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"content": "\u003cp>As many voters remain anxious about inflation, support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> ballot measure that would gradually raise the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\">minimum wage\u003c/a> statewide appears to be waning, according to new survey data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-october-2024/\">statewide poll\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California found only about 44% of likely voters backed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006890/transcript-prop-32-raises-the-minimum-wage-to-18-an-hour\">Proposition 32\u003c/a>, compared to 50% in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the measure, which would require employers to pay a minimum of $18 an hour by 2026, could help an estimated 2 million working Californians better afford basic necessities. The lowest-paid jobs in the state include farmworkers, home health care aides and cashiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But arguments by business trade groups that employers would be forced to absorb a more expensive payroll by raising prices and cutting jobs — and exacerbate the state’s cost of living — seem to be sticking in the current election climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters are smart and inflation fatigued,” Jot Condie, president and CEO of the California Restaurant Association, said in a statement. “The recent poll showing a majority of voters would vote no on Prop. 32 is encouraging given the devastating impacts it will have on family budgets and on small businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some businesses may struggle temporarily to pay for higher wages, most economic studies show minimum wage raises have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">little to no impact on employment overall\u003c/a>, though they can lead to small price increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California’s fast food industry, where a state law required most employers to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">pay at least $20 an hour\u003c/a>, researchers at UC Berkeley, \u003ca href=\"https://shift.hks.harvard.edu/early-effects-of-californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-large-wage-increases-with-no-effects-on-hours-scheduling-or-benefits/\">Harvard\u003c/a> and other institutions found no job losses, as opponents in the restaurant industry had warned. Menu prices increased, but only by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> published last month by the UC Berkeley Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign opposed to Proposition 32 has scared some voters, said Saru Jayaraman, president of the nonprofit One Fair Wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the doom and gloom that they predicted turned out to be true,” Jayaraman, who is part of the Yes on 32 campaign, said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">fast food minimum wage increase\u003c/a>. “At some point, we have to realize that this is big business willing to put money into lying to people rather than put money into paying workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 32 passes, large businesses with 26 or more employees must raise their minimum pay immediately to $17 an hour and to $18 by 2025. Smaller employers would have until Jan. 1, 2026, to make the adjustment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006890 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS2826_cashregister20120522-e1430162029879.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters aimed to qualify the measure for the ballot in 2022 but missed a key deadline. In the current economic landscape, an $18 hourly wage is woefully insufficient but a step in the right direction, Jayaraman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still hope we can win,” she added. “There are lots of people in California struggling, living in their car, working multiple jobs, who need a raise to feed their family. And we have to keep fighting for more because 18 is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. economy has largely rebounded from the pandemic, according to experts. Unemployment remains relatively low. Inflation, which is at a three-year low, is expected to continue decreasing, and consumer spending has been stronger than expected. Still, concerns about consumer prices remain top of mind, and a majority of Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-economic-well-being-november-2023/\">believe\u003c/a> the state’s economy could experience a downturn in the next year, according to the PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two-thirds of Democrats said they would vote for Proposition 32 in the most recent PPIC poll, with the highest levels of support in the San Francisco Bay Area. But that’s not enough to overcome opposition by a majority of Republicans and independents elsewhere in the state, said Mark Baldassare, who directs the statewide survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, the non-profit research institution reported that 67% of likely voters said they would \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/crosstabs-likely-voters-1123.pdf\">back\u003c/a> a policy to raise the hourly minimum to $18, but that hasn’t translated into approval for this particular proposition, Baldassare added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The burden of proof is always on the proponents. It’s the easiest thing for people to say, ‘If I’m not sure, I’m going to vote no,’” he said, adding that about two in three ballot propositions fail. “So the proponents have work to do in this case to get to the majority vote.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters aimed to qualify the measure for the ballot in 2022 but missed a key deadline. In the current economic landscape, an $18 hourly wage is woefully insufficient but a step in the right direction, Jayaraman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still hope we can win,” she added. “There are lots of people in California struggling, living in their car, working multiple jobs, who need a raise to feed their family. And we have to keep fighting for more because 18 is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. economy has largely rebounded from the pandemic, according to experts. Unemployment remains relatively low. Inflation, which is at a three-year low, is expected to continue decreasing, and consumer spending has been stronger than expected. Still, concerns about consumer prices remain top of mind, and a majority of Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-economic-well-being-november-2023/\">believe\u003c/a> the state’s economy could experience a downturn in the next year, according to the PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two-thirds of Democrats said they would vote for Proposition 32 in the most recent PPIC poll, with the highest levels of support in the San Francisco Bay Area. But that’s not enough to overcome opposition by a majority of Republicans and independents elsewhere in the state, said Mark Baldassare, who directs the statewide survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, the non-profit research institution reported that 67% of likely voters said they would \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/crosstabs-likely-voters-1123.pdf\">back\u003c/a> a policy to raise the hourly minimum to $18, but that hasn’t translated into approval for this particular proposition, Baldassare added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The burden of proof is always on the proponents. It’s the easiest thing for people to say, ‘If I’m not sure, I’m going to vote no,’” he said, adding that about two in three ballot propositions fail. “So the proponents have work to do in this case to get to the majority vote.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 9:10 p.m. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 200 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> clerks held a one-day strike on Thursday, shutting down high-profile civil and criminal trials and hearings in the city’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dressed in purple, dozens of clerks represented by the Service Employees International Union Local 1021 rallied on the steps of the Hall of Justice to demand fair contracts, more staffing and an end to delays they say are caused by chronic mismanagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben Thompson, a deputy clerk in the court’s criminal division, told KQED that management has refused to negotiate with the clerks’ union. The court has made it impossible for clerks to fulfill their “fundamental obligation to the public, which is to ensure equal and fair access to those seeking redress under the law,” Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the clerks’ key demands is improved training. Due to staffing shortages, clerks are often shuffled between courtrooms and into departments that require unique specialization, Thompson said, which can translate into clerical errors with real consequences for people interacting with the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our jobs are important. These are people’s lives and futures we’re talking about,” Thompson said. “The court refuses, for whatever reason, to train us correctly, which, in my opinion, is criminally irresponsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010986 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to speakers during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court remained open Thursday for essential services, but all proceedings — including divorce settlements, jury selection and traffic court — were put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike has called attention to an enormous backlog of cases caused by short staffing, faulty technology and a lack of courtrooms. This gridlock is said to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">stemmed from the pandemic\u003c/a> and has continued to slow down or derail criminal and civil cases. In August, over 70 criminal cases were dismissed due to delays that the California appeals court called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">a violation of defendants’ rights\u003c/a> to speedy trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court Executive Officer Brandon E. Riley said the court would shift resources to “prioritize those cases with statutory deadlines,” such as domestic violence cases and custody arraignments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Riley called the clerks’ decision to disrupt services “unfortunate” and cited the challenges of reaching a fair contract in light of the state’s reduction in funding for the Judicial Branch, “which has resulted in a $2.5 million ongoing cut to the court’s budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010984\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010984\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Superior Court clerks, supported by their union SEIU Local 1021, strike in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High-profile proceedings that were halted Thursday included the trial of Nima Momeni, a former tech consultant accused of murdering Cash App founder Bob Lee in a case that drew national attention. The strike also paused the already-delayed preliminary hearings for the eight \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010363/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-await-judicial-ruling-on-felony-charges\">antiwar activists charged with felonies\u003c/a> in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge on Tax Day to protest U.S. support for Israel’s war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, which will determine whether or not San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins has enough evidence to bring felony charges against the protesters, was already behind schedule after the court was unable to assign the case a courtroom on Monday, citing the backlog and higher-priority criminal trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked how the defendants in the Golden Gate Bridge case felt about the delays, attorney Jeff Wozniak said his clients and the legal team “stand with the SEIU.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Myrna Melgar speaks during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A small group of the protesters’ supporters filled the echoing hallway outside of the courtroom, chanting for Jenkins to drop the charges. They also rallied in support of the 18 protesters charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004860/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-plead-not-guilty-to-felony-and-misdemeanor-charges\">misdemeanors\u003c/a>, whose initial start day was set for Thursday but was pushed to Dec. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the rallying clerks were joined by their court reporter and court interpreter colleagues dressed in blue. The court reporter from the Momeni trial was seen standing at the picket line, according to reports on social media, and one of Momeni’s attorneys reportedly bought hundreds of dollars worth of sandwiches for the clerks from a nearby cafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009797 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-21-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Jenkins did not win endorsement from the clerks union in the upcoming election, she joined the clerks’ ranks at the courthouse, saying that her appearance “wasn’t about politics.” In the past, Jenkins has \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/08/14/san-francisco-drops-criminal-cases-court-backlog/\">accused \u003c/a>the court’s backlog of robbing victims and defendants of their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in the trenches with them as a courtroom prosecutor,” Jenkins said. “I know what it means for them to be overworked, for them to be short-staffed, for them to be under pressure, to record each and everything that’s going on during a court hearing. And if they aren’t equipped to be able to do that, it’s unfair to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ progressive opponent — and former employee — Ryan Khojasteh, also appeared on the court steps to criticize what he called the district attorney’s “severe mismanagement of the system.” Khojasteh said Jenkins has contributed to the case backlog by making “unreasonable plea deals” instead of deferring to diversion programs and drug treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khojasteh was initially hired by former District Attorney Chesa Boudin and was fired during the early days of Jenkins’ administration after Boudin was recalled. While lesser known than the incumbent, Khojasteh’s emphasis on early interventions is one of the ways he’s setting himself apart from Jenkins, and he garnered the clerks union’s support in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction:\u003c/strong> A previous version of this article incorrectly stated a deadline to complete the preliminary hearing for eight antiwar activists charged with felonies in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge. The story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 9:10 p.m. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 200 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> clerks held a one-day strike on Thursday, shutting down high-profile civil and criminal trials and hearings in the city’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dressed in purple, dozens of clerks represented by the Service Employees International Union Local 1021 rallied on the steps of the Hall of Justice to demand fair contracts, more staffing and an end to delays they say are caused by chronic mismanagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben Thompson, a deputy clerk in the court’s criminal division, told KQED that management has refused to negotiate with the clerks’ union. The court has made it impossible for clerks to fulfill their “fundamental obligation to the public, which is to ensure equal and fair access to those seeking redress under the law,” Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the clerks’ key demands is improved training. Due to staffing shortages, clerks are often shuffled between courtrooms and into departments that require unique specialization, Thompson said, which can translate into clerical errors with real consequences for people interacting with the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our jobs are important. These are people’s lives and futures we’re talking about,” Thompson said. “The court refuses, for whatever reason, to train us correctly, which, in my opinion, is criminally irresponsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010986 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to speakers during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court remained open Thursday for essential services, but all proceedings — including divorce settlements, jury selection and traffic court — were put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike has called attention to an enormous backlog of cases caused by short staffing, faulty technology and a lack of courtrooms. This gridlock is said to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">stemmed from the pandemic\u003c/a> and has continued to slow down or derail criminal and civil cases. In August, over 70 criminal cases were dismissed due to delays that the California appeals court called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">a violation of defendants’ rights\u003c/a> to speedy trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court Executive Officer Brandon E. Riley said the court would shift resources to “prioritize those cases with statutory deadlines,” such as domestic violence cases and custody arraignments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Riley called the clerks’ decision to disrupt services “unfortunate” and cited the challenges of reaching a fair contract in light of the state’s reduction in funding for the Judicial Branch, “which has resulted in a $2.5 million ongoing cut to the court’s budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010984\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010984\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Superior Court clerks, supported by their union SEIU Local 1021, strike in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High-profile proceedings that were halted Thursday included the trial of Nima Momeni, a former tech consultant accused of murdering Cash App founder Bob Lee in a case that drew national attention. The strike also paused the already-delayed preliminary hearings for the eight \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010363/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-await-judicial-ruling-on-felony-charges\">antiwar activists charged with felonies\u003c/a> in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge on Tax Day to protest U.S. support for Israel’s war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, which will determine whether or not San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins has enough evidence to bring felony charges against the protesters, was already behind schedule after the court was unable to assign the case a courtroom on Monday, citing the backlog and higher-priority criminal trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked how the defendants in the Golden Gate Bridge case felt about the delays, attorney Jeff Wozniak said his clients and the legal team “stand with the SEIU.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Myrna Melgar speaks during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A small group of the protesters’ supporters filled the echoing hallway outside of the courtroom, chanting for Jenkins to drop the charges. They also rallied in support of the 18 protesters charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004860/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-plead-not-guilty-to-felony-and-misdemeanor-charges\">misdemeanors\u003c/a>, whose initial start day was set for Thursday but was pushed to Dec. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the rallying clerks were joined by their court reporter and court interpreter colleagues dressed in blue. The court reporter from the Momeni trial was seen standing at the picket line, according to reports on social media, and one of Momeni’s attorneys reportedly bought hundreds of dollars worth of sandwiches for the clerks from a nearby cafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Jenkins did not win endorsement from the clerks union in the upcoming election, she joined the clerks’ ranks at the courthouse, saying that her appearance “wasn’t about politics.” In the past, Jenkins has \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/08/14/san-francisco-drops-criminal-cases-court-backlog/\">accused \u003c/a>the court’s backlog of robbing victims and defendants of their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in the trenches with them as a courtroom prosecutor,” Jenkins said. “I know what it means for them to be overworked, for them to be short-staffed, for them to be under pressure, to record each and everything that’s going on during a court hearing. And if they aren’t equipped to be able to do that, it’s unfair to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ progressive opponent — and former employee — Ryan Khojasteh, also appeared on the court steps to criticize what he called the district attorney’s “severe mismanagement of the system.” Khojasteh said Jenkins has contributed to the case backlog by making “unreasonable plea deals” instead of deferring to diversion programs and drug treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khojasteh was initially hired by former District Attorney Chesa Boudin and was fired during the early days of Jenkins’ administration after Boudin was recalled. While lesser known than the incumbent, Khojasteh’s emphasis on early interventions is one of the ways he’s setting himself apart from Jenkins, and he garnered the clerks union’s support in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction:\u003c/strong> A previous version of this article incorrectly stated a deadline to complete the preliminary hearing for eight antiwar activists charged with felonies in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge. The story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than half of the 410 hospitals in California have at least one building that likely wouldn’t be able to operate after a major earthquake hit their region, and with many institutions claiming they don’t have the money to meet a 2030 legal deadline for earthquake retrofits, the state is now granting relief to some while ramping up pressure on others to get the work done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom in September vetoed legislation championed by the California Hospital Association that would have allowed all hospitals to apply for an extension of the deadline for up to five years. Instead, the Democratic governor signed a more narrowly tailored bill that allows small, rural, or “distressed” hospitals to get an extension of up to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an expensive thing and a complicated thing for hospitals — independent hospitals in particular,” said Elizabeth Mahler, an associate chief medical officer for Alameda Health System, which is undertaking a $25 million retrofit of its hospital in Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over how seismically safe California hospitals should be dates to the 1971 Sylmar quake near Los Angeles, which prompted a law requiring new hospitals to be built to withstand an earthquake and continue operating. In 1994, after the magnitude 6.7 Northridge quake killed at least 57 people, lawmakers required existing facilities to be upgraded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two laws have left California hospitals with two sets of standards to meet. The first — which originally had a deadline of 2008 but was pushed to 2020 — required hospital buildings to stay standing after an earthquake. About 20 facilities have yet to meet that requirement for at least one of their buildings, although some have received extensions from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many more — 674 buildings spread across 251 licensed hospitals — do not meet the second set of standards, which require hospital facilities to remain functional in the event of a major earthquake. That work is supposed to be done by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The importance of it is hard to argue with,” said Jonathan Stewart, a professor at UCLA’s Samueli School of Engineering, citing a 2023 earthquake in Turkey that damaged or destroyed multiple hospitals. “There were a number of hospitals that were intact but not usable. That’s better than a collapsed structure. But still not what you need at a time of emergency like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influential hospital industry has unsuccessfully lobbied lawmakers for years to extend the 2030 deadline, though the state has granted various extensions to specific facilities. Newsom’s signature on one of the three bills addressing the issue this year represents a partial victory for the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospital administrators have long complained about the steep cost of seismic retrofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While hospitals are working to meet these requirements, many will simply not make the 2030 deadline and be forced by state law to close,” wrote Carmela Coyle, president and CEO of the California Hospital Association, in a letter to Newsom before he vetoed the CHA bill. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/news/press/2019/03/28.html\">2019 Rand Corp. study\u003c/a> paid for by the CHA pinned the price of meeting the 2030 standards at between $34 billion and $143 billion statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='health']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions representing nurses and other medical workers, however, say the hospitals have had plenty of time to get their buildings into compliance and that most have the money to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve had 30 years to do this,” Cathy Kennedy, a nurse in Roseville and one of the presidents of the California Nurses Association, said in an interview prior to the governor’s action. “We are kicking the can down the road year after year, and unfortunately, lives are going to be lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message on the CHA bill, Newsom wrote that a blanket five-year extension wasn’t justified and that any extension “should be limited in scope, granted only on a case-by-case basis to hospitals with demonstrated need and a clear path to compliance, and in combination with strong accountability and enforcement mechanisms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also vetoed a bill directed specifically at helping several hospitals operated by Providence, a Catholic hospital chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he signed a third bill, which allows small, rural, and “critical access” hospitals, and some others, to apply for a three-year extension and directs the Department of Health Care Access and Information to offer them “technical assistance” in meeting the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state designates 37 hospitals as providing “critical access,” while 56 are considered “small,” meaning they have fewer than 50 beds, 59 are considered “rural,” and 32 are “district” hospitals, meaning special government entities fund them called “health care districts.” They can seek a three-year extension as long as they submit a seismic compliance plan and identify milestones for implementing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debi Stebbins, executive director of the Alameda Health Care District, which owns the Alameda Hospital buildings, said small hospitals face a big challenge. Even though Alameda is very close to San Francisco and Oakland, the tunnels, bridges, and ferries that connect it to the mainland could easily be shut in an emergency, making the island’s hospital a lifeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an unfunded mandate,” Stebbins said of the state’s 2030 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rand study estimated the average cost of a retrofit at \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR3059.html\">more than $92 million\u003c/a> per building, but the amount could vary greatly depending on whether it’s a building that houses hospital beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small and rural hospitals can get some aid from the state via grants financed by the California Electronic Cigarette Excise Tax, but HCAI spokesperson Andrew DiLuccia said it would yield just $2-3 million total annually. He added that the Small and Rural Hospital Relief Program has also received a one-time infusion of $50 million from a tax on health insurers to help with the seismic work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions and critics of the extensions often point to the large profits that some hospitals reap: A California Health Care Foundation report published in August found that California’s hospitals made $3.2 billion in profit during the first quarter of 2024. The study notes that there “continues to be wide variation in financial performance among hospitals, with the bottom quartile showing a net income margin of -5%, compared to +13% for the top quartile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins has had to help her district figure out a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt='A beige building with \"Alameda Hospital\" written on it in blue lettering and a carpark in the foreground.