rallied Monday afternoon at San Francisco City Hall against Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Daniel Lurie\u003c/a>’s efforts to oust police commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone, a progressive and outspoken supporter of police reform in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It came ahead of a Board of Supervisors hearing on Tuesday on the motion to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025784/lurie-aims-oust-sf-police-commissioner-pushed-reforms-clashed-breed\">remove Carter-Oberstone from the commission\u003c/a>. Proponents of police accountability are urging supervisors to reject the motion, saying it could jeopardize the critical role and independence of watchdog agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the board signs off on this removal, which is being made with no accusation of wrongdoing, no accusation of incompetence, it will set a terrible precedent for not only the independence of the Police Commission but for every independent charter commission in the city,” Carter-Oberstone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone, who currently serves as vice president of the commission, said he was notified three weeks ago by the mayor’s office that it would be pursuing his formal removal after he rejected Lurie’s request for his resignation. The mayor still hasn’t provided the public with an explanation for why he should be removed, Carter-Oberstone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email sent to him by Lurie’s chief of staff, Staci Slaughter, which was obtained by KQED, Carter-Oberstone was told that the mayor is looking for a commissioner who is more open to collaboration. Carter-Oberstone’s relationship with former Mayor London Breed, who twice appointed him to the Police Commission, soured after he voted against her pick for the commission’s president and publicly exposed her office’s now-prohibited practice of having commission appointees preemptively sign undated resignation letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028382\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of San Francisco Police Commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone attend a rally on the steps of San Francisco City Hall protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He was also one of several city officials and commissioners who opposed Breed’s Proposition E, which greatly reduced the Police Commission’s oversight authority over SFPD and expanded the use of surveillance technology and police chases. Voters passed the measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone noted that he has no problems working with the mayor’s office to improve public safety as long as the independence of the commission is maintained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Chan, an assistant chief at the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, said during Monday’s rally that San Francisco needs more commissioners like Carter-Oberstone and urged supervisors to “vote [their] values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need commissioners … who are not afraid to speak truth to power, who are not afraid to whistle blow when he knows something is wrong and unjust,” Chan, who previously served on the Police Commission, said during the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several nonprofit organizations, including the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California and the Council on American-Islamic Relations, also spoke up in support of Carter-Oberstone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Commissioner Carter-Oberstone has been a persistent, reliable advocate for police accountability and data-driven independent oversight,” said Musa Tariq, a policy coordinator at CAIR. “Under his leadership, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996060/san-francisco-police-are-now-restricted-from-certain-traffic-stops-heres-why\">limited abusive pretext traffic stops\u003c/a>, exposed corruption and more. His removal would mean the city of San Francisco sanctioning further police misconduct and abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tariq said San Francisco voters have consistently pushed for greater police oversight and urged supervisors to allow Carter-Oberstone to follow through on that effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/emanoukian\">\u003cem>Elize Manoukian\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "‘Afraid to Go to School’: Immigrant Families in the Salinas Valley Are Gripped by Fear",
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"headTitle": "‘Afraid to Go to School’: Immigrant Families in the Salinas Valley Are Gripped by Fear | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea esta historia en \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2025/02/con-temor-de-ir-a-la-escuela-el-miedo-se-apodera-de-las-familias-inmigrantes-en-la-zona-central-de-california/\">Español.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., a mother of three in Salinas, is extra careful when she takes her kids to school. She switches up her routes, leaves at different times, and is always on the lookout for immigration agents, especially during pick-ups and drop-offs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s threat of mass deportations is never far from her mind, but it’s not her own welfare she’s concerned about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not worried about going back to Mexico. I’m afraid of being separated from my kids,” said E., who asked not to be identified because she and her husband’s immigration status puts them at risk of being deported. “My worst fear is that my 6-year-old will end up in a camp. … I don’t know what I would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although there have been few, if any, reports of immigration arrests at or near schools recently, E. and countless other parents are gripped with fear that if they go to the store, work or school, they’ll never see their families again. The fear stems from Trump’s heated anti-immigrant rhetoric, as well as his recent removal of schools, hospitals, courts and other “sensitive locations” as safe zones for undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Salinas, known as “the salad bowl of the world” for its rich agricultural fields, fear is everywhere. Although there have been no raids since the inauguration, rumors about ICE sweeps abound. At schools, there’s a heightened sense of awareness. Office staff know to ask immigration agents for judicial warrants and to immediately alert the superintendent. Volunteers walk students home from school, so parents don’t have to risk going outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an immigrant city, and just the threat is enough to scare people,” said Mary Duan, spokesperson for Salinas City Elementary School District. “The specter of deportation is driving people underground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salinas has one of the highest concentrations of immigrants in California. In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/sandiegocitycalifornia,tularecitycalifornia,fresnocitycalifornia,mercedcitycalifornia,salinascitycalifornia/PST045223\">more than a third of the population\u003c/a> was born in another country, according to the U.S. Census, and more than 80% are Latino. Immigrants have been a part of Salinas for generations, and nearly everyone is related to someone who was foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s attendance has dropped steadily the past few months. In August, about 95% of the district’s 8,200 students showed up for class every day, but by mid-January the number had dropped to just over 91%, according to district data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Historic farming community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The birthplace of John Steinbeck and the setting for his classic, \u003cem>East of Eden\u003c/em>, Salinas has long been a working-class farming community. It sits at the northern end of the Salinas Valley, flanked by mountains to the east and west, with ocean breezes wafting in from Monterey Bay ensuring mild temperatures almost year-round — perfect conditions for growing lettuce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vegetable fields — tidy, bright green rows of lettuce, broccoli, spinach and other crops — stretch miles across the valley, from the outskirts of town to the foothills of the nearby Gabilan and Sierra de Salinas ranges. Packing plants and nurseries dot the edges of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools have always played a central role in Salinas. But in the past few months, that role has expanded, as schools have reassured parents, provided information and comforted anxious children. The district has trained office staff to ask for judicial — not administrative — warrants from immigration agents if they come on campus. It’s considering expanding its virtual academies, like those that operated during COVID, for children whose parents feel safer keeping them home. And it’s been taking extra steps to make students feel welcome and safe on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want our schools to be places of joy, connection and belonging,” said Superintendent Rebecca Andrade. “The unknown is what causes anxiety. So we try to stay focused on our role, which is educating and supporting students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From the onion fields to the classroom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It helps that many teachers, counselors and other school staff grew up in the area and themselves come from undocumented families. They know what it’s like to pick lettuce on chilly August mornings, hear the cries of “la migra” when immigration agents are nearby, and live with the constant knowledge that friends or family members could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar Ramos, a second grade teacher at Sherwood Elementary, came from Jalisco, Mexico to Hollister, about 30 miles northwest of Salinas, when he was 4 years old with his family. By the time he was 8, he was picking onions and garlic with his family, working 10-hour days throughout the summers. He remembers when, in the 1980s, his babysitter was arrested at the labor camp where his family lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a knock at the door, and they just took her. There was no warning,” Ramos recalled. “I was 6 years old. I never saw her again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His own parents were never arrested, but he knows all too well the fear children experience when they think they might not see their parents again. In his classroom, the topic comes up daily, despite his efforts to keep his students focused on schoolwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028080\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028080\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teacher Oscar Ramos in his classroom at Sherwood Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When I read them stories, they’d make random comments about their pets or their friends or what they’re doing this weekend,” Ramos said. “Now, they talk about ICE. ‘My parents said we can’t go to Walmart because that’s where they’ll pick you up.’ ‘I got sick but we couldn’t go to the hospital because immigration might be there.’ There’s just so much fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although immigration raids have always been part of life in Salinas, “this time feels different,” Ramos said. “The mood seems more hateful, unpredictable. How far will (Trump) go? How far will he push the limits? Will he send us back? Put us in giant prisons? Separate families? It seems like he doesn’t care. We see it and we feel it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unpredictability has left even those with legal status on edge. Stories abound about citizens being caught in immigration sweeps and detained or sent to Mexico. People worry about losing their visas, or about loved ones getting wrongfully arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I could lose everything’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cecilia, 28, came to the U.S. from Mexico at age 2, with her mother and sister. She has legal status through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program and works in a family resource center for immigrants. When she can afford to, she takes classes at Hartnell Community College in hopes of earning a degree in accounting or business. With a knack for math, she hopes to someday work in a payroll office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone in her family has visas, but she now worries that those could be taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never used to carry my DACA papers, but since the election I always do,” said Cecilia, who asked that her full name not be used because she fears her DACA status may be revoked. “If I lose my visa, I would lose my job, I could lose everything. I know other people have it way worse, but it’s still scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028081\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028081\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Campus counselor Ismael Del Real points at posters showing a range of emotions. Right: The Calming Room in the counselor’s office at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ismael Del Real, a counselor at Los Padres Elementary School, is busy these days. There’s a steady stream of students who visit the “calming corner” in his office, seeking a moment’s escape from their anxiety. He tells them to take deep breaths, count to 10, draw, squeeze a stress ball, talk about their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But mostly, he just listens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about having the perfect words, because there’s nothing perfect about any of this,” said Del Real, who grew up in Salinas and whose parents are immigrants from Mexico. “I just try to be there for them. I tell them, ‘You’re right, this is scary, and it makes sense to feel anxious.’”[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='immigration']Every day, teachers ask each of the school’s 680 students to pick an emoji to describe their mood. Until recently, nearly all the children picked “happy.” Now, an increasing number pick “sad” or “angry.” Del Real visits with these students personally and tries to offer comfort and coping strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, it’s parents who show up at his office, located in a tidy portable next to the school garden. The walls are adorned with inspirational slogans in Spanish, such as “\u003cem>No hay mal que bien no venga\u003c/em>,” or “Every cloud has a silver lining,” and the furniture is a cheerful bright blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He advises them to keep a supply of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">red cards\u003c/a> that outline their rights to immigration officials, go to community events to get reliable information about what’s happening and what resources are available, and have a plan. Decide who will pick up the children if the parent is arrested, and give the school that person’s phone number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the fear of deportation has brought families together, and motivated them to speak out — even anonymously. During a recent protest, more than 200 parents at Los Padres kept their children home from school as a show of solidarity. And they are quick to help each other and support those who need assistance, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028082\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028082\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two students walk to class at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I can’t imagine what these parents are going through. These are humble people who work hard, and they just want what’s best for their kids,” Del Real said. “I just want them to have a sense of peace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Help for families\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Los Padres, well over half of the students are immigrants or the children of immigrants. Vice Principal Christina Perez, who grew up in Salinas, knows exactly the hardships those families face. Her parents were immigrants from Michoacan, Mexico, and her father, who didn’t have legal status in the U.S., was deported several times when Perez was a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like all schools in the district, Los Padres offers a slew of resources for immigrant families. The district operates four centers for families to get food, clothing and other supplies, counseling, referrals for legal advice and other needs. Nearly 4,000 families visit the centers annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez adds a personal touch, reaching out directly to parents who are worried about being separated from their children. Her message is that the school will do everything in its power to protect students and ensure they feel safe and comfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can imagine what these families are going through. It’s ugly to live in that fear. You’re afraid to go to work, afraid to go to school, you wonder how you’ll support your family,” she said. “That was my family, years ago. You think things are going to get better, but here we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., the Salinas mother of three, said she tries to protect her children from the news, but they overhear snippets and know that their parents are at risk. Her husband supports the family by working at a nursery, and she worries about their livelihood if he gets detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m doing the best I can,” she said. “But right now it feels hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/carolyn-jones/\">Carolyn Jones\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea esta historia en \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2025/02/con-temor-de-ir-a-la-escuela-el-miedo-se-apodera-de-las-familias-inmigrantes-en-la-zona-central-de-california/\">Español.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., a mother of three in Salinas, is extra careful when she takes her kids to school. She switches up her routes, leaves at different times, and is always on the lookout for immigration agents, especially during pick-ups and drop-offs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s threat of mass deportations is never far from her mind, but it’s not her own welfare she’s concerned about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not worried about going back to Mexico. I’m afraid of being separated from my kids,” said E., who asked not to be identified because she and her husband’s immigration status puts them at risk of being deported. “My worst fear is that my 6-year-old will end up in a camp. … I don’t know what I would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although there have been few, if any, reports of immigration arrests at or near schools recently, E. and countless other parents are gripped with fear that if they go to the store, work or school, they’ll never see their families again. The fear stems from Trump’s heated anti-immigrant rhetoric, as well as his recent removal of schools, hospitals, courts and other “sensitive locations” as safe zones for undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Salinas, known as “the salad bowl of the world” for its rich agricultural fields, fear is everywhere. Although there have been no raids since the inauguration, rumors about ICE sweeps abound. At schools, there’s a heightened sense of awareness. Office staff know to ask immigration agents for judicial warrants and to immediately alert the superintendent. Volunteers walk students home from school, so parents don’t have to risk going outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an immigrant city, and just the threat is enough to scare people,” said Mary Duan, spokesperson for Salinas City Elementary School District. “The specter of deportation is driving people underground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salinas has one of the highest concentrations of immigrants in California. In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/sandiegocitycalifornia,tularecitycalifornia,fresnocitycalifornia,mercedcitycalifornia,salinascitycalifornia/PST045223\">more than a third of the population\u003c/a> was born in another country, according to the U.S. Census, and more than 80% are Latino. Immigrants have been a part of Salinas for generations, and nearly everyone is related to someone who was foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s attendance has dropped steadily the past few months. In August, about 95% of the district’s 8,200 students showed up for class every day, but by mid-January the number had dropped to just over 91%, according to district data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Historic farming community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The birthplace of John Steinbeck and the setting for his classic, \u003cem>East of Eden\u003c/em>, Salinas has long been a working-class farming community. It sits at the northern end of the Salinas Valley, flanked by mountains to the east and west, with ocean breezes wafting in from Monterey Bay ensuring mild temperatures almost year-round — perfect conditions for growing lettuce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vegetable fields — tidy, bright green rows of lettuce, broccoli, spinach and other crops — stretch miles across the valley, from the outskirts of town to the foothills of the nearby Gabilan and Sierra de Salinas ranges. Packing plants and nurseries dot the edges of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools have always played a central role in Salinas. But in the past few months, that role has expanded, as schools have reassured parents, provided information and comforted anxious children. The district has trained office staff to ask for judicial — not administrative — warrants from immigration agents if they come on campus. It’s considering expanding its virtual academies, like those that operated during COVID, for children whose parents feel safer keeping them home. And it’s been taking extra steps to make students feel welcome and safe on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want our schools to be places of joy, connection and belonging,” said Superintendent Rebecca Andrade. “The unknown is what causes anxiety. So we try to stay focused on our role, which is educating and supporting students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From the onion fields to the classroom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It helps that many teachers, counselors and other school staff grew up in the area and themselves come from undocumented families. They know what it’s like to pick lettuce on chilly August mornings, hear the cries of “la migra” when immigration agents are nearby, and live with the constant knowledge that friends or family members could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar Ramos, a second grade teacher at Sherwood Elementary, came from Jalisco, Mexico to Hollister, about 30 miles northwest of Salinas, when he was 4 years old with his family. By the time he was 8, he was picking onions and garlic with his family, working 10-hour days throughout the summers. He remembers when, in the 1980s, his babysitter was arrested at the labor camp where his family lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a knock at the door, and they just took her. There was no warning,” Ramos recalled. “I was 6 years old. I never saw her again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His own parents were never arrested, but he knows all too well the fear children experience when they think they might not see their parents again. In his classroom, the topic comes up daily, despite his efforts to keep his students focused on schoolwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028080\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028080\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teacher Oscar Ramos in his classroom at Sherwood Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When I read them stories, they’d make random comments about their pets or their friends or what they’re doing this weekend,” Ramos said. “Now, they talk about ICE. ‘My parents said we can’t go to Walmart because that’s where they’ll pick you up.’ ‘I got sick but we couldn’t go to the hospital because immigration might be there.’ There’s just so much fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although immigration raids have always been part of life in Salinas, “this time feels different,” Ramos said. “The mood seems more hateful, unpredictable. How far will (Trump) go? How far will he push the limits? Will he send us back? Put us in giant prisons? Separate families? It seems like he doesn’t care. We see it and we feel it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unpredictability has left even those with legal status on edge. Stories abound about citizens being caught in immigration sweeps and detained or sent to Mexico. People worry about losing their visas, or about loved ones getting wrongfully arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I could lose everything’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cecilia, 28, came to the U.S. from Mexico at age 2, with her mother and sister. She has legal status through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program and works in a family resource center for immigrants. When she can afford to, she takes classes at Hartnell Community College in hopes of earning a degree in accounting or business. With a knack for math, she hopes to someday work in a payroll office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone in her family has visas, but she now worries that those could be taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never used to carry my DACA papers, but since the election I always do,” said Cecilia, who asked that her full name not be used because she fears her DACA status may be revoked. “If I lose my visa, I would lose my job, I could lose everything. I know other people have it way worse, but it’s still scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028081\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028081\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Campus counselor Ismael Del Real points at posters showing a range of emotions. Right: The Calming Room in the counselor’s office at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ismael Del Real, a counselor at Los Padres Elementary School, is busy these days. There’s a steady stream of students who visit the “calming corner” in his office, seeking a moment’s escape from their anxiety. He tells them to take deep breaths, count to 10, draw, squeeze a stress ball, talk about their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But mostly, he just listens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about having the perfect words, because there’s nothing perfect about any of this,” said Del Real, who grew up in Salinas and whose parents are immigrants from Mexico. “I just try to be there for them. I tell them, ‘You’re right, this is scary, and it makes sense to feel anxious.’”