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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, KQED labor correspondent Farida Jhabvala Romero breaks down Prop. 32, which would raise the statewide minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1869781659&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:03] So I was at the grocery store the other day, and I couldn’t believe my eyes when I saw that the jar of mayo that I needed to get was….wait for it…$9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:17] You are not imagining it. Food prices, among other things, are getting more expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:22] And as you know, California is already an expensive state to live in. So when you add up rent, gas, and groceries, things get real, real fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:35] Prop 32 proposes one way to help Californians keep up with the rising cost of everyday life by raising the state’s minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:47] But some worry doing this will only make things more expensive than they already are. And when it comes to fights about the minimum wage, we’ve heard that argument before. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:02] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Welcome to Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious where we help you get smart on all the statewide propositions on your ballot this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:13] The push for livable wages in California is not new, and it’s usually driven by workers and labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:22] But the effort to get prop 32 on the ballot has a much more unusual beginning. We’ll get into that and more on prop 32 right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:39] Today we’re diving deep into prop 32. The minimum wage increase. Here’s how it’ll look on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:01:48] Prop 32 raises minimum wage as follows. For employers with 26 or more employees to $17 immediately $18 on January 1st, 2025 for employers with 25 or fewer employees to $17 on January 1st, 2025. $18 on January 1st, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:12] Today, we hit up KQED labor correspondent for Farida Jhabvala Romero to help us understand what prop 32 is all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:22] Farida, California, I feel like, is no stranger to fights around raising the minimum wage. We’ve kind of seen these debates before, but remind us what exactly those debates have look like over the years and where we stand right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:02:38] Well, we know that over the last decade, the state’s minimum wage has doubled from $8 an hour to 16, which is what we have now. The last big jump came through a bill approved by the legislature and signed by then governor Jerry Brown in 2016. Another thing is that we’ve passed state laws that increase the minimum wage for some industries, like fast food. So now half a million fast food workers in the state are making at least $20 an hour since April. Dozens of local cities and counties have also passed their own higher minimum wage. In L.A., it’s $17.28. In San Francisco, it’s more than $18 an hour. And then in Emeryville, here in the Bay area, it has one of the highest wage floors in the country, actually, at $19.36 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:41] So, I mean, Farida, we know that a lot of folks have pushed to raise the minimum wage in California. Like unions in particular, many Democratic lawmakers, the governor as well. But how did prop 32 get on the ballot? Did it come from the same groups who’ve been pushing for this in the past?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:03] Well, prop 32 has a sort of unusual story because the main financial backer for it is a guy called Joe Sanberg, who grew up in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:15] When you raise wages for your workers, they do better for your company. They have more money to spend in their communities, which creates more economic prosperity for local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:25] He’s an investor and also an anti-poverty advocate. He spent more than $10 million of his own money to help this measure qualify for the ballot. He says he’s not making any money out of this ad, that he wants to use his resources to help fellow Californians because of his own experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:44] I grew up in working class family. My mom raised me by herself. We lost our home to foreclosure when I was a teenager. I saw firsthand how hard it is for a single mom to raise kids in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:56] The main supporters intended to qualify for the ballot in 2022, but they missed a key deadline, and so it was basically delayed for voters to this election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:10] Can you break down just a little bit more exactly for you to what proposition 32 would do? Because as you said, the the statewide minimum wage is $16 an hour, but it’s also higher in some cities in certain industries. So what kind of change would prop 32 make exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:05:29] Yeah. So prop 32 would not impact the higher minimum wages set by cities, counties or the industry specific, minimum wages that the state has approved for fast food or the health care industry. What it would do is it would raise the minimum wage to at least $18 an hour. By 2026, bigger businesses with more than 25 employees would have to do it faster by 2025, and that employers with 25 or fewer workers would start paying $17 an hour next year, and then 18 in 2026. And then from then on, the minimum wage would adjust annually tied to inflation. So those are smaller increases that are expected. And then it’s important to note that the minimum wage in the state is already set to keep going up. And without this proposition passing, it will likely be around $17 an hour in 2026, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office. The backers of prop 32 estimate that around 2 million people would directly benefit from the race, especially outside big metro areas. You know, like outside the San Francisco Bay area around L.A., San Diego. And we’re talking about the lowest paid workers in the state. So those are often cashiers, retail salespeople, farm workers, home health and personal personal care aides and other workers. The workers that we’re talking about live mostly in the Central Valley and other rural areas of the state, in the northern part of the state. And that’s actually something that proponents point out is that these are workers that are also often not unionized. So they, you know, they really need this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:30] And Farida, who is lining up behind prop 32 and really coming out in support of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:07:37] So supporters include some some unions. One of them is Unite Here local 11. They represent thousands of workers in hotels, sports arenas, restaurants. Then there’s the Service Employees International Union, which has many large unions in California, and they’ve endorsed prop 32. You know, they represent people who would definitely benefit from this. And then the other big supporter is One Fair Wage, which is a group that advocates for employers to pay a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:09] I know so many workers who work in restaurants in San Francisco and live in Tracy in Stockton, and they go home once a week. They live in their cars during the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:17] Saru Jayaraman directs One Fair Wage. I mean, they make the basic argument that this is a critical time, because we already know that $16 an hour is not enough to afford the basics in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:36] I think the initiative Is critical because the legislature this time has not acted the way it should have. It should have passed a higher minimum wage already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:45] And so they see this proposition as a critical first step. She feels like there hasn’t been more mobilization, you know, and noise from unions, on this in part because many of the workers who directly benefit are not unionized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:09:03] The overwhelming majority of minimum wage workers rely on the legislature to give them a raise. And when they don’t get it to the legislature, the only mechanism they then have is at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:15] But, you know, other proponents like Joe Sanberg, the main financial backer for prop 32, also told me that it would have been impossible to qualify the measure for the ballot without union volunteers and without union support. Now that we just have weeks before the election, the coalition of proponents will be more active.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:42] And who’s coming out on the no side on this, Frida. And what’s the argument there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:48] Opponents are mostly business groups. We’re talking about the California Restaurant Association, the California Chamber of Commerce. Some of the arguments against prop 32 are very similar to those against the fast food minimum wage I was telling you about when that was being considered. And it’s basically that, you know, employers will need to cut work hours and jobs or raise prices to be able to afford the higher payroll costs. And they say it’s bad timing also because Californians are already, reeling from a super high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:32] $2 doesn’t sound like a lot, but when you factor that over thousands of employees, it gets to be a big amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:39] I spoke with Ron Fong, who’s president and CEO of the California Grocers Association. They represent large chains like Whole Foods and Costco and then a lot smaller, you know, grocery retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:52] Especially for grocery stores. Grocery stores operate on a very low, net margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:58] And he says this proposition will likely make these businesses increase prices because it would affect their bottom line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] The only way we can recapture that is by raising prices. And, you know, that’s been proven time and time again is the number one concern amongst, you know, U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:18] And, I mean, we’ve heard that argument before, right, Farida? I mean, it’s a it’s a pretty common one when it comes to debates around, raising wages for workers. But what do we actually know about. that and whether or not it’s it’s true — and that actually does happen when wages for workers are increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:11:41] So I spoke with a couple of economists who do research on minimum wage and follow these debates. They told me that minimum wage increases to the levels that we’ve had so far, you know, which are gradual, relatively small increases. They don’t really have a big impact on jobs. So they’re not the big job killers that, business groups, sometimes, you know, fear. Also, they have a very small impact on prices. You know, one of the impacts might be that the prices end up going, higher, but it’s a relatively small increase as well. California, you know, is the first state to implement a minimum wage for fast food workers of $20 an hour. And so that’s been in effect since April. So we’ve had a couple of months of some data on jobs. You know, a lot of people have a lot of complaints, you know, a lot of business owners saying that they’ve had to work, cut work hours, or cut jobs in and raise some prices. But if you look at the overall data and talk to economists, they’ll tell you, that they haven’t seen a huge impact yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:55] Let’s talk about the money being spent on the yes and no sides here. Frida. Has there been much campaign spending on either side of this proposition?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:13:06] So most of the campaign spending was done to qualify the measure for the ballot. And so that was, you know, before because like I was telling you, there were aiming to put that in the 2022 election ballot. There’s the Working Hero Action for the Living Wage Act, which has reported contributions of almost $11 million, and that’s, backed mostly by Joe Sanberg. Then there’s the Kevin De Leon believing in a better California ballot measure committee, and they’ve, reported contributions of almost $600,000. And then in the opposition side, there’s Californians Against Job Losses and Higher Prices. No, on prop 32. They, have reported contributions of $65,000. I spoke with Joe Sanberg recently and he said there’s going to be a lot more movement now, especially to try to convince younger voters who are more likely to support this proposition. There was a recent Public Policy Institute of California survey that showed likely voters were really divided on prop 32, with just 50% saying they would support it. But their biggest levels of support came among renters and then people making less than $40,000 a year, and also younger voters. Joe Sandberg believes that, you know, with Vice President Kamala Harris entering the race for the white House, that that will attract a lot more voters to the ballot box. And, they will support this proposition. But we’ll we’ll see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:59] Well, for you to thank you so much for breaking this down for us. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:15:02] Thank you. Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:15:08] In summary, a vote yes on prop 32 would raise the state minimum wage floor to $18 an hour in 2026. After that, it would go up each year based on how fast prices are rising. A vote no means the state minimum wage would likely be at $17 an hour in 2026, and would go up based on prices after that. And that’s it for proposition 32. If this episode helped you out, do me a favor and tell just one friend about Prop Fest because good friends help their friends vote smart. Just send them to kqed.org/prop fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:15:59] Prop Fest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious Podcasts. It’s produced by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Ericka Cruz Guevara, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana de Almeida Amaral and me, Olivia Ellen Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:14] We get extra support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:16:20] Our show is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. If you value podcasts like this one, please consider becoming a sustaining member of KQED. Learn more at KQED.org/Donate. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:34] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on proposition 33, which asks, Should California remove statewide rent control limits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:16:46] We’ll talk to you then.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, KQED labor correspondent Farida Jhabvala Romero breaks down Prop. 32, which would raise the statewide minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1869781659&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:03] So I was at the grocery store the other day, and I couldn’t believe my eyes when I saw that the jar of mayo that I needed to get was….wait for it…$9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:17] You are not imagining it. Food prices, among other things, are getting more expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:22] And as you know, California is already an expensive state to live in. So when you add up rent, gas, and groceries, things get real, real fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:35] Prop 32 proposes one way to help Californians keep up with the rising cost of everyday life by raising the state’s minimum wage to $18 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:47] But some worry doing this will only make things more expensive than they already are. And when it comes to fights about the minimum wage, we’ve heard that argument before. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:02] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Welcome to Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious where we help you get smart on all the statewide propositions on your ballot this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:13] The push for livable wages in California is not new, and it’s usually driven by workers and labor unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:22] But the effort to get prop 32 on the ballot has a much more unusual beginning. We’ll get into that and more on prop 32 right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:39] Today we’re diving deep into prop 32. The minimum wage increase. Here’s how it’ll look on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:01:48] Prop 32 raises minimum wage as follows. For employers with 26 or more employees to $17 immediately $18 on January 1st, 2025 for employers with 25 or fewer employees to $17 on January 1st, 2025. $18 on January 1st, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:12] Today, we hit up KQED labor correspondent for Farida Jhabvala Romero to help us understand what prop 32 is all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:22] Farida, California, I feel like, is no stranger to fights around raising the minimum wage. We’ve kind of seen these debates before, but remind us what exactly those debates have look like over the years and where we stand right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:02:38] Well, we know that over the last decade, the state’s minimum wage has doubled from $8 an hour to 16, which is what we have now. The last big jump came through a bill approved by the legislature and signed by then governor Jerry Brown in 2016. Another thing is that we’ve passed state laws that increase the minimum wage for some industries, like fast food. So now half a million fast food workers in the state are making at least $20 an hour since April. Dozens of local cities and counties have also passed their own higher minimum wage. In L.A., it’s $17.28. In San Francisco, it’s more than $18 an hour. And then in Emeryville, here in the Bay area, it has one of the highest wage floors in the country, actually, at $19.36 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:41] So, I mean, Farida, we know that a lot of folks have pushed to raise the minimum wage in California. Like unions in particular, many Democratic lawmakers, the governor as well. But how did prop 32 get on the ballot? Did it come from the same groups who’ve been pushing for this in the past?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:03] Well, prop 32 has a sort of unusual story because the main financial backer for it is a guy called Joe Sanberg, who grew up in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:15] When you raise wages for your workers, they do better for your company. They have more money to spend in their communities, which creates more economic prosperity for local communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:25] He’s an investor and also an anti-poverty advocate. He spent more than $10 million of his own money to help this measure qualify for the ballot. He says he’s not making any money out of this ad, that he wants to use his resources to help fellow Californians because of his own experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Joe Sanberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:44] I grew up in working class family. My mom raised me by herself. We lost our home to foreclosure when I was a teenager. I saw firsthand how hard it is for a single mom to raise kids in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:04:56] The main supporters intended to qualify for the ballot in 2022, but they missed a key deadline, and so it was basically delayed for voters to this election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:10] Can you break down just a little bit more exactly for you to what proposition 32 would do? Because as you said, the the statewide minimum wage is $16 an hour, but it’s also higher in some cities in certain industries. So what kind of change would prop 32 make exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:05:29] Yeah. So prop 32 would not impact the higher minimum wages set by cities, counties or the industry specific, minimum wages that the state has approved for fast food or the health care industry. What it would do is it would raise the minimum wage to at least $18 an hour. By 2026, bigger businesses with more than 25 employees would have to do it faster by 2025, and that employers with 25 or fewer workers would start paying $17 an hour next year, and then 18 in 2026. And then from then on, the minimum wage would adjust annually tied to inflation. So those are smaller increases that are expected. And then it’s important to note that the minimum wage in the state is already set to keep going up. And without this proposition passing, it will likely be around $17 an hour in 2026, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office. The backers of prop 32 estimate that around 2 million people would directly benefit from the race, especially outside big metro areas. You know, like outside the San Francisco Bay area around L.A., San Diego. And we’re talking about the lowest paid workers in the state. So those are often cashiers, retail salespeople, farm workers, home health and personal personal care aides and other workers. The workers that we’re talking about live mostly in the Central Valley and other rural areas of the state, in the northern part of the state. And that’s actually something that proponents point out is that these are workers that are also often not unionized. So they, you know, they really need this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:30] And Farida, who is lining up behind prop 32 and really coming out in support of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:07:37] So supporters include some some unions. One of them is Unite Here local 11. They represent thousands of workers in hotels, sports arenas, restaurants. Then there’s the Service Employees International Union, which has many large unions in California, and they’ve endorsed prop 32. You know, they represent people who would definitely benefit from this. And then the other big supporter is One Fair Wage, which is a group that advocates for employers to pay a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:09] I know so many workers who work in restaurants in San Francisco and live in Tracy in Stockton, and they go home once a week. They live in their cars during the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:17] Saru Jayaraman directs One Fair Wage. I mean, they make the basic argument that this is a critical time, because we already know that $16 an hour is not enough to afford the basics in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:08:36] I think the initiative Is critical because the legislature this time has not acted the way it should have. It should have passed a higher minimum wage already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:08:45] And so they see this proposition as a critical first step. She feels like there hasn’t been more mobilization, you know, and noise from unions, on this in part because many of the workers who directly benefit are not unionized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Saru Jayaraman \u003c/strong>[00:09:03] The overwhelming majority of minimum wage workers rely on the legislature to give them a raise. And when they don’t get it to the legislature, the only mechanism they then have is at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:15] But, you know, other proponents like Joe Sanberg, the main financial backer for prop 32, also told me that it would have been impossible to qualify the measure for the ballot without union volunteers and without union support. Now that we just have weeks before the election, the coalition of proponents will be more active.