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Alameda Hospital, which serves the city of Alameda, on Jan. 3, 2023. Alameda Hospital sought a 2-year extension for seismic retrofits in 2022, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have granted an extension on the seismic retrofit deadline specifically for Alameda Hospital, the hospital system and its partner health care district used parcel tax money to help back \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedahealthsystem.org/alameda-hospital-seismic-updates-and-faqs/\">a loan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost to retrofit will be about $25 million, and the system is also investing millions more into other projects, such as a new skilled nursing facility. The construction work is set to be completed in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one wants things crashing in an earthquake or anything else, but at the same time, it’s a burden,” Mahler, the Alameda Health System associate chief medical officer, said. “How do we make sure that they get what they need to stay open?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\">\u003cem>KFF Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, which publishes \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\">\u003cem>California Healthline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an editorially independent service of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>California Health Care Foundation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than half of the 410 hospitals in California have at least one building that likely wouldn’t be able to operate after a major earthquake hit their region, and with many institutions claiming they don’t have the money to meet a 2030 legal deadline for earthquake retrofits, the state is now granting relief to some while ramping up pressure on others to get the work done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom in September vetoed legislation championed by the California Hospital Association that would have allowed all hospitals to apply for an extension of the deadline for up to five years. Instead, the Democratic governor signed a more narrowly tailored bill that allows small, rural, or “distressed” hospitals to get an extension of up to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an expensive thing and a complicated thing for hospitals — independent hospitals in particular,” said Elizabeth Mahler, an associate chief medical officer for Alameda Health System, which is undertaking a $25 million retrofit of its hospital in Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over how seismically safe California hospitals should be dates to the 1971 Sylmar quake near Los Angeles, which prompted a law requiring new hospitals to be built to withstand an earthquake and continue operating. In 1994, after the magnitude 6.7 Northridge quake killed at least 57 people, lawmakers required existing facilities to be upgraded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two laws have left California hospitals with two sets of standards to meet. The first — which originally had a deadline of 2008 but was pushed to 2020 — required hospital buildings to stay standing after an earthquake. About 20 facilities have yet to meet that requirement for at least one of their buildings, although some have received extensions from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many more — 674 buildings spread across 251 licensed hospitals — do not meet the second set of standards, which require hospital facilities to remain functional in the event of a major earthquake. That work is supposed to be done by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The importance of it is hard to argue with,” said Jonathan Stewart, a professor at UCLA’s Samueli School of Engineering, citing a 2023 earthquake in Turkey that damaged or destroyed multiple hospitals. “There were a number of hospitals that were intact but not usable. That’s better than a collapsed structure. But still not what you need at a time of emergency like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influential hospital industry has unsuccessfully lobbied lawmakers for years to extend the 2030 deadline, though the state has granted various extensions to specific facilities. Newsom’s signature on one of the three bills addressing the issue this year represents a partial victory for the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospital administrators have long complained about the steep cost of seismic retrofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While hospitals are working to meet these requirements, many will simply not make the 2030 deadline and be forced by state law to close,” wrote Carmela Coyle, president and CEO of the California Hospital Association, in a letter to Newsom before he vetoed the CHA bill. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/news/press/2019/03/28.html\">2019 Rand Corp. study\u003c/a> paid for by the CHA pinned the price of meeting the 2030 standards at between $34 billion and $143 billion statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions representing nurses and other medical workers, however, say the hospitals have had plenty of time to get their buildings into compliance and that most have the money to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve had 30 years to do this,” Cathy Kennedy, a nurse in Roseville and one of the presidents of the California Nurses Association, said in an interview prior to the governor’s action. “We are kicking the can down the road year after year, and unfortunately, lives are going to be lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message on the CHA bill, Newsom wrote that a blanket five-year extension wasn’t justified and that any extension “should be limited in scope, granted only on a case-by-case basis to hospitals with demonstrated need and a clear path to compliance, and in combination with strong accountability and enforcement mechanisms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also vetoed a bill directed specifically at helping several hospitals operated by Providence, a Catholic hospital chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he signed a third bill, which allows small, rural, and “critical access” hospitals, and some others, to apply for a three-year extension and directs the Department of Health Care Access and Information to offer them “technical assistance” in meeting the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state designates 37 hospitals as providing “critical access,” while 56 are considered “small,” meaning they have fewer than 50 beds, 59 are considered “rural,” and 32 are “district” hospitals, meaning special government entities fund them called “health care districts.” They can seek a three-year extension as long as they submit a seismic compliance plan and identify milestones for implementing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debi Stebbins, executive director of the Alameda Health Care District, which owns the Alameda Hospital buildings, said small hospitals face a big challenge. Even though Alameda is very close to San Francisco and Oakland, the tunnels, bridges, and ferries that connect it to the mainland could easily be shut in an emergency, making the island’s hospital a lifeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an unfunded mandate,” Stebbins said of the state’s 2030 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rand study estimated the average cost of a retrofit at \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR3059.html\">more than $92 million\u003c/a> per building, but the amount could vary greatly depending on whether it’s a building that houses hospital beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small and rural hospitals can get some aid from the state via grants financed by the California Electronic Cigarette Excise Tax, but HCAI spokesperson Andrew DiLuccia said it would yield just $2-3 million total annually. He added that the Small and Rural Hospital Relief Program has also received a one-time infusion of $50 million from a tax on health insurers to help with the seismic work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions and critics of the extensions often point to the large profits that some hospitals reap: A California Health Care Foundation report published in August found that California’s hospitals made $3.2 billion in profit during the first quarter of 2024. The study notes that there “continues to be wide variation in financial performance among hospitals, with the bottom quartile showing a net income margin of -5%, compared to +13% for the top quartile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins has had to help her district figure out a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt='A beige building with \"Alameda Hospital\" written on it in blue lettering and a carpark in the foreground.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Alameda Hospital, which serves the city of Alameda, on Jan. 3, 2023. Alameda Hospital sought a 2-year extension for seismic retrofits in 2022, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have granted an extension on the seismic retrofit deadline specifically for Alameda Hospital, the hospital system and its partner health care district used parcel tax money to help back \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedahealthsystem.org/alameda-hospital-seismic-updates-and-faqs/\">a loan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost to retrofit will be about $25 million, and the system is also investing millions more into other projects, such as a new skilled nursing facility. The construction work is set to be completed in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one wants things crashing in an earthquake or anything else, but at the same time, it’s a burden,” Mahler, the Alameda Health System associate chief medical officer, said. “How do we make sure that they get what they need to stay open?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\">\u003cem>KFF Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, which publishes \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\">\u003cem>California Healthline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an editorially independent service of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>California Health Care Foundation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "‘We’re Going to Fight’: More than 100 SF Marriott Workers Go on Strike, Joining Other Hotel Walkouts Across City",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 100 hotel workers at the Marriott Union Square in San Francisco went on strike on Friday, as employees and labor organizers continue to push for better wages and more affordable health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, organized by the hospitality workers’ union UNITE HERE Local 2, follows ongoing labor actions at three other hotels in downtown San Francisco — including the Grand Hyatt, Hilton and Westin St. Francis — where workers represented by the union walked out last month after their contract expired. Additionally, workers at eight other Bay Area hotels not affiliated with Local 2 have also recently authorized strikes, but have not yet walked off the job, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005938/over-1500-san-francisco-hotel-workers-strike-in-2nd-walkout-this-month\">More than 1,600 hotel workers are striking in San Francisco alone\u003c/a>, along with thousands more at hotels in cities across the country, including Boston, Hawaii, and Seattle, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in San Francisco. We want to keep business here,” said Lizzy Tapia, president of UNITE HERE Local 2. “These employers are not investing in San Francisco. These owners, these operators, they’re not investing in our city, all the things that make our city great.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Union Square on Friday morning, the sounds of chanting strikers could be heard on almost every street corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic slammed the hospitality industry, hotel workers locally and nationwide have complained about severe staffing shortages and insufficient pay and benefits. And even as the tourism industry has slowly begun to rebound, wages for workers are failing to keep up with inflation, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our members can’t afford to live in San Francisco,” Tapia said. “It’s kind of hard to imagine having such an important industry as the tourism industry without members who can actually afford to be here and be a part of the community here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some hotel employees are also concerned about the rising cost of health care. Workers on strike are demanding that hotel management provide employees with more comprehensive and affordable coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to keep the medical benefits because in the future, I want to be a mom, and I want to have insurance for me and my baby, for my safety and for my baby’s safety,” said Claudia Garrido, a phone operator at Marriott Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, Garrido said “is difficult, but we need to do this together.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12005938,news_12002682,news_11999702\"]According to Garrido, hotel management has taken a step backward when it comes to providing for employees and protecting their well-being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pandemic-era staffing cuts have also contributed to the frustration hotel workers are feeling, the union said. According to a \u003ca href=\"https://unitehere.org/press-releases/more-san-francisco-hotel-workers-join-ongoing-u-s-hotel-strikes/\">United Here press release\u003c/a>, staffing per occupied room went down 13% between 2019 and 2022, resulting in significantly heavier workloads for remaining employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Marriott said in an email that the corporation is “available to meet with the local union negotiating committee to reach an agreement that is fair to all parties.” They also noted that the Marriott Union Square is still open to customers and that protocols are in place to ensure that guests are cared for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdul Sheikh, a Marriott employee working in the concierge lounge, said all the workers want is a fair contract. He added that the hotel can only run for so long without its staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to fight very hard, and we’re going to win,” Sheikh said. “There is no other way we’re going to leave … And I’m 100% sure sooner or later they’re going to sign the contract. There’s no other way for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Correction (Oct. 19): Workers at the eight other Bay Area hotels that are not affiliated with the union have not started their strikes yet, as we originally stated. They have just authorized the strikes.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Organized by UNITE HERE Local 2, the strike is the latest in a series of hotel-worker walkouts across the Bay Area and the U.S., in a demand for higher wages, better benefits and increased staffing as post-pandemic tourism rebounds.