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Every day, teachers ask each of the school’s 680 students to pick an emoji to describe their mood. Until recently, nearly all the children picked “happy.” Now, an increasing number pick “sad” or “angry.” Del Real visits with these students personally and tries to offer comfort and coping strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, it’s parents who show up at his office, located in a tidy portable next to the school garden. The walls are adorned with inspirational slogans in Spanish, such as “\u003cem>No hay mal que bien no venga\u003c/em>,” or “Every cloud has a silver lining,” and the furniture is a cheerful bright blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He advises them to keep a supply of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">red cards\u003c/a> that outline their rights to immigration officials, go to community events to get reliable information about what’s happening and what resources are available, and have a plan. Decide who will pick up the children if the parent is arrested, and give the school that person’s phone number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the fear of deportation has brought families together, and motivated them to speak out — even anonymously. During a recent protest, more than 200 parents at Los Padres kept their children home from school as a show of solidarity. And they are quick to help each other and support those who need assistance, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028082\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028082\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two students walk to class at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I can’t imagine what these parents are going through. These are humble people who work hard, and they just want what’s best for their kids,” Del Real said. “I just want them to have a sense of peace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Help for families\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Los Padres, well over half of the students are immigrants or the children of immigrants. Vice Principal Christina Perez, who grew up in Salinas, knows exactly the hardships those families face. Her parents were immigrants from Michoacan, Mexico, and her father, who didn’t have legal status in the U.S., was deported several times when Perez was a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like all schools in the district, Los Padres offers a slew of resources for immigrant families. The district operates four centers for families to get food, clothing and other supplies, counseling, referrals for legal advice and other needs. Nearly 4,000 families visit the centers annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez adds a personal touch, reaching out directly to parents who are worried about being separated from their children. Her message is that the school will do everything in its power to protect students and ensure they feel safe and comfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can imagine what these families are going through. It’s ugly to live in that fear. You’re afraid to go to work, afraid to go to school, you wonder how you’ll support your family,” she said. “That was my family, years ago. You think things are going to get better, but here we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., the Salinas mother of three, said she tries to protect her children from the news, but they overhear snippets and know that their parents are at risk. Her husband supports the family by working at a nursery, and she worries about their livelihood if he gets detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m doing the best I can,” she said. “But right now it feels hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Colleen Henderson’s 3-year-old daughter complained of pain while using the bathroom, doctors brushed it off as a urinary tract infection or constipation, common maladies in the potty-training years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After being told her health insurance wouldn’t cover an ultrasound, Henderson charged the $6,000 procedure to her credit card. Then came the news: There was a grapefruit-sized tumor in her toddler’s bladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was in 2009. The next five years, Henderson said, became a protracted battle against her insurer, UnitedHealthcare, over paying for the specialists who finally diagnosed and treated her daughter’s rare condition, \u003ca href=\"https://ajronline.org/doi/10.2214/AJR.07.3663#:~:text=Inflammatory%20Pseudotumor%20of%20the%20Bladder,-Inflammatory%20pseudotumor%20of&text=The%20bladder%20is%20a%20common,have%20been%20reported%20%5B15%5D.\">inflammatory pseudotumor\u003c/a>. She appealed uncovered hospital stays, surgeries, and medication to the insurer and state regulators, to no avail. The family racked up more than $1 million in medical debt, she said, because the insurer told her treatments recommended by doctors were unnecessary. The family declared bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I had not fought tooth and nail every step of the way, my daughter would be dead,” said Henderson, of Auburn, California, whose daughter eventually recovered and is now a thriving 20-year-old junior at Oregon State University. “You pay a lot of money to have health insurance, and you hope that your health insurance has your well-being at the forefront, but that’s not happening at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While insurance denials are \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/health/analysis-health-insurance-claim-denials-are-on-the-rise-to-the-detriment-of-patients\">on the rise\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2024/aug/unforeseen-health-care-bills-coverage-denials-by-insurers\">surveys\u003c/a> show few Americans \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/private-insurance/issue-brief/claims-denials-and-appeals-in-aca-marketplace-plans-in-2023/\">appeal\u003c/a> them. Unlike in Henderson’s case, various analyses have found that many who escalate complaints to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/medicare/issue-brief/nearly-50-million-prior-authorization-requests-were-sent-to-medicare-advantage-insurers-in-2023/\">government regulators\u003c/a> successfully get \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/pennsylvania-health-insurance-denials-data/\">denials overturned\u003c/a>. Consumer advocates and policymakers say that’s a clear sign insurance companies routinely deny care they shouldn’t. Now a proposal in the California Legislature seeks to penalize insurers who repeatedly make the wrong call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the measure, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB363\">SB 363\u003c/a>, would cover only about a third of insured Californians whose health plans are regulated by the state, experts say it could be one of the boldest attempts in the nation to rein in health insurer denials — before and after care is given. And California could become one of only a handful of states that require insurers to disclose denial rates and reasoning, statistics the industry often considers proprietary information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also seeks to force insurers to be more judicious with denials and would fine them up to $1 million per case if more than half of appeals filed with regulators are overturned in a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmhc.ca.gov/Portals/0/Docs/DO/2023Infographic.pdf\">state data show (PDF)\u003c/a>, about 72% of appeals made to the Department of Managed Health Care, which regulates the vast majority of health plans, resulted in an insurer’s initial denial being reversed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have health insurance, you should have confidence that it’s going to cover your health care needs,” said Sen. Scott Wiener, the San Francisco Democrat who introduced the bill. “They can just delay, deny, obstruct, and, in many cases, avoid having to cover medically necessary care, and it’s unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the California Association of Health Plans declined to comment, saying the group was still reviewing the bill language. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s spokesperson Elana Ross said his office generally does not comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concerned about spiraling consumer health costs, \u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/news/tag/prior-authorizations/\">state lawmakers across the nation\u003c/a> have increasingly looked for ways to verify that insurers are paying claims fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, 17 states \u003ca href=\"https://app.powerbi.com/view?r=eyJrIjoiNDNlNTJjNzItNjQyNS00NjVmLTk4MjItZDYzZjBlNTQ0ZDA2IiwidCI6IjM4MmZiOGIwLTRkYzMtNDEwNy04MGJkLTM1OTViMjQzMmZhZSIsImMiOjZ9\">enacted\u003c/a> legislation dealing with prior authorization of care by private insurers, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. Connecticut, which has one of the most robust denial rate disclosure laws, publishes an \u003ca href=\"https://portal.ct.gov/cid/-/media/cid/reports/consumer-report-card/2024-consumerreportcard.pdf?rev=94d0c6b1e170408b974006006dbe6751\">annual report card (PDF)\u003c/a> detailing the number and percentage of claims each insurer has denied, as well as the share that ends up getting reversed. Oregon published similar information \u003ca href=\"https://dfr.oregon.gov/business/reg/health/Documents/mental-health-parity/20240915-mental-health-parity-report.pdf\">until recently\u003c/a>, when state disclosure requirements lapsed.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='health-insurance']In California, there’s no way to know how often insurers deny care, which health experts say is especially troubling as mental health care is reaching \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/2802915\">crisis levels\u003c/a> among children and young adults. According to Keith Humphreys, a health policy professor at Stanford University, it’s easier to deny mental health care because a diagnosis of, say, depression can be more subjective than that of a broken limb or cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think it’s unacceptable that the state has absolutely no idea how big of a problem this is,” said Lishaun Francis, senior director of behavioral health for the advocacy group Children Now, a sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Wiener’s proposal, private insurers regulated by the Department of Managed Health Care and the Department of Insurance would be required to submit detailed data about denials and appeals. They would also need to explain those denials and report the outcomes of the appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For appeals that make it to the state’s independent medical review process, known as IMR, insurers whose denials are overturned more than half the time would face staggering penalties. The first case that brings a company above the 50% threshold would trigger a fine of $50,000, with a penalty ranging from $100,000 to $400,000 for a second. Each one after that would cost $1 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, the measure would cover roughly 12.8 million Californians on private insurance. It would not apply to patients on Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid program, or Medicare, and it would exclude self-insured plans offered by large employers, which are regulated by the U.S. Department of Labor and cover roughly 5.6 million Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The phrase “deny and delay” continues to reverberate across the health care industry after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/health/health-news/ceo-shooting-health-insurance-frustration-denied-claims-rcna183805\">killing\u003c/a> of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson. A \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/luigi-mangione-unitedhealthcare-brian-thompson-shooting-b53fde08980d160ee93fd08b1664108d\">survey\u003c/a> by NORC at the University of Chicago released shortly after the brazen attack revealed that 7 in 10 people said they believed denials for health coverage and profits by health insurance companies bore a great deal or a moderate amount of responsibility for Thompson’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following Thompson’s death, UnitedHealthcare said in statements that \u003ca href=\"https://www.uhc.com/news-articles/newsroom/uhg-response\">“highly inaccurate and grossly misleading information”\u003c/a> had been circulated about the way the company treats claims and that insurers, which are highly regulated, “typically have \u003ca href=\"https://www.uhc.com/news-articles/newsroom/false-statements-response\">low- to mid-single digit margins\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener called Thompson’s killing a “cold-blooded assassination” but said his bill grew out of a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB294\">narrower proposal\u003c/a> that failed last year aimed at improving mental health coverage for children and adults under age 26. But he acknowledged the nation’s reaction to the killing underscores the long-simmering anger many Americans feel about health insurers’ practices and the urgent need for reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humphreys, the Stanford professor, said the U.S. health system creates strong financial incentives for insurers to deny care. And, he added, state and federal penalties are paltry enough to be written off as a cost of doing business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more care they deny, the more money they make,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Increasingly, large employers are starting to include language in contracts with claim administrators that would penalize them for approving too many or too few claims, said Shawn Gremminger, president of the National Alliance of Healthcare Purchaser Coalitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gremminger represents mostly large employers who fund their own insurance, are federally regulated, and would be excluded from Wiener’s bill. But even for such so-called self-funded plans, it can be nearly impossible to determine denial rates for the insurance companies hired simply to administer claims, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it could be too late for many families, Sandra Maturino, of Rialto, said she hopes lawmakers tackle insurance denials so other Californians can avoid the saga she endured to get her niece treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She adopted the girl, now 13, after her sister died. Her niece had long struggled with self-harm and violent behavior, but when therapists recommended inpatient psychiatric care, her insurer, Anthem Blue Cross, would cover it for only 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a year, Maturino said, her niece cycled in and out of facilities and counseling because her insurance wouldn’t cover a long-term stay. Doctors tested a laundry list of prescription drugs and doses. None of it worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthem declined a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, Maturino got her niece into a residential program in Utah, paid for by the adoption agency, where she was diagnosed with bipolar disorder and has been undergoing treatment for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maturino said she didn’t have the energy to appeal to Anthem. “I wasn’t going to wait around for the insurance to kill her, or for her to hurt somebody,” Maturino said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\">KFF Health News\u003c/a>, which publishes \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\">California Healthline\u003c/a>, an editorially independent service of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">California Health Care Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A proposal in the California Legislature seeks to penalize insurers who repeatedly make the wrong call. The measure — SB 363 — could be one of the boldest attempts in the nation to rein in health insurer denials, experts say.",
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"title": "Deny and Delay? California Seeks Penalties for Insurers That Repeatedly Get It Wrong | KQED",
"description": "A proposal in the California Legislature seeks to penalize insurers who repeatedly make the wrong call. The measure — SB 363 — could be one of the boldest attempts in the nation to rein in health insurer denials, experts say.",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/news/author/christine-mai-duc/\">Christine Mai-Duc\u003c/a>, KFF Health News",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Colleen Henderson’s 3-year-old daughter complained of pain while using the bathroom, doctors brushed it off as a urinary tract infection or constipation, common maladies in the potty-training years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After being told her health insurance wouldn’t cover an ultrasound, Henderson charged the $6,000 procedure to her credit card. Then came the news: There was a grapefruit-sized tumor in her toddler’s bladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was in 2009. The next five years, Henderson said, became a protracted battle against her insurer, UnitedHealthcare, over paying for the specialists who finally diagnosed and treated her daughter’s rare condition, \u003ca href=\"https://ajronline.org/doi/10.2214/AJR.07.3663#:~:text=Inflammatory%20Pseudotumor%20of%20the%20Bladder,-Inflammatory%20pseudotumor%20of&text=The%20bladder%20is%20a%20common,have%20been%20reported%20%5B15%5D.\">inflammatory pseudotumor\u003c/a>. She appealed uncovered hospital stays, surgeries, and medication to the insurer and state regulators, to no avail. The family racked up more than $1 million in medical debt, she said, because the insurer told her treatments recommended by doctors were unnecessary. The family declared bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I had not fought tooth and nail every step of the way, my daughter would be dead,” said Henderson, of Auburn, California, whose daughter eventually recovered and is now a thriving 20-year-old junior at Oregon State University. “You pay a lot of money to have health insurance, and you hope that your health insurance has your well-being at the forefront, but that’s not happening at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While insurance denials are \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/health/analysis-health-insurance-claim-denials-are-on-the-rise-to-the-detriment-of-patients\">on the rise\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2024/aug/unforeseen-health-care-bills-coverage-denials-by-insurers\">surveys\u003c/a> show few Americans \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/private-insurance/issue-brief/claims-denials-and-appeals-in-aca-marketplace-plans-in-2023/\">appeal\u003c/a> them. Unlike in Henderson’s case, various analyses have found that many who escalate complaints to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/medicare/issue-brief/nearly-50-million-prior-authorization-requests-were-sent-to-medicare-advantage-insurers-in-2023/\">government regulators\u003c/a> successfully get \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/pennsylvania-health-insurance-denials-data/\">denials overturned\u003c/a>. Consumer advocates and policymakers say that’s a clear sign insurance companies routinely deny care they shouldn’t. Now a proposal in the California Legislature seeks to penalize insurers who repeatedly make the wrong call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the measure, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB363\">SB 363\u003c/a>, would cover only about a third of insured Californians whose health plans are regulated by the state, experts say it could be one of the boldest attempts in the nation to rein in health insurer denials — before and after care is given. And California could become one of only a handful of states that require insurers to disclose denial rates and reasoning, statistics the industry often considers proprietary information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also seeks to force insurers to be more judicious with denials and would fine them up to $1 million per case if more than half of appeals filed with regulators are overturned in a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmhc.ca.gov/Portals/0/Docs/DO/2023Infographic.pdf\">state data show (PDF)\u003c/a>, about 72% of appeals made to the Department of Managed Health Care, which regulates the vast majority of health plans, resulted in an insurer’s initial denial being reversed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have health insurance, you should have confidence that it’s going to cover your health care needs,” said Sen. Scott Wiener, the San Francisco Democrat who introduced the bill. “They can just delay, deny, obstruct, and, in many cases, avoid having to cover medically necessary care, and it’s unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the California Association of Health Plans declined to comment, saying the group was still reviewing the bill language. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s spokesperson Elana Ross said his office generally does not comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concerned about spiraling consumer health costs, \u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/news/tag/prior-authorizations/\">state lawmakers across the nation\u003c/a> have increasingly looked for ways to verify that insurers are paying claims fairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, 17 states \u003ca href=\"https://app.powerbi.com/view?r=eyJrIjoiNDNlNTJjNzItNjQyNS00NjVmLTk4MjItZDYzZjBlNTQ0ZDA2IiwidCI6IjM4MmZiOGIwLTRkYzMtNDEwNy04MGJkLTM1OTViMjQzMmZhZSIsImMiOjZ9\">enacted\u003c/a> legislation dealing with prior authorization of care by private insurers, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. Connecticut, which has one of the most robust denial rate disclosure laws, publishes an \u003ca href=\"https://portal.ct.gov/cid/-/media/cid/reports/consumer-report-card/2024-consumerreportcard.pdf?rev=94d0c6b1e170408b974006006dbe6751\">annual report card (PDF)\u003c/a> detailing the number and percentage of claims each insurer has denied, as well as the share that ends up getting reversed. Oregon published similar information \u003ca href=\"https://dfr.oregon.gov/business/reg/health/Documents/mental-health-parity/20240915-mental-health-parity-report.pdf\">until recently\u003c/a>, when state disclosure requirements lapsed.