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:42] And who’s coming out on the no side on this, Frida. And what’s the argument there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:09:48] Opponents are mostly business groups. We’re talking about the California Restaurant Association, the California Chamber of Commerce. Some of the arguments against prop 32 are very similar to those against the fast food minimum wage I was telling you about when that was being considered. And it’s basically that, you know, employers will need to cut work hours and jobs or raise prices to be able to afford the higher payroll costs. And they say it’s bad timing also because Californians are already, reeling from a super high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:32] $2 doesn’t sound like a lot, but when you factor that over thousands of employees, it gets to be a big amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:39] I spoke with Ron Fong, who’s president and CEO of the California Grocers Association. They represent large chains like Whole Foods and Costco and then a lot smaller, you know, grocery retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:10:52] Especially for grocery stores. Grocery stores operate on a very low, net margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:10:58] And he says this proposition will likely make these businesses increase prices because it would affect their bottom line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ron Fong \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] The only way we can recapture that is by raising prices. And, you know, that’s been proven time and time again is the number one concern amongst, you know, U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:18] And, I mean, we’ve heard that argument before, right, Farida? I mean, it’s a it’s a pretty common one when it comes to debates around, raising wages for workers. But what do we actually know about. that and whether or not it’s it’s true — and that actually does happen when wages for workers are increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:11:41] So I spoke with a couple of economists who do research on minimum wage and follow these debates. They told me that minimum wage increases to the levels that we’ve had so far, you know, which are gradual, relatively small increases. They don’t really have a big impact on jobs. So they’re not the big job killers that, business groups, sometimes, you know, fear. Also, they have a very small impact on prices. You know, one of the impacts might be that the prices end up going, higher, but it’s a relatively small increase as well. California, you know, is the first state to implement a minimum wage for fast food workers of $20 an hour. And so that’s been in effect since April. So we’ve had a couple of months of some data on jobs. You know, a lot of people have a lot of complaints, you know, a lot of business owners saying that they’ve had to work, cut work hours, or cut jobs in and raise some prices. But if you look at the overall data and talk to economists, they’ll tell you, that they haven’t seen a huge impact yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:55] Let’s talk about the money being spent on the yes and no sides here. Frida. Has there been much campaign spending on either side of this proposition?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:13:06] So most of the campaign spending was done to qualify the measure for the ballot. And so that was, you know, before because like I was telling you, there were aiming to put that in the 2022 election ballot. There’s the Working Hero Action for the Living Wage Act, which has reported contributions of almost $11 million, and that’s, backed mostly by Joe Sanberg. Then there’s the Kevin De Leon believing in a better California ballot measure committee, and they’ve, reported contributions of almost $600,000. And then in the opposition side, there’s Californians Against Job Losses and Higher Prices. No, on prop 32. They, have reported contributions of $65,000. I spoke with Joe Sanberg recently and he said there’s going to be a lot more movement now, especially to try to convince younger voters who are more likely to support this proposition. There was a recent Public Policy Institute of California survey that showed likely voters were really divided on prop 32, with just 50% saying they would support it. But their biggest levels of support came among renters and then people making less than $40,000 a year, and also younger voters. Joe Sandberg believes that, you know, with Vice President Kamala Harris entering the race for the white House, that that will attract a lot more voters to the ballot box. And, they will support this proposition. But we’ll we’ll see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:59] Well, for you to thank you so much for breaking this down for us. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Farida Jhabvala Romero \u003c/strong>[00:15:02] Thank you. Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:15:08] In summary, a vote yes on prop 32 would raise the state minimum wage floor to $18 an hour in 2026. After that, it would go up each year based on how fast prices are rising. A vote no means the state minimum wage would likely be at $17 an hour in 2026, and would go up based on prices after that. And that’s it for proposition 32. If this episode helped you out, do me a favor and tell just one friend about Prop Fest because good friends help their friends vote smart. Just send them to kqed.org/prop fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:15:59] Prop Fest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious Podcasts. It’s produced by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Ericka Cruz Guevara, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana de Almeida Amaral and me, Olivia Ellen Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:14] We get extra support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:16:20] Our show is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. If you value podcasts like this one, please consider becoming a sustaining member of KQED. Learn more at KQED.org/Donate. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:16:34] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on proposition 33, which asks, Should California remove statewide rent control limits?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:16:46] We’ll talk to you then.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Striking Antioch Georgia-Pacific Plant Workers Describe 'Unsafe' Conditions",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jacob San Miguel said he had frequent nosebleeds from working 12-hour shifts in clouds of fiberglass dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His coworker, Jimmie Arnold III, went to the emergency room several times after waking up at night struggling to breathe. He said it was because air contaminants on the job activated his asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are among the roughly 100 workers striking over wages and safety concerns at a drywall manufacturing plant in Antioch owned by Georgia-Pacific, one of the world’s top manufacturers of paper, tissue and building products. Employees interviewed by KQED said the company has failed to fix health hazards at the facility, ignoring worker complaints for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific is owned by Koch Industries, the second-largest private company in the U.S., according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/lists/largest-private-companies/#:~:text=RANK,14\">\u003cem>Forbes\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Koch Industries has an estimated annual revenue of about $125 billion. The employees at the Antioch plant said they often had difficulty breathing, chronic coughs and severe lightheadedness, including from the smell of known carcinogens and other chemicals hanging thick in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, most of them in their 20s, said insufficient ventilation at the Minaker Road facility causes them to routinely inhale fiberglass dust, formaldehyde and other toxins released from materials used to make drywall, which is also known as gypsum. They worry about long-term exposure to chemicals such as formaldehyde, which has been linked to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/cancer/risk-prevention/chemicals/formaldehyde.html#:~:text=The%20US%20Occupational%20Safety%20and,only%20occur%20over%2015%20minutes.\">throat cancers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“By the end of your shift, you can barely breathe through your nose,” said Fernando Tapia, 21, who works at the start of the drywall line. “Your nose is clogged up. You are constantly coughing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and other workers said ventilation fans at the facility are often broken or nonexistent, while machines constantly kick up dust and worsen the indoor air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fan that we have, they barely fixed it like a couple of weeks ago. But realistically, it’s not circulating any fresh air inside,” Tapia said while coworkers stood behind him at the picket line last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company provides surgical masks that don’t filter tiny particles or N95 masks that quickly clog up, they said. Both kinds of masks are also hard to wear while doing strenuous physical labor with goggles on, so some prefer not to wear the masks at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005845\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Employee Jacob San Miguel (right) speaks with fellow members of the International Longshore & Warehouse Workers Union Local 6 (ILWU) during a strike at the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California law mandates employers to monitor for fibrous glass, formaldehyde and other airborne contaminants if it’s reasonable to suspect employees are exposed to concentrations higher than \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/5155.html\">permissible levels\u003c/a>. If so, businesses must take steps to reduce and prevent workers’ exposure to those chemicals, preferably through local exhaust ventilation, which is considered more efficient than masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Georgia-Pacific, which has more than 30,000 employees at 150 facilities in the U.S., declined to provide information on air monitoring at the Antioch Gypsum plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Georgia-Pacific works to act with proper regard for the rights of others, especially regarding safety and the environment, and we fully comply with all local, state, and federal laws and regulations,” Nicole Linton, external communications manager for the company, said in a statement. “Safety is our company’s top priority. We strive for continuous improvement in our key safety processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Georgia-Pacific facilities across the U.S. have been cited for dozens of violations, most of which are considered serious, according to Occupational Safety and Health Administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.search?establishment=Georgia%20Pacific&state=all&officetype=all&office=all&sitezip=100000&startmonth=09&startday=24&startyear=2014&endmonth=09&endday=24&endyear=2019&p_case=all&p_start=20&p_finish=40&p_sort=12&p_desc=DESC&p_direction=Prev&p_show=20&p_violations_exist=yes\">records\u003c/a>. At least three employees have died on the job after falling 85 feet, getting sucked into machinery and drowning in a pulper tub. Others suffered amputations, second- and third-degree burns, skull and leg fractures, and other injuries that required hospitalization, according to OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workplace safety regulators issued initial penalties of nearly $567,000 against the company between September 2014 and September 2024. Georgia-Pacific agreed to pay $376,000 after reaching settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garrett Brown, who was a field inspector with Cal/OSHA for 18 years, said the citations indicate the company has a weak safety program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure they would deny it. But if you had a strong safety program, you would not have fatalities, multiple amputations and falls,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A truck carrying drywall departs the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the Antioch facility, some workers said they hadn’t received the required training on how to protect themselves from fiberglass particles and some of the dry chemicals they handle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t give me any mask or anything like that. They didn’t tell me how bad the fiberglass was going to be. And there’s nights I’m waking up, I’m wheezing,” said Arnold, 26, who has worked at the plant for three years. “Not only is it unfair wages, but we have a lot of chemicals at the plant that are unsafe to our bodies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11969846,news_11956246,news_11992304\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific has brought dozens of workers from Nevada, Texas and other states to continue operating at a reduced capacity since the strike began on Sept. 16, said Pedro de Sá, a business agent with International Longshore & Warehouse Union Local 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company and the union, which represents 85 production and shipping workers at the facility, have been negotiating a contract since May, including recently with the help of a federal mediator. Before the strike, Georgia-Pacific’s last offer included a wage raise of 12% over four years, which workers rejected as insufficient due, in part, to inflation and job health hazards, de Sá said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, this is about fairness,” he said. “It’s a sacrifice. These workers made a stand being like, ‘We will make the sacrifice to make sure that we get where we deserve.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Miguel, 27, said he’s ready to hold out for as long as needed because the company had not addressed workers’ safety complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the years that we’ve worked here, we start to feel it on our bodies,” San Miguel, a machine operator, said. “It accumulates in the air. You see the air sparkle and the dust particles getting picked up. It’s just stuff we’ve been talking about over many years, and even the people before us have complained about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Sá said he facilitated a call with the workers and Cal/OSHA on Sept. 17 to file a complaint about unsafe working conditions. It’s unlikely the agency would inspect the Antioch facility during a labor strike, according to Brown, the retired inspector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Employees said they routinely inhale fiberglass particles, known carcinogens and other toxic chemicals on the job, causing them nosebleeds, lightheadedness, shortness of breath and other problems. ",
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"title": "Striking Antioch Georgia-Pacific Plant Workers Describe 'Unsafe' Conditions | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jacob San Miguel said he had frequent nosebleeds from working 12-hour shifts in clouds of fiberglass dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His coworker, Jimmie Arnold III, went to the emergency room several times after waking up at night struggling to breathe. He said it was because air contaminants on the job activated his asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are among the roughly 100 workers striking over wages and safety concerns at a drywall manufacturing plant in Antioch owned by Georgia-Pacific, one of the world’s top manufacturers of paper, tissue and building products. Employees interviewed by KQED said the company has failed to fix health hazards at the facility, ignoring worker complaints for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific is owned by Koch Industries, the second-largest private company in the U.S., according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/lists/largest-private-companies/#:~:text=RANK,14\">\u003cem>Forbes\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Koch Industries has an estimated annual revenue of about $125 billion. The employees at the Antioch plant said they often had difficulty breathing, chronic coughs and severe lightheadedness, including from the smell of known carcinogens and other chemicals hanging thick in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, most of them in their 20s, said insufficient ventilation at the Minaker Road facility causes them to routinely inhale fiberglass dust, formaldehyde and other toxins released from materials used to make drywall, which is also known as gypsum. They worry about long-term exposure to chemicals such as formaldehyde, which has been linked to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/cancer/risk-prevention/chemicals/formaldehyde.html#:~:text=The%20US%20Occupational%20Safety%20and,only%20occur%20over%2015%20minutes.\">throat cancers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“By the end of your shift, you can barely breathe through your nose,” said Fernando Tapia, 21, who works at the start of the drywall line. “Your nose is clogged up. You are constantly coughing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and other workers said ventilation fans at the facility are often broken or nonexistent, while machines constantly kick up dust and worsen the indoor air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fan that we have, they barely fixed it like a couple of weeks ago. But realistically, it’s not circulating any fresh air inside,” Tapia said while coworkers stood behind him at the picket line last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company provides surgical masks that don’t filter tiny particles or N95 masks that quickly clog up, they said. Both kinds of masks are also hard to wear while doing strenuous physical labor with goggles on, so some prefer not to wear the masks at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005845\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Employee Jacob San Miguel (right) speaks with fellow members of the International Longshore & Warehouse Workers Union Local 6 (ILWU) during a strike at the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California law mandates employers to monitor for fibrous glass, formaldehyde and other airborne contaminants if it’s reasonable to suspect employees are exposed to concentrations higher than \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/5155.html\">permissible levels\u003c/a>. If so, businesses must take steps to reduce and prevent workers’ exposure to those chemicals, preferably through local exhaust ventilation, which is considered more efficient than masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Georgia-Pacific, which has more than 30,000 employees at 150 facilities in the U.S., declined to provide information on air monitoring at the Antioch Gypsum plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Georgia-Pacific works to act with proper regard for the rights of others, especially regarding safety and the environment, and we fully comply with all local, state, and federal laws and regulations,” Nicole Linton, external communications manager for the company, said in a statement. “Safety is our company’s top priority. We strive for continuous improvement in our key safety processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Georgia-Pacific facilities across the U.S. have been cited for dozens of violations, most of which are considered serious, according to Occupational Safety and Health Administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.search?establishment=Georgia%20Pacific&state=all&officetype=all&office=all&sitezip=100000&startmonth=09&startday=24&startyear=2014&endmonth=09&endday=24&endyear=2019&p_case=all&p_start=20&p_finish=40&p_sort=12&p_desc=DESC&p_direction=Prev&p_show=20&p_violations_exist=yes\">records\u003c/a>. At least three employees have died on the job after falling 85 feet, getting sucked into machinery and drowning in a pulper tub. Others suffered amputations, second- and third-degree burns, skull and leg fractures, and other injuries that required hospitalization, according to OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workplace safety regulators issued initial penalties of nearly $567,000 against the company between September 2014 and September 2024. Georgia-Pacific agreed to pay $376,000 after reaching settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garrett Brown, who was a field inspector with Cal/OSHA for 18 years, said the citations indicate the company has a weak safety program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure they would deny it. But if you had a strong safety program, you would not have fatalities, multiple amputations and falls,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A truck carrying drywall departs the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the Antioch facility, some workers said they hadn’t received the required training on how to protect themselves from fiberglass particles and some of the dry chemicals they handle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t give me any mask or anything like that. They didn’t tell me how bad the fiberglass was going to be. And there’s nights I’m waking up, I’m wheezing,” said Arnold, 26, who has worked at the plant for three years. “Not only is it unfair wages, but we have a lot of chemicals at the plant that are unsafe to our bodies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific has brought dozens of workers from Nevada, Texas and other states to continue operating at a reduced capacity since the strike began on Sept. 16, said Pedro de Sá, a business agent with International Longshore & Warehouse Union Local 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company and the union, which represents 85 production and shipping workers at the facility, have been negotiating a contract since May, including recently with the help of a federal mediator. Before the strike, Georgia-Pacific’s last offer included a wage raise of 12% over four years, which workers rejected as insufficient due, in part, to inflation and job health hazards, de Sá said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, this is about fairness,” he said. “It’s a sacrifice. These workers made a stand being like, ‘We will make the sacrifice to make sure that we get where we deserve.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Miguel, 27, said he’s ready to hold out for as long as needed because the company had not addressed workers’ safety complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the years that we’ve worked here, we start to feel it on our bodies,” San Miguel, a machine operator, said. “It accumulates in the air. You see the air sparkle and the dust particles getting picked up. It’s just stuff we’ve been talking about over many years, and even the people before us have complained about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Sá said he facilitated a call with the workers and Cal/OSHA on Sept. 17 to file a complaint about unsafe working conditions. It’s unlikely the agency would inspect the Antioch facility during a labor strike, according to Brown, the retired inspector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>Here are the morning’s top stories on Wednesday, September 25, 2024…\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Mexican drug cartels are recruiting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\">San Diegans\u003c/a> to smuggle fentanyl into the United States. Prosecutors are worried about teenagers getting caught up in the cross-border drug trade.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">signed a bill\u003c/a> that will remove debt owed to a medical office or hospital from Californian’s credit reports.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Invitation Homes, a massive corporate landlord, has agreed to pay $48 million to settle a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-Complaint-signed-final.pdf\">lawsuit \u003c/a>with the Federal Trades Commission. The FTC alleges Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, and withheld security deposits.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hotel workers in Hawaii’s largest resort are joining thousands of others striking hotels in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Prosecutors Say American Citizens Smuggle More Fentanyl Across Border Than Migrants\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea that more border walls and tougher enforcement on illegal immigration will stop illegal drugs from getting into the United States has become a common political talking point, especially in an election-year. But cartels rarely use migrants crossing illegally to smuggle fentanyl. Instead, they use people who cross the border through official ports of entry without raising suspicion. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\"> KPBS reporter Gustavo Solis found\u003c/a> that cartels are often times recruiting young, low-income people, in need of cash. Often times, that’s high school or college student. And then sometimes, people are unknowingly bringing drugs like Fentanyl across the border. According to data from The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/drug_poisoning_mortality/drug_poisoning.htm\">over ten thousand Californians are dying\u003c/a> from drug overdoses every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/08/medical-debt-credit-score/\">\u003cb>Medical Debt Will Soon Be Scrubbed From CA Credit Reports.