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 100 hotel workers at the Marriott Union Square in San Francisco went on strike on Friday, as employees and labor organizers continue to push for better wages and more affordable health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, organized by the hospitality workers’ union UNITE HERE Local 2, follows ongoing labor actions at three other hotels in downtown San Francisco — including the Grand Hyatt, Hilton and Westin St. Francis — where workers represented by the union walked out last month after their contract expired. Additionally, workers at eight other Bay Area hotels not affiliated with Local 2 have also recently authorized strikes, but have not yet walked off the job, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005938/over-1500-san-francisco-hotel-workers-strike-in-2nd-walkout-this-month\">More than 1,600 hotel workers are striking in San Francisco alone\u003c/a>, along with thousands more at hotels in cities across the country, including Boston, Hawaii, and Seattle, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in San Francisco. We want to keep business here,” said Lizzy Tapia, president of UNITE HERE Local 2. “These employers are not investing in San Francisco. These owners, these operators, they’re not investing in our city, all the things that make our city great.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Union Square on Friday morning, the sounds of chanting strikers could be heard on almost every street corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic slammed the hospitality industry, hotel workers locally and nationwide have complained about severe staffing shortages and insufficient pay and benefits. And even as the tourism industry has slowly begun to rebound, wages for workers are failing to keep up with inflation, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our members can’t afford to live in San Francisco,” Tapia said. “It’s kind of hard to imagine having such an important industry as the tourism industry without members who can actually afford to be here and be a part of the community here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some hotel employees are also concerned about the rising cost of health care. Workers on strike are demanding that hotel management provide employees with more comprehensive and affordable coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to keep the medical benefits because in the future, I want to be a mom, and I want to have insurance for me and my baby, for my safety and for my baby’s safety,” said Claudia Garrido, a phone operator at Marriott Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, Garrido said “is difficult, but we need to do this together.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to Garrido, hotel management has taken a step backward when it comes to providing for employees and protecting their well-being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pandemic-era staffing cuts have also contributed to the frustration hotel workers are feeling, the union said. According to a \u003ca href=\"https://unitehere.org/press-releases/more-san-francisco-hotel-workers-join-ongoing-u-s-hotel-strikes/\">United Here press release\u003c/a>, staffing per occupied room went down 13% between 2019 and 2022, resulting in significantly heavier workloads for remaining employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Marriott said in an email that the corporation is “available to meet with the local union negotiating committee to reach an agreement that is fair to all parties.” They also noted that the Marriott Union Square is still open to customers and that protocols are in place to ensure that guests are cared for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdul Sheikh, a Marriott employee working in the concierge lounge, said all the workers want is a fair contract. He added that the hotel can only run for so long without its staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to fight very hard, and we’re going to win,” Sheikh said. “There is no other way we’re going to leave … And I’m 100% sure sooner or later they’re going to sign the contract. There’s no other way for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Correction (Oct. 19): Workers at the eight other Bay Area hotels that are not affiliated with the union have not started their strikes yet, as we originally stated. They have just authorized the strikes.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Health Care Employers Now Required to Raise Minimum Pay",
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"content": "\u003cp>Cristina Cortez keeps two fuzzy blankets and pillows in her car to nap during lunch breaks in the parking lot of the hospital where she works. On a recent afternoon, she opened her trunk to reveal instant ramen packages, a gym bag with clean clothes and soft plush toys her kids gave her so she wouldn’t feel alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of three doesn’t have enough time to sleep, see her family or cook meals because she commutes, often seven days a week, between two demanding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/health-care\">health care\u003c/a> jobs to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What hurts me the most, is being away from my family, having to do that with the cost of everything. It’s just so expensive,” said Cortez, 44, a Los Banos resident who starts work as a dialysis technician at 4:30 a.m. in Gilroy, 30 miles south of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She picks shifts up as a medical assistant at a hospital emergency room in the afternoons or overnight in nearby Hollister, where she was raised. She’s trying to make enough money to afford to move her family back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just been really, really hard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes items in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. Due to working double shifts and having a long commute, Cortez carries a blanket and pillow to nap in her car, noodles for when she doesn’t have time for lunch, and two stuffed animals given to her by her children that remind her of them. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cortez is one of hundreds of thousands of health care workers expected to see paycheck raises thanks to a California law that went into effect Wednesday. After months of delays, the mandated minimum wage increase, the first in the United States to target the health care industry, aims to alleviate workforce shortages and improve patient care. The raises could help health employers recruit and retain workers in often tough, frontline jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">law\u003c/a> requires most health care employers to gradually boost their lowest wage to reach $25 an hour in the coming years. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">phased-in schedule\u003c/a>, large health systems must pay at least $25 an hour by mid-2026. Smaller ones will have more time to increase the pay of nursing assistants, pharmacy technicians, janitors, receptionists and other positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a well-deserved increase,” said Tia Orr, executive director of the Service Employees International Union California, which sponsored SB 525. “This is going to prove to be more beneficial for patients, more beneficial for California, and hugely beneficial to the workers who sacrifice their lives literally every single day to provide us the health care that we all need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 350,000 health care employees, most of them people of color and women, are projected to see an annual average increase of $6,400 in the first year of the policy, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/california-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-february-2024.pdf\">analysis\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center. In earlier estimates, the labor center calculated up to 426,000 people would be impacted, but that figure included workers at skilled nursing facilities who are currently not covered by the law, according to Laurel Lucia, who directs the center’s health care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">mandates most fast-food employers\u003c/a> pay at least $20 an hour. Fast food, as well as the retail industry, often compete with health care for workers, said Bianca Frogner, who directs the Center for Health Workforce Studies at the University of Washington School of Medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives health care maybe a fighting chance against other industries that might be raising wages and are competing for workers,” Frogner, a health economist, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009760\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, displays a Dialysis Workers United sticker on her shirt of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB 525 last fall, with an original implementation date of June 1. However, Newsom and lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992165/why-the-budget-deal-delaying-the-health-care-minimum-wage-hike-is-not-as-big-as-you-might-think\">defer the measure twice\u003c/a> due to concerns that costs would exacerbate a state budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortez said she was crushed by the delays and kept checking social media for updates from the governor on whether the Oct. 16 implementation date would stick. Earning more at her dialysis job, she said, will allow her to spend time with her children. She said she might cry when she finally sees a paycheck from her employer, Satellite Healthcare, reflecting the raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going from $20 to $23 from one month to the next is, like, to me winning a lotto because, yeah, it’s $3, but that’s going to make a big difference for me and my family,” Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009759\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, speaks with a colleague outside of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A long list of health care employers initially opposed the measure because they worried about how to pay for it. Some said that raising their wage floor could lead to cuts in jobs or services. But many ended up supporting the bill — or withdrew their opposition — after weighing in on amendments that gave them additional time to adjust to a more expensive payroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most research on minimum wage increases shows they do not lead to big job losses, as opponents often argue. Some health care employers may initially reduce hours or lay off employees, but those measures will likely be temporary, according to Frogner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that in the long run, as they see the phased-in approach of wages, that they can build that into their plan, into the future,” she said. “So it might be a very short-term challenge for a long-term gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law has already had a big impact on some workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes the extra uniform in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scripps Health, which provides a significant amount of free or discounted medical care at its four hospitals and dozens of outpatient centers in San Diego, adjusted pay for more than half of its nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.scripps.org/about-us/who-we-are\">17,000 employees\u003c/a>, spokesperson Steve Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only about 700 of those workers earned below the now required $23 an hour for large health employers, but Scripps also raised wages for others to “ensure fair pay and equity.” The move will cost Scripps about $20 million in the first year of the law’s implementation, Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scripps having to absorb the cost of this unfunded mandate comes against a backdrop of serious financial challenges for health systems,” he said in a statement. “These include government and commercial insurance payers whose reimbursements often don’t cover the cost of the care we provide; increased costs for supplies, pharmaceuticals and energy; and other unfunded government mandates, like SB 1953, the Seismic Safety Act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007779 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large medical systems that serve more patients with private health insurance might have an easier time negotiating for higher rates to cover costs, according to Frogner and other health workforce experts. Community health centers, by comparison, rely heavily on more fixed reimbursements from Medi-Cal, the state’s public health insurance program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, community and rural health clinics may apply to delay having to raise their wage floor. The Department of Industrial Relations, which issues the waivers, did not immediately respond to questions about how many clinics have applied for or received them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration is considering changes to Medi-Cal rates as part of the budget process, but updates won’t be known until January, said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson with the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its latest estimate, the department calculated the law would cost the state $1.4 billion in its first year and more later on, including higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers and wage hikes for about 26,000 state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Thompson, chief human resources officer at Clinica Sierra Vista, said the organization is dedicated to providing affordable health care to its primarily low-income patients in Fresno and Kern counties. To stay afloat, the community clinic, which started paying hundreds of its employees at least $21 per hour in May, hopes the state will increase Medi-Cal service rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not able to increase prices, nor do we want to,” Thompson said. “We do expect payments eventually to match the financial pressures that we are seeing. However, immediate state financial support is crucial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Cristina Cortez keeps two fuzzy blankets and pillows in her car to nap during lunch breaks in the parking lot of the hospital where she works. On a recent afternoon, she opened her trunk to reveal instant ramen packages, a gym bag with clean clothes and soft plush toys her kids gave her so she wouldn’t feel alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of three doesn’t have enough time to sleep, see her family or cook meals because she commutes, often seven days a week, between two demanding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/health-care\">health care\u003c/a> jobs to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What hurts me the most, is being away from my family, having to do that with the cost of everything. It’s just so expensive,” said Cortez, 44, a Los Banos resident who starts work as a dialysis technician at 4:30 a.m. in Gilroy, 30 miles south of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She picks shifts up as a medical assistant at a hospital emergency room in the afternoons or overnight in nearby Hollister, where she was raised. She’s trying to make enough money to afford to move her family back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just been really, really hard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes items in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. Due to working double shifts and having a long commute, Cortez carries a blanket and pillow to nap in her car, noodles for when she doesn’t have time for lunch, and two stuffed animals given to her by her children that remind her of them. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cortez is one of hundreds of thousands of health care workers expected to see paycheck raises thanks to a California law that went into effect Wednesday. After months of delays, the mandated minimum wage increase, the first in the United States to target the health care industry, aims to alleviate workforce shortages and improve patient care. The raises could help health employers recruit and retain workers in often tough, frontline jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">law\u003c/a> requires most health care employers to gradually boost their lowest wage to reach $25 an hour in the coming years. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">phased-in schedule\u003c/a>, large health systems must pay at least $25 an hour by mid-2026. Smaller ones will have more time to increase the pay of nursing assistants, pharmacy technicians, janitors, receptionists and other positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a well-deserved increase,” said Tia Orr, executive director of the Service Employees International Union California, which sponsored SB 525. “This is going to prove to be more beneficial for patients, more beneficial for California, and hugely beneficial to the workers who sacrifice their lives literally every single day to provide us the health care that we all need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 350,000 health care employees, most of them people of color and women, are projected to see an annual average increase of $6,400 in the first year of the policy, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/california-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-february-2024.pdf\">analysis\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center. In earlier estimates, the labor center calculated up to 426,000 people would be impacted, but that figure included workers at skilled nursing facilities who are currently not covered by the law, according to Laurel Lucia, who directs the center’s health care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">mandates most fast-food employers\u003c/a> pay at least $20 an hour. Fast food, as well as the retail industry, often compete with health care for workers, said Bianca Frogner, who directs the Center for Health Workforce Studies at the University of Washington School of Medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives health care maybe a fighting chance against other industries that might be raising wages and are competing for workers,” Frogner, a health economist, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009760\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, displays a Dialysis Workers United sticker on her shirt of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB 525 last fall, with an original implementation date of June 1. However, Newsom and lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992165/why-the-budget-deal-delaying-the-health-care-minimum-wage-hike-is-not-as-big-as-you-might-think\">defer the measure twice\u003c/a> due to concerns that costs would exacerbate a state budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortez said she was crushed by the delays and kept checking social media for updates from the governor on whether the Oct. 16 implementation date would stick. Earning more at her dialysis job, she said, will allow her to spend time with her children. She said she might cry when she finally sees a paycheck from her employer, Satellite Healthcare, reflecting the raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going from $20 to $23 from one month to the next is, like, to me winning a lotto because, yeah, it’s $3, but that’s going to make a big difference for me and my family,” Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009759\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, speaks with a colleague outside of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A long list of health care employers initially opposed the measure because they worried about how to pay for it. Some said that raising their wage floor could lead to cuts in jobs or services. But many ended up supporting the bill — or withdrew their opposition — after weighing in on amendments that gave them additional time to adjust to a more expensive payroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most research on minimum wage increases shows they do not lead to big job losses, as opponents often argue. Some health care employers may initially reduce hours or lay off employees, but those measures will likely be temporary, according to Frogner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that in the long run, as they see the phased-in approach of wages, that they can build that into their plan, into the future,” she said. “So it might be a very short-term challenge for a long-term gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law has already had a big impact on some workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes the extra uniform in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scripps Health, which provides a significant amount of free or discounted medical care at its four hospitals and dozens of outpatient centers in San Diego, adjusted pay for more than half of its nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.scripps.org/about-us/who-we-are\">17,000 employees\u003c/a>, spokesperson Steve Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only about 700 of those workers earned below the now required $23 an hour for large health employers, but Scripps also raised wages for others to “ensure fair pay and equity.” The move will cost Scripps about $20 million in the first year of the law’s implementation, Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scripps having to absorb the cost of this unfunded mandate comes against a backdrop of serious financial challenges for health systems,” he said in a statement. “These include government and commercial insurance payers whose reimbursements often don’t cover the cost of the care we provide; increased costs for supplies, pharmaceuticals and energy; and other unfunded government mandates, like SB 1953, the Seismic Safety Act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large medical systems that serve more patients with private health insurance might have an easier time negotiating for higher rates to cover costs, according to Frogner and other health workforce experts. Community health centers, by comparison, rely heavily on more fixed reimbursements from Medi-Cal, the state’s public health insurance program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, community and rural health clinics may apply to delay having to raise their wage floor. The Department of Industrial Relations, which issues the waivers, did not immediately respond to questions about how many clinics have applied for or received them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration is considering changes to Medi-Cal rates as part of the budget process, but updates won’t be known until January, said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson with the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its latest estimate, the department calculated the law would cost the state $1.4 billion in its first year and more later on, including higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers and wage hikes for about 26,000 state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Thompson, chief human resources officer at Clinica Sierra Vista, said the organization is dedicated to providing affordable health care to its primarily low-income patients in Fresno and Kern counties. To stay afloat, the community clinic, which started paying hundreds of its employees at least $21 per hour in May, hopes the state will increase Medi-Cal service rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not able to increase prices, nor do we want to,” Thompson said. “We do expect payments eventually to match the financial pressures that we are seeing. However, immediate state financial support is crucial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/early-childhood-education-and-care\">Early childhood\u003c/a> educators still have one of the lowest-paying jobs in the nation despite unprecedented public funding to help programs that teach and care for young kids recover from the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/workforce-index-2024/\">according to a new study released Wednesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The low hourly pay puts these workers, who are disproportionately women of color, in the bottom three percent of occupations. Although their wages increased slightly from an average of $11.65 per hour in 2019 to $13.07 per hour in 2022, their wage growth lags behind fast food workers and retail workers, the study by UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the median wage for early educators was slightly higher than the national average at $15.66 per hour, but the study’s authors say that’s still below the state’s living wage of $19.97 for a single adult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers said unprecedented public funding, particularly from the federal American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), helped keep the early education and child care system from collapsing, but didn’t do enough to sustain its workers long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system has always been fragile even before COVID-19 brought it to its knees,” said Lea Austin, executive director of the center and co-author of the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts have long described child care as \u003ca href=\"https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0355\">an example of a broken market\u003c/a> because of a number of issues: child care costs more than what most families can afford, and yet child care programs, which operate on razor-thin margins, can’t afford to raise wages without raising tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12004431 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240910-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who provide early care and education services have long subsidized the cost by the poverty-level wages that are paid to them,” Austin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low wages lead to high staff turnover and shortages in the system, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study highlighted state and local programs designed to bolster their systems, including California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964236/how-a-california-child-care-workers-union-fought-for-living-wages-and-won\">first-in-the-nation retirement fund\u003c/a> for home-based child care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, a child care provider tapped into \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988490/under-sf-mayors-plan-more-middle-income-families-would-qualify-for-subsidized-child-care\">local funding to pay its early educators\u003c/a> between $28 to $45 per hour, depending on their qualifications, and it used federal pandemic aid money to pay workers another $100 per day in hazard pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing the benefits of these investments,” said Yohana Quiroz, director of the Felton Institute’s early care and education program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing a significant retention rate that we have not seen in the past,” she said. She said that 30 out of 100 early educator jobs remain open at the start of each school year, but this fall, she only had four vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local funding alone can’t support the high cost of providing child care in an expensive city like San Francisco, Quiroz said, adding that she relies on a combination of federal, state and local funds to run her program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States like Utah and Mississippi used COVID-19 relief funds to boost early educators’ pay, but their support stopped when those funds dried up last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs helped stabilize the workforce in those states and showed that public investments to support them could lead to more abundant and affordable child care, said Caitlin McLean, the report’s lead author and director of the center’s multistate and international programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a critical time for national, state and local leaders to step up, not back, for these skilled educators whose support is so crucial for children, families and the economy,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/early-childhood-education-and-care\">Early childhood\u003c/a> educators still have one of the lowest-paying jobs in the nation despite unprecedented public funding to help programs that teach and care for young kids recover from the pandemic, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/workforce-index-2024/\">according to a new study released Wednesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The low hourly pay puts these workers, who are disproportionately women of color, in the bottom three percent of occupations. Although their wages increased slightly from an average of $11.65 per hour in 2019 to $13.07 per hour in 2022, their wage growth lags behind fast food workers and retail workers, the study by UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the median wage for early educators was slightly higher than the national average at $15.66 per hour, but the study’s authors say that’s still below the state’s living wage of $19.97 for a single adult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers said unprecedented public funding, particularly from the federal American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), helped keep the early education and child care system from collapsing, but didn’t do enough to sustain its workers long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system has always been fragile even before COVID-19 brought it to its knees,” said Lea Austin, executive director of the center and co-author of the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts have long described child care as \u003ca