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, there’s no way to know how often insurers deny care, which health experts say is especially troubling as mental health care is reaching \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/2802915\">crisis levels\u003c/a> among children and young adults. According to Keith Humphreys, a health policy professor at Stanford University, it’s easier to deny mental health care because a diagnosis of, say, depression can be more subjective than that of a broken limb or cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think it’s unacceptable that the state has absolutely no idea how big of a problem this is,” said Lishaun Francis, senior director of behavioral health for the advocacy group Children Now, a sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Wiener’s proposal, private insurers regulated by the Department of Managed Health Care and the Department of Insurance would be required to submit detailed data about denials and appeals. They would also need to explain those denials and report the outcomes of the appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For appeals that make it to the state’s independent medical review process, known as IMR, insurers whose denials are overturned more than half the time would face staggering penalties. The first case that brings a company above the 50% threshold would trigger a fine of $50,000, with a penalty ranging from $100,000 to $400,000 for a second. Each one after that would cost $1 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, the measure would cover roughly 12.8 million Californians on private insurance. It would not apply to patients on Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid program, or Medicare, and it would exclude self-insured plans offered by large employers, which are regulated by the U.S. Department of Labor and cover roughly 5.6 million Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The phrase “deny and delay” continues to reverberate across the health care industry after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/health/health-news/ceo-shooting-health-insurance-frustration-denied-claims-rcna183805\">killing\u003c/a> of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson. A \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/luigi-mangione-unitedhealthcare-brian-thompson-shooting-b53fde08980d160ee93fd08b1664108d\">survey\u003c/a> by NORC at the University of Chicago released shortly after the brazen attack revealed that 7 in 10 people said they believed denials for health coverage and profits by health insurance companies bore a great deal or a moderate amount of responsibility for Thompson’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following Thompson’s death, UnitedHealthcare said in statements that \u003ca href=\"https://www.uhc.com/news-articles/newsroom/uhg-response\">“highly inaccurate and grossly misleading information”\u003c/a> had been circulated about the way the company treats claims and that insurers, which are highly regulated, “typically have \u003ca href=\"https://www.uhc.com/news-articles/newsroom/false-statements-response\">low- to mid-single digit margins\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener called Thompson’s killing a “cold-blooded assassination” but said his bill grew out of a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB294\">narrower proposal\u003c/a> that failed last year aimed at improving mental health coverage for children and adults under age 26. But he acknowledged the nation’s reaction to the killing underscores the long-simmering anger many Americans feel about health insurers’ practices and the urgent need for reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humphreys, the Stanford professor, said the U.S. health system creates strong financial incentives for insurers to deny care. And, he added, state and federal penalties are paltry enough to be written off as a cost of doing business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more care they deny, the more money they make,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Increasingly, large employers are starting to include language in contracts with claim administrators that would penalize them for approving too many or too few claims, said Shawn Gremminger, president of the National Alliance of Healthcare Purchaser Coalitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gremminger represents mostly large employers who fund their own insurance, are federally regulated, and would be excluded from Wiener’s bill. But even for such so-called self-funded plans, it can be nearly impossible to determine denial rates for the insurance companies hired simply to administer claims, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it could be too late for many families, Sandra Maturino, of Rialto, said she hopes lawmakers tackle insurance denials so other Californians can avoid the saga she endured to get her niece treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She adopted the girl, now 13, after her sister died. Her niece had long struggled with self-harm and violent behavior, but when therapists recommended inpatient psychiatric care, her insurer, Anthem Blue Cross, would cover it for only 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a year, Maturino said, her niece cycled in and out of facilities and counseling because her insurance wouldn’t cover a long-term stay. Doctors tested a laundry list of prescription drugs and doses. None of it worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthem declined a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, Maturino got her niece into a residential program in Utah, paid for by the adoption agency, where she was diagnosed with bipolar disorder and has been undergoing treatment for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maturino said she didn’t have the energy to appeal to Anthem. “I wasn’t going to wait around for the insurance to kill her, or for her to hurt somebody,” Maturino said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\">KFF Health News\u003c/a>, which publishes \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\">California Healthline\u003c/a>, an editorially independent service of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">California Health Care Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 400 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> Superior Court employees continued their strike for a second day on Thursday, demanding that court administrators address ongoing staff shortages and insufficient training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers represented by Service Employees International Union Local 1021 and other labor unions picketed at several courthouses, including the Hayward Hall of Justice. Criminal, civil and juvenile court proceedings across the county were disrupted. A representative with SEIU Local 1021 said the strike could delay cases ranging from felonies to traffic disputes if it continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After their first day on the picket line Wednesday, SEIU Local 1021 said court management still wasn’t hearing their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bargaining negotiations started last September, but little progress has been made, according to Kasha Clarke Young, a courtroom clerk at the Hayward Hall of Justice. She said it feels as if the administration is refusing to address worker concerns. Employees represented by SEIU Local 1021 have been working without a contract since the end of December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court has been severely understaffed for quite some time, which is causing courtroom clerks to have to cover multiple departments in a day,” Clarke Young said. “That’s when mistakes and errors come into play, and those mistakes and errors can vastly affect the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Flink, a spokesperson for SEIU Local 1021, said in a statement that nearly 20% of court positions are vacant and workers are often expected to take on additional responsibilities that they are unqualified for. Legal processing assistants, for example, will occasionally assume clerk duties, Flink said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027507 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-11-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Wednesday statement, Alameda County Superior Court representatives disputed the allegations and expressed concern over how the strike could interrupt the court’s operations. While available managers and staff are working to ensure that critical court functions can continue, the labor action puts the county at risk, court spokesperson Paul Rosynsky said the labor action puts the county at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without court clerks, court reporters and some managers working, it will be harder for domestic violence victims to receive emergency restraining orders against violent partners, and some felons could be released from jail if their case cannot be heard before state-mandated deadlines,” he said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosynsky said concerns over lack of staffing have not been the main focus of recent bargaining sessions. The Judicial Council of California estimated that the court is actually overstaffed by more than 100 employees, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Rosynsky, SEIU Local 1021 has been insistent on salary increases for workers, but the court doesn’t have sufficient funds. Alameda County Superior Court experienced a $4.4 million budget reduction this year as part of a statewide $97 million cut to trial court budgets, Rosynsky said. The court is currently working to bridge the gap in funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Court administration continues to be available for negotiations and mediation to reach agreement,” he said in the statement. “While the unions’ work action threatens public safety, the court’s executive team and available employees are diligently working to keep some courtrooms open to ensure the most critical cases can be heard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next bargaining date is scheduled for next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Feb. 20: This article was updated with the second day of the court strike and to correct a misspelling of SEIU Local 1021 representative Chris Flink’s name on second reference.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 400 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> Superior Court employees continued their strike for a second day on Thursday, demanding that court administrators address ongoing staff shortages and insufficient training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers represented by Service Employees International Union Local 1021 and other labor unions picketed at several courthouses, including the Hayward Hall of Justice. Criminal, civil and juvenile court proceedings across the county were disrupted. A representative with SEIU Local 1021 said the strike could delay cases ranging from felonies to traffic disputes if it continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After their first day on the picket line Wednesday, SEIU Local 1021 said court management still wasn’t hearing their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bargaining negotiations started last September, but little progress has been made, according to Kasha Clarke Young, a courtroom clerk at the Hayward Hall of Justice. She said it feels as if the administration is refusing to address worker concerns. Employees represented by SEIU Local 1021 have been working without a contract since the end of December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court has been severely understaffed for quite some time, which is causing courtroom clerks to have to cover multiple departments in a day,” Clarke Young said. “That’s when mistakes and errors come into play, and those mistakes and errors can vastly affect the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Flink, a spokesperson for SEIU Local 1021, said in a statement that nearly 20% of court positions are vacant and workers are often expected to take on additional responsibilities that they are unqualified for. Legal processing assistants, for example, will occasionally assume clerk duties, Flink said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Wednesday statement, Alameda County Superior Court representatives disputed the allegations and expressed concern over how the strike could interrupt the court’s operations. While available managers and staff are working to ensure that critical court functions can continue, the labor action puts the county at risk, court spokesperson Paul Rosynsky said the labor action puts the county at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without court clerks, court reporters and some managers working, it will be harder for domestic violence victims to receive emergency restraining orders against violent partners, and some felons could be released from jail if their case cannot be heard before state-mandated deadlines,” he said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosynsky said concerns over lack of staffing have not been the main focus of recent bargaining sessions. The Judicial Council of California estimated that the court is actually overstaffed by more than 100 employees, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Rosynsky, SEIU Local 1021 has been insistent on salary increases for workers, but the court doesn’t have sufficient funds. Alameda County Superior Court experienced a $4.4 million budget reduction this year as part of a statewide $97 million cut to trial court budgets, Rosynsky said. The court is currently working to bridge the gap in funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Court administration continues to be available for negotiations and mediation to reach agreement,” he said in the statement. “While the unions’ work action threatens public safety, the court’s executive team and available employees are diligently working to keep some courtrooms open to ensure the most critical cases can be heard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next bargaining date is scheduled for next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Feb. 20: This article was updated with the second day of the court strike and to correct a misspelling of SEIU Local 1021 representative Chris Flink’s name on second reference.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Multiple Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers have been granted access to information in a database on unaccompanied children who crossed the border into the United States — in line with the first Trump administration’s policies, which the president’s successor revoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to staff obtained by NPR, the acting director of the Office of Refugee Resettlement said upcoming changes were necessary “to build a culture of child safety and accountability.” But advocates say they fear the administration will use it for immigration enforcement against some of the families illegally in the country that take in the children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR learned of the access to the database, which is maintained by the ORR, from a staff member who spoke on condition of anonymity because of fear of retaliation. ICE officers were granted access under the direction of ORR’s interim leadership. Unlike many other immigration-related agencies, ORR is part of the Department of Health and Human Services, not the Department of Homeland Security. It comes after Mellissa Harper, an ICE official from New Orleans, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/immigration-children-ice-office-refugee-resettlement-mellissa-harper\">assigned last month\u003c/a> to a short-term federal assignment as ORR’s acting director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration revoked efforts during President Trump’s first term to \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R43599/31\">put in place an agreement\u003c/a> that allowed ORR and DHS to share biometric and immigration status information about the children, their sponsors and adults in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE and HHS did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the email to employees, Harper said that “both practice and culture within the sponsor evaluation process” needs to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mindset that fraud is justifiable or necessary is intolerable,” Harper said in the email. “I ask each of you to critically examine your role in the UAC [unaccompanied child] process and take responsibility in creating a culture of enhanced accountability and safety measures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tom Homan, Trump’s border czar, first \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/immigration/2025/01/31/administration-access-immigrant-minors-data/\">floated the idea to the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. He said the goal was not to use the data for enforcement but did not rule that out in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the most recent HHS statistics, as of \u003ca href=\"https://acf.gov/orr/fact-sheet/programs/uc/fact-sheet\">Jan. 29, there were 4,096 unaccompanied children\u003c/a> in the agency’s care; the average length of time an unaccompanied child remained in ORR’s care was 36 days, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Trump’s first term, the agreement among ORR, ICE and Customs and Border Protection allowed for details such as arrests, deaths and crimes to be reported to immigration enforcement. Other information, such as the citizenship status, biometric information of all adults living in the household, could also be shared. S\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/wp-content/uploads/document/ICE-CBP-ORR_Memorandum_of_Agreement.pdf\">everal officials, including Homan, signed the agreement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=’Related Coverage' tag='immigration']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, immigrant rights advocates objected to the data sharing, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/field_document/2018.06.07_aclu_comments_dhs_system_of_records_notice_dkt._2018-0013-0001.pdf\">arguing it would impede ORR’s ability to place children\u003c/a> with appropriate caregivers or be reunified with their family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R43599/31\">Congressional Research Service\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan research institute operating within the Library of Congress, “from July through November 2018, ICE reportedly arrested 170 potential sponsors — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/ICE-arrested-undocumented-adults-who-sought-to-13455142.php\">109 of whom had no previous criminal histories\u003c/a> — and placed them in deportation proceedings.” Some of the data collection requirements were later pulled back, the report notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homan told the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> at the start of the administration he wanted access to the data to verify the safety of children under ORR care. Homan has claimed that more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cj0jlre7mymo\">300,000 children\u003c/a> had been given to unvetted sponsors — a claim previously made by then vice presidential candidate \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/program/public-affairs-event/federal-officials-testify-on-unaccompanied-migrant-children/634129\">JD Vance and Congressional Republicans\u003c/a>. Advocates and Democrats say there’s no evidence the claim is true. The figure comes from \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2024-08/OIG-24-46-Aug24.pdf\">a DHS report\u003c/a> that said nearly 300,000 unaccompanied migrant children had not received their notice to come to court and 32,000 had missed a court hearing between October 2018 and September 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the report did not explain the reasons for these incidents, immigration rights advocates argue there are \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/fact-check-misinformation-migrant-children-missing-7ab0cea2fd2238346197429e952baa8b\">several reasons\u003c/a>, including that removal proceedings may not have begun or court papers were sent to wrong addresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/02/25/us/unaccompanied-migrant-child-workers-exploitation.html\">a \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> investigation in 2023\u003c/a> found that unaccompanied migrant children are particularly vulnerable to working full-time in violation of labor laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Selena Simmons-Duffin contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Multiple Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers have been granted access to information in a database on unaccompanied children who crossed the border into the United States — in line with the first Trump administration’s policies, which the president’s successor revoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to staff obtained by NPR, the acting director of the Office of Refugee Resettlement said upcoming changes were necessary “to build a culture of child safety and accountability.” But advocates say they fear the administration will use it for immigration enforcement against some of the families illegally in the country that take in the children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR learned of the access to the database, which is maintained by the ORR, from a staff member who spoke on condition of anonymity because of fear of retaliation. ICE officers were granted access under the direction of ORR’s interim leadership. Unlike many other immigration-related agencies, ORR is part of the Department of Health and Human Services, not the Department of Homeland Security. It comes after Mellissa Harper, an ICE official from New Orleans, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/immigration-children-ice-office-refugee-resettlement-mellissa-harper\">assigned last month\u003c/a> to a short-term federal assignment as ORR’s acting director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration revoked efforts during President Trump’s first term to \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R43599/31\">put in place an agreement\u003c/a> that allowed ORR and DHS to share biometric and immigration status information about the children, their sponsors and adults in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE and HHS did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the email to employees, Harper said that “both practice and culture within the sponsor evaluation process” needs to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mindset that fraud is justifiable or necessary is intolerable,” Harper said in the email. “I ask each of you to critically examine your role in the UAC [unaccompanied child] process and take responsibility in creating a culture of enhanced accountability and safety measures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tom Homan, Trump’s border czar, first \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/immigration/2025/01/31/administration-access-immigrant-minors-data/\">floated the idea to the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. He said the goal was not to use the data for enforcement but did not rule that out in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the most recent HHS statistics, as of \u003ca href=\"https://acf.gov/orr/fact-sheet/programs/uc/fact-sheet\">Jan. 29, there were 4,096 unaccompanied children\u003c/a> in the agency’s care; the average length of time an unaccompanied child remained in ORR’s care was 36 days, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Trump’s first term, the agreement among ORR, ICE and Customs and Border Protection allowed for details such as arrests, deaths and crimes to be reported to immigration enforcement. Other information, such as the citizenship status, biometric information of all adults living in the household, could also be shared. S\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/wp-content/uploads/document/ICE-CBP-ORR_Memorandum_of_Agreement.pdf\">everal officials, including Homan, signed the agreement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, immigrant rights advocates objected to the data sharing, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/field_document/2018.06.07_aclu_comments_dhs_system_of_records_notice_dkt._2018-0013-0001.pdf\">arguing it would impede ORR’s ability to place children\u003c/a> with appropriate caregivers or be reunified with their family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R43599/31\">Congressional Research Service\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan research institute operating within the Library of Congress, “from July through November 2018, ICE reportedly arrested 170 potential sponsors — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/ICE-arrested-undocumented-adults-who-sought-to-13455142.php\">109 of whom had no previous criminal histories\u003c/a> — and placed them in deportation proceedings.” Some of the data collection requirements were later pulled back, the report notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homan told the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> at the start of the administration he wanted access to the data to verify the safety of children under ORR care. Homan has claimed that more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cj0jlre7mymo\">300,000 children\u003c/a> had been given to unvetted sponsors — a claim previously made by then vice presidential candidate \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/program/public-affairs-event/federal-officials-testify-on-unaccompanied-migrant-children/634129\">JD Vance and Congressional Republicans\u003c/a>. Advocates and Democrats say there’s no evidence the claim is true. The figure comes from \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2024-08/OIG-24-46-Aug24.pdf\">a DHS report\u003c/a> that said nearly 300,000 unaccompanied migrant children had not received their notice to come to court and 32,000 had missed a court hearing between October 2018 and September 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the report did not explain the reasons for these incidents, immigration rights advocates argue there are \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/fact-check-misinformation-migrant-children-missing-7ab0cea2fd2238346197429e952baa8b\">several reasons\u003c/a>, including that removal proceedings may not have begun or court papers were sent to wrong addresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/02/25/us/unaccompanied-migrant-child-workers-exploitation.html\">a \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> investigation in 2023\u003c/a> found that unaccompanied migrant children are particularly vulnerable to working full-time in violation of labor laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Selena Simmons-Duffin contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "daylighting-laws-will-be-enforced-in-the-bay-area-in-2025-heres-how-to-avoid-a-ticket",
"title": "What to Know About 'Daylighting' Parking Laws in 2025 (and How to Avoid a Ticket)",