\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting January 1st 2025, debt owed to a medical office or hospital will no longer appear on Californian’s credit reports. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">The bill\u003c/a>, authored by Senators Monique Limón and Josh Becker, was signed into law on Tuesday by governor Gavin Newsom. Medical debt can lower credit scores, making it more difficult to negotiate a loan or mortgage. The legislation was backed by Attorney General Rob Bonta, as well as consumer advocacy groups. Under the This law will not cover, or scrub, debt from medical credit cards. The federal government has also announced plans to create legislation to remove medical debt from credit reports, but there timing is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Corporate Landlord to Pay FTC $48 Million to Settle Lawsuit\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest corporate landlords in the country \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-StipulatedOrder-fully-executed-final_0.pdf\">has agreed\u003c/a> to pay $48 million to settle a lawsuit filed by the Federal Trade Commission. The lawsuit alleged Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, withheld security deposits, and failed to inspect homes before tenants moved in. Invitation Homes is the country’s largest landlord for single family homes, with nearly 12,000 SRO’s in California alone. As part of the settlement, the company has agreed to change it’s security deposit practices and advertise accurate rental prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hotel Workers in Hawaii Join Strike\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two thousand unionized Hotel workers walked off the job yesterday at Hawaii’s largest resort, Hilton Hawaiian Village Waikiki Beach Resort. They are joining thousands of others that are currently striking at hotels here in California. The workers are calling for higher wages, more manageable workloads and a reversal of cuts implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic, such as limited daily room cleaning. UNITE HERE, the labor union representing these hotel workers, say they will strike until they get new contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>Here are the morning’s top stories on Wednesday, September 25, 2024…\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Mexican drug cartels are recruiting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\">San Diegans\u003c/a> to smuggle fentanyl into the United States. Prosecutors are worried about teenagers getting caught up in the cross-border drug trade.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">signed a bill\u003c/a> that will remove debt owed to a medical office or hospital from Californian’s credit reports.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Invitation Homes, a massive corporate landlord, has agreed to pay $48 million to settle a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-Complaint-signed-final.pdf\">lawsuit \u003c/a>with the Federal Trades Commission. The FTC alleges Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, and withheld security deposits.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hotel workers in Hawaii’s largest resort are joining thousands of others striking hotels in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Prosecutors Say American Citizens Smuggle More Fentanyl Across Border Than Migrants\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea that more border walls and tougher enforcement on illegal immigration will stop illegal drugs from getting into the United States has become a common political talking point, especially in an election-year. But cartels rarely use migrants crossing illegally to smuggle fentanyl. Instead, they use people who cross the border through official ports of entry without raising suspicion. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\"> KPBS reporter Gustavo Solis found\u003c/a> that cartels are often times recruiting young, low-income people, in need of cash. Often times, that’s high school or college student. And then sometimes, people are unknowingly bringing drugs like Fentanyl across the border. According to data from The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/drug_poisoning_mortality/drug_poisoning.htm\">over ten thousand Californians are dying\u003c/a> from drug overdoses every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/08/medical-debt-credit-score/\">\u003cb>Medical Debt Will Soon Be Scrubbed From CA Credit Reports.\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting January 1st 2025, debt owed to a medical office or hospital will no longer appear on Californian’s credit reports. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">The bill\u003c/a>, authored by Senators Monique Limón and Josh Becker, was signed into law on Tuesday by governor Gavin Newsom. Medical debt can lower credit scores, making it more difficult to negotiate a loan or mortgage. The legislation was backed by Attorney General Rob Bonta, as well as consumer advocacy groups. Under the This law will not cover, or scrub, debt from medical credit cards. The federal government has also announced plans to create legislation to remove medical debt from credit reports, but there timing is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Corporate Landlord to Pay FTC $48 Million to Settle Lawsuit\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest corporate landlords in the country \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-StipulatedOrder-fully-executed-final_0.pdf\">has agreed\u003c/a> to pay $48 million to settle a lawsuit filed by the Federal Trade Commission. The lawsuit alleged Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, withheld security deposits, and failed to inspect homes before tenants moved in. Invitation Homes is the country’s largest landlord for single family homes, with nearly 12,000 SRO’s in California alone. As part of the settlement, the company has agreed to change it’s security deposit practices and advertise accurate rental prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hotel Workers in Hawaii Join Strike\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two thousand unionized Hotel workers walked off the job yesterday at Hawaii’s largest resort, Hilton Hawaiian Village Waikiki Beach Resort. They are joining thousands of others that are currently striking at hotels here in California. The workers are calling for higher wages, more manageable workloads and a reversal of cuts implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic, such as limited daily room cleaning. UNITE HERE, the labor union representing these hotel workers, say they will strike until they get new contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 1,500 hotel workers are on strike in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\"> San Francisco\u003c/a>, marking the Bay Area’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002682/strikes-start-at-top-hotel-chains-as-housekeepers-seek-higher-wages-and-daily-room-cleaning-work\">second major hospitality walkout this month\u003c/a> as labor organizers push for higher wages and protest understaffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, organized by the UNITE HERE Local 2 union representing bellhops, housekeepers, cooks and other hotel employees, started Sunday after months of challenging negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton San Francisco Union Square and the Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s previous contract with the hotels expired on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 40 workers marched in front of the Hilton on Monday morning, protesting high workloads and wages that don’t match the Bay Area’s high cost of living, as well as a need for affordable healthcare and pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hotel is not offering us a fair contract,” said Genevieve Obando, a housekeeper at the Hilton. “We want to see an improvement in our salary and to keep our insurance since insurance is very expensive. We are trying to fight for our rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">2,000 UNITE HERE hotel workers across the Bay Area\u003c/a> went on strike over Labor Day weekend, demanding higher wages and a reversal of pandemic-era service and staffing cuts in one of the largest national hotel workers’ walkouts since 2018. That walkout lasted three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/quality-of-life/2024/09/18/san-diego-city-council-throws-support-behind-striking-hilton-bayfront-hotel-workers\">700 employees are also currently on strike\u003c/a> at the Hilton Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005989\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005989\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 1,500 hotel workers in San Francisco are on strike, marking the Bay Area’s second major hospitality walkout this month. Organized by UNITE HERE Local 2, which represents bellhops, housekeepers, and cooks, the strike began Sunday after months of tough negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton Union Square, and Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s contract expired on Aug. 14. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the pandemic caused major disruptions to the hospitality industry, hotels and travel seem to be bouncing back. Although hotels haven’t quite reached pre-pandemic levels of occupancy, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/news/hotels-will-pay-historic-wages-generate-record-level-tax-revenue-2024\">hoteliers can expect higher rates than last year\u003c/a>, according to data collected by the American Hotel and Lodging Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade organization also projected California’s hotels will pay employees a record of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/sites/default/files/Oxford.Wages_.and_.Salaries.pdf\">$15.3 billion in wages, salaries and other compensation\u003c/a> in 2024, up from $14.7 billion in 2023 and $13.3 billion in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, union members, hotel representatives and experts agree that the picture of post-pandemic recovery is more complicated. Wages have been growing slower than inflation, said Ken Jacobs, co-chair of the UC Berkeley Center for Labor, meaning hotel workers’ pay has less buying power than it did previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers strike outside of the Hilton’s Union Square location in San Francisco on Sept. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, Jacobs added, “companies significantly cut the number of workers, which created a big increase in workload for other employees. As people come back to hotels, the workloads remain much greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This has implications for the health and safety of hotel employees, said Lizzy Tapia, president of UNITE HERE Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about respect,” Tapia said. “We’re fighting for our members who are at home, who no longer have full-time work, and also our members who are currently working and having to do double or triple the amount of work because their coworkers are not here to help them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005037 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177834356485-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Hilton San Francisco Union Square said in a statement that the hotel is “committed to negotiating in good faith to reach fair and reasonable agreements that are beneficial to both our valued Team Members and to our hotel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Lewin, the general manager of the Grand Hyatt, told KQED that business is not likely to make a full recovery for the next three to five years. He cited a lack of conventions in the area, a decrease in Asian tourists, and less business locally as fewer people commute to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “less than savory light” cast upon San Francisco’s reputation in recent years hasn’t helped either, he said. Despite those challenges, he said the company remains committed to negotiating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remain ready to be at the table tomorrow,” Lewin said. “Our goal is a mutually satisfactory resolution and a contract that lasts for the next three to five years. And we’re ready to do that whenever the noise stops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union pointed out that Salesforce just held its annual Dreamforce conference — attended by 45,000 people — and that employees waited until it was over to strike. Now that the conference has ended, workers like Janet Wong, a housekeeper at the Hilton, said they will not return to work until better benefits are on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our last three-day strike was very strong. That’s why I’m not going to the table for bargaining, Wong said from the picket line. “That’s why we continue. We need to get our benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They may be joined by thousands of hotel workers across the U.S. who have authorized strikes at Hilton, Hyatt, Marriott and Omni hotel properties where contract negotiations remain unresolved. Over 10,000 workers in Baltimore, Boston, Honolulu, Kauai, New Haven, San Diego, San Francisco, San José, San Mateo County and Seattle have already gone on strike, and strikes have also been authorized in Oakland and Sacramento, according to a union press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/gilarezada\">Gilare Zada\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Over 1,500 San Francisco Hotel Workers Strike in 2nd Walkout This Month | KQED",
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"headline": "Over 1,500 San Francisco Hotel Workers Strike in 2nd Walkout This Month",
"datePublished": "2024-09-23T15:56:06-07:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 1,500 hotel workers are on strike in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\"> San Francisco\u003c/a>, marking the Bay Area’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002682/strikes-start-at-top-hotel-chains-as-housekeepers-seek-higher-wages-and-daily-room-cleaning-work\">second major hospitality walkout this month\u003c/a> as labor organizers push for higher wages and protest understaffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, organized by the UNITE HERE Local 2 union representing bellhops, housekeepers, cooks and other hotel employees, started Sunday after months of challenging negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton San Francisco Union Square and the Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s previous contract with the hotels expired on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 40 workers marched in front of the Hilton on Monday morning, protesting high workloads and wages that don’t match the Bay Area’s high cost of living, as well as a need for affordable healthcare and pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hotel is not offering us a fair contract,” said Genevieve Obando, a housekeeper at the Hilton. “We want to see an improvement in our salary and to keep our insurance since insurance is very expensive. We are trying to fight for our rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">2,000 UNITE HERE hotel workers across the Bay Area\u003c/a> went on strike over Labor Day weekend, demanding higher wages and a reversal of pandemic-era service and staffing cuts in one of the largest national hotel workers’ walkouts since 2018. That walkout lasted three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/quality-of-life/2024/09/18/san-diego-city-council-throws-support-behind-striking-hilton-bayfront-hotel-workers\">700 employees are also currently on strike\u003c/a> at the Hilton Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005989\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005989\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 1,500 hotel workers in San Francisco are on strike, marking the Bay Area’s second major hospitality walkout this month. Organized by UNITE HERE Local 2, which represents bellhops, housekeepers, and cooks, the strike began Sunday after months of tough negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton Union Square, and Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s contract expired on Aug. 14. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the pandemic caused major disruptions to the hospitality industry, hotels and travel seem to be bouncing back. Although hotels haven’t quite reached pre-pandemic levels of occupancy, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/news/hotels-will-pay-historic-wages-generate-record-level-tax-revenue-2024\">hoteliers can expect higher rates than last year\u003c/a>, according to data collected by the American Hotel and Lodging Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade organization also projected California’s hotels will pay employees a record of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/sites/default/files/Oxford.Wages_.and_.Salaries.pdf\">$15.3 billion in wages, salaries and other compensation\u003c/a> in 2024, up from $14.7 billion in 2023 and $13.3 billion in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, union members, hotel representatives and experts agree that the picture of post-pandemic recovery is more complicated. Wages have been growing slower than inflation, said Ken Jacobs, co-chair of the UC Berkeley Center for Labor, meaning hotel workers’ pay has less buying power than it did previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers strike outside of the Hilton’s Union Square location in San Francisco on Sept. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, Jacobs added, “companies significantly cut the number of workers, which created a big increase in workload for other employees. As people come back to hotels, the workloads remain much greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This has implications for the health and safety of hotel employees, said Lizzy Tapia, president of UNITE HERE Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about respect,” Tapia said. “We’re fighting for our members who are at home, who no longer have full-time work, and also our members who are currently working and having to do double or triple the amount of work because their coworkers are not here to help them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Hilton San Francisco Union Square said in a statement that the hotel is “committed to negotiating in good faith to reach fair and reasonable agreements that are beneficial to both our valued Team Members and to our hotel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Lewin, the general manager of the Grand Hyatt, told KQED that business is not likely to make a full recovery for the next three to five years. He cited a lack of conventions in the area, a decrease in Asian tourists, and less business locally as fewer people commute to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “less than savory light” cast upon San Francisco’s reputation in recent years hasn’t helped either, he said. Despite those challenges, he said the company remains committed to negotiating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remain ready to be at the table tomorrow,” Lewin said. “Our goal is a mutually satisfactory resolution and a contract that lasts for the next three to five years. And we’re ready to do that whenever the noise stops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union pointed out that Salesforce just held its annual Dreamforce conference — attended by 45,000 people — and that employees waited until it was over to strike. Now that the conference has ended, workers like Janet Wong, a housekeeper at the Hilton, said they will not return to work until better benefits are on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our last three-day strike was very strong. That’s why I’m not going to the table for bargaining, Wong said from the picket line. “That’s why we continue. We need to get our benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They may be joined by thousands of hotel workers across the U.S. who have authorized strikes at Hilton, Hyatt, Marriott and Omni hotel properties where contract negotiations remain unresolved. Over 10,000 workers in Baltimore, Boston, Honolulu, Kauai, New Haven, San Diego, San Francisco, San José, San Mateo County and Seattle have already gone on strike, and strikes have also been authorized in Oakland and Sacramento, according to a union press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/gilarezada\">Gilare Zada\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-wage-theft-victims-miss-out-on-millions-in-collected-funds",
"title": "California Wage Theft Victims Miss Out on Millions in Collected Funds",
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"headTitle": "California Wage Theft Victims Miss Out on Millions in Collected Funds | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal labor enforcement officials recover millions of dollars each year from employers who break minimum wage or overtime pay laws, but a significant percentage never makes it to workers who are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than $166 million was unclaimed by nearly 200,000 wage theft victims over the last three years, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. If workers don’t claim that money within three years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">it’s sent\u003c/a> to the U.S. Treasury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many don’t know they are entitled to compensation. More than 15,000 employees with money waiting for them worked for businesses in California, one of the top states with unclaimed wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating and sad all around,” said Yvonne Medrano, an attorney with Bet Tzedek Legal Services, a Los Angeles nonprofit that represents undocumented immigrants in wage theft cases. “It’s workers’ hard-earned money and yet it’s not getting to where it needs to be, which is into the workers’ pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor officials acknowledged that the department is more efficient at recovering wages from about nine in 10 employers through investigations than it is in getting the owed wages to the workers whose rights were violated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations often uncover past abuses in targeted low-wage industries that rely heavily on a transient or immigrant workforce, such as restaurants, agriculture and construction. By the time cases are resolved, people entitled to back pay may have moved on to other jobs or changed home addresses and phone numbers, making it hard to notify them of the resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alberto Raymond, Assistant District Director of the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division, speaks during a workers’ rights event for low-wage and at-risk workers hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another hurdle to receiving remuneration is that many undocumented immigrants may recoil from filing ID verification documents with a federal agency to get a check because they fear that it could lead to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data/charts/all-acts\">$660 million\u003c/a> in back pay the labor department has recovered from employers from fiscal year 2021 through 2023 was distributed to workers, according to a high-ranking official with the wage and hour division, which investigates alleged violations. The official estimated that, potentially, as much as one-fifth of those funds don’t reach workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department could not immediately provide how much money was transferred to the U.S. Treasury in recent years, a Labor Department spokesperson said. Alberto Raymond, a district director with the wage and hour division in San Francisco, said the agency pursues several avenues to try to get wage theft victims relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want workers to be paid. They are due that money, and we will work very, very, very hard to get them paid,” said Raymond, an investigator with the labor department for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002502\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A handful of dedicated staff throughout the country combs public databases to find impacted workers, confirm their identities and disburse their wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department distributed about \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data\">$27 million\u003c/a> to nearly 4,000 workers through its \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">Workers Owed Wages\u003c/a> program in fiscal year 2023. More than 1,600 people claimed $9 million through the program in the previous fiscal year. Community organizations or foreign government authorities, such as Mexican Consulates in the United States, also help find people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20230601-0\">underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor\u003c/a> in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. Some of the 55 farmworkers were still in the U.S., but others had returned to remote, rural towns in Mexico, said Arturo Zaldivar, the Consulate staffer who tracked the workers. Finding them took weeks, Zaldivar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They weren’t expecting that money. They thought they’d lost it forever,” he said in Spanish, adding that the farmworkers told him the money would cover food and rent for weeks or even months. “I’ve had contact with many workers in Mexico and supporting them in this way is very encouraging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001959\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Consulate General of Mexico, Consulado General de Mexico, in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zaldivar said he is scouring social media accounts and calling current and former employees of a business to find dozens of additional impacted workers. Once he gets in touch with one, that person can help find former co-workers who can also claim wages, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our compatriots trust us, the Consulate,” he said. “If you say wage and hour division, they are like, ‘What’s that?