href=\"https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0355\">an example of a broken market\u003c/a> because of a number of issues: child care costs more than what most families can afford, and yet child care programs, which operate on razor-thin margins, can’t afford to raise wages without raising tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who provide early care and education services have long subsidized the cost by the poverty-level wages that are paid to them,” Austin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low wages lead to high staff turnover and shortages in the system, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study highlighted state and local programs designed to bolster their systems, including California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11964236/how-a-california-child-care-workers-union-fought-for-living-wages-and-won\">first-in-the-nation retirement fund\u003c/a> for home-based child care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, a child care provider tapped into \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988490/under-sf-mayors-plan-more-middle-income-families-would-qualify-for-subsidized-child-care\">local funding to pay its early educators\u003c/a> between $28 to $45 per hour, depending on their qualifications, and it used federal pandemic aid money to pay workers another $100 per day in hazard pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing the benefits of these investments,” said Yohana Quiroz, director of the Felton Institute’s early care and education program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing a significant retention rate that we have not seen in the past,” she said. She said that 30 out of 100 early educator jobs remain open at the start of each school year, but this fall, she only had four vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local funding alone can’t support the high cost of providing child care in an expensive city like San Francisco, Quiroz said, adding that she relies on a combination of federal, state and local funds to run her program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States like Utah and Mississippi used COVID-19 relief funds to boost early educators’ pay, but their support stopped when those funds dried up last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs helped stabilize the workforce in those states and showed that public investments to support them could lead to more abundant and affordable child care, said Caitlin McLean, the report’s lead author and director of the center’s multistate and international programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a critical time for national, state and local leaders to step up, not back, for these skilled educators whose support is so crucial for children, families and the economy,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-contractor-accused-of-firing-farmworkers-who-suffered-in-extreme-heat-is-fined",
"title": "California Contractor Accused of Firing Farmworkers Who Suffered in Extreme Heat Is Fined",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> workplace safety regulators have fined a farm labor contractor for heat-related issues, months after former employees alleged they were fired for walking out amid extreme temperatures and called out the contractor as an example of the need for bolstering heat-illness protections for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Division of Occupational Safety and Health, known as Cal/OSHA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2024/2024-85.html\">issued nearly $17,600\u003c/a> in initial penalties against Ruiz Farm Labor on Monday for three serious heat-related safety violations, including failing to train employees on steps to prevent overheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees deserve a safe work environment, especially in extreme conditions, and businesses that fail to follow the rules will be held accountable,” Cal/OSHA Chief Debra Lee said in a statement. “Every worker should be treated with dignity and respect, and no one should face retaliation for protecting their health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six workers who picked tomatoes for Ruiz Farm Labor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999978/california-farmworkers-call-for-more-employers-to-comply-with-heat-illness-prevention\">said they were fired\u003c/a> in June after leaving their shifts early during triple-digit heat in Yolo County. Erika Barros, one of the farmworkers now known as the “Yolo Six,” said she experienced heat stroke symptoms, such as nausea and shivering, but didn’t know that she had the right to rest in the shade while on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barros told KQED she’s hopeful that the Cal/OSHA citations will push her former employer to improve conditions for current and future employees as heat waves continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008547\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker harvests mandarins in an orchard west of Fresno on March 21, 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The lack of shade, the lack of water, it was just something he wasn’t doing right,” Barros, a 32-year-old single mother of three who lives in Davis, said in Spanish. “One way or another, he’s going to have to comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Farm Labor, based in Dixon, near Sacramento, has appealed the initial penalties. The company, which also contested a Cal/OSHA fine of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1483044.015\">$7,800\u003c/a> in 2020, could not be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California employers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/heatillnessinfo.html#:~:text=On%20June%2020%2C%202024%2C%20the,both%20indoor%20and%20outdoor%20workplaces.\">are required\u003c/a> to allow outdoor workers to take cool-down breaks in the shade when temperatures exceed 80 degrees Fahrenheit and provide clean drinking water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999978 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SFUSDStudentsGetty-1020x681.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural laborers, who often do strenuous physical labor in direct sun, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/blog/climate-change-impacts-farmworkers#:~:text=As%20outdoor%20workers%2C%20they%20are,harmful%20exposures%20to%20wildfire%20smoke.\">more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related stress than workers in other industries. The federal government estimates that roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/#legalstatus\">half of the farmworkers\u003c/a> in the U.S. are undocumented. Many don’t know about their rights or worry that they could be fired if they complain about problems at their worksite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1299\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill supported by the Yolo Six as well as the United Farm Workers. SB 1299 would have made it easier for agricultural laborers to win workers’ compensation insurance if they were hurt by heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed measure, opposed by a long list of agricultural and business groups, created a presumption that a farmworker’s heat-related injury or death arose from their job if the employer was shown to have violated heat safety rules. Newsom concluded that it was not an effective way to protect farmworkers from increasing heat hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand firmly committed to continuing to work with the Legislature and worker advocates on strengthening safety and health enforcement strategies to ensure aggrieved workers can come forward without fear of retaliation,” Newsom wrote in his veto message. “However, conditioning a workers’ compensation presumption on compliance with standards set and enforced by another regulatory division is not an effective way to improve working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office continues investigating the allegation of retaliation against Ruiz Farm Labor involving the Yolo Six. If the contractor is found guilty, remedies may include lost wages for the workers and other penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Barros said she hasn’t been able to find steady work to support her family, working only a couple of weeks in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a really complicated and difficult situation,” she said. “But we are trying. Surviving day by day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "California Contractor Accused of Firing Farmworkers Who Suffered in Extreme Heat Is Fined | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> workplace safety regulators have fined a farm labor contractor for heat-related issues, months after former employees alleged they were fired for walking out amid extreme temperatures and called out the contractor as an example of the need for bolstering heat-illness protections for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Division of Occupational Safety and Health, known as Cal/OSHA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2024/2024-85.html\">issued nearly $17,600\u003c/a> in initial penalties against Ruiz Farm Labor on Monday for three serious heat-related safety violations, including failing to train employees on steps to prevent overheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees deserve a safe work environment, especially in extreme conditions, and businesses that fail to follow the rules will be held accountable,” Cal/OSHA Chief Debra Lee said in a statement. “Every worker should be treated with dignity and respect, and no one should face retaliation for protecting their health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six workers who picked tomatoes for Ruiz Farm Labor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999978/california-farmworkers-call-for-more-employers-to-comply-with-heat-illness-prevention\">said they were fired\u003c/a> in June after leaving their shifts early during triple-digit heat in Yolo County. Erika Barros, one of the farmworkers now known as the “Yolo Six,” said she experienced heat stroke symptoms, such as nausea and shivering, but didn’t know that she had the right to rest in the shade while on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barros told KQED she’s hopeful that the Cal/OSHA citations will push her former employer to improve conditions for current and future employees as heat waves continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008547\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker harvests mandarins in an orchard west of Fresno on March 21, 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The lack of shade, the lack of water, it was just something he wasn’t doing right,” Barros, a 32-year-old single mother of three who lives in Davis, said in Spanish. “One way or another, he’s going to have to comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Farm Labor, based in Dixon, near Sacramento, has appealed the initial penalties. The company, which also contested a Cal/OSHA fine of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1483044.015\">$7,800\u003c/a> in 2020, could not be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California employers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/heatillnessinfo.html#:~:text=On%20June%2020%2C%202024%2C%20the,both%20indoor%20and%20outdoor%20workplaces.\">are required\u003c/a> to allow outdoor workers to take cool-down breaks in the shade when temperatures exceed 80 degrees Fahrenheit and provide clean drinking water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural laborers, who often do strenuous physical labor in direct sun, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/blog/climate-change-impacts-farmworkers#:~:text=As%20outdoor%20workers%2C%20they%20are,harmful%20exposures%20to%20wildfire%20smoke.\">more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related stress than workers in other industries. The federal government estimates that roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/#legalstatus\">half of the farmworkers\u003c/a> in the U.S. are undocumented. Many don’t know about their rights or worry that they could be fired if they complain about problems at their worksite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1299\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill supported by the Yolo Six as well as the United Farm Workers. SB 1299 would have made it easier for agricultural laborers to win workers’ compensation insurance if they were hurt by heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed measure, opposed by a long list of agricultural and business groups, created a presumption that a farmworker’s heat-related injury or death arose from their job if the employer was shown to have violated heat safety rules. Newsom concluded that it was not an effective way to protect farmworkers from increasing heat hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand firmly committed to continuing to work with the Legislature and worker advocates on strengthening safety and health enforcement strategies to ensure aggrieved workers can come forward without fear of retaliation,” Newsom wrote in his veto message. “However, conditioning a workers’ compensation presumption on compliance with standards set and enforced by another regulatory division is not an effective way to improve working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office continues investigating the allegation of retaliation against Ruiz Farm Labor involving the Yolo Six. If the contractor is found guilty, remedies may include lost wages for the workers and other penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Barros said she hasn’t been able to find steady work to support her family, working only a couple of weeks in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a really complicated and difficult situation,” she said. “But we are trying. Surviving day by day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-frontline-workers-who-help-people-on-streets-in-shelters-call-for-fair-pay",