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"headTitle": "What to Know About ‘Daylighting’ Parking Laws in 2025 (and How to Avoid a Ticket) | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In California, a new year brings a raft of new laws. And one of the most talked-about new laws in the state is Assembly Bill 413, which enforces something called “daylighting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nutshell, daylighting will now make it illegal to park a car within 20 feet of a pedestrian crosswalk. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB413\">AB 413 has already been in effect\u003c/a> for the last year, but the big difference for 2025 is that cities around the Bay Area and California will now start enforcing these new parking orders — complete with hefty fines for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, it turns out there’s actually quite a bit of difference in how that will look, depending on what city you live — or work — in. And the latest update: The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA) \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/making-enforcement-fair-our-new-plan-state-daylighting-law\">announced it’s walking back the city’s original plan\u003c/a> to enforce daylighting laws starting March 1 with tickets even for drivers who park in unmarked daylighted spots. (Jump to \u003ca href=\"#is-my-city-ticketing-for-daylighting\">more information about daylighting enforcement in San Francisco.\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for everything you need to know about daylighting, from how to make sure you avoid a pricey parking ticket to hopes for pedestrian safety around the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#got-ticket-no-red-curb\">Why could I be ticketed even if the curb isn’t painted red?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-avoid-parking-ticket-daylighting\">How can I avoid getting a citation for daylighting in 2025?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#is-my-city-ticketing-for-daylighting\">Is my city enforcing daylighting with tickets?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>How does daylighting work if I’m trying to park my car?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Daylighting is the practice of preventing cars from parking near crosswalks in order to make people using crosswalks more visible to drivers — thereby reducing the chance a person gets hit by a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB413\">California’s daylighting law\u003c/a> makes it illegal to “stop, stand or park” a vehicle within 20 feet of any unmarked or marked crosswalk or within 15 feet of any crosswalk where \u003ca href=\"https://nacto.org/publication/urban-street-design-guide/street-design-elements/curb-extensions/\">a curb extension\u003c/a> is present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019728\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1970px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019728\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19%E2%80%AFPM.png\" alt=\"A diagram with cars and a grey road.\" width=\"1970\" height=\"1570\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM.png 1970w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM-800x638.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM-1020x813.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM-160x128.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM-1536x1224.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM-1920x1530.png 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1970px) 100vw, 1970px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">These diagrams show how the clearance of 20 feet can make a big difference in street safety at painted and unpainted crosswalks. \u003ccite>(SFMTA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Crucially, the daylighting law only prohibits parking next to a crosswalk on the “approach side” of an intersection. Confused? Imagine you’re driving a car down a regular two-way street. Daylighting would prohibit you from parking in the spot immediately before the crosswalk as you approach the intersection. But the law would not prevent you from parking in a spot directly after that crosswalk as you exit the intersection — because a car parked in such a spot doesn’t impair the ability of people crossing the street there to see a car coming towards them, and vice versa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re still having trouble picturing the kinds of parking spots that daylighting applies to, imagine yourself as a pedestrian trying to cross a super-busy street, taking your first nervous steps into a crosswalk that doesn’t have a traffic light. Is there a car parked directly on your left that you’re having to peek around to see if any drivers are racing up the street in your direction?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If so, that’s the exact parking spot that daylighting now makes illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"got-ticket-no-red-curb\">\u003c/a>So all of these now-illegal parking spots will be removed or clearly marked, right?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No — and this is one of the more contentious aspects of California’s daylighting law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some cities have begun to remove parking spots, pull out meters, paint curbs red or otherwise fill daylighted spots, they don’t actually have to do so under the law. Which means it’s up to California drivers to recognize an illegal daylighted spot and stay out of it, even if the spot looks perfectly available, with no red curb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So a driver can absolutely still get a warning or a citation for parking in a daylighted spot that has no such markings — and that’s what San Francisco had planned to do starting March 1 until “community members and district supervisors shared their concerns about fairness in enforcement,” according to SFMTA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/making-enforcement-fair-our-new-plan-state-daylighting-law\">the agency has announced it’s scrapping these plans \u003c/a>and will now only ticket drivers parked in daylighted spots that are painted with red curbs. SFMTA now also plans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/getting-around/walk/pedestrian-toolkit/daylighting\">“fast-track” the painting of red curbs in daylighted spots around the city\u003c/a>, with school zones receiving priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many have raised concerns about our plans for the state’s daylighting law,” said Julie Kirschbaum, SFMTA’s acting director of transportation. “Daylighting is a crucial tool for street safety, but I want to ensure that we implement it fairly when we roll it out citywide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s change of plans notwithstanding, in principle, daylighting “functions a lot like the parking restrictions around a fire hydrant,” said Liza Lutzker, a research data analyst at UC Berkeley’s Safe Transportation Research and Education Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t have to be red curbed, but everyone knows you’re not supposed to park within 15 feet of it,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019140\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019140\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A red curb designates a no-parking area at the intersection of Sutter and Leavenworth streets in San Francisco on Dec. 18, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-avoid-parking-ticket-daylighting\">\u003c/a>So, how can I avoid getting a ticket for daylighting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jump to: \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#is-my-city-ticketing-for-daylighting\">How is my city enforcing daylighting with tickets?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the things to remember to lower your chances of being cited for parking in a daylighted spot:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Get to know what 20 feet looks like…\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re imagining Parking Control Officers patrolling the streets with ways to measure the curbs, it doesn’t sound like that’ll be the reality of daylighting enforcement — at least not in San Francisco. “Parking enforcement will not be out with measuring tape,” Michael Roccaforte, a spokesperson for the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA), told KQED in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that means you’ll need a good handle on what 20 feet looks like — or 15 feet, in the case of daylighted spots next to a crosswalk with a curb extension. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/getting-around/walk/daylighting\">SFMTA characterizes 20 feet as “about one car length or the length of about one metered space,”\u003c/a> — so when you’re picturing that car in your mind, make it a larger SUV rather than a Mini Cooper to be on the safe side. (For scale, a Subaru Outback is almost 16 feet long.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daylighting applies on both sides of a one-way street\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The space directly after a crosswalk isn’t a daylighted spot, but the space directly before it — as the driver approaches it — is. So, on a one-way street, it will be illegal to park in a spot immediately before a crosswalk on both sides of the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A warning isn’t a citation — but don’t assume you can get multiple warnings\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, SFTMA’s Roccaforte said the city had been giving out roughly 60 warnings per day to people who park in daylighted spots. “In theory, you could pick up multiple warnings,” Roccaforte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, other jurisdictions may indeed be limiting the amount of warnings a vehicle can get for daylighting. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/News/AB-413-Daylighting-Law\">South San Francisco is one of them\u003c/a>, working on a two-strikes-and-you’re-out approach and warning drivers that “people who park in these areas will get one warning before a citation is issued.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daylighting applies to unmarked crosswalks, too\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if a crosswalk isn’t marked on the pavement, you still have to avoid parking in daylighted spots. So assume every intersection is a crosswalk, even if there are no road markings, Roccaforte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Crosswalks aren’t just in intersections\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daylighting enforcement will also apply to the spot before a mid-street crosswalk, so be vigilant for them. “That said, most mid-block crosswalks are already red-curbed, so drivers won’t notice a change,” Roccaforte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019754\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019754\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A few people stand on one street at a person waits to cross.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait to cross 18th Street at Dolores Street in San Francisco on Dec. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Why did California introduce daylighting?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California Assemblymember Alex Lee, who authored the law, said it’s all about making streets safer and reducing collisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, who represents a district in the South Bay, said he was motivated to work with advocates on the bill by what he saw as a rise in reckless driving after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really to make sure that when someone is crossing the street or trying to make a turn that there is the maximum amount of visibility,” Lee said. “Because when there is that blind spot there, it can cause a lot of harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#is-my-city-ticketing-for-daylighting\">Is my city enforcing daylighting with tickets?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Lee cites some grim statistics, such as California’s pedestrian fatality rate being almost 25% higher than the national average and the fact that no state has more pedestrian deaths on its roadways than California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing research from the Federal Highway Administration, a state assembly analysis highlighted that of the 38,824 traffic fatalities in the United States in 2020, 10,626 of them occurred at an intersection — and that 1,674 of those fatalities were pedestrians, representing nearly 25% of all pedestrian fatalities. “Nearly half of all traffic injuries occur at intersections,” the authors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also a latecomer compared to other states when it comes to daylighting. More than 40 other states have some kind of daylighting law on the books in an attempt to reduce pedestrian fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019138\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bulb-outs, or curb extensions, can be seen at the intersection of Cesar Chavez and Folsom streets in San Francisco on Dec. 18, 2024. A bulb-out extends the sidewalk into a parking lane to provide more space for pedestrians and visibility at an intersection. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>What do we know about daylighting’s effect on road safety?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Restricting parking near intersections can reduce pedestrian crashes by 30%, \u003ca href=\"https://safety.fhwa.dot.gov/ped_bike/tools_solve/fhwasa18041/fhwasa18041.pdf\">according to the Federal Highway Administration (PDF)\u003c/a>. “This is a proven way to increase pedestrian safety,” said UC Berkeley’s Safe Transportation Research and Education Center’s Liza Lutzker. “It’s been really effective everywhere it has been implemented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daylighting has already been implemented in parts of cities in the Bay Area. In 2015, SFMTA led a major daylighting effort in the city’s Tenderloin neighborhood by removing 180 parking spaces at 80 intersections. In 2018, the agency reported that there were 14% fewer reported collisions at those daylighted intersections, except for two intersections, which experienced an increase in collisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A daylighting effort in the city of Hoboken, New Jersey, is largely credited with the fact that the city \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/hoboken-zero-traffic-deaths-daylighting-pedestrian-safety-007dec67706c1c09129da1436a3d9762\">hasn’t had a traffic death in seven years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for daylighting are cheering on this law while pointing out ways that local governments could further increase its effectiveness. Luke Bornheimer, the executive director of Streets Forward, said the city of San Francisco should physically prevent people from parking in daylighted spaces by installing infrastructure like planters, bike corrals, large granite blocks or just plastic “soft-hit” posts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In addition to making it intuitive and physically impossible to stop/park a car there, most of these will also enhance intersections and streets for people in the neighborhood,” Bornheimer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone is in favor of daylighting, however. The California Contract Cities Association wrote an argument in opposition to the law before it was passed, saying:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our organization remains concerned about the added burden placed upon cities to mark their parking distance requirements should they decide to diverge from the statewide standard in their jurisdictions. If cities decide to decrease the amount of daylighting, the legislation requires cities to erect new signage and paint curbs, which will come at a cost and pull resources away from other community priorities.” The Association also wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB413\">assembly floor analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"is-my-city-ticketing-for-daylighting\">\u003c/a>How do I know if my city is enforcing daylighting — and why \u003cem>wouldn’t\u003c/em> they enforce it?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As a rule of thumb, you should expect the possibility of being issued a citation if you park in a daylighted zone — no matter where you are in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, different municipalities are taking different approaches to how they are enforcing the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, cities like Berkeley and San Francisco have announced the amount they intend to fine drivers for parking in daylighted zones, indicating that they do, in fact, intend to enforce the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, like San José, say that this new legislation is going to be “challenging to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislation did not provide any funding for analysis, markings, signage, education or enforcement,” Colin Heyne, public information manager for the city of San José, told KQED in December. “Without any funding tied to the legislation, we cannot conduct a mass outreach and education campaign or enforce the daylighting rules citywide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of this, Heyne said San José would be implementing AB 413 in phases, with a focus on where daylighting will have the most benefit, like on the city’s high-injury network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heyne said San José has already removed 29 metered spaces in the greater downtown area due to AB 413 and has painted the curbs red in those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the locations where we have removed previously available parking spots and added a red curb, we are enforcing for red curb violation,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, he said the city has not yet set a fine amount for the specific AB 413 violation, so the city will not be issuing daylighting citations until that happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bottom line: to be certain how your area is enforcing daylighting or handing out tickets, you’ll need to check your local government’s website. And because enforcement varies greatly even just within the Bay Area, it’s going to be simplest if you assume all daylighting spots everywhere are off-limits — and park accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019141\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019141\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A car is parked in a red zone at the intersection of Golden Gate Avenue and Jones Street in San Francisco on Dec. 18, 2024. The red curb designates a no-parking area to create more visibility at the intersection. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"“bay\">\u003c/a>How are some major Bay Area cities enforcing daylighting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously, SFMTA had planned to start issuing $40 citations to drivers parked in daylighted spots starting March 1, even in instances where the curbs were not marked with red paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Feb. 10, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/making-enforcement-fair-our-new-plan-state-daylighting-law\">SFMTA announced they were revising these plans\u003c/a> and that effective immediately, drivers who park in a daylighted spot in San Francisco that \u003cem>isn’t\u003c/em> marked with a red curb will only be given warnings, not a ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also said it will now \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/getting-around/walk/pedestrian-toolkit/daylighting\">“fast-track” painting red curbs in daylighted spots around the city\u003c/a>, with school zones receiving priority. Drivers who park in daylighted spots with red curbs will still receive a $108 fine as previously planned — as they would for parking in any other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/sites/default/files/reports-and-documents/2024/05/sfmta_fees_and_fines_for_posting_effective_april_16_2025.pdf\">Red Zone\u003c/a> in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/getting-around/walk/daylighting\">Read more about daylighting enforcement in San Francisco.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Oakland\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s new webpage about daylighting states that the city has already been painting curbs red “to support daylighting whenever possible” since the law’s passage in 2023 — and they’ll “continue to do so going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for enforcement, the Oakland Department of Transportation said that starting January, they’ll be distributing windshield flyers, “followed by a period of warnings.” After this, OakDOT will propose an amount for future daylighting fines to the Oakland City Council in the spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/daylighting\">Read more about daylighting enforcement in Oakland.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Berkeley\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting Jan. 1, Berkeley will be issuing citations of $64 for parking within 20 feet of a crosswalk or within 15 feet of a crosswalk with a curb extension — which goes up to $96 on game days. Fines unpaid after 28 days will be raised by $30 and again after 47 days by another $50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2024-12-10%20Item%2018%20Establishing%20a%20New%20Schedule%20of%20Fines.pdf\">Read more about daylighting citations in Berkeley (fee schedule is at the very bottom [PDF]).\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San José\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José will not be issuing citations — yet — to drivers parked in unmarked daylighted spots, said Colin Heyne from the San José Department of Transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in areas where the city has removed previously available spots and painted the curbs red, “we are enforcing for red curb violation,” Heyne said — although because the city has “not yet set a fine amount for the specific AB 413 violation,” they are “not able to issue citations or warnings for that specific infraction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our enforcement strategy will evolve as we make further decisions about when and where to add signs or red curbs, as well as how well we feel the public understands the new law,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Other Bay Area cities that have released their plans for daylighting enforcement:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.livermoreca.gov/departments/community-development/engineering/transportation-traffic/california-s-daylighting-law-ab-413\">Daylighting in Livermore\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/News/AB-413-Daylighting-Law\">Daylighting in South San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pinole.gov/ab413-california-daylighting-law/\">Daylighting in Pinole\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofsanrafael.org/california-daylighting-law/\">Daylighting in San Rafael\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>What are Bay Area cities doing with these new spaces?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Instead of leaving a daylighted spot empty, some cities are working to activate the spaces once used for car parking in a way that maintains lines of sight for people in crosswalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Prinz, the Advocacy Director of Bike East Bay, said the city of Emeryville is in the process of purchasing 100 new bike racks and that some of them will be placed on the street in newly daylighted areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When placed at a street corner in place of a car parking spot, they can also help to enforce existing red curbs or the AB 413 “daylighting” rule by adding a physical impediment to drivers parking in those spaces, even when no bikes are parked there,” Prinz told KQED by email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Bay Area cities like Oakland have already installed bike infrastructure in daylighted zones, \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/maps/@37.8351426,-122.2628981,3a,75y,305.14h,61.6t/data=!3m7!1e1!3m5!1s6SSWmuROW-JdZLEVkqB0iA!2e0!6shttps:%2F%2Fstreetviewpixels-pa.googleapis.com%2Fv1%2Fthumbnail%3Fcb_client%3Dmaps_sv.tactile%26w%3D900%26h%3D600%26pitch%3D28.4%26panoid%3D6SSWmuROW-JdZLEVkqB0iA%26yaw%3D305.14!7i16384!8i8192!5m1!1e3?entry=ttu&g_ep=EgoyMDI0MTIxMS4wIKXMDSoASAFQAw%3D%3D\">as this Google Maps view shows\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prinz said Bike East Bay is working with other local governments to encourage activating daylighted zones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going forward, we hope many other cities will follow suit and start painting red curbs proactively despite not being required to under state law, in addition to adding bike racks, sidewalk extensions, rain gardens or many other reuse opportunities for these spaces to both increase safety and utility,” Prinz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story was originally published on Dec. 28, 2024.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A new law means you could get a citation for parking in a 'daylighted' spot — even if the curb isn’t painted red. Here’s how to understand the new rules.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In California, a new year brings a raft of new laws. And one of the most talked-about new laws in the state is Assembly Bill 413, which enforces something called “daylighting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nutshell, daylighting will now make it illegal to park a car within 20 feet of a pedestrian crosswalk. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB413\">AB 413 has already been in effect\u003c/a> for the last year, but the big difference for 2025 is that cities around the Bay Area and California will now start enforcing these new parking orders — complete with hefty fines for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, it turns out there’s actually quite a bit of difference in how that will look, depending on what city you live — or work — in. And the latest update: The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA) \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/making-enforcement-fair-our-new-plan-state-daylighting-law\">announced it’s walking back the city’s original plan\u003c/a> to enforce daylighting laws starting March 1 with tickets even for drivers who park in unmarked daylighted spots. (Jump to \u003ca href=\"#is-my-city-ticketing-for-daylighting\">more information about daylighting enforcement in San Francisco.\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for everything you need to know about daylighting, from how to make sure you avoid a pricey parking ticket to hopes for pedestrian safety around the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#got-ticket-no-red-curb\">Why could I be ticketed even if the curb isn’t painted red?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-avoid-parking-ticket-daylighting\">How can I avoid getting a citation for daylighting in 2025?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#is-my-city-ticketing-for-daylighting\">Is my city enforcing daylighting with tickets?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>How does daylighting work if I’m trying to park my car?