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, labor enforcement agencies were hesitant to collaborate with community groups out of fear that they’d appear biased, though that has been changing, according to advocates and academics who study wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To increase remuneration, the labor department should partner with more churches, immigrant rights organizations and others who can knock on doors and help find workers because they are trusted messengers, Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign during a workers’ rights event hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024, for low-wage and at-risk workers. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The disconnect and the lack of local relationships is clear in moments like this,” she said, referring to the $166 million in unclaimed wages. “I see the DOL moving towards a more community-oriented role, but we’re not there yet. And I think this is very much a symptom of that issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, a top priority of the department is not distributing all uncollected wages but increasing businesses’ compliance with the rules, said Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division during the George W. Bush administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999978 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/10Sandra-fields9_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I think the bigger priority for the department is stopping the violations and getting the back wages disgorged” from employers, said DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at Epstein Becker Green, a law firm. “And if we can get the wages into the hands of the workers, all the better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department officials said there are roughly 700 wage and hour investigators nationwide, with just a handful of staffers dedicated to getting money into the hands of the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, workers don’t have a time limit to claim wages recovered by the state’s labor enforcement agency, the California Labor Commissioner, according to a spokesperson who said California’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=96.7.&lawCode=LAB\">Unpaid Wage Fund\u003c/a> had a balance of $18.3 million as of Aug. 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also takes money from that fund for other expenditures. From fiscal years 2020 through 2022, nearly $17 million due to workers who weren’t found was transferred to the state’s general fund, according to the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Know someone who might need to claim owed wages? Workers should call 877-552-9832 for help in Spanish or search the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">\u003cem>Workers Owed Wages\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> website to find out if they are due money and apply for compensation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Nearly 200,000 wage theft victims have left millions unclaimed over the past three years, according to the U.S. Department of Labor.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal labor enforcement officials recover millions of dollars each year from employers who break minimum wage or overtime pay laws, but a significant percentage never makes it to workers who are owed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than $166 million was unclaimed by nearly 200,000 wage theft victims over the last three years, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. If workers don’t claim that money within three years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">it’s sent\u003c/a> to the U.S. Treasury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many don’t know they are entitled to compensation. More than 15,000 employees with money waiting for them worked for businesses in California, one of the top states with unclaimed wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating and sad all around,” said Yvonne Medrano, an attorney with Bet Tzedek Legal Services, a Los Angeles nonprofit that represents undocumented immigrants in wage theft cases. “It’s workers’ hard-earned money and yet it’s not getting to where it needs to be, which is into the workers’ pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor officials acknowledged that the department is more efficient at recovering wages from about nine in 10 employers through investigations than it is in getting the owed wages to the workers whose rights were violated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations often uncover past abuses in targeted low-wage industries that rely heavily on a transient or immigrant workforce, such as restaurants, agriculture and construction. By the time cases are resolved, people entitled to back pay may have moved on to other jobs or changed home addresses and phone numbers, making it hard to notify them of the resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-20-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alberto Raymond, Assistant District Director of the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division, speaks during a workers’ rights event for low-wage and at-risk workers hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another hurdle to receiving remuneration is that many undocumented immigrants may recoil from filing ID verification documents with a federal agency to get a check because they fear that it could lead to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data/charts/all-acts\">$660 million\u003c/a> in back pay the labor department has recovered from employers from fiscal year 2021 through 2023 was distributed to workers, according to a high-ranking official with the wage and hour division, which investigates alleged violations. The official estimated that, potentially, as much as one-fifth of those funds don’t reach workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department could not immediately provide how much money was transferred to the U.S. Treasury in recent years, a Labor Department spokesperson said. Alberto Raymond, a district director with the wage and hour division in San Francisco, said the agency pursues several avenues to try to get wage theft victims relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want workers to be paid. They are due that money, and we will work very, very, very hard to get them paid,” said Raymond, an investigator with the labor department for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002502\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A handful of dedicated staff throughout the country combs public databases to find impacted workers, confirm their identities and disburse their wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department distributed about \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/data\">$27 million\u003c/a> to nearly 4,000 workers through its \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">Workers Owed Wages\u003c/a> program in fiscal year 2023. More than 1,600 people claimed $9 million through the program in the previous fiscal year. Community organizations or foreign government authorities, such as Mexican Consulates in the United States, also help find people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of migrant vineyard workers, who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20230601-0\">underpaid and retaliated against by a labor contractor\u003c/a> in California, were sent checks after the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco located them, according to a labor department spokesperson. Some of the 55 farmworkers were still in the U.S., but others had returned to remote, rural towns in Mexico, said Arturo Zaldivar, the Consulate staffer who tracked the workers. Finding them took weeks, Zaldivar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They weren’t expecting that money. They thought they’d lost it forever,” he said in Spanish, adding that the farmworkers told him the money would cover food and rent for weeks or even months. “I’ve had contact with many workers in Mexico and supporting them in this way is very encouraging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001959\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-IMMIGRANTWORKERSRIGHTS-77-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Consulate General of Mexico, Consulado General de Mexico, in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zaldivar said he is scouring social media accounts and calling current and former employees of a business to find dozens of additional impacted workers. Once he gets in touch with one, that person can help find former co-workers who can also claim wages, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our compatriots trust us, the Consulate,” he said. “If you say wage and hour division, they are like, ‘What’s that?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, labor enforcement agencies were hesitant to collaborate with community groups out of fear that they’d appear biased, though that has been changing, according to advocates and academics who study wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To increase remuneration, the labor department should partner with more churches, immigrant rights organizations and others who can knock on doors and help find workers because they are trusted messengers, Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240826-ImmigrantWorkersRights-72-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign during a workers’ rights event hosted by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division and the Consulates of Mexico at the Consulate General of Mexico in San Francisco on Aug. 26, 2024, for low-wage and at-risk workers. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The disconnect and the lack of local relationships is clear in moments like this,” she said, referring to the $166 million in unclaimed wages. “I see the DOL moving towards a more community-oriented role, but we’re not there yet. And I think this is very much a symptom of that issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, a top priority of the department is not distributing all uncollected wages but increasing businesses’ compliance with the rules, said Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division during the George W. Bush administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I think the bigger priority for the department is stopping the violations and getting the back wages disgorged” from employers, said DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at Epstein Becker Green, a law firm. “And if we can get the wages into the hands of the workers, all the better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department officials said there are roughly 700 wage and hour investigators nationwide, with just a handful of staffers dedicated to getting money into the hands of the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, workers don’t have a time limit to claim wages recovered by the state’s labor enforcement agency, the California Labor Commissioner, according to a spokesperson who said California’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=96.7.&lawCode=LAB\">Unpaid Wage Fund\u003c/a> had a balance of $18.3 million as of Aug. 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also takes money from that fund for other expenditures. From fiscal years 2020 through 2022, nearly $17 million due to workers who weren’t found was transferred to the state’s general fund, according to the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Know someone who might need to claim owed wages? Workers should call 877-552-9832 for help in Spanish or search the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/wow\">\u003cem>Workers Owed Wages\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> website to find out if they are due money and apply for compensation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage",
"title": "California Governor Touts Fast Food Job Growth With Higher Minimum Wage",
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"headTitle": "California Governor Touts Fast Food Job Growth With Higher Minimum Wage | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As California considered and then mandated a minimum wage raise at most fast-food restaurants, opponents warned the controversial legislation could be a job killer. On Tuesday, before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001032/at-dnc-roll-call-california-shines-as-harris-seals-nomination\">appearing at the Democratic National Convention\u003c/a>, Gov. Gavin Newsom highlighted new employment data pointing to a different picture: a growing industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quick-service restaurants have consistently added thousands of jobs every month this year in California, reaching a record employment total of 750,500 in July, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25054159-seriesreport-20240820150338_c0f56c\">preliminary data\u003c/a> released by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. The figures show 11,000 additional fast-food jobs since April, when the wages were hiked to at least $20 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s good for workers is good for business, and as California’s fast food industry continues booming every single month, our workers are finally getting the pay they deserve,” Newsom said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/08/20/icymi-after-raising-minimum-wage-california-has-more-fast-food-jobs-than-ever-before/\">a statement\u003c/a>. “Despite those who pedaled lies about how this would doom the industry, California’s economy and workers are again proving them wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s comments are the latest salvo in the closely watched \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Fast-Food-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">wage bump\u003c/a> for hundreds of thousands of fast-food employees. Newsom signed the increase into law last September. The legislation also created a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council that allows workers to participate in the development of job standards. The council’s nine voting members can increase the hourly minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of the state law, which only applies to chains with more than 60 stores nationwide, argue that employers have cut employee hours and jobs to cope with more expensive payroll costs. They argue that a separate BLS jobs data set is more reliable because it’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/hom/topic/seasonal-adjustment.htm\">adjusted for seasonal\u003c/a> economic influences, and it shows gains of just hundreds of jobs in the industry since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of California’s fast-food employees are adult women of color who previously made close to $16 an hour, the state’s general minimum wage, according to the UC Berkeley Labor Center. Increasing their ability to afford food, rent and other basics will improve their family’s lives and decrease reliance on taxpayer-funded aid programs, the law’s proponents argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists contacted by KQED agreed that more evidence is needed to assess the full impact of the wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Reich, who chairs the Center on Wage and Employment Dynamics at UC Berkeley, said that higher wages could attract more workers to fast-food jobs, which traditionally have high turnover rates. He believes the job figures celebrated by the governor represent the best evidence yet that the industry is growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_11991314 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240509-MENUDO-KING-MD-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think minimum wage (increases) kill jobs; I think they kill job vacancies,” Reich said. “When the minimum wage goes up, more workers are attracted to those jobs and they are more likely to stay in them. The numbers do show that wages can be much higher, and yet the business can do well, and workers can do well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reich’s preliminary \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/CAs-fast-food-MW-early-evidence.pdf\">research\u003c/a> suggests that McDonald’s restaurants increased hamburger prices by less than 2% in California after the minimum wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most fast-food restaurant owners are franchisees who pay large corporations such as Wendy’s or Taco Bell to represent their brand. A spokesperson with the International Franchise Association, a trade group representing fast-food franchisees and franchisors, said the net job data is misleading. The organization, which fought the raise, has warned that it would hurt small business owners, workers and consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day you see headlines of restaurant closures, employee job losses and hours cut, and rising food prices for consumers,” the spokesperson said in a statement. “Local restaurant owners in California are already struggling to cope with the $20/hour wage, as the Fast Food Council considers additional wage increases. All the while, workers and consumers are feeling the pinch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebekah Paxton, research director for the Employment Policies Institute, a nonprofit research organization funded partly by the restaurant industry, said seasonally adjusted employment bureau figures reflect a more reliable picture. According to that \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">BLS data\u003c/a>, fast-food jobs decreased statewide by 2,700 between January and July but increased by about 400 since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paxton pointed to her organization’s \u003ca href=\"https://epionline.org/studies/crisis-in-california/#:~:text=A%20majority%20of%20restaurants%20say,or%20consolidated%20positions%20(70%25).\">recent survey\u003c/a> of more than 180 fast-food operators in California, which found most have trimmed staff and cut employee hours while raising consumer prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is certainly not the rosy picture that the governor is portraying,” Paxton said. “Fast-food restaurant employment is stagnating and even going down. There’s a trend that is getting worse as this minimum wage policy continues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with some job losses, the new minimum wage has not materialized the catastrophic impacts on employment opponents predicted so far, said John Logan, the director of labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the most part, it’s good news for supporters of the legislation. There’s no evidence of a disastrous impact on jobs,” Logan said. “In fact, the signs seem to be that the California fast food sector is continuing to grow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California considered and then mandated a minimum wage raise at most fast-food restaurants, opponents warned the controversial legislation could be a job killer. On Tuesday, before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001032/at-dnc-roll-call-california-shines-as-harris-seals-nomination\">appearing at the Democratic National Convention\u003c/a>, Gov. Gavin Newsom highlighted new employment data pointing to a different picture: a growing industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quick-service restaurants have consistently added thousands of jobs every month this year in California, reaching a record employment total of 750,500 in July, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25054159-seriesreport-20240820150338_c0f56c\">preliminary data\u003c/a> released by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. The figures show 11,000 additional fast-food jobs since April, when the wages were hiked to at least $20 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s good for workers is good for business, and as California’s fast food industry continues booming every single month, our workers are finally getting the pay they deserve,” Newsom said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/08/20/icymi-after-raising-minimum-wage-california-has-more-fast-food-jobs-than-ever-before/\">a statement\u003c/a>. “Despite those who pedaled lies about how this would doom the industry, California’s economy and workers are again proving them wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s comments are the latest salvo in the closely watched \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Fast-Food-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">wage bump\u003c/a> for hundreds of thousands of fast-food employees. Newsom signed the increase into law last September. The legislation also created a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council that allows workers to participate in the development of job standards. The council’s nine voting members can increase the hourly minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of the state law, which only applies to chains with more than 60 stores nationwide, argue that employers have cut employee hours and jobs to cope with more expensive payroll costs. They argue that a separate BLS jobs data set is more reliable because it’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/hom/topic/seasonal-adjustment.htm\">adjusted for seasonal\u003c/a> economic influences, and it shows gains of just hundreds of jobs in the industry since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of California’s fast-food employees are adult women of color who previously made close to $16 an hour, the state’s general minimum wage, according to the UC Berkeley Labor Center. Increasing their ability to afford food, rent and other basics will improve their family’s lives and decrease reliance on taxpayer-funded aid programs, the law’s proponents argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists contacted by KQED agreed that more evidence is needed to assess the full impact of the wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Reich, who chairs the Center on Wage and Employment Dynamics at UC Berkeley, said that higher wages could attract more workers to fast-food jobs, which traditionally have high turnover rates. He believes the job figures celebrated by the governor represent the best evidence yet that the industry is growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think minimum wage (increases) kill jobs; I think they kill job vacancies,” Reich said. “When the minimum wage goes up, more workers are attracted to those jobs and they are more likely to stay in them. The numbers do show that wages can be much higher, and yet the business can do well, and workers can do well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reich’s preliminary \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/CAs-fast-food-MW-early-evidence.pdf\">research\u003c/a> suggests that McDonald’s restaurants increased hamburger prices by less than 2% in California after the minimum wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most fast-food restaurant owners are franchisees who pay large corporations such as Wendy’s or Taco Bell to represent their brand. A spokesperson with the International Franchise Association, a trade group representing fast-food franchisees and franchisors, said the net job data is misleading. The organization, which fought the raise, has warned that it would hurt small business owners, workers and consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day you see headlines of restaurant closures, employee job losses and hours cut, and rising food prices for consumers,” the spokesperson said in a statement. “Local restaurant owners in California are already struggling to cope with the $20/hour wage, as the Fast Food Council considers additional wage increases. All the while, workers and consumers are feeling the pinch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebekah Paxton, research director for the Employment Policies Institute, a nonprofit research organization funded partly by the restaurant industry, said seasonally adjusted employment bureau figures reflect a more reliable picture. According to that \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">BLS data\u003c/a>, fast-food jobs decreased statewide by 2,700 between January and July but increased by about 400 since April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paxton pointed to her organization’s \u003ca href=\"https://epionline.org/studies/crisis-in-california/#:~:text=A%20majority%20of%20restaurants%20say,or%20consolidated%20positions%20(70%25).\">recent survey\u003c/a> of more than 180 fast-food operators in California, which found most have trimmed staff and cut employee hours while raising consumer prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is certainly not the rosy picture that the governor is portraying,” Paxton said. “Fast-food restaurant employment is stagnating and even going down. There’s a trend that is getting worse as this minimum wage policy continues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with some job losses, the new minimum wage has not materialized the catastrophic impacts on employment opponents predicted so far, said John Logan, the director of labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the most part, it’s good news for supporters of the legislation. There’s no evidence of a disastrous impact on jobs,” Logan said. “In fact, the signs seem to be that the California fast food sector is continuing to grow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californians-will-vote-on-a-18-minimum-wage-workers-already-want-25-and-more",