"title": "SF Frontline Workers Who Help People on Streets, In Shelters Call for Fair Pay",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> This story was updated at 10:30 a.m. to clarify UCSF’s response to a KQED reporter’s questions about pay parity.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenna Alexander fills her backpack before her shift with granola bars, taxi vouchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/narcan\">Narcan\u003c/a>, the opioid overdose reversal medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-san-francisco\"> UC San Francisco\u003c/a> clinical social worker then goes to single-room occupancy hotels in the city, knocking on doors and slowly gaining the trust of residents, many with mental health conditions, so she can help them stay housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her colleagues on the roving teams in the Tenderloin and the Mission have witnessed stabbings and have been robbed, she said. They endure verbal abuse almost daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF “campus” social workers like Alexander earn about one-third less than employees with similar qualifications at the university’s large medical centers, according to the union that represents the employees. Many campus social workers, who treat non-hospitalized people in streets, shelters and outpatient clinics, say they feel discouraged and undervalued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot show up for clients like we need to when we are burnt out and left to feel like the last priority,” said Alexander, 32. “This cannot be the way forward. Campus social workers deserve equitable compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenna Alexander speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The pay disparity contributes to understaffing and burnout for a workforce that is critical to San Francisco’s response to substance abuse, homelessness and mental health crises, University Professional and Technical Employees members and officials said. As campus social workers quit their jobs for higher-paying positions at UCSF medical centers or elsewhere, disadvantaged patients are left languishing on growing waitlists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town hall organized by UPTE on Oct. 3, dozens of clinical social workers booed loudly when speakers said colleagues at UCSF’s Parnassus, Mission Bay and other medical centers made 31% more on average per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem stems from UCSF hiring campus social workers at lower-paid job classifications, making it more difficult for these employees to move up, even when they have the same licensure and experience as higher-paid colleagues at medical centers and hospitals, according to salary data the union obtained from the public university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007902\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF, the city’s second-largest employer, reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/about/ucsf-budget#:~:text=The%20second%2Dlargest%20employer%20in,the%20National%20Institutes%20of%20Health.\">$10.2 billion in revenue\u003c/a> in fiscal year 2022-2023. San Francisco has approved 13 contracts worth roughly $300 million with UCSF since 2017 for public health and homelessness services, according to a union analysis of records from the Controller’s Office. But that’s not a comprehensive list, so total city and county payments to the university could be higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who attended the town hall, said San Francisco must use its economic power to push for equitable pay at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these people leave these jobs, it is just going to exacerbate the spiraling problem that we have on our streets,” said Peskin, a mayoral candidate who was one of seven supervisors to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6869100&GUID=EF2B0D58-6D96-4440-A921-F95965BE1816\">resolution\u003c/a> last month urging the university to address the wage and advancement inequities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s rightfully a cry to address the abject misery we see on our streets,” he said. “We have to have these workers devote their lives and their professional training to making a difference, and it starts with making sure that they’re compensated appropriately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The audience applauds the speakers at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF failed to deliver services to help transition people into housing in at least one contract staffed by campus social workers, according to the San Francisco Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25194948-department-of-homelessness-and-supportive-housing-letter-050224\">letter\u003c/a> sent to the Homelessness Oversight Commission in May, department staffers noted that the university had spent just 45% of a $1.5 million budget over two years of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The underspending of funds can be attributed primarily to challenges in staff hiring, turnover and retention. Moreover, the constant flux in personnel led to noncompliance in service delivery,” Marion Sanders, the department’s chief deputy director, wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007119 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they are pushing for UCSF to offer fair pay and career progression, including by reclassifying employees into job titles that accurately reflect their credentials and work. UC and the union have been negotiating a new contract covering more than 18,000 employees since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university’s most \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/press-room/uc-offers-historic-wage-increases-upte-represented-employees\">recent offer\u003c/a> includes raises of 5% starting in mid-2025, 3% in 2026 and up to 3% in 2027. The union \u003ca href=\"https://upte.org/updates/bargaining-update-5-uc-finally-makes-a-compensation-proposal-and-it-leaves-a-lot-to-be-desired\">countered\u003c/a> that the proposal doesn’t make up for inflation costs and shrinks some existing benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF forwarded KQED’s questions to the UC Office of the President, which declined to comment on specific questions about pay parity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC is optimistic we’ll reach an agreement soon,” Heather Hansen, a spokesperson with the Office of the President, said in a statement. “As part of our negotiations, we have representatives from each of our campuses and health centers to collaborate to address union concerns and put forth meaningful proposals so that UPTE-represented members are recognized for their contributions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Differences in the daily tasks of campus and medical center social workers, as well as the sources of funding for each group, could impact their salaries, according to experts at the National Association of Social Workers and the Clinical Social Work Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus professionals often provide one-on-one psychotherapy services, while clinical social workers at hospitals coordinate the care of patients who are discharged, for instance. Medi-Cal, California’s public health insurance program, is an important source of funding for campus social work. Private insurance pays for a larger share of services at medical centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007895\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matias Campos at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Matias Campos, UPTE’s statewide executive vice president, said that regardless of how UCSF crafts its budget, it can easily stop underpaying campus social workers in San Francisco. He pointed to UCSF’s construction of new hospitals in San Francisco and Oakland and the big raise in its chancellor’s pay to nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-20/uc-chancellors-get-big-raises\">$1.2 million\u003c/a> per year, which was approved last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are these the priorities of a university and not fixing the inequities that they already have? The funds are there,” said Campos, a UCSF pharmacist who is part of the union’s bargaining team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another large health care employer, Kaiser Permanente, does not have significant compensation disparities among behavioral and social services employees with similar licensure requirements, according to the workers’ union, Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our contract negotiations with the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions last year was to ensure wage parity amongst workers in various locations and settings,” said Renée Saldaña, a SEIU-UHW spokeswoman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juliette Suarez, a campus clinical social worker at UCSF for four years, said she was deeply bothered that choosing to provide therapy and other services at a small clinic in the Mission for people with severe trauma meant taking a pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 31-year-old San Francisco native, who grew up in the Mission neighborhood, said she was priced out of the city. She would like to live closer to the community that she serves, but she can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the red. I can’t afford a medical emergency as a health care provider,” said Suarez, who works at the UCSF Trauma Recovery Center. “I’ve seen colleagues that are struggling with the physical and emotional impacts of the stress and also the inability to fully afford taking care of themselves while they do this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "UCSF campus social workers who serve non-hospitalized individuals in streets, shelters, and outpatient clinics earn approximately one-third less than their counterparts at the university's large medical centers. This pay disparity has left many feeling discouraged and undervalued.",
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"title": "SF Frontline Workers Who Help People on Streets, In Shelters Call for Fair Pay | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> This story was updated at 10:30 a.m. to clarify UCSF’s response to a KQED reporter’s questions about pay parity.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenna Alexander fills her backpack before her shift with granola bars, taxi vouchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/narcan\">Narcan\u003c/a>, the opioid overdose reversal medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-san-francisco\"> UC San Francisco\u003c/a> clinical social worker then goes to single-room occupancy hotels in the city, knocking on doors and slowly gaining the trust of residents, many with mental health conditions, so she can help them stay housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her colleagues on the roving teams in the Tenderloin and the Mission have witnessed stabbings and have been robbed, she said. They endure verbal abuse almost daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF “campus” social workers like Alexander earn about one-third less than employees with similar qualifications at the university’s large medical centers, according to the union that represents the employees. Many campus social workers, who treat non-hospitalized people in streets, shelters and outpatient clinics, say they feel discouraged and undervalued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot show up for clients like we need to when we are burnt out and left to feel like the last priority,” said Alexander, 32. “This cannot be the way forward. Campus social workers deserve equitable compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenna Alexander speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The pay disparity contributes to understaffing and burnout for a workforce that is critical to San Francisco’s response to substance abuse, homelessness and mental health crises, University Professional and Technical Employees members and officials said. As campus social workers quit their jobs for higher-paying positions at UCSF medical centers or elsewhere, disadvantaged patients are left languishing on growing waitlists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town hall organized by UPTE on Oct. 3, dozens of clinical social workers booed loudly when speakers said colleagues at UCSF’s Parnassus, Mission Bay and other medical centers made 31% more on average per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem stems from UCSF hiring campus social workers at lower-paid job classifications, making it more difficult for these employees to move up, even when they have the same licensure and experience as higher-paid colleagues at medical centers and hospitals, according to salary data the union obtained from the public university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007902\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF, the city’s second-largest employer, reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/about/ucsf-budget#:~:text=The%20second%2Dlargest%20employer%20in,the%20National%20Institutes%20of%20Health.\">$10.2 billion in revenue\u003c/a> in fiscal year 2022-2023. San Francisco has approved 13 contracts worth roughly $300 million with UCSF since 2017 for public health and homelessness services, according to a union analysis of records from the Controller’s Office. But that’s not a comprehensive list, so total city and county payments to the university could be higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who attended the town hall, said San Francisco must use its economic power to push for equitable pay at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these people leave these jobs, it is just going to exacerbate the spiraling problem that we have on our streets,” said Peskin, a mayoral candidate who was one of seven supervisors to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6869100&GUID=EF2B0D58-6D96-4440-A921-F95965BE1816\">resolution\u003c/a> last month urging the university to address the wage and advancement inequities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s rightfully a cry to address the abject misery we see on our streets,” he said. “We have to have these workers devote their lives and their professional training to making a difference, and it starts with making sure that they’re compensated appropriately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The audience applauds the speakers at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF failed to deliver services to help transition people into housing in at least one contract staffed by campus social workers, according to the San Francisco Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25194948-department-of-homelessness-and-supportive-housing-letter-050224\">letter\u003c/a> sent to the Homelessness Oversight Commission in May, department staffers noted that the university had spent just 45% of a $1.5 million budget over two years of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The underspending of funds can be attributed primarily to challenges in staff hiring, turnover and retention. Moreover, the constant flux in personnel led to noncompliance in service delivery,” Marion Sanders, the department’s chief deputy director, wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they are pushing for UCSF to offer fair pay and career progression, including by reclassifying employees into job titles that accurately reflect their credentials and work. UC and the union have been negotiating a new contract covering more than 18,000 employees since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university’s most \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/press-room/uc-offers-historic-wage-increases-upte-represented-employees\">recent offer\u003c/a> includes raises of 5% starting in mid-2025, 3% in 2026 and up to 