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Daylighting is the practice of preventing cars from parking near crosswalks in order to make people using crosswalks more visible to drivers — thereby reducing the chance a person gets hit by a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB413\">California’s daylighting law\u003c/a> makes it illegal to “stop, stand or park” a vehicle within 20 feet of any unmarked or marked crosswalk or within 15 feet of any crosswalk where \u003ca href=\"https://nacto.org/publication/urban-street-design-guide/street-design-elements/curb-extensions/\">a curb extension\u003c/a> is present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019728\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1970px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019728\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19%E2%80%AFPM.png\" alt=\"A diagram with cars and a grey road.\" width=\"1970\" height=\"1570\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM.png 1970w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM-800x638.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM-1020x813.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM-160x128.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM-1536x1224.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Screenshot-2024-12-23-at-8.26.19 PM-1920x1530.png 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1970px) 100vw, 1970px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">These diagrams show how the clearance of 20 feet can make a big difference in street safety at painted and unpainted crosswalks. \u003ccite>(SFMTA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Crucially, the daylighting law only prohibits parking next to a crosswalk on the “approach side” of an intersection. Confused? Imagine you’re driving a car down a regular two-way street. Daylighting would prohibit you from parking in the spot immediately before the crosswalk as you approach the intersection. But the law would not prevent you from parking in a spot directly after that crosswalk as you exit the intersection — because a car parked in such a spot doesn’t impair the ability of people crossing the street there to see a car coming towards them, and vice versa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re still having trouble picturing the kinds of parking spots that daylighting applies to, imagine yourself as a pedestrian trying to cross a super-busy street, taking your first nervous steps into a crosswalk that doesn’t have a traffic light. Is there a car parked directly on your left that you’re having to peek around to see if any drivers are racing up the street in your direction?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If so, that’s the exact parking spot that daylighting now makes illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"got-ticket-no-red-curb\">\u003c/a>So all of these now-illegal parking spots will be removed or clearly marked, right?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No — and this is one of the more contentious aspects of California’s daylighting law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some cities have begun to remove parking spots, pull out meters, paint curbs red or otherwise fill daylighted spots, they don’t actually have to do so under the law. Which means it’s up to California drivers to recognize an illegal daylighted spot and stay out of it, even if the spot looks perfectly available, with no red curb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So a driver can absolutely still get a warning or a citation for parking in a daylighted spot that has no such markings — and that’s what San Francisco had planned to do starting March 1 until “community members and district supervisors shared their concerns about fairness in enforcement,” according to SFMTA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/making-enforcement-fair-our-new-plan-state-daylighting-law\">the agency has announced it’s scrapping these plans \u003c/a>and will now only ticket drivers parked in daylighted spots that are painted with red curbs. SFMTA now also plans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/getting-around/walk/pedestrian-toolkit/daylighting\">“fast-track” the painting of red curbs in daylighted spots around the city\u003c/a>, with school zones receiving priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many have raised concerns about our plans for the state’s daylighting law,” said Julie Kirschbaum, SFMTA’s acting director of transportation. “Daylighting is a crucial tool for street safety, but I want to ensure that we implement it fairly when we roll it out citywide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s change of plans notwithstanding, in principle, daylighting “functions a lot like the parking restrictions around a fire hydrant,” said Liza Lutzker, a research data analyst at UC Berkeley’s Safe Transportation Research and Education Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t have to be red curbed, but everyone knows you’re not supposed to park within 15 feet of it,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019140\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019140\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A red curb designates a no-parking area at the intersection of Sutter and Leavenworth streets in San Francisco on Dec. 18, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-avoid-parking-ticket-daylighting\">\u003c/a>So, how can I avoid getting a ticket for daylighting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jump to: \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#is-my-city-ticketing-for-daylighting\">How is my city enforcing daylighting with tickets?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the things to remember to lower your chances of being cited for parking in a daylighted spot:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Get to know what 20 feet looks like…\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re imagining Parking Control Officers patrolling the streets with ways to measure the curbs, it doesn’t sound like that’ll be the reality of daylighting enforcement — at least not in San Francisco. “Parking enforcement will not be out with measuring tape,” Michael Roccaforte, a spokesperson for the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA), told KQED in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that means you’ll need a good handle on what 20 feet looks like — or 15 feet, in the case of daylighted spots next to a crosswalk with a curb extension. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/getting-around/walk/daylighting\">SFMTA characterizes 20 feet as “about one car length or the length of about one metered space,”\u003c/a> — so when you’re picturing that car in your mind, make it a larger SUV rather than a Mini Cooper to be on the safe side. (For scale, a Subaru Outback is almost 16 feet long.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daylighting applies on both sides of a one-way street\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The space directly after a crosswalk isn’t a daylighted spot, but the space directly before it — as the driver approaches it — is. So, on a one-way street, it will be illegal to park in a spot immediately before a crosswalk on both sides of the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A warning isn’t a citation — but don’t assume you can get multiple warnings\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, SFTMA’s Roccaforte said the city had been giving out roughly 60 warnings per day to people who park in daylighted spots. “In theory, you could pick up multiple warnings,” Roccaforte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, other jurisdictions may indeed be limiting the amount of warnings a vehicle can get for daylighting. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/News/AB-413-Daylighting-Law\">South San Francisco is one of them\u003c/a>, working on a two-strikes-and-you’re-out approach and warning drivers that “people who park in these areas will get one warning before a citation is issued.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daylighting applies to unmarked crosswalks, too\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if a crosswalk isn’t marked on the pavement, you still have to avoid parking in daylighted spots. So assume every intersection is a crosswalk, even if there are no road markings, Roccaforte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Crosswalks aren’t just in intersections\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daylighting enforcement will also apply to the spot before a mid-street crosswalk, so be vigilant for them. “That said, most mid-block crosswalks are already red-curbed, so drivers won’t notice a change,” Roccaforte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019754\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019754\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A few people stand on one street at a person waits to cross.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241217-DaylightingLaws-11-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People wait to cross 18th Street at Dolores Street in San Francisco on Dec. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Why did California introduce daylighting?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California Assemblymember Alex Lee, who authored the law, said it’s all about making streets safer and reducing collisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, who represents a district in the South Bay, said he was motivated to work with advocates on the bill by what he saw as a rise in reckless driving after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really to make sure that when someone is crossing the street or trying to make a turn that there is the maximum amount of visibility,” Lee said. “Because when there is that blind spot there, it can cause a lot of harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#is-my-city-ticketing-for-daylighting\">Is my city enforcing daylighting with tickets?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Lee cites some grim statistics, such as California’s pedestrian fatality rate being almost 25% higher than the national average and the fact that no state has more pedestrian deaths on its roadways than California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing research from the Federal Highway Administration, a state assembly analysis highlighted that of the 38,824 traffic fatalities in the United States in 2020, 10,626 of them occurred at an intersection — and that 1,674 of those fatalities were pedestrians, representing nearly 25% of all pedestrian fatalities. “Nearly half of all traffic injuries occur at intersections,” the authors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also a latecomer compared to other states when it comes to daylighting. More than 40 other states have some kind of daylighting law on the books in an attempt to reduce pedestrian fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019138\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-01-BL-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bulb-outs, or curb extensions, can be seen at the intersection of Cesar Chavez and Folsom streets in San Francisco on Dec. 18, 2024. A bulb-out extends the sidewalk into a parking lane to provide more space for pedestrians and visibility at an intersection. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>What do we know about daylighting’s effect on road safety?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Restricting parking near intersections can reduce pedestrian crashes by 30%, \u003ca href=\"https://safety.fhwa.dot.gov/ped_bike/tools_solve/fhwasa18041/fhwasa18041.pdf\">according to the Federal Highway Administration (PDF)\u003c/a>. “This is a proven way to increase pedestrian safety,” said UC Berkeley’s Safe Transportation Research and Education Center’s Liza Lutzker. “It’s been really effective everywhere it has been implemented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daylighting has already been implemented in parts of cities in the Bay Area. In 2015, SFMTA led a major daylighting effort in the city’s Tenderloin neighborhood by removing 180 parking spaces at 80 intersections. In 2018, the agency reported that there were 14% fewer reported collisions at those daylighted intersections, except for two intersections, which experienced an increase in collisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A daylighting effort in the city of Hoboken, New Jersey, is largely credited with the fact that the city \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/hoboken-zero-traffic-deaths-daylighting-pedestrian-safety-007dec67706c1c09129da1436a3d9762\">hasn’t had a traffic death in seven years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for daylighting are cheering on this law while pointing out ways that local governments could further increase its effectiveness. Luke Bornheimer, the executive director of Streets Forward, said the city of San Francisco should physically prevent people from parking in daylighted spaces by installing infrastructure like planters, bike corrals, large granite blocks or just plastic “soft-hit” posts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In addition to making it intuitive and physically impossible to stop/park a car there, most of these will also enhance intersections and streets for people in the neighborhood,” Bornheimer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone is in favor of daylighting, however. The California Contract Cities Association wrote an argument in opposition to the law before it was passed, saying:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our organization remains concerned about the added burden placed upon cities to mark their parking distance requirements should they decide to diverge from the statewide standard in their jurisdictions. If cities decide to decrease the amount of daylighting, the legislation requires cities to erect new signage and paint curbs, which will come at a cost and pull resources away from other community priorities.” The Association also wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB413\">assembly floor analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"is-my-city-ticketing-for-daylighting\">\u003c/a>How do I know if my city is enforcing daylighting — and why \u003cem>wouldn’t\u003c/em> they enforce it?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As a rule of thumb, you should expect the possibility of being issued a citation if you park in a daylighted zone — no matter where you are in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, different municipalities are taking different approaches to how they are enforcing the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, cities like Berkeley and San Francisco have announced the amount they intend to fine drivers for parking in daylighted zones, indicating that they do, in fact, intend to enforce the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, like San José, say that this new legislation is going to be “challenging to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislation did not provide any funding for analysis, markings, signage, education or enforcement,” Colin Heyne, public information manager for the city of San José, told KQED in December. “Without any funding tied to the legislation, we cannot conduct a mass outreach and education campaign or enforce the daylighting rules citywide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of this, Heyne said San José would be implementing AB 413 in phases, with a focus on where daylighting will have the most benefit, like on the city’s high-injury network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heyne said San José has already removed 29 metered spaces in the greater downtown area due to AB 413 and has painted the curbs red in those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the locations where we have removed previously available parking spots and added a red curb, we are enforcing for red curb violation,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, he said the city has not yet set a fine amount for the specific AB 413 violation, so the city will not be issuing daylighting citations until that happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bottom line: to be certain how your area is enforcing daylighting or handing out tickets, you’ll need to check your local government’s website. And because enforcement varies greatly even just within the Bay Area, it’s going to be simplest if you assume all daylighting spots everywhere are off-limits — and park accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019141\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019141\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-35-BL-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A car is parked in a red zone at the intersection of Golden Gate Avenue and Jones Street in San Francisco on Dec. 18, 2024. The red curb designates a no-parking area to create more visibility at the intersection. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"“bay\">\u003c/a>How are some major Bay Area cities enforcing daylighting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously, SFMTA had planned to start issuing $40 citations to drivers parked in daylighted spots starting March 1, even in instances where the curbs were not marked with red paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Feb. 10, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/making-enforcement-fair-our-new-plan-state-daylighting-law\">SFMTA announced they were revising these plans\u003c/a> and that effective immediately, drivers who park in a daylighted spot in San Francisco that \u003cem>isn’t\u003c/em> marked with a red curb will only be given warnings, not a ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also said it will now \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/getting-around/walk/pedestrian-toolkit/daylighting\">“fast-track” painting red curbs in daylighted spots around the city\u003c/a>, with school zones receiving priority. Drivers who park in daylighted spots with red curbs will still receive a $108 fine as previously planned — as they would for parking in any other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/sites/default/files/reports-and-documents/2024/05/sfmta_fees_and_fines_for_posting_effective_april_16_2025.pdf\">Red Zone\u003c/a> in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/getting-around/walk/daylighting\">Read more about daylighting enforcement in San Francisco.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Oakland\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s new webpage about daylighting states that the city has already been painting curbs red “to support daylighting whenever possible” since the law’s passage in 2023 — and they’ll “continue to do so going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for enforcement, the Oakland Department of Transportation said that starting January, they’ll be distributing windshield flyers, “followed by a period of warnings.” After this, OakDOT will propose an amount for future daylighting fines to the Oakland City Council in the spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/daylighting\">Read more about daylighting enforcement in Oakland.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Berkeley\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting Jan. 1, Berkeley will be issuing citations of $64 for parking within 20 feet of a crosswalk or within 15 feet of a crosswalk with a curb extension — which goes up to $96 on game days. Fines unpaid after 28 days will be raised by $30 and again after 47 days by another $50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2024-12-10%20Item%2018%20Establishing%20a%20New%20Schedule%20of%20Fines.pdf\">Read more about daylighting citations in Berkeley (fee schedule is at the very bottom [PDF]).\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San José\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José will not be issuing citations — yet — to drivers parked in unmarked daylighted spots, said Colin Heyne from the San José Department of Transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in areas where the city has removed previously available spots and painted the curbs red, “we are enforcing for red curb violation,” Heyne said — although because the city has “not yet set a fine amount for the specific AB 413 violation,” they are “not able to issue citations or warnings for that specific infraction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our enforcement strategy will evolve as we make further decisions about when and where to add signs or red curbs, as well as how well we feel the public understands the new law,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Other Bay Area cities that have released their plans for daylighting enforcement:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.livermoreca.gov/departments/community-development/engineering/transportation-traffic/california-s-daylighting-law-ab-413\">Daylighting in Livermore\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/News/AB-413-Daylighting-Law\">Daylighting in South San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pinole.gov/ab413-california-daylighting-law/\">Daylighting in Pinole\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofsanrafael.org/california-daylighting-law/\">Daylighting in San Rafael\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>What are Bay Area cities doing with these new spaces?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Instead of leaving a daylighted spot empty, some cities are working to activate the spaces once used for car parking in a way that maintains lines of sight for people in crosswalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Prinz, the Advocacy Director of Bike East Bay, said the city of Emeryville is in the process of purchasing 100 new bike racks and that some of them will be placed on the street in newly daylighted areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When placed at a street corner in place of a car parking spot, they can also help to enforce existing red curbs or the AB 413 “daylighting” rule by adding a physical impediment to drivers parking in those spaces, even when no bikes are parked there,” Prinz told KQED by email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Bay Area cities like Oakland have already installed bike infrastructure in daylighted zones, \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/maps/@37.8351426,-122.2628981,3a,75y,305.14h,61.6t/data=!3m7!1e1!3m5!1s6SSWmuROW-JdZLEVkqB0iA!2e0!6shttps:%2F%2Fstreetviewpixels-pa.googleapis.com%2Fv1%2Fthumbnail%3Fcb_client%3Dmaps_sv.tactile%26w%3D900%26h%3D600%26pitch%3D28.4%26panoid%3D6SSWmuROW-JdZLEVkqB0iA%26yaw%3D305.14!7i16384!8i8192!5m1!1e3?entry=ttu&g_ep=EgoyMDI0MTIxMS4wIKXMDSoASAFQAw%3D%3D\">as this Google Maps view shows\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prinz said Bike East Bay is working with other local governments to encourage activating daylighted zones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going forward, we hope many other cities will follow suit and start painting red curbs proactively despite not being required to under state law, in addition to adding bike racks, sidewalk extensions, rain gardens or many other reuse opportunities for these spaces to both increase safety and utility,” Prinz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story was originally published on Dec. 28, 2024.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "it-was-just-a-regular-morning-californians-picked-up-in-recent-ice-raids-include-kids-volunteers",
"title": "As ICE Arrests Hit California, Families Broken Up, Working People Detained",