"title": "Californians Will Vote on $18 Minimum Wage. Workers Say It's Still Not Nearly Livable",
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"headTitle": "Californians Will Vote on $18 Minimum Wage. Workers Say It’s Still Not Nearly Livable | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California touted a victory for working people in 2016 when it enacted a sweeping series of minimum hikes, making sure the lowest-wage workers would earn at least $15 an hour by 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Gov. Jerry Brown, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-jerry-brown-signs-minimum-wage-20160404-story.html\">signing the law\u003c/a>, spoke of “giving people their due,” then-Senate leader Kevin de León said in Spanish of making it possible to achieve the American dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California voters are being asked to boost the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/minimum_wage.htm\">statewide minimum wage\u003c/a> again, just two years after the landmark $15 wage championed by unions and embraced by Democratic politicians nationwide took effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/propositions/prop-32-minimum-wage/\">Proposition 32\u003c/a> — the measure to raise the minimum wage to $18 next year — was confirmed for Californians’ ballots in November, it wasn’t with the same fanfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because a lot has changed:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>The current law came with boosts tied to inflation, which has pulled the statewide minimum wage steadily up to $16 this year — and which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/8.1.2024-Minimum-Wage-Increase-Director-of-Finance-Determination-and-Certification-CC.pdf\">will bump it up to $16.50\u003c/a> in January.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>The skyrocketing cost of living has prompted local officials in more than two dozen cities to enact their own faster-growing minimum wages since 2016. Now, \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/inventory-of-us-city-and-county-minimum-wage-ordinances/#s-2\">40 cities and counties have a higher minimum wage\u003c/a> than the state. Most are in the Bay Area or Los Angeles County, covering an estimated one-third of California’s low-wage workers. Several are already above $18 or just one inflationary bump away.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>Unions in California took a different approach. They’ve won industry-specific wage floors for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/09/california-fast-food-deal/\">fast food\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/07/health-care-minimum-wage-raises/\">health care\u003c/a>, and, in some cities, hotels that are well above the statewide minimum. Fast food workers, who got a raise to a minimum of $20 in April, are seeking an inflationary bump for next year. In Los Angeles, hotel and airport workers are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/california-minimum-wage-2/\">demanding a $25 minimum wage\u003c/a> and a raise to $30 in time for the 2028 Olympics.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Many low-wage workers received more amid a tight labor market during the pandemic, marking the first economic recovery in two decades in which they got raises \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/what-you-dont-know-about-low-wage-workers-in-california/\">faster than higher-wage workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>This year in the Legislature, business and labor groups focused on other fights, and it was uncertain whether the measure would even stay on the ballot. Some proponents argued it wasn’t nearly ambitious enough to help the working poor afford California, where MIT researchers estimate the average single, childless adult needs $27 an hour to be “self-sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them, the workers’ advocacy group One Fair Wage, asked the sponsor to pull it from the ballot in favor of advocating for a $20 wage; the organization’s president, Saru Jayaraman, said Proposition 32 is needed but only a “first step.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though the sponsor, investor-turned-anti-poverty advocate Joe Sanberg, said he believes the measure will make a difference in workers’ lives, even he openly agrees that $18 “is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some ways, at the point where this measure is heading to the ballot, it’s kind of underwhelming,” said Chris Tilly, a UCLA professor of urban planning who studies labor markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000113\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22.jpg\" alt=\"Several people wearing red shirts hold signs and sit down outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers and Unite Here Local 11 supporters sit in during a protest at one of the main entrances to LAX airport on June 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s not that workers and their advocates are uninterested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign estimates 2 million workers would still get a raise under the ballot measure — but that’s significantly fewer than the \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/irle-policy-brief/an-18-minimum-wage-for-california/\">4.8 million\u003c/a> calculated by UC Berkeley economist Michael Reich in 2022 when the measure was first proposed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/07/california-minimum-wage-november-ballot/\">and then delayed\u003c/a> because Sanberg missed an administrative deadline. Under the measure, the minimum wage would be $18 in January, with a delay until 2026 for employers with fewer than 26 workers.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gustavo Miranda is one worker who would benefit. The 32-year-old Pomona resident makes $16.50 an hour sorting packages and loading trailers at an Inland Empire warehouse. Rent — $1,000 a month — swallows nearly 40% of his income, and he said grocery prices have risen. To make ends meet, he spends weekends refereeing youth sports. A raise, he said, would help him with car payments and sending money to support his daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Central Valley, Stockton retail worker Donna Bowman said she’s been left behind by the state’s raising wages for other industries. The 55-year-old works part-time nights at a Dollar General to supplement her Social Security payments and said the price of gas has forced her to cut back visits to her grandchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know how, with the way things are right now and inflation, the government expects you to live on $16 an hour,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents are banking on that simple message to convince voters. “From the standpoint of people who are going to be voting, the question is very clear,” Sanberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Sanberg poured more than $10 million into gathering signatures for the measure in 2022, the proponents have hardly spent anything. They don’t have a campaign account after Sanberg shut it down earlier this year.[aside postID=\"news_11992472,news_11985277,news_11990750\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But organizers, including Ada Briceño, co-president of the Southern California hotel workers’ union UNITE HERE Local 11, said the measure is naturally popular and could turn out votes for other races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most powerful proponent, the California Labor Federation, which represents 2.3 million union members, isn’t yet sure how much effort it’s going to put toward passing the measure. While the federation was not involved in qualifying the measure, it endorsed it in July and plans to include it in other statewide campaign materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t know how much opposition there will be, quite honestly,” Labor Federation president Lorena Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez sees the ballot measure as a “way to move things forward” at a time when lawmakers are unlikely to take up the minimum wage. “When we jumped to $15 and did it legislatively, that was really profound,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But $18 today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure,” it makes a difference, she said, but “it’s not really a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000112\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a black shirt prepares food in a restaurant kitchen with another man using the sink.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cook Tony Peña prepares food at El Rincon restaurant in the San Ysidro neighborhood of San Diego on April 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opposition is still organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A legislative deal and a state Supreme Court ruling resolved what would have been the biggest ballot fights between business and labor — a law allowing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-workers-labor-violations-deal/\">workers to sue their bosses \u003c/a>and a ballot initiative that would have asked voters to make it \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/06/california-taxes-supreme-court-ballot/\">more difficult to raise taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So business groups say they’re now turning their sights toward Proposition 32. Three major employers’ groups with deep pockets — the Chamber of Commerce, the California Grocers Association and the California Restaurant Association — are leading the opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chamber CEO Jennifer Barrera said employers will also focus on a simple message: the threat of price hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a heightened sensitivity to the impact of increasing these labor costs on businesses and what that ultimately does for the cost of living,” she said. “Our belief is that the cost of living is directly impacted when you raise these costs on businesses. There’s only so many places where they can make adjustments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That warning could resonate with voters pessimistic about an uncertain economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents point out Gov. Gavin Newsom this year, facing lower-than-expected tax revenues and a yawning budget deficit, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/07/health-care-minimum-wage-raises/\">delayed the state’s new $25 minimum wage\u003c/a> for health care workers until the fall out of concern the state could not yet afford it. Private employers, they said, should be given the same time to adjust. Newsom has not taken a position on Proposition 32, and several spokespeople did not respond to inquiries from CalMatters in the last two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unemployment in California is 5.2%, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/news.release/laus.nr0.htm\">higher than the national 4.1%\u003c/a>, and youth unemployment is worse. Business groups contend that increases in the minimum wage cause employers to offer fewer opportunities to less-experienced workers, though many economists disagree wage hikes directly lead to unemployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reich, of UC Berkeley, last fall \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/04/fast-food-minimum-wage-research/\">published a study\u003c/a> with other academics finding the ramp-up to a $15 minimum wage in California and New York had little effect on employment in fast food and among youth — and in the post-pandemic years that industry even added jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, employers point to recent local minimum wage hikes as test cases — particularly the small, relatively wealthy community of West Hollywood, which last year set what was the nation’s highest wage floor of $19.08 and required generous paid sick leave. (This year, Emeryville surpassed that with an inflation-induced $19.36, in another display of cities leaving $18 in the rearview.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>West Hollywood officials this year \u003ca href=\"https://weho.granicus.com/MetaViewer.php?view_id=&event_id=1526&meta_id=271843\">commissioned surveys\u003c/a> in which 42% of business owners said they laid off staff or cut workers’ hours, and city council members agreed to pause the next wage increase until January. Part of the city’s challenge was that business owners had to compete with employers just down the street in Los Angeles, where the minimum wage is $17.28, and Beverly Hills, which uses the state minimum of $16.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walter Schild, owner of a West Hollywood restaurant, said the policy forced him to raise the wages of servers who were making the minimum wage but received substantial extra income in tips, leaving little room to also give raises to back-of-house staff who were making about $19 to $21. He said he eliminated three jobs, including a baker and a barista, and cut a third of the restaurant’s hours, but the business is “barely surviving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schild called minimum wage hikes a “misguided” decision that makes little dent in the cost of living. A wage of $18 or $19 hardly makes rent affordable in West Hollywood anyway, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the minimum wage is supposed to make sure everyone can afford rent in their area,” he said. “This is not supposed to support a family … We ought to have an environment where people can gain skills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restaurant industry, still recovering from pandemic-induced losses and food price inflation, is likely to make up the bulk of the pushback to the measure. Many were already shaken up by the $20 minimum wage for fast food workers that started in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be too soon to tell the actual effects of the fast food increase, though proponents and opponents have both touted monthly jobs figures at convenient times. The \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">latest seasonally adjusted federal employment numbers\u003c/a> — recommended by experts because the restaurant workforce typically peaks in the summer and shrinks in the winter — show California fast food jobs have dipped since a high point in January but remain close to last summer’s levels. Overall, the industry has about 20,000 more jobs than before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, stories of job cuts have spread, and some workers report having hours cut after receiving the raises. Some chains have hiked prices, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erik Freeman, CEO of the Sacramento-based 40-restaurant chain Jimboy’s Tacos, said he’s worried restaurants are reaching a tipping point where increasing labor costs will force them to raise prices to a level consumers can’t afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the chain’s nearly 500 workers make $16 to $20, Freeman said. Because of its relatively smaller number of stores, Jimboy’s was not subject to the fast food wage hike. However, the restaurants still saw decreased sales, and Freeman suspects it’s because price hikes at other chains changed consumers’ habits. He estimated in his restaurants, there’s a 3% decrease in sales for every 5% increase in prices, which he said may have to happen if wages are raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any price increase that we do at this point, we’re concerned about pricing ourselves out of the market,” he said. “There’s never been a time that (restaurant owners are) as worried about it as they are now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other business owners say they’re more or less prepared for a rising minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been on this path for the last several years,” said Katya Christian, co-owner of her family’s cabin-leasing resort in the Sierra Nevada. “We try to anticipate it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seasonal business hires a handful of college students during the summers to maintain the property and accommodate guests. Christian pays most of them the minimum wage, and this year raised the cabin’s rates to make up for the past few years of wage hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she’ll likely vote for the ballot measure, acknowledging that if it passes, her business is more able to absorb such increases because her customers can typically afford higher prices. Then, perhaps a year after a new wage kicks in, she said, she would likely raise the cabins’ rates.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 32 to increase the minimum wage from $16 isn’t as far-reaching as when it was first proposed. Worker groups are already pushing for more.",
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"title": "Californians Will Vote on $18 Minimum Wage. Workers Say It's Still Not Nearly Livable | KQED",
"description": "Proposition 32 to increase the minimum wage from $16 isn’t as far-reaching as when it was first proposed. Worker groups are already pushing for more.",
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"headline": "Californians Will Vote on $18 Minimum Wage. Workers Say It's Still Not Nearly Livable",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California touted a victory for working people in 2016 when it enacted a sweeping series of minimum hikes, making sure the lowest-wage workers would earn at least $15 an hour by 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Gov. Jerry Brown, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-jerry-brown-signs-minimum-wage-20160404-story.html\">signing the law\u003c/a>, spoke of “giving people their due,” then-Senate leader Kevin de León said in Spanish of making it possible to achieve the American dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California voters are being asked to boost the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/minimum_wage.htm\">statewide minimum wage\u003c/a> again, just two years after the landmark $15 wage championed by unions and embraced by Democratic politicians nationwide took effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/propositions/prop-32-minimum-wage/\">Proposition 32\u003c/a> — the measure to raise the minimum wage to $18 next year — was confirmed for Californians’ ballots in November, it wasn’t with the same fanfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because a lot has changed:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>The current law came with boosts tied to inflation, which has pulled the statewide minimum wage steadily up to $16 this year — and which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/8.1.2024-Minimum-Wage-Increase-Director-of-Finance-Determination-and-Certification-CC.pdf\">will bump it up to $16.50\u003c/a> in January.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>The skyrocketing cost of living has prompted local officials in more than two dozen cities to enact their own faster-growing minimum wages since 2016. Now, \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/inventory-of-us-city-and-county-minimum-wage-ordinances/#s-2\">40 cities and counties have a higher minimum wage\u003c/a> than the state. Most are in the Bay Area or Los Angeles County, covering an estimated one-third of California’s low-wage workers. Several are already above $18 or just one inflationary bump away.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>Unions in California took a different approach. They’ve won industry-specific wage floors for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/09/california-fast-food-deal/\">fast food\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/07/health-care-minimum-wage-raises/\">health care\u003c/a>, and, in some cities, hotels that are well above the statewide minimum. Fast food workers, who got a raise to a minimum of $20 in April, are seeking an inflationary bump for next year. In Los Angeles, hotel and airport workers are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/california-minimum-wage-2/\">demanding a $25 minimum wage\u003c/a> and a raise to $30 in time for the 2028 Olympics.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Many low-wage workers received more amid a tight labor market during the pandemic, marking the first economic recovery in two decades in which they got raises \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/what-you-dont-know-about-low-wage-workers-in-california/\">faster than higher-wage workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>This year in the Legislature, business and labor groups focused on other fights, and it was uncertain whether the measure would even stay on the ballot. Some proponents argued it wasn’t nearly ambitious enough to help the working poor afford California, where MIT researchers estimate the average single, childless adult needs $27 an hour to be “self-sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them, the workers’ advocacy group One Fair Wage, asked the sponsor to pull it from the ballot in favor of advocating for a $20 wage; the organization’s president, Saru Jayaraman, said Proposition 32 is needed but only a “first step.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though the sponsor, investor-turned-anti-poverty advocate Joe Sanberg, said he believes the measure will make a difference in workers’ lives, even he openly agrees that $18 “is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some ways, at the point where this measure is heading to the ballot, it’s kind of underwhelming,” said Chris Tilly, a UCLA professor of urban planning who studies labor markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000113\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22.jpg\" alt=\"Several people wearing red shirts hold signs and sit down outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/062223-Hotel-Workers-Strike-ZS-CM-22-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers and Unite Here Local 11 supporters sit in during a protest at one of the main entrances to LAX airport on June 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s not that workers and their advocates are uninterested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign estimates 2 million workers would still get a raise under the ballot measure — but that’s significantly fewer than the \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/irle-policy-brief/an-18-minimum-wage-for-california/\">4.8 million\u003c/a> calculated by UC Berkeley economist Michael Reich in 2022 when the measure was first proposed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/07/california-minimum-wage-november-ballot/\">and then delayed\u003c/a> because Sanberg missed an administrative deadline. Under the measure, the minimum wage would be $18 in January, with a delay until 2026 for employers with fewer than 26 workers.