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"headTitle": "As ICE Arrests Hit California, Families Broken Up, Working People Detained | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A church-going agricultural worker. An Echo Park man taking his son to school. A 16-year-old kid searching for work to support his family in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three weeks into President Donald Trump’s second term, a clearer picture is beginning to emerge of some of the first Californians targeted in his high-profile immigration crackdown. It’s very different from the descriptions of hardened criminals President Donald Trump has touted. People CalMatters interviewed about the raids across California suggested those swept up in them are dedicated family members and employees, their lives deeply woven into their communities. None appeared to pose the risks to national security or public safety Trump promised he’d target during his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has only begun to grapple with the resulting fear and need for reliable information. Last week Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law legislation allocating $25 million to provide immigrants with legal services to fight immigration proceedings against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for ICE said officers do not target noncitizens indiscriminately. “ICE’s enforcement resources are based on intelligence-driven leads,” said Richard Beam, a spokesman for ICE’s Los Angeles office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people detained during the statewide crackdown said that’s not what it feels like on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just a regular morning,” said Loreal Duran from Echo Park in Los Angeles, describing her family’s before-school rush to get the kids out the door and loaded into the car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on the morning in question, Jan. 23, as her husband fastened their two young children into their seats, an immigration officer walked up, asking Loreal to show identification. “As he got closer to the car, he saw my husband, and basically, he just went around to the other side to grab my husband out of the car and take him away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027015\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Loreal Duran holds a photo of her with her husband Giovanni Duran at her apartment in Los Angeles on Feb. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joel Angel Juarez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027021\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: The Durans’ 1-year-old daughter, whose identity is being withheld for privacy concerns, eats breakfast at their apartment in Los Angeles. Right: The Durans’ 8-year-old son, whose identity is being withheld for privacy concerns, sits on their bed at their apartment on Feb. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joel Angel Juarez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Giovanni Duran, 42, came to California from El Salvador without federal authorization when he was 2 years old, brought by his family. He worked as a busser in a sushi restaurant in Los Angeles, Loreal said. Duran is now being held in the Adelanto detention facility, run by a private company under contract to ICE, awaiting deportation to a country he doesn’t know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I haven’t talked to him in almost two days,” said Loreal last week. She’s had to get counseling for her 7-year-old son after he saw his dad taken away by officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was telling his classmates, ‘Oh, daddy got arrested for not wearing his seatbelt,’” Duran recounted. Later, the second grader asked his mom, “Did daddy get arrested because he’s Brown? I replied back to him, I go: ‘Yea, he kinda did.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement reported on social media 8,276 arrests nationwide between Jan. 22 and Jan. 31. The agency would not break out those numbers for California or different cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Casting a wide net\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ProPublica and the \u003cem>Texas Tribune\u003c/em> reported less than half of the approximately 8,200 people arrested from Jan. 20 through Feb. 2, so far have criminal convictions, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/donald-trump-immigration-executive-orders\">according to government data they obtained\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the apparently broad crackdown has immigrant advocates working around the clock. There have been several high-profile protests — one that shuttered a freeway in Los Angeles and another that prompted police to fire off tear gas at people in National City. Social media channels have been flooded by reported sightings of immigration officers and phones have been ringing nonstop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can sense that kind of panic and also hunger; hunger for correct, reliable information as to what they should do in times of a raid or in times of an encounter with an immigration agent,” said Ian M. Seruelo, an immigration attorney in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two days after President Donald Trump visited wildfire-scarred Los Angeles, promising to work with California on needed federal assistance for recovery, his administration \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/dealosangeles/status/1883584230804140075?s=46\">announced, with few details, immigration enforcement operations\u003c/a> in the city carried out by federal agencies, such as the Drug Enforcement Administration, the Justice Department, “and other federal law enforcement partners.” Video released with the announcement showed officers in camouflaged uniforms and bullet-proof vests approaching apartment buildings and standing around armored vehicles and mobile command centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump authorized law enforcement agents from across the federal government to participate in immigration enforcement activities. He also lifted longtime guidelines restricting ICE from operating at “sensitive locations” such as schools, churches or hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE messaging about its enforcement actions has emphasized the apprehension of criminals. Last week, Enforcement and Removal Operations Los Angeles, a part of the agency, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/EROLosAngeles/status/1886819216638255342?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1886819216638255342%7Ctwgr%5E8a2028151efab540da31db22ebeb7629d80c687a%7Ctwcon%5Es1_c10&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.foxla.com%2Fnews%2Fice-raids-california-protests-immigration\">said officers arrested\u003c/a> a 47-year-old noncitizen who was convicted of DUI. “This noncitizen had previously been arrested for driving without a license and evading a peace officer,” officials said on social media. They also \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/EROLosAngeles/status/1886433176761057748\">said they arrested\u003c/a> an “unlawfully present Venezuelan Tren de Aragua gang member. This noncitizen is currently in ICE custody pending removal proceedings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027018\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027018\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Law enforcement officials spread out through an apartment complex during a raid in Denver on Feb. 5, 2025. Officials have also been conducting immigration enforcement activities across California. \u003ccite>(David Zalubowski/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nayna Gupta, the policy director at the American Immigration Council, an advocacy group for immigrants, said for the Trump administration to deport millions of people as the president \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/11/18/there-arent-20-million-people-deport-trump-will-certainly-try/\">promised\u003c/a>, it will have to target people who have not had contact with the criminal system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Based on recent data, we know that fewer than 1 in 10 undocumented immigrants has a criminal record,” said Gupta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/wp-content/uploads/sites/41/2024/07/Final_SOILA2024_ExecSummary_v5.pdf\">one in three people in Los Angeles County (PDF)\u003c/a> are immigrants, according to a report last year from the University of Southern California. Tens of thousands of county residents had to evacuate following a series of wildfires that began in early January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is unconscionable to have or plan for immigration enforcement activities in a natural disaster,” said Angelica Salas, the executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles. ICE did not respond to a request for comment on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>In the name of public safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California Republicans appear to be on board with Trump’s actions so far. They urged Newsom to veto two bills signed into law last week. One was the $25 million for immigrant legal defense and the other allocated another $25 million for Attorney General Rob Bonta to pursue litigation against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a public safety problem in California, and a big component of that is international gangs and cartels. Human trafficking has exploded, and it knows no bounds,” said Sen. Suzette Martinez Valladares, a Republican from Santa Clarita, during a floor debate on the legislation.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12026959,news_12026817,news_12026582\"]During his campaign, Trump and his advisors repeatedly invoked hardened criminals and threats to national security when promising mass detentions and deportations of undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Estefany Peña, 30, from Lincoln, California, believed when she supported Trump for reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought they were going to be targeting criminals. No one mentioned during the campaigning of Donald Trump that residents …\u003cem> legal residents\u003c/em> … were going to have to go through this,” she said. Her husband, who came to the country legally in 1999 and has a green card, went to an immigration office in San Francisco for a check-in in late January and still hasn’t come home, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything just came crumbling down,” she said of when immigration officers wouldn’t let her husband leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The husband, Joel Jacuinde, 40, is the breadwinner for his family, working at a rice dryer company east of San Francisco. Peña said he also volunteers for his church and provides the primary source of transportation for the family, regularly taking their 11-year-old son for treatment for his asthma. Both children are covered for health care under Jacuinde’s Medi-Cal account, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My kids are very close to their dad, so it’s taken a terrible toll on them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacuinde doesn’t show up in a database of people being detained by ICE. Peña said he was told he was not free to leave the immigration office and that agents were holding him to pressure him to sign a voluntary removal form. The family has contacted dozens of attorneys but hasn’t been able to secure legal representation, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tijuana, outside a federal shelter set up to assist recently deported Mexicans, a 16-year-old told CalMatters he had been detained trying to reach Stockton to find work. “They grabbed me,” he said, and within hours, he was back in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaving the same Tijuana shelter, Mario Guerra, 39, a construction worker from Bakersfield, said he ran from about seven or eight ICE agents on Jan. 31. Though he grew up in Bakersfield, he said he was in the U.S. without federal authorization. Guerra said the agents caught him, detained him, and sent him back to Mexico after two days in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027019\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027019\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters gather over US Route 101 in Downtown Los Angeles in support of the ‘Day Without Immigrants’ march on Feb. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(J.W. Hendricks for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Guerra said the officers handcuffed his feet and hands and left him in a transportation van for hours from Bakersfield to San Ysidro with no restroom breaks and nothing to drink.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were, basically, telling them that we needed to use the restroom, but they didn’t answer at all,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The kids are the ones who are going to suffer the most,” he added about his children who are still in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vilma Ordóñez, 34, said she and her husband and children went out to eat in East Los Angeles on Jan. 26. As they got out of the car in front of the restaurant, two agents wearing bulletproof vests approached “and told my husband that he looked like someone they were looking for,” Ordóñez described.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her stomach dropped as she remembered advice she’d read online, telling her husband, who is in the U.S. without legal status, “Let’s not say anything; let’s just look for an attorney.” The agents kept insisting the couple show them their IDs, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had to take out his ID,” she said. “He showed it to them, and they said, ‘Oh, we knew you were not the right person.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They knew he was not the right person, but yet they still insisted on asking him for his ID?” she asked in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible the agents were looking for indications on Ordóñez’s husband’s ID that he was not an authorized immigrant. In 2013, California passed the Safe and Responsible Drivers Act, granting undocumented residents the ability to obtain driver’s licenses. More than a million undocumented Californians \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/01/drivers-licenses-undocumented-immigrants/\">got the special licenses\u003c/a>, which look slightly different than regular state licenses. Some advocates worried at the time the licenses could be misused by immigration authorities to identify people who are undocumented. ICE did not respond to a request for comment about whether it is identifying immigrants without legal status by their AB60 driver’s licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ordóñez said the agents let them go, so they went into the restaurant with their children and had dinner. But when they returned to the parking lot, four agents were standing around their car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told him he had signed a voluntary return in 1996 and had not left the country, and so they were going to detain him and take him,” she said, adding that he’s currently being held in a California detention facility. Ordóñez said her husband never signed the voluntary return form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The father has a very important role in the family, and right now, our children are traumatized. More than anything, our kids are suffering,” said Ordóñez. “My husband has always paid his taxes every single year since he entered, and he’s always worked and taken care of his family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Attention: If someone close to you has recently been detained by immigration agents, and you want to share your story, please reach out to CalMatters via \u003ca href=\"mailto:wendy@calmatters.org\">wendy@calmatters.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Atención: Si tienes un ser querido que recientemente ha sido detenido por agentes de migración y quieres compartir tu historia, por favor comunícate con CalMatters: \u003ca href=\"mailto:wendy@calmatters.org\">wendy@calmatters.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Interviews suggest some people swept up in Trump’s immigration crackdown are dedicated to their families and communities — not hardened criminals.",
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"title": "As ICE Arrests Hit California, Families Broken Up, Working People Detained | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A church-going agricultural worker. An Echo Park man taking his son to school. A 16-year-old kid searching for work to support his family in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three weeks into President Donald Trump’s second term, a clearer picture is beginning to emerge of some of the first Californians targeted in his high-profile immigration crackdown. It’s very different from the descriptions of hardened criminals President Donald Trump has touted. People CalMatters interviewed about the raids across California suggested those swept up in them are dedicated family members and employees, their lives deeply woven into their communities. None appeared to pose the risks to national security or public safety Trump promised he’d target during his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has only begun to grapple with the resulting fear and need for reliable information. Last week Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law legislation allocating $25 million to provide immigrants with legal services to fight immigration proceedings against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for ICE said officers do not target noncitizens indiscriminately. “ICE’s enforcement resources are based on intelligence-driven leads,” said Richard Beam, a spokesman for ICE’s Los Angeles office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people detained during the statewide crackdown said that’s not what it feels like on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just a regular morning,” said Loreal Duran from Echo Park in Los Angeles, describing her family’s before-school rush to get the kids out the door and loaded into the car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on the morning in question, Jan. 23, as her husband fastened their two young children into their seats, an immigration officer walked up, asking Loreal to show identification. “As he got closer to the car, he saw my husband, and basically, he just went around to the other side to grab my husband out of the car and take him away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027015\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020825_Duran-Family_JAJ_CM_07-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Loreal Duran holds a photo of her with her husband Giovanni Duran at her apartment in Los Angeles on Feb. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joel Angel Juarez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027021\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: The Durans’ 1-year-old daughter, whose identity is being withheld for privacy concerns, eats breakfast at their apartment in Los Angeles. Right: The Durans’ 8-year-old son, whose identity is being withheld for privacy concerns, sits on their bed at their apartment on Feb. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joel Angel Juarez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Giovanni Duran, 42, came to California from El Salvador without federal authorization when he was 2 years old, brought by his family. He worked as a busser in a sushi restaurant in Los Angeles, Loreal said. Duran is now being held in the Adelanto detention facility, run by a private company under contract to ICE, awaiting deportation to a country he doesn’t know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I haven’t talked to him in almost two days,” said Loreal last week. She’s had to get counseling for her 7-year-old son after he saw his dad taken away by officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was telling his classmates, ‘Oh, daddy got arrested for not wearing his seatbelt,’” Duran recounted. Later, the second grader asked his mom, “Did daddy get arrested because he’s Brown? I replied back to him, I go: ‘Yea, he kinda did.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement reported on social media 8,276 arrests nationwide between Jan. 22 and Jan. 31. The agency would not break out those numbers for California or different cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Casting a wide net\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ProPublica and the \u003cem>Texas Tribune\u003c/em> reported less than half of the approximately 8,200 people arrested from Jan. 20 through Feb. 2, so far have criminal convictions, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/donald-trump-immigration-executive-orders\">according to government data they obtained\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the apparently broad crackdown has immigrant advocates working around the clock. There have been several high-profile protests — one that shuttered a freeway in Los Angeles and another that prompted police to fire off tear gas at people in National City. Social media channels have been flooded by reported sightings of immigration officers and phones have been ringing nonstop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can sense that kind of panic and also hunger; hunger for correct, reliable information as to what they should do in times of a raid or in times of an encounter with an immigration agent,” said Ian M. Seruelo, an immigration attorney in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two days after President Donald Trump visited wildfire-scarred Los Angeles, promising to work with California on needed federal assistance for recovery, his administration \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/dealosangeles/status/1883584230804140075?s=46\">announced, with few details, immigration enforcement operations\u003c/a> in the city carried out by federal agencies, such as the Drug Enforcement Administration, the Justice Department, “and other federal law enforcement partners.” Video released with the announcement showed officers in camouflaged uniforms and bullet-proof vests approaching apartment buildings and standing around armored vehicles and mobile command centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump authorized law enforcement agents from across the federal government to participate in immigration enforcement activities. He also lifted longtime guidelines restricting ICE from operating at “sensitive locations” such as schools, churches or hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE messaging about its enforcement actions has emphasized the apprehension of criminals. Last week, Enforcement and Removal Operations Los Angeles, a part of the agency, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/EROLosAngeles/status/1886819216638255342?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1886819216638255342%7Ctwgr%5E8a2028151efab540da31db22ebeb7629d80c687a%7Ctwcon%5Es1_c10&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.foxla.com%2Fnews%2Fice-raids-california-protests-immigration\">said officers arrested\u003c/a> a 47-year-old noncitizen who was convicted of DUI. “This noncitizen had previously been arrested for driving without a license and evading a peace officer,” officials said on social media. They also \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/EROLosAngeles/status/1886433176761057748\">said they arrested\u003c/a> an “unlawfully present Venezuelan Tren de Aragua gang member. This noncitizen is currently in ICE custody pending removal proceedings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027018\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027018\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020525-ICE-Raid-AP-CM-01-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Law enforcement officials spread out through an apartment complex during a raid in Denver on Feb. 5, 2025. Officials have also been conducting immigration enforcement activities across California. \u003ccite>(David Zalubowski/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nayna Gupta, the policy director at the American Immigration Council, an advocacy group for immigrants, said for the Trump administration to deport millions of people as the president \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/11/18/there-arent-20-million-people-deport-trump-will-certainly-try/\">promised\u003c/a>, it will have to target people who have not had contact with the criminal system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Based on recent data, we know that fewer than 1 in 10 undocumented immigrants has a criminal record,” said Gupta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/wp-content/uploads/sites/41/2024/07/Final_SOILA2024_ExecSummary_v5.pdf\">one in three people in Los Angeles County (PDF)\u003c/a> are immigrants, according to a report last year from the University of Southern California. Tens of thousands of county residents had to evacuate following a series of wildfires that began in early January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is unconscionable to have or plan for immigration enforcement activities in a natural disaster,” said Angelica Salas, the executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles. ICE did not respond to a request for comment on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>In the name of public safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California Republicans appear to be on board with Trump’s actions so far. They urged Newsom to veto two bills signed into law last week. One was the $25 million for immigrant legal defense and the other allocated another $25 million for Attorney General Rob Bonta to pursue litigation against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a public safety problem in California, and a big component of that is international gangs and cartels. Human trafficking has exploded, and it knows no bounds,” said Sen. Suzette Martinez Valladares, a Republican from Santa Clarita, during a floor debate on the legislation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>During his campaign, Trump and his advisors repeatedly invoked hardened criminals and threats to national security when promising mass detentions and deportations of undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Estefany Peña, 30, from Lincoln, California, believed when she supported Trump for reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought they were going to be targeting criminals. No one mentioned during the campaigning of Donald Trump that residents …\u003cem> legal residents\u003c/em> … were going to have to go through this,” she said. Her husband, who came to the country legally in 1999 and has a green card, went to an immigration office in San Francisco for a check-in in late January and still hasn’t come home, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything just came crumbling down,” she said of when immigration officers wouldn’t let her husband leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The husband, Joel Jacuinde, 40, is the breadwinner for his family, working at a rice dryer company east of San Francisco. Peña said he also volunteers for his church and provides the primary source of transportation for the family, regularly taking their 11-year-old son for treatment for his asthma. Both children are covered for health care under Jacuinde’s Medi-Cal account, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My kids are very close to their dad, so it’s taken a terrible toll on them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacuinde doesn’t show up in a database of people being detained by ICE. Peña said he was told he was not free to leave the immigration office and that agents were holding him to pressure him to sign a voluntary removal form. The family has contacted dozens of attorneys but hasn’t been able to secure legal representation, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tijuana, outside a federal shelter set up to assist recently deported Mexicans, a 16-year-old told CalMatters he had been detained trying to reach Stockton to find work. “They grabbed me,” he said, and within hours, he was back in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaving the same Tijuana shelter, Mario Guerra, 39, a construction worker from Bakersfield, said he ran from about seven or eight ICE agents on Jan. 31. Though he grew up in Bakersfield, he said he was in the U.S. without federal authorization. Guerra said the agents caught him, detained him, and sent him back to Mexico after two days in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027019\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027019\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_06-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters gather over US Route 101 in Downtown Los Angeles in support of the ‘Day Without Immigrants’ march on Feb. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(J.W. Hendricks for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Guerra said the officers handcuffed his feet and hands and left him in a transportation van for hours from Bakersfield to San Ysidro with no restroom breaks and nothing to drink.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were, basically, telling them that we needed to use the restroom, but they didn’t answer at all,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The kids are the ones who are going to suffer the most,” he added about his children who are still in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vilma Ordóñez, 34, said she and her husband and children went out to eat in East Los Angeles on Jan. 26. As they got out of the car in front of the restaurant, two agents wearing bulletproof vests approached “and told my husband that he looked like someone they were looking for,” Ordóñez described.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her stomach dropped as she remembered advice she’d read online, telling her husband, who is in the U.S. without legal status, “Let’s not say anything; let’s just look for an attorney.” The agents kept insisting the couple show them their IDs, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had to take out his ID,” she said. “He showed it to them, and they said, ‘Oh, we knew you were not the right person.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They knew he was not the right person, but yet they still insisted on asking him for his ID?” she asked in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible the agents were looking for indications on Ordóñez’s husband’s ID that he was not an authorized immigrant. In 2013, California passed the Safe and Responsible Drivers Act, granting undocumented residents the ability to obtain driver’s licenses. More than a million undocumented Californians \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/01/drivers-licenses-undocumented-immigrants/\">got the special licenses\u003c/a>, which look slightly different than regular state licenses. Some advocates worried at the time the licenses could be misused by immigration authorities to identify people who are undocumented. ICE did not respond to a request for comment about whether it is identifying immigrants without legal status by their AB60 driver’s licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ordóñez said the agents let them go, so they went into the restaurant with their children and had dinner. But when they returned to the parking lot, four agents were standing around their car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told him he had signed a voluntary return in 1996 and had not left the country, and so they were going to detain him and take him,” she said, adding that he’s currently being held in a California detention facility. Ordóñez said her husband never signed the voluntary return form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The father has a very important role in the family, and right now, our children are traumatized. More than anything, our kids are suffering,” said Ordóñez. “My husband has always paid his taxes every single year since he entered, and he’s always worked and taken care of his family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Attention: If someone close to you has recently been detained by immigration agents, and you want to share your story, please reach out to CalMatters via \u003ca href=\"mailto:wendy@calmatters.org\">wendy@calmatters.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Atención: Si tienes un ser querido que recientemente ha sido detenido por agentes de migración y quieres compartir tu historia, por favor comunícate con CalMatters: \u003ca href=\"mailto:wendy@calmatters.org\">wendy@calmatters.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "families-separated-at-the-border-are-protected-by-a-2023-settlement-will-trump-honor-it",
"title": "Families Separated at the Border Are Protected by a 2023 Settlement. Will Trump Honor It?",
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"headTitle": "Families Separated at the Border Are Protected by a 2023 Settlement. Will Trump Honor It? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n the first day of his second term, President Trump sat behind neat stacks of executive orders in the Oval Office and started signing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023109/3-california-members-jan-6-committee-pardoned-biden-trump-takes-office\">pardoned\u003c/a> the more than 1,500 “hostages,” as he called them, who’d been convicted or charged in connection with the Jan. 6 storming of the Capitol. He went on to sign a slew of immigration-related orders, including one titled “\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-american-people-against-invasion/\">Protecting The American People Against Invasion\u003c/a>,” which called for a dramatic surge in border enforcement and, among other things, the dissolution of the Family Reunification Task Force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force was born out of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964656/settlement-over-trump-family-separations-at-the-border-limits-future-separations-for-8-years\">federal settlement agreement\u003c/a>, reached in 2023 between the Biden administration and the American Civil Liberties Union after a yearslong lawsuit, that required the government to reunite thousands of families who were forcibly separated during Trump’s first term. The separations were part of the Trump administration’s “Zero Tolerance” immigration policy, a crackdown on illegal border crossings in 2018. As reports emerged of weeping children being taken from their parents’ arms and languishing behind chain-link fences, the policy drew global condemnation for its inhumane treatment of people seeking asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked by a reporter if he expected his new immigration orders to be challenged in the courts, Trump responded that he didn’t think they could be. “They’re very straight up,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration and civil rights attorneys who work with separated families disagree, saying the sweeping changes will test the strength of the federal settlement agreement, which also banned most separations for eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s broad focus on total enforcement of all immigration laws, without specifying who exactly the orders apply to, has the ACLU and immigrant advocates on alert for anything that resembles a new family separation policy or undermines the settlement. And they’re spring-loaded to fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be monitoring very closely to see whether the Trump administration faithfully applies the settlement,” said Lee Gelernt, the ACLU attorney who led the lawsuit. “And if they don’t, we’ll be back in court immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly seven years after Zero Tolerance, hundreds of children remain apart from their families. For the more than 3,000 families who have already been reunited and for thousands more making their way toward the border today, even a relatively minor or temporary policy change could jeopardize their claims for asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, [the administration is] trying to shut down the border again to all asylum seekers,” said Laura Peña, director of the South Texas Pro Bono Asylum Representation Project (ProBAR). “And that is going to affect children. It is going to affect families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about family separation under President Trump, then and now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘shameful chapter’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To understand how so many families ended up separated, you have to go back to pre-Trump America. Unauthorized entry to the U.S. is illegal, but for decades, adults who crossed the border illegally with their children, many of whom were fleeing violence and persecution in their home countries, were generally not prosecuted for that infraction alone. Instead, families would either be allowed to stay in the U.S. pending immigration rulings or be deported together. But things changed after Trump took office in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spring, the U.S. Border Patrol in El Paso, Texas, started toying with a new way to deter people from crossing the border illegally: prosecute every adult, including those crossing with kids. In April of 2018, then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/1049751/dl\">took the policy border-wide\u003c/a>, dubbing it “Zero Tolerance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having children does not give you immunity from arrest and prosecution,” Sessions \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/speech/attorney-general-sessions-addresses-recent-criticisms-zero-tolerance-church-leaders#:~:text=That%20is%20what%20the%20law,to%20jail%20with%20their%20parents.\">later said\u003c/a> of the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11797878]Now, when families were apprehended at the border, federal agents began sending children and their parents or guardians to separate holding facilities. A 14-year-old boy and his older sister, who had raised him, crossed the border into Texas, where they surrendered to the Border Patrol. “On the third day, they took me out of my cage and said I would be separated from my sister, but they didn’t tell me where I was going,” the boy later \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/07/11/written-testimony-kids-cages-inhumane-treatment-border\">told a visitor from Human Rights Watch\u003c/a>. “I don’t understand why they separated us. They didn’t give me a chance to say goodbye.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three months after Zero Tolerance was formally implemented, the Trump administration began touting a dip in illegal border crossings but did not mention it was a small dip, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/article/2018/jul/19/did-zero-tolerance-policy-reduce-illegal-immigrati/\">typical for that time of year\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, border-area prosecutors complained that their dockets were overwhelmed by all the misdemeanor immigration cases and that people accused of serious crimes were \u003ca href=\"https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/reports/21-028_0.pdf\">slipping through the cracks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was an even more problematic consequence of Zero Tolerance: the massive number of children who were suddenly in the care of the federal government. Children went to holding pens — many of them \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/19/621065383/what-we-know-family-separation-and-zero-tolerance-at-the-border\">tents\u003c/a> erected for the purpose — while they waited to be placed in shelters or foster homes. Over 40% of those detention centers were located in California, Arizona and Texas. Humanitarian workers reported that federal authorities were not prepared to care for them, so older children took care of younger ones and illnesses went untreated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the government lost track of which children belonged to which parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11899567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11899567\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ap_19276669107972-4157dfa405bb5b5b5ae1512bc469aa8dc930c533-e1639768153780.jpg\" alt=\"Children walk in a line past barricades toward a large white tent.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrant youth line up to enter a tent at the Homestead Temporary Shelter for Unaccompanied Children in Homestead, Florida., in Feb. 2019. The American Civil Liberties Union and other attorneys filed a lawsuit in October 2019, on behalf of thousands of families separated at the U.S.-Mexico border. \u003ccite>(Wilfredo Lee/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caseworkers and therapists asked traumatized kids who they came with, while immigration lawyers tried to calm hysterical parents who had no idea where authorities had taken their children. Many kids panicked, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/children-separated-from-parents-border-patrol-cbp-trump-immigration-policy\">crying endlessly\u003c/a>, or went catatonic. In one case, after Border Patrol agents forcibly removed a Honduran father’s 3-year-old son from his hands, the man became so agitated he had to be moved to a Texas jail, where he \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/a-family-was-separated-at-the-border-and-this-distraught-father-took-his-own-life/2018/06/08/24e40b70-6b5d-11e8-9e38-24e693b38637_story.html\">strangled himself to death\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU filed its class-action lawsuit on behalf of these families, \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/ms-l-v-ice\">Ms. L v. ICE\u003c/a>\u003c/em>, in February of 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June of that year, under growing public pressure, Trump ordered an end to family separations without revoking Zero Tolerance. Separations slowed but didn’t stop. By the time Trump left office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11782685/new-tally-totals-over-5500-kids-taken-from-parents-at-the-border\">well over 5,000 children\u003c/a> had been taken from their families. While many had been reunited by then, some parents had been deported, leaving their children in the United States with other family members or in foster care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December of 2023, the Biden administration settled the ACLU’s lawsuit by agreeing to aid in the reunification of separated families and to provide a pathway for their claims to asylum, including access to work permits, various forms of support and a three-year legal status called humanitarian parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before approving the settlement, federal judge Dana Sabraw, of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California in San Diego, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/12/08/separation-families-border-ruling-00130938\">said\u003c/a> family separation “represents one of the most shameful chapters in the history of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Out of the frying pan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The ACLU’s Gelernt said there could be as many as 1,000 children still separated from their parents or guardians. Those families have been identified using the sparse records kept by the Trump administration during Zero Tolerance, which often yield little more than a name. The government and a coalition of nonprofit advocacy organizations have not been able to find them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11843100]Lesly Tayes, an attorney in Guatemala, has been working to track down separated parents by combing through Guatemalan government records for information on their possible whereabouts. When she finds them, often in rural indigenous communities, she helps them travel to the Guatemalan capital to formally regain custody of their kids. But some parents Tayes worked with had never been to a city in their lives. “I had to support them with transportation or hotels,” she said. “Many of them didn’t even speak Spanish.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents who want to join their children in the U.S. and seek asylum often need help removing bureaucratic obstacles first; a sibling may need a passport for the journey or a legal guardian proof of their relationship with the child from whom they were separated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even after families are together again in the United States, their struggle is hardly over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alfonso Mercado, a psychologist in Texas’ Rio Grande Valley, has spent the last several years conducting clinical research and consulting as an expert witness in family separation cases at the border. “There was trauma everywhere,” he said. “These children were experiencing difficulties integrating into an environment that abused them,” by which he meant the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joanna Dreby, a sociologist at the State University of New York at Albany who has studied the impact of immigration policies on families for the past two decades, said that even after separated families are reunited, parents and children can struggle to repair their relationships. In some cases, children who were separated when very young are reunited with parents they don’t remember.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids might be like, ‘Why did they even go? Why did they do that? It led to this mess,’” Dreby said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11843880]The \u003cem>Ms. L\u003c/em> settlement agreement promises that, once reunified in the United States, families will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/press-releases/court-approves-historic-settlement-in-aclus-family-separation-lawsuit\">supported\u003c/a> with mental health and other medical care, housing and legal assistance and the ability to apply for work permits. But advocates say these resources have fallen short of what’s needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The increase in mental health services for this population is still very scarce and very limited,” Mercado said. “There’s no continuity of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the U.S., families face an avalanche of urgent problems. Tayes said parents and guardians often wait months to get authorization to work. “Some of them were struggling with food, housing. It wasn’t easy for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hanging over these families is the specter of another deportation. According to the ACLU, the 2023 court settlement should supersede any immigration-related orders from the Trump administration. But the agreement doesn’t guarantee asylum, and the application process can be difficult to navigate, even with the help of an attorney. Non-governmental organizations serving Ms L. class members say they have struggled to provide pro bono legal help, especially after family separations were no longer a front-page issue and funding sources dried up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question of legal status can be complicated by the fact that members of separated families are often pursuing separate immigration cases. Children’s asylum claims, for example, were often filed after the initial separation, when the government designated them as “unaccompanied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [parents] lose their asylum cases,” Gelernt said, “then they’re going to be in real trouble of being removed and/or re-separated from their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Separations continue\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In settling \u003cem>Ms. L\u003c/em>, the federal government agreed to halt further family separation at the border through 2031, though there are exceptions that have allowed \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/october-2024-monthly-report-on-separated-children.pdf\">hundreds more separations\u003c/a> since the settlement went into effect. For example, parents and children crossing the border illegally are still detained separately when the adults are deemed a national security or public safety risk, a danger to their children or if they’ve been charged with a felony other than crossing the border without authorization. However, the wording of the exceptions allows for broad interpretation. “You can basically run an 18-wheeler through them,” said one immigration law expert with knowledge of family separations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11877202\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11877202\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman protests family separations at the border as a coalition of activist groups and labor unions participate in a May Day march in Los Angeles for workers and human rights in 2021. \u003ccite>(David McNew/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Peña, whose organization ProBAR is a project of the American Bar Association, said cases in which border crossers are flagged for national security reasons are hard for attorneys like her to challenge because they often involve classified information. “The government can cite national security risk without revealing what information exactly is underlying that determination,” she said. “So it’s hard to determine the source of the risk and advocate for family reunification.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a parent is flagged under one of the exceptions, they often go into federal immigration custody while their child goes to a shelter operated by the Office of Refugee Resettlement. Many parents are later released from custody if they successfully fight their case, but because the government has become legally responsible for their children’s welfare, strict guidelines kick in for releasing them into the care of someone else — even their parents. As a result, it can take much longer to reunite a family than to separate them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement agreement mandates that families who are separated be given written notice of the reason. Agencies have to facilitate communication between parents and children, and if parents are being deported, they must be given the option to be deported with or without their children. But Peña said this doesn’t always happen: “There are certain rights that the parents have under this settlement agreement that they’re not going to know about if they don’t have a lawyer who is also educated on these.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gelernt said the ACLU is relying on organizations like Peña’s to report apparent patterns in immigration enforcement. Cases of parents being flagged under the exceptions could suddenly increase, for example, creating what, in effect, becomes a new separation policy. If that happens, Gelernt said, “We’d go back to court and say, it can’t be that four out of five parents all of a sudden are abusing their children, or four out of every five parents are a public safety threat to the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He thinks the Trump administration knows better than to try to renegotiate or oppose the settlement agreement or to reestablish a formal separation policy. “I’d be surprised if they do forcible separation again, given the outcry against it,” he said. “But I’ve been wrong before about where they’re willing to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The next chapter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Attorneys and immigrants’ rights advocates say it’s too early to tell how Trump’s spiking the task force, which has been a collaboration between the departments of Homeland Security, Health and Human Services, State, and Justice, will impact reunification efforts. The group’s main purpose in recent months has been to determine whether separated families were eligible for relief under the settlement agreement and to smooth the way for reunification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Ms. L\u003c/em> settlement agreement remains in effect, Gelernt said, so even without a task force, the Trump administration will have to do something to meet its requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House could not immediately be reached for comment as to whether the Trump administration intends to honor the court-ordered settlement. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS), which houses several federal agencies involved in immigration issues, did not respond to the same question by publication time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NGOs working with separated families said that, so far, the government appears to be meeting its obligations under the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/family-reunification-task-force\">the task force’s website\u003c/a> was updated to reflect the new secretaries of Homeland Security and the State Department, Kristi Noem and Marco Rubio, and to remove references to the Biden-Harris administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11907020]The settlement agreement stipulates that the federal website where separated families can register for relief, \u003ca href=\"http://together.gov/\">Together.gov\u003c/a>, has to stay up and that the registration process has to remain open until December 2026. Gelernt worries that potential class members may be afraid to come forward in the current enforcement climate but urges them to register: “Otherwise, they are very vulnerable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the dismantling of the task force is only symbolic, Gelernt sees it as a tactic to erase Zero Tolerance from the collective consciousness. “That they immediately eliminated the task force highlights the Trump administration’s failure to admit there was such a policy, much less acknowledge the brutal abuse it inflicted on little children,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even without a formal policy of family separation, sweeping changes to the bureaucracy — especially when they’re rushed — can get messy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peña worries that, as Trump’s orders take effect, there may not be clear guidance for immigration authorities on the ground. “Law enforcement agencies could really be looking at anybody who’s not a citizen and trying to figure out, ‘Okay, are they a priority or not?’” she said. “Because of the complexity, a lot of people who should not be on this priority list are going to get caught up in it. And that’s where we’re going to see mass family separations, potentially not just at the border, but across the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU believes they should be notified if class members are picked up for removal, but Gelernt acknowledges the government may hold a different view. DHS did not respond to questions about how it will handle those encounters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erika Pinheiro, executive director of Al Otro Lado, an organization that supports migrants on both the U.S. and Mexican sides of the border, said her office has been fielding calls from separated families asking how the new executive orders could affect them. “Unfortunately, we can tell them what we know, which isn’t much at this point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dreby, the sociologist, has observed that the mere threat of deportation and separation weighs heavily on immigrants, even those with legal status. “The ongoing anxiety is a really big deal,” she said, adding that cultural shifts can matter, as well as changes in policy. “When you have moments of really strong anti-immigrant rhetoric, the anxiety bubbles to the surface.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mercado put it more succinctly: “As a psychologist, I am very concerned about what’s to come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Gelernt and other legal advocates are confident that the \u003cem>Ms. L\u003c/em> settlement agreement, and their fight against Zero Tolerance during Trump’s first term, have prepared them for potential legal battles. “By the time we understood that it was systematic, it had already been happening for months and months,” Gelernt said of the original wave of family separations. “This time, I think everyone’s attuned to watching for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>February 13, 8:50 p.m. This story has been updated to reflect that “Protecting The American People Against Invasion” was not Trump’s second executive order; it was signed later in the same sitting. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>February 13, 5:30 p.m.: This story was updated to clarify that the Ms. L settlement agreement may not require the government to alert the ACLU when it detains a member of the settlement class. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n the first day of his second term, President Trump sat behind neat stacks of executive orders in the Oval Office and started signing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023109/3-california-members-jan-6-committee-pardoned-biden-trump-takes-office\">pardoned\u003c/a> the more than 1,500 “hostages,” as he called them, who’d been convicted or charged in connection with the Jan. 6 storming of the Capitol. He went on to sign a slew of immigration-related orders, including one titled “\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-american-people-against-invasion/\">Protecting The American People Against Invasion\u003c/a>,” which called for a dramatic surge in border enforcement and, among other things, the dissolution of the Family Reunification Task Force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force was born out of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964656/settlement-over-trump-family-separations-at-the-border-limits-future-separations-for-8-years\">federal settlement agreement\u003c/a>, reached in 2023 between the Biden administration and the American Civil Liberties Union after a yearslong lawsuit, that required the government to reunite thousands of families who were forcibly separated during Trump’s first term. The separations were part of the Trump administration’s “Zero Tolerance” immigration policy, a crackdown on illegal border crossings in 2018. As reports emerged of weeping children being taken from their parents’ arms and languishing behind chain-link fences, the policy drew global condemnation for its inhumane treatment of people seeking asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked by a reporter if he expected his new immigration orders to be challenged in the courts, Trump responded that he didn’t think they could be. “They’re very straight up,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration and civil rights attorneys who work with separated families disagree, saying the sweeping changes will test the strength of the federal settlement agreement, which also banned most separations for eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s broad focus on total enforcement of all immigration laws, without specifying who exactly the orders apply to, has the ACLU and immigrant advocates on alert for anything that resembles a new family separation policy or undermines the settlement. And they’re spring-loaded to fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be monitoring very closely to see whether the Trump administration faithfully applies the settlement,” said Lee Gelernt, the ACLU attorney who led the lawsuit. “And if they don’t, we’ll be back in court immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly seven years after Zero Tolerance, hundreds of children remain apart from their families. For the more than 3,000 families who have already been reunited and for thousands more making their way toward the border today, even a relatively minor or temporary policy change could jeopardize their claims for asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, [the administration is] trying to shut down the border again to all asylum seekers,” said Laura Peña, director of the South Texas Pro Bono Asylum Representation Project (ProBAR). “And that is going to affect children. It is going to affect families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about family separation under President Trump, then and now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘shameful chapter’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To understand how so many families ended up separated, you have to go back to pre-Trump America. Unauthorized entry to the U.S. is illegal, but for decades, adults who crossed the border illegally with their children, many of whom were fleeing violence and persecution in their home countries, were generally not prosecuted for that infraction alone. Instead, families would either be allowed to stay in the U.S. pending immigration rulings or be deported together. But things changed after Trump took office in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spring, the U.S. Border Patrol in El Paso, Texas, started toying with a new way to deter people from crossing the border illegally: prosecute every adult, including those crossing with kids. In April of 2018, then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/1049751/dl\">took the policy border-wide\u003c/a>, dubbing it “Zero Tolerance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having children does not give you immunity from arrest and prosecution,” Sessions \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/speech/attorney-general-sessions-addresses-recent-criticisms-zero-tolerance-church-leaders#:~:text=That%20is%20what%20the%20law,to%20jail%20with%20their%20parents.\">later said\u003c/a> of the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, when families were apprehended at the border, federal agents began sending children and their parents or guardians to separate holding facilities. A 14-year-old boy and his older sister, who had raised him, crossed the border into Texas, where they surrendered to the Border Patrol. “On the third day, they took me out of my cage and said I would be separated from my sister, but they didn’t tell me where I was going,” the boy later \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/07/11/written-testimony-kids-cages-inhumane-treatment-border\">told a visitor from Human Rights Watch\u003c/a>. “I don’t understand why they separated us. They didn’t give me a chance to say goodbye.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three months after Zero Tolerance was formally implemented, the Trump administration began touting a dip in illegal border crossings but did not mention it was a small dip, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/article/2018/jul/19/did-zero-tolerance-policy-reduce-illegal-immigrati/\">typical for that time of year\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, border-area prosecutors complained that their dockets were overwhelmed by all the misdemeanor immigration cases and that people accused of serious crimes were \u003ca href=\"https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/reports/21-028_0.pdf\">slipping through the cracks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was an even more problematic consequence of Zero Tolerance: the massive number of children who were suddenly in the care of the federal government. Children went to holding pens — many of them \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/19/621065383/what-we-know-family-separation-and-zero-tolerance-at-the-border\">tents\u003c/a> erected for the purpose — while they waited to be placed in shelters or foster homes. Over 40% of those detention centers were located in California, Arizona and Texas. Humanitarian workers reported that federal authorities were not prepared to care for them, so older children took care of younger ones and illnesses went untreated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the government lost track of which children belonged to which parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11899567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11899567\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/ap_19276669107972-4157dfa405bb5b5b5ae1512bc469aa8dc930c533-e1639768153780.jpg\" alt=\"Children walk in a line past barricades toward a large white tent.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrant youth line up to enter a tent at the Homestead Temporary Shelter for Unaccompanied Children in Homestead, Florida., in Feb. 2019. The American Civil Liberties Union and other attorneys filed a lawsuit in October 2019, on behalf of thousands of families separated at the U.S.-Mexico border. \u003ccite>(Wilfredo Lee/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caseworkers and therapists asked traumatized kids who they came with, while immigration lawyers tried to calm hysterical parents who had no idea where authorities had taken their children. Many kids panicked, \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/children-separated-from-parents-border-patrol-cbp-trump-immigration-policy\">crying endlessly\u003c/a>, or went catatonic. In one case, after Border Patrol agents forcibly removed a Honduran father’s 3-year-old son from his hands, the man became so agitated he had to be moved to a Texas jail, where he \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/a-family-was-separated-at-the-border-and-this-distraught-father-took-his-own-life/2018/06/08/24e40b70-6b5d-11e8-9e38-24e693b38637_story.html\">strangled himself to death\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU filed its class-action lawsuit on behalf of these families, \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/ms-l-v-ice\">Ms. L v. ICE\u003c/a>\u003c/em>, in February of 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June of that year, under growing public pressure, Trump ordered an end to family separations without revoking Zero Tolerance. Separations slowed but didn’t stop. By the time Trump left office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11782685/new-tally-totals-over-5500-kids-taken-from-parents-at-the-border\">well over 5,000 children\u003c/a> had been taken from their families. While many had been reunited by then, some parents had been deported, leaving their children in the United States with other family members or in foster care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December of 2023, the Biden administration settled the ACLU’s lawsuit by agreeing to aid in the reunification of separated families and to provide a pathway for their claims to asylum, including access to work permits, various forms of support and a three-year legal status called humanitarian parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before approving the settlement, federal judge Dana Sabraw, of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California in San Diego, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/12/08/separation-families-border-ruling-00130938\">said\u003c/a> family separation “represents one of the most shameful chapters in the history of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Out of the frying pan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The ACLU’s Gelernt said there could be as many as 1,000 children still separated from their parents or guardians. Those families have been identified using the sparse records kept by the Trump administration during Zero Tolerance, which often yield little more than a name. The government and a coalition of nonprofit advocacy organizations have not been able to find them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lesly Tayes, an attorney in Guatemala, has been working to track down separated parents by combing through Guatemalan government records for information on their possible whereabouts. When she finds them, often in rural indigenous communities, she helps them travel to the Guatemalan capital to formally regain custody of their kids. But some parents Tayes worked with had never been to a city in their lives. “I had to support them with transportation or hotels,” she said. “Many of them didn’t even speak Spanish.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents who want to join their children in the U.S. and seek asylum often need help removing bureaucratic obstacles first; a sibling may need a passport for the journey or a legal guardian proof of their relationship with the child from whom they were separated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even after families are together again in the United States, their struggle is hardly over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alfonso Mercado, a psychologist in Texas’ Rio Grande Valley, has spent the last several years conducting clinical research and consulting as an expert witness in family separation cases at the border. “There was trauma everywhere,” he said. “These children were experiencing difficulties integrating into an environment that abused them,” by which he meant the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joanna Dreby, a sociologist at the State University of New York at Albany who has studied the impact of immigration policies on families for the past two decades, said that even after separated families are reunited, parents and children can struggle to repair their relationships. In some cases, children who were separated when very young are reunited with parents they don’t remember.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids might be like, ‘Why did they even go? Why did they do that? It led to this mess,’” Dreby said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The \u003cem>Ms. L\u003c/em> settlement agreement promises that, once reunified in the United States, families will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/press-releases/court-approves-historic-settlement-in-aclus-family-separation-lawsuit\">supported\u003c/a> with mental health and other medical care, housing and legal assistance and the ability to apply for work permits. But advocates say these resources have fallen short of what’s needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The increase in mental health services for this population is still very scarce and very limited,” Mercado said. “There’s no continuity of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the U.S., families face an avalanche of urgent problems. Tayes said parents and guardians often wait months to get authorization to work. “Some of them were struggling with food, housing. It wasn’t easy for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hanging over these families is the specter of another deportation. According to the ACLU, the 2023 court settlement should supersede any immigration-related orders from the Trump administration. But the agreement doesn’t guarantee asylum, and the application process can be difficult to navigate, even with the help of an attorney. Non-governmental organizations serving Ms L. class members say they have struggled to provide pro bono legal help, especially after family separations were no longer a front-page issue and funding sources dried up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question of legal status can be complicated by the fact that members of separated families are often pursuing separate immigration cases. Children’s asylum claims, for example, were often filed after the initial separation, when the government designated them as “unaccompanied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [parents] lose their asylum cases,” Gelernt said, “then they’re going to be in real trouble of being removed and/or re-separated from their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Separations continue\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In settling \u003cem>Ms. L\u003c/em>, the federal government agreed to halt further family separation at the border through 2031, though there are exceptions that have allowed \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/october-2024-monthly-report-on-separated-children.pdf\">hundreds more separations\u003c/a> since the settlement went into effect. For example, parents and children crossing the border illegally are still detained separately when the adults are deemed a national security or public safety risk, a danger to their children or if they’ve been charged with a felony other than crossing the border without authorization. However, the wording of the exceptions allows for broad interpretation. “You can basically run an 18-wheeler through them,” said one immigration law expert with knowledge of family separations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11877202\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11877202\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/GettyImages-1232636077-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman protests family separations at the border as a coalition of activist groups and labor unions participate in a May Day march in Los Angeles for workers and human rights in 2021. \u003ccite>(David McNew/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Peña, whose organization ProBAR is a project of the American Bar Association, said cases in which border crossers are flagged for national security reasons are hard for attorneys like her to challenge because they often involve classified information. “The government can cite national security risk without revealing what information exactly is underlying that determination,” she said. “So it’s hard to determine the source of the risk and advocate for family reunification.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a parent is flagged under one of the exceptions, they often go into federal immigration custody while their child goes to a shelter operated by the Office of Refugee Resettlement. Many parents are later released from custody if they successfully fight their case, but because the government has become legally responsible for their children’s welfare, strict guidelines kick in for releasing them into the care of someone else — even their parents. As a result, it can take much longer to reunite a family than to separate them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement agreement mandates that families who are separated be given written notice of the reason. Agencies have to facilitate communication between parents and children, and if parents are being deported, they must be given the option to be deported with or without their children. But Peña said this doesn’t always happen: “There are certain rights that the parents have under this settlement agreement that they’re not going to know about if they don’t have a lawyer who is also educated on these.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gelernt said the ACLU is relying on organizations like Peña’s to report apparent patterns in immigration enforcement. Cases of parents being flagged under the exceptions could suddenly increase, for example, creating what, in effect, becomes a new separation policy. If that happens, Gelernt said, “We’d go back to court and say, it can’t be that four out of five parents all of a sudden are abusing their children, or four out of every five parents are a public safety threat to the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He thinks the Trump administration knows better than to try to renegotiate or oppose the settlement agreement or to reestablish a formal separation policy. “I’d be surprised if they do forcible separation again, given the outcry against it,” he said. “But I’ve been wrong before about where they’re willing to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The next chapter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Attorneys and immigrants’ rights advocates say it’s too early to tell how Trump’s spiking the task force, which has been a collaboration between the departments of Homeland Security, Health and Human Services, State, and Justice, will impact reunification efforts. The group’s main purpose in recent months has been to determine whether separated families were eligible for relief under the settlement agreement and to smooth the way for reunification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Ms. L\u003c/em> settlement agreement remains in effect, Gelernt said, so even without a task force, the Trump administration will have to do something to meet its requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House could not immediately be reached for comment as to whether the Trump administration intends to honor the court-ordered settlement. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS), which houses several federal agencies involved in immigration issues, did not respond to the same question by publication time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NGOs working with separated families said that, so far, the government appears to be meeting its obligations under the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/family-reunification-task-force\">the task force’s website\u003c/a> was updated to reflect the new secretaries of Homeland Security and the State Department, Kristi Noem and Marco Rubio, and to remove references to the Biden-Harris administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The settlement agreement stipulates that the federal website where separated families can register for relief, \u003ca href=\"http://together.gov/\">Together.gov\u003c/a>, has to stay up and that the registration process has to remain open until December 2026. Gelernt worries that potential class members may be afraid to come forward in the current enforcement climate but urges them to register: “Otherwise, they are very vulnerable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the dismantling of the task force is only symbolic, Gelernt sees it as a tactic to erase Zero Tolerance from the collective consciousness. “That they immediately eliminated the task force highlights the Trump administration’s failure to admit there was such a policy, much less acknowledge the brutal abuse it inflicted on little children,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even without a formal policy of family separation, sweeping changes to the bureaucracy — especially when they’re rushed — can get messy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peña worries that, as Trump’s orders take effect, there may not be clear guidance for immigration authorities on the ground. “Law enforcement agencies could really be looking at anybody who’s not a citizen and trying to figure out, ‘Okay, are they a priority or not?’” she said. “Because of the complexity, a lot of people who should not be on this priority list are going to get caught up in it. And that’s where we’re going to see mass family separations, potentially not just at the border, but across the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU believes they should be notified if class members are picked up for removal, but Gelernt acknowledges the government may hold a different view. DHS did not respond to questions about how it will handle those encounters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erika Pinheiro, executive director of Al Otro Lado, an organization that supports migrants on both the U.S. and Mexican sides of the border, said her office has been fielding calls from separated families asking how the new executive orders could affect them. “Unfortunately, we can tell them what we know, which isn’t much at this point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dreby, the sociologist, has observed that the mere threat of deportation and separation weighs heavily on immigrants, even those with legal status. “The ongoing anxiety is a really big deal,” she said, adding that cultural shifts can matter, as well as changes in policy. “When you have moments of really strong anti-immigrant rhetoric, the anxiety bubbles to the surface.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mercado put it more succinctly: “As a psychologist, I am very concerned about what’s to come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Gelernt and other legal advocates are confident that the \u003cem>Ms. L\u003c/em> settlement agreement, and their fight against Zero Tolerance during Trump’s first term, have prepared them for potential legal battles. “By the time we understood that it was systematic, it had already been happening for months and months,” Gelernt said of the original wave of family separations. “This time, I think everyone’s attuned to watching for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>February 13, 8:50 p.m. This story has been updated to reflect that “Protecting The American People Against Invasion” was not Trump’s second executive order; it was signed later in the same sitting. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>February 13, 5:30 p.m.: This story was updated to clarify that the Ms. L settlement agreement may not require the government to alert the ACLU when it detains a member of the settlement class. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"order": 1
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
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