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gustavo Miranda is one worker who would benefit. The 32-year-old Pomona resident makes $16.50 an hour sorting packages and loading trailers at an Inland Empire warehouse. Rent — $1,000 a month — swallows nearly 40% of his income, and he said grocery prices have risen. To make ends meet, he spends weekends refereeing youth sports. A raise, he said, would help him with car payments and sending money to support his daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Central Valley, Stockton retail worker Donna Bowman said she’s been left behind by the state’s raising wages for other industries. The 55-year-old works part-time nights at a Dollar General to supplement her Social Security payments and said the price of gas has forced her to cut back visits to her grandchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know how, with the way things are right now and inflation, the government expects you to live on $16 an hour,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents are banking on that simple message to convince voters. “From the standpoint of people who are going to be voting, the question is very clear,” Sanberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Sanberg poured more than $10 million into gathering signatures for the measure in 2022, the proponents have hardly spent anything. They don’t have a campaign account after Sanberg shut it down earlier this year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But organizers, including Ada Briceño, co-president of the Southern California hotel workers’ union UNITE HERE Local 11, said the measure is naturally popular and could turn out votes for other races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most powerful proponent, the California Labor Federation, which represents 2.3 million union members, isn’t yet sure how much effort it’s going to put toward passing the measure. While the federation was not involved in qualifying the measure, it endorsed it in July and plans to include it in other statewide campaign materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t know how much opposition there will be, quite honestly,” Labor Federation president Lorena Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez sees the ballot measure as a “way to move things forward” at a time when lawmakers are unlikely to take up the minimum wage. “When we jumped to $15 and did it legislatively, that was really profound,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But $18 today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure,” it makes a difference, she said, but “it’s not really a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000112\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a black shirt prepares food in a restaurant kitchen with another man using the sink.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/041624_San-Ysidro-Border-Economy_AH_CM-11-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cook Tony Peña prepares food at El Rincon restaurant in the San Ysidro neighborhood of San Diego on April 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Opposition is still organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A legislative deal and a state Supreme Court ruling resolved what would have been the biggest ballot fights between business and labor — a law allowing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-workers-labor-violations-deal/\">workers to sue their bosses \u003c/a>and a ballot initiative that would have asked voters to make it \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/06/california-taxes-supreme-court-ballot/\">more difficult to raise taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So business groups say they’re now turning their sights toward Proposition 32. Three major employers’ groups with deep pockets — the Chamber of Commerce, the California Grocers Association and the California Restaurant Association — are leading the opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chamber CEO Jennifer Barrera said employers will also focus on a simple message: the threat of price hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a heightened sensitivity to the impact of increasing these labor costs on businesses and what that ultimately does for the cost of living,” she said. “Our belief is that the cost of living is directly impacted when you raise these costs on businesses. There’s only so many places where they can make adjustments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That warning could resonate with voters pessimistic about an uncertain economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents point out Gov. Gavin Newsom this year, facing lower-than-expected tax revenues and a yawning budget deficit, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/07/health-care-minimum-wage-raises/\">delayed the state’s new $25 minimum wage\u003c/a> for health care workers until the fall out of concern the state could not yet afford it. Private employers, they said, should be given the same time to adjust. Newsom has not taken a position on Proposition 32, and several spokespeople did not respond to inquiries from CalMatters in the last two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unemployment in California is 5.2%, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/news.release/laus.nr0.htm\">higher than the national 4.1%\u003c/a>, and youth unemployment is worse. Business groups contend that increases in the minimum wage cause employers to offer fewer opportunities to less-experienced workers, though many economists disagree wage hikes directly lead to unemployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reich, of UC Berkeley, last fall \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/04/fast-food-minimum-wage-research/\">published a study\u003c/a> with other academics finding the ramp-up to a $15 minimum wage in California and New York had little effect on employment in fast food and among youth — and in the post-pandemic years that industry even added jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, employers point to recent local minimum wage hikes as test cases — particularly the small, relatively wealthy community of West Hollywood, which last year set what was the nation’s highest wage floor of $19.08 and required generous paid sick leave. (This year, Emeryville surpassed that with an inflation-induced $19.36, in another display of cities leaving $18 in the rearview.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>West Hollywood officials this year \u003ca href=\"https://weho.granicus.com/MetaViewer.php?view_id=&event_id=1526&meta_id=271843\">commissioned surveys\u003c/a> in which 42% of business owners said they laid off staff or cut workers’ hours, and city council members agreed to pause the next wage increase until January. Part of the city’s challenge was that business owners had to compete with employers just down the street in Los Angeles, where the minimum wage is $17.28, and Beverly Hills, which uses the state minimum of $16.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walter Schild, owner of a West Hollywood restaurant, said the policy forced him to raise the wages of servers who were making the minimum wage but received substantial extra income in tips, leaving little room to also give raises to back-of-house staff who were making about $19 to $21. He said he eliminated three jobs, including a baker and a barista, and cut a third of the restaurant’s hours, but the business is “barely surviving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schild called minimum wage hikes a “misguided” decision that makes little dent in the cost of living. A wage of $18 or $19 hardly makes rent affordable in West Hollywood anyway, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the minimum wage is supposed to make sure everyone can afford rent in their area,” he said. “This is not supposed to support a family … We ought to have an environment where people can gain skills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restaurant industry, still recovering from pandemic-induced losses and food price inflation, is likely to make up the bulk of the pushback to the measure. Many were already shaken up by the $20 minimum wage for fast food workers that started in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be too soon to tell the actual effects of the fast food increase, though proponents and opponents have both touted monthly jobs figures at convenient times. The \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">latest seasonally adjusted federal employment numbers\u003c/a> — recommended by experts because the restaurant workforce typically peaks in the summer and shrinks in the winter — show California fast food jobs have dipped since a high point in January but remain close to last summer’s levels. Overall, the industry has about 20,000 more jobs than before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, stories of job cuts have spread, and some workers report having hours cut after receiving the raises. Some chains have hiked prices, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erik Freeman, CEO of the Sacramento-based 40-restaurant chain Jimboy’s Tacos, said he’s worried restaurants are reaching a tipping point where increasing labor costs will force them to raise prices to a level consumers can’t afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the chain’s nearly 500 workers make $16 to $20, Freeman said. Because of its relatively smaller number of stores, Jimboy’s was not subject to the fast food wage hike. However, the restaurants still saw decreased sales, and Freeman suspects it’s because price hikes at other chains changed consumers’ habits. He estimated in his restaurants, there’s a 3% decrease in sales for every 5% increase in prices, which he said may have to happen if wages are raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any price increase that we do at this point, we’re concerned about pricing ourselves out of the market,” he said. “There’s never been a time that (restaurant owners are) as worried about it as they are now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other business owners say they’re more or less prepared for a rising minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been on this path for the last several years,” said Katya Christian, co-owner of her family’s cabin-leasing resort in the Sierra Nevada. “We try to anticipate it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seasonal business hires a handful of college students during the summers to maintain the property and accommodate guests. Christian pays most of them the minimum wage, and this year raised the cabin’s rates to make up for the past few years of wage hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she’ll likely vote for the ballot measure, acknowledging that if it passes, her business is more able to absorb such increases because her customers can typically afford higher prices. Then, perhaps a year after a new wage kicks in, she said, she would likely raise the cabins’ rates.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After months of contract negotiations have yet to produce a deal, some of San Francisco’s largest hotel brands could have to contend with a strike by thousands of their workers as early as next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 3,000 employees at Marriott, Hilton and Hyatt \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/hotels\">hotels\u003c/a> are set to hold a strike authorization vote, their union, Unite Here Local 2, said Tuesday. If it passes, they could walk off the job soon after their contracts expire on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A strike would be the latest disruption for a San Francisco hospitality industry still struggling to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. It also comes amid a nationwide wave of hotel labor unrest; across the U.S., 40,000 Unite Here workers have contracts set to expire this year, and union locals in cities such as Boston and Providence, Rhode Island, have announced similar strike votes, inching up the heat on employers as they negotiate new contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, workers at the eight downtown hotels said they are calling for wage increases and pensions that keep up with the cost of living, as well as fixes to what they see as frequent understaffing during very busy shifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Management proposals have included smaller raises and cuts to benefits, which most union members consider as “trash” and “unacceptable,” said Bill Fung, who has worked at the Hilton San Francisco Union Square for 29 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to go on strike,” said Fung, a 59-year-old carpet cleaner who has sat in recent negotiations. “But the hotels are going too far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marriott, Hyatt and Hilton did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as tourism in other California cities has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/california-tourism-recovers-pandemic-s-f-beats-19440850.php\">rebounded\u003c/a> from the pandemic, in San Francisco, the hotel industry “is hurting significantly, with some owners surrendering their properties,” said Alex Bastian, president and CEO of the Hotel Council of San Francisco, an industry trade group that is not involved in the contract negotiations.[aside postID=news_11995935 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240716_SANJOSEHOTELWORKERSMARCH_GC-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“The decrease in visitors has led to fewer shifts for workers,” Bastian said in a statement, adding that other challenges include soaring interest rates and inflation. “In the immediate future, we must make tough decisions to sustain the industry. By approaching this year with objectivity and unity, we can overcome these unprecedented obstacles, ensuring our community’s survival.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s hotel sector relies heavily on business tourism and conventions, both of which have been slow to return since the pandemic, said Ted Egan, the city’s chief economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel occupancy rates remain lower than in 2019, and the city’s hotel tax revenue was $283 million for the 2022–23 fiscal year, down from $414 million in 2018–19, Egan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the downturn, Marriott International, Hyatt and Hilton are very profitable corporations that can afford to improve conditions for their local housekeepers, cooks, dishwashers, bartenders and other staffers, said Lizzy Tapia, president at Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers’ proposals “are really about what we need, and not about what we want,” Tapia said. “And the way the companies have responded to us, it’s almost as if they went backwards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hotels are “taking advantage” of fluctuating business to keep staffing levels low even when there is a surge of guests, which stresses out workers on the clock while keeping others without a paycheck at home, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we know for a fact is that business is actually back some of the time,” Tapia told KQED. “When business picks up, will they then staff accordingly? Can we get folks brought back to work when they are actually needed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco hotels where workers announced a strike vote are the Grand Hyatt, Hilton Union Square, Hyatt Regency Embarcadero, Marriott Marquis, Marriott Union Square, Palace Hotel, Parc 55 and Westin St. Francis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After months of contract negotiations have yet to produce a deal, some of San Francisco’s largest hotel brands could have to contend with a strike by thousands of their workers as early as next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 3,000 employees at Marriott, Hilton and Hyatt \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/hotels\">hotels\u003c/a> are set to hold a strike authorization vote, their union, Unite Here Local 2, said Tuesday. If it passes, they could walk off the job soon after their contracts expire on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A strike would be the latest disruption for a San Francisco hospitality industry still struggling to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. It also comes amid a nationwide wave of hotel labor unrest; across the U.S., 40,000 Unite Here workers have contracts set to expire this year, and union locals in cities such as Boston and Providence, Rhode Island, have announced similar strike votes, inching up the heat on employers as they negotiate new contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, workers at the eight downtown hotels said they are calling for wage increases and pensions that keep up with the cost of living, as well as fixes to what they see as frequent understaffing during very busy shifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Management proposals have included smaller raises and cuts to benefits, which most union members consider as “trash” and “unacceptable,” said Bill Fung, who has worked at the Hilton San Francisco Union Square for 29 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to go on strike,” said Fung, a 59-year-old carpet cleaner who has sat in recent negotiations. “But the hotels are going too far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marriott, Hyatt and Hilton did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as tourism in other California cities has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/california-tourism-recovers-pandemic-s-f-beats-19440850.php\">rebounded\u003c/a> from the pandemic, in San Francisco, the hotel industry “is hurting significantly, with some owners surrendering their properties,” said Alex Bastian, president and CEO of the Hotel Council of San Francisco, an industry trade group that is not involved in the contract negotiations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The decrease in visitors has led to fewer shifts for workers,” Bastian said in a statement, adding that other challenges include soaring interest rates and inflation. “In the immediate future, we must make tough decisions to sustain the industry. By approaching this year with objectivity and unity, we can overcome these unprecedented obstacles, ensuring our community’s survival.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s hotel sector relies heavily on business tourism and conventions, both of which have been slow to return since the pandemic, said Ted Egan, the city’s chief economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel occupancy rates remain lower than in 2019, and the city’s hotel tax revenue was $283 million for the 2022–23 fiscal year, down from $414 million in 2018–19, Egan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the downturn, Marriott International, Hyatt and Hilton are very profitable corporations that can afford to improve conditions for their local housekeepers, cooks, dishwashers, bartenders and other staffers, said Lizzy Tapia, president at Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers’ proposals “are really about what we need, and not about what we want,” Tapia said. “And the way the companies have responded to us, it’s almost as if they went backwards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hotels are “taking advantage” of fluctuating business to keep staffing levels low even when there is a surge of guests, which stresses out workers on the clock while keeping others without a paycheck at home, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we know for a fact is that business is actually back some of the time,” Tapia told KQED. “When business picks up, will they then staff accordingly? Can we get folks brought back to work when they are actually needed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco hotels where workers announced a strike vote are the Grand Hyatt, Hilton Union Square, Hyatt Regency Embarcadero, Marriott Marquis, Marriott Union Square, Palace Hotel, Parc 55 and Westin St. Francis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "these-california-cities-just-raised-the-minimum-wage-make-sure-youre-getting-paid-the-right-amount",
"title": "These California Cities Just Raised The Minimum Wage. Make Sure You’re Getting Paid the Right Amount",
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"headTitle": "These California Cities Just Raised The Minimum Wage. Make Sure You’re Getting Paid the Right Amount | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The minimum wage went up in several cities across California on Monday, just as inflation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978394/californians-face-higher-costs-for-goods-and-services-despite-slowing-inflation\">keeps elevating the prices of goods and services\u003c/a> in an already very expensive place to live. One Bay Area city, Emeryville, has raised its minimum wage to $19.36 an hour, making it the city with the highest minimum wage in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, five other cities in the Bay Area also increased their minimum wage:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Alameda:\u003c/b> $17.00 an hour (previously $16.52)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Berkeley:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Fremont:\u003c/b> $17.30 an hour (previously $16.80)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Milpitas:\u003c/b> $17.70 an hour (previously $17.20)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>San Francisco:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, several cities also boosted their minimum wage standards, including \u003cb>Los Angeles\u003c/b> (now $17.28/hour), \u003cb>Pasadena\u003c/b> (now $17.50/hour) and \u003cb>Santa Monica\u003c/b> (now $17.27/hour). Other cities, like \u003cb>West Hollywood\u003c/b>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.weho.org/business/operate-your-business/minimum-wage\">only changed the rate for employees in the hotel industry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in a fast food restaurant, however, you need to be getting paid more. As of April 1, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">requires fast food restaurants with more than 60 establishments to pay employees at least $20 per hour\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How big are the changes to local minimum wages?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the board, cities are raising the minimum wage by a small percentage. In San Francisco, for example, the jump from $18.07 to $18.67 represents a 3.3% increase. However, labor advocates say that these small increases are part of an ongoing fight for better wages and working conditions and that workers must ensure their employers follow the new regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft is when an employer withholds any kind of compensation, said Juan Villalvazo, labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a legal aid organization in San Francisco. That can include situations where your employer continues to pay you last year’s rate, even after July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of workers in San Francisco, who should now be getting paid $18.67, he explained, “Let’s say for some reason your employer decides that they will pay you only $18.60 — that’s wage theft, right down to the last penny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even a few cents taken from your wages can make a big impact over time, Villalvazo adds. “I know it doesn’t sound like a lot, but assuming you work at least 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, that’s over a thousand dollars,” he said, “I myself wouldn’t want to give up a thousand dollars.”[aside postID=news_11985277 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']Something important to make clear: minimum wage increases apply to all jobs, with some exceptions. So it doesn’t matter if you are undocumented, working without a formal employment contract or getting paid in cash — your employer must pay you at least the minimum wage, as defined by the city or county where your job is located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only exceptions are usually independent contractors or close relatives that work for a family business, among others,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I make sure I’m getting paid the right amount?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Check your pay stubs. Many employers use automatic payroll services that usually keep up with minimum wage changes, but it’s still a good idea to check the listed hourly rate to make sure it doesn’t list the outdated minimum wage or any lesser amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you receive your wages through automatic deposit and don’t receive physical pay stubs, you can contact your human resources or payroll department — or, in much smaller business, your boss directly — and ask for your most recent pay stub to confirm that what you got in your account is correct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, you can get this information yourself if your employer has a digital employee portal (the place where you can review other information, like your schedule or insurance benefits).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And something else to keep in mind: although the new minimum wage comes into effect July 1, that doesn’t mean that the check or deposit you’ll get paid on July 1 will be bigger. If your employer pays you every two weeks, your wages on July 1 are for the hours you worked for the second half of June. You won’t (?) see a change until you get paid again in mid-July.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if I get paid in cash?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remind your employer about the new minimum wage and ask them to count your payment in front of you — to make sure each hour is compensated at the new rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo adds that even if your employer is not keeping track of the hours you work, it’s still a good idea for you to keep a written record on your end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that you maintain contemporaneous records,” he said. “So track every day and create some sort of time stamp for what hours you worked, when you entered the job site, when you left the job site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Across California, cities are increasing their minimum wages starting July 1.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>I think my employer is paying me less than the minimum wage. What can I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Talk to your coworkers first, Villalvazo said, and check in with them if they think they’re also getting underpaid. “If all of you are getting paid below what you need to be paid, talk together with your employer. I think that gives you a little more force,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people might feel nervous in these situations — either because they are afraid of losing their jobs or because their immigration situation is complicated. However, making sure you are getting paid what the law requires is a right protected by the state of California, regardless of your job or immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your employer cannot fire you for trying to enforce your rights under the law, and if they do, they are subject to severe penalties,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another option is talking to your boss about this via email or text. In your message, let your employer know in writing:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The hourly rate you are being paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The correct minimum wage you should get paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How long you’ve been paid the incorrect amount (if this applies to you)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also send a link to (or a screenshot of) your city government’s website stating the new minimum wage — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-03/July2024%20Minimum%20Wage%20Poster.pdf\">like this poster from the city of San Francisco stating the city’s new minimum wage\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not every employer is necessarily a bad faith actor,” Villalvazo said. “Try to negotiate directly with your employer to get them to be in compliance with local law in regards to minimum wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your employer doesn’t keep a record of your hours worked, this is a good time to pull up any documentation you’ve kept that shows how much time you’ve worked. “Text messages, emails, those are honestly the best because they have a time stamp,” Villalvazo said, “so it would be really hard to refute what is said in the text message or email when it did happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after the conversation, send your boss an email or text confirming you had a conversation about your pay and what you agreed upon (or didn’t). That way, you have a record of what you talked about in case the same situation repeats itself in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I spoke to my employer about my wages, but they are not doing anything about it. What can I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your employer still refuses to change your wages so you are getting paid the minimum wage, you have several options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One option is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/dlseSupportingDocs.html\">file a wage theft claim with the state’s Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> (also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement), which investigates employers accused of wage theft. However, the Labor Commissioner’s Office continues to struggle with understaffing, and KQED has published multiple investigations showing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913910/despite-record-budget-surplus-california-unlikely-to-fix-massive-wage-theft-claim-delays-anytime-soon\">how workers who file wage theft claims may have to wait years to get a result\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_11992165 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-07-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Another option that could be more efficient is to contact the office of your city’s government that deals with labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003cb>San Francisco\u003c/b>, for example, you can contact the SF Office of Labor Standards Enforcement at 415-554-6292 or via email at \u003ca href=\"mailto:mwo@sfgov.org\">mwo@sfgov.org\u003c/a>. This team is tasked with ensuring employers keep up with the minimum wage. Let them know about your situation and have both your pay stubs — if you have them — and the written records of your conversations with your employer ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>San José\u003c/b> or \u003cb>Milpitas\u003c/b>, you can contact the Office of Equity Assurance City of San José at 408-535-8430 at \u003ca href=\"mailto:MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\">MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Fremont\u003c/b>, contact the city directly at \u003ca href=\"mailto:minwage@fremont.gov\">minwage@fremont.gov\u003c/a> or 510-284-4000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Berkeley\u003c/b>, contact the Health, Housing, and Community Services Department at 510-981-5400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in the city of \u003cb>Alameda\u003c/b>, contact the Base, Reuse and Economic Development Department at 510-747-6890 or \u003ca href=\"mailto:minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\">minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "One Bay Area city now has the highest minimum wage in the state and others are not far behind. Labor advocates are encouraging workers to take action to make sure their pay stubs reflect these changes.",
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"title": "These California Cities Just Raised The Minimum Wage. Make Sure You’re Getting Paid the Right Amount | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The minimum wage went up in several cities across California on Monday, just as inflation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978394/californians-face-higher-costs-for-goods-and-services-despite-slowing-inflation\">keeps elevating the prices of goods and services\u003c/a> in an already very expensive place to live. One Bay Area city, Emeryville, has raised its minimum wage to $19.36 an hour, making it the city with the highest minimum wage in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, five other cities in the Bay Area also increased their minimum wage:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Alameda:\u003c/b> $17.00 an hour (previously $16.52)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Berkeley:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Fremont:\u003c/b> $17.30 an hour (previously $16.80)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Milpitas:\u003c/b> $17.70 an hour (previously $17.20)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>San Francisco:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, several cities also boosted their minimum wage standards, including \u003cb>Los Angeles\u003c/b> (now $17.28/hour), \u003cb>Pasadena\u003c/b> (now $17.50/hour) and \u003cb>Santa Monica\u003c/b> (now $17.27/hour). Other cities, like \u003cb>West Hollywood\u003c/b>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.weho.org/business/operate-your-business/minimum-wage\">only changed the rate for employees in the hotel industry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in a fast food restaurant, however, you need to be getting paid more. As of April 1, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">requires fast food restaurants with more than 60 establishments to pay employees at least $20 per hour\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How big are the changes to local minimum wages?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the board, cities are raising the minimum wage by a small percentage. In San Francisco, for example, the jump from $18.07 to $18.67 represents a 3.3% increase. However, labor advocates say that these small increases are part of an ongoing fight for better wages and working conditions and that workers must ensure their employers follow the new regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft is when an employer withholds any kind of compensation, said Juan Villalvazo, labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a legal aid organization in San Francisco. That can include situations where your employer continues to pay you last year’s rate, even after July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of workers in San Francisco, who should now be getting paid $18.67, he explained, “Let’s say for some reason your employer decides that they will pay you only $18.60 — that’s wage theft, right down to the last penny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even a few cents taken from your wages can make a big impact over time, Villalvazo adds. “I know it doesn’t sound like a lot, but assuming you work at least 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, that’s over a thousand dollars,” he said, “I myself wouldn’t want to give up a thousand dollars.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Something important to make clear: minimum wage increases apply to all jobs, with some exceptions. So it doesn’t matter if you are undocumented, working without a formal employment contract or getting paid in cash — your employer must pay you at least the minimum wage, as defined by the city or county where your job is located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only exceptions are usually independent contractors or close relatives that work for a family business, among others,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I make sure I’m getting paid the right amount?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Check your pay stubs. Many employers use automatic payroll services that usually keep up with minimum wage changes, but it’s still a good idea to check the listed hourly rate to make sure it doesn’t list the outdated minimum wage or any lesser amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you receive your wages through automatic deposit and don’t receive physical pay stubs, you can contact your human resources or payroll department — or, in much smaller business, your boss directly — and ask for your most recent pay stub to confirm that what you got in your account is correct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, you can get this information yourself if your employer has a digital employee portal (the place where you can review other information, like your schedule or insurance benefits).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And something else to keep in mind: although the new minimum wage comes into effect July 1, that doesn’t mean that the check or deposit you’ll get paid on July 1 will be bigger. If your employer pays you every two weeks, your wages on July 1 are for the hours you worked for the second half of June. You won’t (?) see a change until you get paid again in mid-July.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if I get paid in cash?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remind your employer about the new minimum wage and ask them to count your payment in front of you — to make sure each hour is compensated at the new rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo adds that even if your employer is not keeping track of the hours you work, it’s still a good idea for you to keep a written record on your end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that you maintain contemporaneous records,” he said. “So track every day and create some sort of time stamp for what hours you worked, when you entered the job site, when you left the job site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Across California, cities are increasing their minimum wages starting July 1.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>I think my employer is paying me less than the minimum wage. What can I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Talk to your coworkers first, Villalvazo said, and check in with them if they think they’re also getting underpaid. “If all of you are getting paid below what you need to be paid, talk together with your employer. I think that gives you a little more force,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people might feel nervous in these situations — either because they are afraid of losing their jobs or because their immigration situation is complicated. However, making sure you are getting paid what the law requires is a right protected by the state of California, regardless of your job or immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your employer cannot fire you for trying to enforce your rights under the law, and if they do, they are subject to severe penalties,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another option is talking to your boss about this via email or text. In your message, let your employer know in writing:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The hourly rate you are being paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The correct minimum wage you should get paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How long you’ve been paid the incorrect amount (if this applies to you)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also send a link to (or a screenshot of) your city government’s website stating the new minimum wage — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-03/July2024%20Minimum%20Wage%20Poster.pdf\">like this poster from the city of San Francisco stating the city’s new minimum wage\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not every employer is necessarily a bad faith actor,” Villalvazo said. “Try to negotiate directly with your employer to get them to be in compliance with local law in regards to minimum wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your employer doesn’t keep a record of your hours worked, this is a good time to pull up any documentation you’ve kept that shows how much time you’ve worked. “Text messages, emails, those are honestly the best because they have a time stamp,” Villalvazo said, “so it would be really hard to refute what is said in the text message or email when it did happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after the conversation, send your boss an email or text confirming you had a conversation about your pay and what you agreed upon (or didn’t). That way, you have a record of what you talked about in case the same situation repeats itself in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I spoke to my employer about my wages, but they are not doing anything about it. What can I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your employer still refuses to change your wages so you are getting paid the minimum wage, you have several options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One option is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/dlseSupportingDocs.html\">file a wage theft claim with the state’s Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> (also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement), which investigates employers accused of wage theft. However, the Labor Commissioner’s Office continues to struggle with understaffing, and KQED has published multiple investigations showing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913910/despite-record-budget-surplus-california-unlikely-to-fix-massive-wage-theft-claim-delays-anytime-soon\">how workers who file wage theft claims may have to wait years to get a result\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Another option that could be more efficient is to contact the office of your city’s government that deals with labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003cb>San Francisco\u003c/b>, for example, you can contact the SF Office of Labor Standards Enforcement at 415-554-6292 or via email at \u003ca href=\"mailto:mwo@sfgov.org\">mwo@sfgov.org\u003c/a>. This team is tasked with ensuring employers keep up with the minimum wage. Let them know about your situation and have both your pay stubs — if you have them — and the written records of your conversations with your employer ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>San José\u003c/b> or \u003cb>Milpitas\u003c/b>, you can contact the Office of Equity Assurance City of San José at 408-535-8430 at \u003ca href=\"mailto:MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\">MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Fremont\u003c/b>, contact the city directly at \u003ca href=\"mailto:minwage@fremont.gov\">minwage@fremont.gov\u003c/a> or 510-284-4000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Berkeley\u003c/b>, contact the Health, Housing, and Community Services Department at 510-981-5400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in the city of \u003cb>Alameda\u003c/b>, contact the Base, Reuse and Economic Development Department at 510-747-6890 or \u003ca href=\"mailto:minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\">minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Californians Will Vote on Whether to End Forced Prison Labor This November",
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"headTitle": "Californians Will Vote on Whether to End Forced Prison Labor This November | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s Senate voted Thursday to end forced labor in the state’s prisons and jails. The state constitutional amendment will go to voters for final approval in November. If passed, the change would mark \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">another win\u003c/a> for the state’s first-in-the-nation effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">provide state-level reparations to Black residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Constitutional Amendment 8 is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">California Legislative Black Caucus’ 14 reparations bills\u003c/a> moving through the Legislature this year. The bills draw on recommendations made by the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">state’s reparations task force last June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slavery takes a modern form in involuntary servitude, including forced labor in prisons,” former task force member Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) said on the Senate floor. “Slavery is wrong in all forms, and California should be clear in denouncing that in our Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force defined reparations not only as compensation for past discriminatory policies but also as efforts to end ongoing practices that disproportionately harm Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment would close a loophole in the state constitution that bans involuntary servitude, except as punishment for a crime. Though only 5% of the state population, Black Californians make up 28% of the prison population, which means the state’s involuntary servitude exception disproportionately impacts Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the amendment would prevent the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation from disciplining an incarcerated person who refuses a work assignment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we do the work of reparations, we refer to slavery as a relic of the past. But as I stand here today, we have thousands of indentured servants in our penal system,” caucus member Sen. Lola Smallwood-Cuevas (D-Los Angeles) said, speaking in support of the amendment before the vote on the Senate floor. “When you have folks in a prison who are making 2 and 5 and 8 cents an hour, it undermines everyone’s ability to earn a living wage in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the bill’s passage in the Senate on Thursday, applause and cheering broke out in the gallery, and Smallwood-Cuevas raised a fist in celebration. The amendment, endorsed by the California Democratic Party, received some bipartisan support in both houses. Republicans cast all votes against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, a similar proposal was voted down, in part, over concerns that the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-gavin-newsom-minimum-wage-slavery-a0aed840fc6dc54c7eb0da98d0f6bb05\">end of involuntary servitude would require wage increases\u003c/a> for prison labor, adding significant costs to the state prison system, according to analysts with the state Department of Finance. This year, the bill was amended to allow CDCR to provide credits instead of pay for voluntary work in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the state set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article289463820.html\">$12 million in its budget\u003c/a> to support reparations programs passed by the Legislature this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of only 16 states with an exception clause for involuntary servitude in its constitution. Most recently, voters in Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont removed involuntary servitude language from their state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s Senate voted Thursday to end forced labor in the state’s prisons and jails. The state constitutional amendment will go to voters for final approval in November. If passed, the change would mark \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">another win\u003c/a> for the state’s first-in-the-nation effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">provide state-level reparations to Black residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Constitutional Amendment 8 is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">California Legislative Black Caucus’ 14 reparations bills\u003c/a> moving through the Legislature this year. The bills draw on recommendations made by the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">state’s reparations task force last June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slavery takes a modern form in involuntary servitude, including forced labor in prisons,” former task force member Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) said on the Senate floor. “Slavery is wrong in all forms, and California should be clear in denouncing that in our Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force defined reparations not only as compensation for past discriminatory policies but also as efforts to end ongoing practices that disproportionately harm Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment would close a loophole in the state constitution that bans involuntary servitude, except as punishment for a crime. Though only 5% of the state population, Black Californians make up 28% of the prison population, which means the state’s involuntary servitude exception disproportionately impacts Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the amendment would prevent the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation from disciplining an incarcerated person who refuses a work assignment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we do the work of reparations, we refer to slavery as a relic of the past. But as I stand here today, we have thousands of indentured servants in our penal system,” caucus member Sen. Lola Smallwood-Cuevas (D-Los Angeles) said, speaking in support of the amendment before the vote on the Senate floor. “When you have folks in a prison who are making 2 and 5 and 8 cents an hour, it undermines everyone’s ability to earn a living wage in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the bill’s passage in the Senate on Thursday, applause and cheering broke out in the gallery, and Smallwood-Cuevas raised a fist in celebration. The amendment, endorsed by the California Democratic Party, received some bipartisan support in both houses. Republicans cast all votes against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, a similar proposal was voted down, in part, over concerns that the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-gavin-newsom-minimum-wage-slavery-a0aed840fc6dc54c7eb0da98d0f6bb05\">end of involuntary servitude would require wage increases\u003c/a> for prison labor, adding significant costs to the state prison system, according to analysts with the state Department of Finance. This year, the bill was amended to allow CDCR to provide credits instead of pay for voluntary work in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the state set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article289463820.html\">$12 million in its budget\u003c/a> to support reparations programs passed by the Legislature this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of only 16 states with an exception clause for involuntary servitude in its constitution. Most recently, voters in Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont removed involuntary servitude language from their state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Facing a steep budget deficit, California lawmakers advanced a spending plan on Thursday. The expected cuts include slashing funds for health care workforce programs that aim to ease labor shortages that intensified during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State initiatives encouraging people to become community health workers, social workers, psychiatrists, nurses and other health professionals could lose roughly $800 million or more through mid-2027. Gov. Gavin Newsom and lawmakers are slated to hammer out a final deal in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janet Coffman, a professor at the Healthforce Center at UCSF, said the cuts could set the state back on its efforts to grow the workforce it needs to improve patient access to timely care, particularly in vulnerable communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think ‘devastating’ is too strong of a word,” Coffman said of the reductions if enacted. “This can have an impact on your access to care … It also has the potential to exacerbate increases in labor costs because we won’t be increasing supply in some of these occupations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Gov. Newsom proposed roughly\u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/sites/sbud.senate.ca.gov/files/Part_B_Health_May_20.pdf\"> $1 billion\u003c/a> in cuts to health care workforce grants, loan repayment, training, certification and other kinds of support at the Department of Health Care Access and Information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers countered with \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/system/files/2024-05/subcommittee-no-1-health-actions-taken-2024-25.pdf\">an offer\u003c/a> to restore $125 million to maintain awards already issued for physician and nursing residencies, psychiatry loan repayments and efforts to increase diversity among doctors and other occupations. [aside postID=news_11989597 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240208-HospitalViolence-09-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg']About half a billion of those budget reductions would hit efforts to build up staff for behavioral, mental health and substance abuse services, which are already seeing severe workforce shortages, said Tara Gamboa-Eastman, who directs government affairs with the Steinberg Institute, a nonprofit public policy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic, California has made significant investments in children’s mental health services and new infrastructure to address mental illness and substance abuse, including for those experiencing homelessness, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be successful in our rollout of these incredible reforms that we’ve done, and to really meet the needs of everyday Californians, we have to build up our workforce,” Gamboa-Eastman said. “And if we don’t, we will fall short of meeting our goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California will need to add \u003ca href=\"https://steinberginstitute.org/californias-budget-deficit-puts-momentum-to-rebuild-californias-behavioral-health-workforce-at-risk/#:~:text=Unfortunately%2C%20California%20is%20already%20facing,and%20future%20demand%20for%20services.\">375,000 behavioral health providers\u003c/a> in the next decade to meet the demand for services, according to a Steinberg Institute estimate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Psychologist Le Ondra Clark Harvey highlighted that her training and work with underserved children in Los Angeles were made possible through programs that are at risk of losing funding. She’s now CEO of the California Council of Community Behavioral Health Agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know firsthand how important those funds can be to building the pipeline of workforce, especially those that are serving the public behavioral health system,” Clark Harvey said. “We’ve worked so hard to increase our pipeline. And it feels like we are going backwards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 1, California is set to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986998/first-of-californias-healthcare-minimum-wage-hikes-likely-to-be-delayed\">start \u003c/a>raising the minimum hourly wage to $25 for close to half a million workers in the industry to increase retention and recruitment. However, that impact could be curtailed by workforce training and support budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California initiatives that encourage people to enter health care occupations like social workers, psychiatrists and nurses are expected to be cut by hundreds of millions of dollars.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Facing a steep budget deficit, California lawmakers advanced a spending plan on Thursday. The expected cuts include slashing funds for health care workforce programs that aim to ease labor shortages that intensified during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State initiatives encouraging people to become community health workers, social workers, psychiatrists, nurses and other health professionals could lose roughly $800 million or more through mid-2027. Gov. Gavin Newsom and lawmakers are slated to hammer out a final deal in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janet Coffman, a professor at the Healthforce Center at UCSF, said the cuts could set the state back on its efforts to grow the workforce it needs to improve patient access to timely care, particularly in vulnerable communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think ‘devastating’ is too strong of a word,” Coffman said of the reductions if enacted. “This can have an impact on your access to care … It also has the potential to exacerbate increases in labor costs because we won’t be increasing supply in some of these occupations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Gov. Newsom proposed roughly\u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/sites/sbud.senate.ca.gov/files/Part_B_Health_May_20.pdf\"> $1 billion\u003c/a> in cuts to health care workforce grants, loan repayment, training, certification and other kinds of support at the Department of Health Care Access and Information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers countered with \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/system/files/2024-05/subcommittee-no-1-health-actions-taken-2024-25.pdf\">an offer\u003c/a> to restore $125 million to maintain awards already issued for physician and nursing residencies, psychiatry loan repayments and efforts to increase diversity among doctors and other occupations. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>About half a billion of those budget reductions would hit efforts to build up staff for behavioral, mental health and substance abuse services, which are already seeing severe workforce shortages, said Tara Gamboa-Eastman, who directs government affairs with the Steinberg Institute, a nonprofit public policy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic, California has made significant investments in children’s mental health services and new infrastructure to address mental illness and substance abuse, including for those experiencing homelessness, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be successful in our rollout of these incredible reforms that we’ve done, and to really meet the needs of everyday Californians, we have to build up our workforce,” Gamboa-Eastman said. “And if we don’t, we will fall short of meeting our goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California will need to add \u003ca href=\"https://steinberginstitute.org/californias-budget-deficit-puts-momentum-to-rebuild-californias-behavioral-health-workforce-at-risk/#:~:text=Unfortunately%2C%20California%20is%20already%20facing,and%20future%20demand%20for%20services.\">375,000 behavioral health providers\u003c/a> in the next decade to meet the demand for services, according to a Steinberg Institute estimate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Psychologist Le Ondra Clark Harvey highlighted that her training and work with underserved children in Los Angeles were made possible through programs that are at risk of losing funding. She’s now CEO of the California Council of Community Behavioral Health Agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know firsthand how important those funds can be to building the pipeline of workforce, especially those that are serving the public behavioral health system,” Clark Harvey said. “We’ve worked so hard to increase our pipeline. And it feels like we are going backwards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 1, California is set to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986998/first-of-californias-healthcare-minimum-wage-hikes-likely-to-be-delayed\">start \u003c/a>raising the minimum hourly wage to $25 for close to half a million workers in the industry to increase retention and recruitment. However, that impact could be curtailed by workforce training and support budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "for-some-latinas-in-tech-career-growth-still-remains-elusive",
"title": "For Some Latinas in Tech, Career Growth Still Remains Elusive",
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"content": "\u003cp>A few days ahead of its annual conference, the Latinas in Tech headquarters in Moraga is flush with tote bags, T-shirts and other swag emblazoned with the word “jefa,” female boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jefa is an attitude, making sure you get what you deserve and are delivering excellent work,” said Rocío van Nierop, co-founder and CEO of Latinas in Tech, which helps with networking and career growth in the U.S. and six other countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A focus of this year’s conference, which starts Thursday in San Francisco, isn’t just about pushing Latinas to feel like bosses — but to become them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization’s latest annual survey data indicates a troubling trend: 64% of its members feel stuck in low-level positions, even though most of those have enough experience to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies show that Latinas face numerous biases in the tech industry — such as being seen as uncommitted or less competent after having children or coming off as “feisty” instead of authoritative when they speak up, said Joan Williams, director of the Center for WorkLife Law and professor at the University of California, Hastings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Williams, women overall receive different treatment than men — who are often promoted based on potential, whereas women have to show more accomplishments. Research has also found that managers tend to give men more high-profile assignments that lead to promotions than they do to women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986375\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986375\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two Latina women sit on stage with microphones in a large room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rocío van Nierop, CEO of Latinas in Tech, talks with Ellen Ochoa, the first Latina in space and former NASA director, at the Latinas in Tech Summit 2023. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Priscilla Reyes)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Van Nierop said many of Latinas in Tech’s 33,000 members have experienced those findings firsthand. According to the annual survey, only 17% reported receiving a promotion with a raise in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entering the industry is hard enough, van Nierop said. Latinas only make up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.devry.edu/newsroom/news/2022/current-realities-of-latinos-in-tech-careers.html#:~:text=They%20remain%20highly%20underrepresented%20in,of%20the%20U.S.%20tech%20workforce.\">2\u003c/a>% of the tech workforce, and the number hasn’t budged in five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need is hiring managers that are from our community, and there are people that are qualified,” van Nierop said. “People hire people that they get to know in their networks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11972955,news_11958548\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Latinas in Tech member Ivonne Mondragon has recruited workers for tech companies, including Meta, the parent company of Facebook, and now Qcells, a solar panel maker. She wants to see a much bigger pipeline of Latinas entering tech, and that process needs to start when they are in high school or college, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regardless of what company I’ve been with, the talent for the need is just not there. It’s really a numbers game,” Mondragon said. “Speaking for Latinas, we’re starting to get into tech more. But if we knew about it earlier on, at an early age, it would definitely allow for more success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Vasquez, 30, grew up in San Jose knowing the tech industry was in her backyard, but she didn’t know anyone who worked in tech. A few years into her career in marketing, she decided to give tech a try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found a job at a medical technology startup, then some big names came calling. The first was Meta, the parent company of Facebook, then LinkedIn, and then Google. Then, in January 2023, Google laid her off amid a wave of job cuts. It took her a year to land a new role as a marketing manager, this time as a contractor for Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her year of unemployment, she applied for leadership roles — and was routinely rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought about whether being in the tech space was worth it and something I still wanted,” she said. “I was seeing just how difficult it was for me to land more senior roles that were aligned with the years of experience and the skill sets that I have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that she’s back in the workforce, she said she feels more confident about asking for opportunities to move into management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This time around, I’m asking for a lot more direct feedback from my manager,” she said. “I definitely want to remain in the tech space. It’s something that I still find joy in and that I have a true passion for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland resident Joanne da Luz had been teaching high school math at a charter school for over a decade when she decided to pivot to a career in tech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That desire came from a similar place to her desire to teach — to empower kids of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to be the person that looks like you if you want to pursue this,” she said. “Tech opens up so much access and opportunity, especially in the Bay Area. It can change your world financially. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She earned her MBA from Mills College in 2013 and thought she would easily land a job in educational or financial tech. She was wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, okay, I’m a Latina, I’m a first (generation college graduate), I’m a catch for a tech company,” da Luz said. “I couldn’t even get a ‘hello.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting hired, “was way more difficult than I ever could have anticipated. It was because I didn’t have a network.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She withstood rejection after rejection until some of her classmates from Mills hired her to work at their edtech startup. She loved her work as a product manager but then was laid off — a pattern that repeated itself several times. Finally, in 2022, she landed a role as a senior product manager at Amazon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, in March, da Luz was laid off again. But, this time, she has a much stronger network she has made through past jobs and through organizations, like Latinas in Tech, which she has been a part of for several years. She looks forward to attending the conference this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like a little dose of fun and of being around people that look like you and sound like you are trying to do the same things,” da Luz said. “It just keeps me going to try to continue to access the opportunities in the tech industry.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A few days ahead of its annual conference, the Latinas in Tech headquarters in Moraga is flush with tote bags, T-shirts and other swag emblazoned with the word “jefa,” female boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jefa is an attitude, making sure you get what you deserve and are delivering excellent work,” said Rocío van Nierop, co-founder and CEO of Latinas in Tech, which helps with networking and career growth in the U.S. and six other countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A focus of this year’s conference, which starts Thursday in San Francisco, isn’t just about pushing Latinas to feel like bosses — but to become them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization’s latest annual survey data indicates a troubling trend: 64% of its members feel stuck in low-level positions, even though most of those have enough experience to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies show that Latinas face numerous biases in the tech industry — such as being seen as uncommitted or less competent after having children or coming off as “feisty” instead of authoritative when they speak up, said Joan Williams, director of the Center for WorkLife Law and professor at the University of California, Hastings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Williams, women overall receive different treatment than men — who are often promoted based on potential, whereas women have to show more accomplishments. Research has also found that managers tend to give men more high-profile assignments that lead to promotions than they do to women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986375\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986375\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two Latina women sit on stage with microphones in a large room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/LIT-SUMMIT-2023-ROCIO-W_-ELLEN-OCHOA-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rocío van Nierop, CEO of Latinas in Tech, talks with Ellen Ochoa, the first Latina in space and former NASA director, at the Latinas in Tech Summit 2023. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Priscilla Reyes)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Van Nierop said many of Latinas in Tech’s 33,000 members have experienced those findings firsthand. According to the annual survey, only 17% reported receiving a promotion with a raise in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entering the industry is hard enough, van Nierop said. Latinas only make up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.devry.edu/newsroom/news/2022/current-realities-of-latinos-in-tech-careers.html#:~:text=They%20remain%20highly%20underrepresented%20in,of%20the%20U.S.%20tech%20workforce.\">2\u003c/a>% of the tech workforce, and the number hasn’t budged in five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need is hiring managers that are from our community, and there are people that are qualified,” van Nierop said. “People hire people that they get to know in their networks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Latinas in Tech member Ivonne Mondragon has recruited workers for tech companies, including Meta, the parent company of Facebook, and now Qcells, a solar panel maker. She wants to see a much bigger pipeline of Latinas entering tech, and that process needs to start when they are in high school or college, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regardless of what company I’ve been with, the talent for the need is just not there. It’s really a numbers game,” Mondragon said. “Speaking for Latinas, we’re starting to get into tech more. But if we knew about it earlier on, at an early age, it would definitely allow for more success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Vasquez, 30, grew up in San Jose knowing the tech industry was in her backyard, but she didn’t know anyone who worked in tech. A few years into her career in marketing, she decided to give tech a try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found a job at a medical technology startup, then some big names came calling. The first was Meta, the parent company of Facebook, then LinkedIn, and then Google. Then, in January 2023, Google laid her off amid a wave of job cuts. It took her a year to land a new role as a marketing manager, this time as a contractor for Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her year of unemployment, she applied for leadership roles — and was routinely rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought about whether being in the tech space was worth it and something I still wanted,” she said. “I was seeing just how difficult it was for me to land more senior roles that were aligned with the years of experience and the skill sets that I have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that she’s back in the workforce, she said she feels more confident about asking for opportunities to move into management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This time around, I’m asking for a lot more direct feedback from my manager,” she said. “I definitely want to remain in the tech space. It’s something that I still find joy in and that I have a true passion for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland resident Joanne da Luz had been teaching high school math at a charter school for over a decade when she decided to pivot to a career in tech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That desire came from a similar place to her desire to teach — to empower kids of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to be the person that looks like you if you want to pursue this,” she said. “Tech opens up so much access and opportunity, especially in the Bay Area. It can change your world financially. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She earned her MBA from Mills College in 2013 and thought she would easily land a job in educational or financial tech. She was wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, okay, I’m a Latina, I’m a first (generation college graduate), I’m a catch for a tech company,” da Luz said. “I couldn’t even get a ‘hello.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting hired, “was way more difficult than I ever could have anticipated. It was because I didn’t have a network.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She withstood rejection after rejection until some of her classmates from Mills hired her to work at their edtech startup. She loved her work as a product manager but then was laid off — a pattern that repeated itself several times. Finally, in 2022, she landed a role as a senior product manager at Amazon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, in March, da Luz was laid off again. But, this time, she has a much stronger network she has made through past jobs and through organizations, like Latinas in Tech, which she has been a part of for several years. She looks forward to attending the conference this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
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