3% in 2027. The union \u003ca href=\"https://upte.org/updates/bargaining-update-5-uc-finally-makes-a-compensation-proposal-and-it-leaves-a-lot-to-be-desired\">countered\u003c/a> that the proposal doesn’t make up for inflation costs and shrinks some existing benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF forwarded KQED’s questions to the UC Office of the President, which declined to comment on specific questions about pay parity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC is optimistic we’ll reach an agreement soon,” Heather Hansen, a spokesperson with the Office of the President, said in a statement. “As part of our negotiations, we have representatives from each of our campuses and health centers to collaborate to address union concerns and put forth meaningful proposals so that UPTE-represented members are recognized for their contributions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Differences in the daily tasks of campus and medical center social workers, as well as the sources of funding for each group, could impact their salaries, according to experts at the National Association of Social Workers and the Clinical Social Work Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus professionals often provide one-on-one psychotherapy services, while clinical social workers at hospitals coordinate the care of patients who are discharged, for instance. Medi-Cal, California’s public health insurance program, is an important source of funding for campus social work. Private insurance pays for a larger share of services at medical centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007895\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matias Campos at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Matias Campos, UPTE’s statewide executive vice president, said that regardless of how UCSF crafts its budget, it can easily stop underpaying campus social workers in San Francisco. He pointed to UCSF’s construction of new hospitals in San Francisco and Oakland and the big raise in its chancellor’s pay to nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-20/uc-chancellors-get-big-raises\">$1.2 million\u003c/a> per year, which was approved last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are these the priorities of a university and not fixing the inequities that they already have? The funds are there,” said Campos, a UCSF pharmacist who is part of the union’s bargaining team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another large health care employer, Kaiser Permanente, does not have significant compensation disparities among behavioral and social services employees with similar licensure requirements, according to the workers’ union, Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our contract negotiations with the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions last year was to ensure wage parity amongst workers in various locations and settings,” said Renée Saldaña, a SEIU-UHW spokeswoman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juliette Suarez, a campus clinical social worker at UCSF for four years, said she was deeply bothered that choosing to provide therapy and other services at a small clinic in the Mission for people with severe trauma meant taking a pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 31-year-old San Francisco native, who grew up in the Mission neighborhood, said she was priced out of the city. She would like to live closer to the community that she serves, but she can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the red. I can’t afford a medical emergency as a health care provider,” said Suarez, who works at the UCSF Trauma Recovery Center. “I’ve seen colleagues that are struggling with the physical and emotional impacts of the stress and also the inability to fully afford taking care of themselves while they do this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>U.S. Supreme Court justices on Monday declined to hear an appeal from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\">Uber\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\">Lyft\u003c/a> that sought to block California state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision — or lack thereof — let stand a California appeals court ruling from 2023 that allowed the state lawsuits to proceed because state officials never agreed to be bound by employer arbitration agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Court of Appeal basically said, look, these state agencies, they get to go into court, and they have the authority to undertake enforcement actions to enforce the law,” said Cheryl Sabnis, who practices employer-side labor law in San Francisco for Vedder Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a private dispute necessarily between an individual and a company where you would definitely see a motion to compel arbitration. You know, often those are granted. This is a very different animal,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Here’s what you need to know:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta and Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower sued the ride-hailing companies for the “misclassification of drivers as independent contractors” rather than as employees. The suit sought money “for unpaid wages and penalties owed to workers which will be distributed to all drivers who worked for Uber or Lyft during the time period covered by the lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit continued even after voters approved Proposition 22 in 2020 to uphold the authority of companies to classify drivers as independent contractors. Uber, Lyft and DoorDash, among other companies, spent more than $200 million to back the ballot measure, which was approved by 59% of voters in November 2020. The initiative was in response to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ab5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a state law that made it more difficult to classify drivers as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg\" alt='A white bumpersticker with the word \"Uber\" written on it on a car bumper.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Uber sticker is seen on a car on Aug. 20, 2020 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its ruling last year, the state appeals court in San Francisco said California officials were not suing on behalf of drivers so much as enforcing state labor laws. “The public officials who brought these actions do not derive their authority from individual drivers but from their independent statutory authority to bring civil enforcement actions,” \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/in-re-uber-techs-wage-hour-cases\">Justice Jon Streeter wrote\u003c/a> for the California Court of Appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the state Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal. Uber and Lyft then asked the U.S. Supreme Court to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office applauded the high court’s move on Monday. “We’re pleased by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to deny certiorari in this case, allowing the case to proceed in the California Superior Court,” the office said in a statement, adding that it “remains committed to defending the rights of California workers to receive the benefits and protections to which they are legally entitled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Driving the story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have been locked in a years-long battle with the state of California over how to classify gig workers. In their\u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/uber-technologies-inc-v-california/\"> appeal to the Supreme Court, lawyers for Uber\u003c/a> and Lyft, joined by a coalition of California employers, contended that the Federal Arbitration Act overrides state laws and blocks state lawsuits seeking money for employees who already agreed to arbitrate claims as individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007450 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27783_GettyImages-461843616-qut-1180x782.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-1130.html\">provided no explanatio\u003c/a>n along with its determination not to hear appeals from\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\"> Uber\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\"> Lyft\u003c/a> asking to block state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers. That kicks the case back to state courts, but it means there’s a continuing lack of clarity, according to UC Santa Cruz sociology professor Steve McKay, who directs the university’s Center for Labor and Community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we have a system where employers pay for a lot of the benefits, who’s covered and how? And that’s actually falling more and more to the state to provide that then if employers aren’t doing it,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot of money at stake, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re an independent contractor, you’re not covered by worker protections such as wage and hour laws, anti-discrimination laws, and laws providing the ability for collective bargaining. If you’re a contractor, you don’t receive unemployment benefits. When you’re temporarily jobless, you don’t get worker’s comp if you’re injured, and you’re responsible for paying all the payroll tax,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The company take\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, the justices struck down part of California state law that\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-1573_8p6h.pdf\"> authorized private attorneys to sue\u003c/a> on behalf of a group of employees, even though they had agreed to be bound by individual arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theane Evangelis, counsel for Uber, wrote in a statement to KQED, “While the Supreme Court did not take this opportunity to weigh in now, it should do so in the future, holding once again that the FAA preempts state efforts to undermine arbitration agreements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is also important to note that the Supreme Court is still considering our constitutional challenge to AB5,” she continued. “As we explained in detail in our complaint in that case — and to which a three-judge panel of the Ninth Circuit unanimously agreed — in enacting AB5, the California legislature unfairly targeted my clients out of animus rather than reason. We’re asking the U.S. Supreme Court to grant review and give us our day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>U.S. Supreme Court justices on Monday declined to hear an appeal from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\">Uber\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\">Lyft\u003c/a> that sought to block California state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision — or lack thereof — let stand a California appeals court ruling from 2023 that allowed the state lawsuits to proceed because state officials never agreed to be bound by employer arbitration agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Court of Appeal basically said, look, these state agencies, they get to go into court, and they have the authority to undertake enforcement actions to enforce the law,” said Cheryl Sabnis, who practices employer-side labor law in San Francisco for Vedder Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a private dispute necessarily between an individual and a company where you would definitely see a motion to compel arbitration. You know, often those are granted. This is a very different animal,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Here’s what you need to know:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta and Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower sued the ride-hailing companies for the “misclassification of drivers as independent contractors” rather than as employees. The suit sought money “for unpaid wages and penalties owed to workers which will be distributed to all drivers who worked for Uber or Lyft during the time period covered by the lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit continued even after voters approved Proposition 22 in 2020 to uphold the authority of companies to classify drivers as independent contractors. Uber, Lyft and DoorDash, among other companies, spent more than $200 million to back the ballot measure, which was approved by 59% of voters in November 2020. The initiative was in response to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ab5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a state law that made it more difficult to classify drivers as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg\" alt='A white bumpersticker with the word \"Uber\" written on it on a car bumper.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Uber sticker is seen on a car on Aug. 20, 2020 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its ruling last year, the state appeals court in San Francisco said California officials were not suing on behalf of drivers so much as enforcing state labor laws. “The public officials who brought these actions do not derive their authority from individual drivers but from their independent statutory authority to bring civil enforcement actions,” \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/in-re-uber-techs-wage-hour-cases\">Justice Jon Streeter wrote\u003c/a> for the California Court of Appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the state Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal. Uber and Lyft then asked the U.S. Supreme Court to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office applauded the high court’s move on Monday. “We’re pleased by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to deny certiorari in this case, allowing the case to proceed in the California Superior Court,” the office said in a statement, adding that it “remains committed to defending the rights of California workers to receive the benefits and protections to which they are legally entitled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Driving the story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have been locked in a years-long battle with the state of California over how to classify gig workers. In their\u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/uber-technologies-inc-v-california/\"> appeal to the Supreme Court, lawyers for Uber\u003c/a> and Lyft, joined by a coalition of California employers, contended that the Federal Arbitration Act overrides state laws and blocks state lawsuits seeking money for employees who already agreed to arbitrate claims as individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-1130.html\">provided no explanatio\u003c/a>n along with its determination not to hear appeals from\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\"> Uber\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\"> Lyft\u003c/a> asking to block state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers. That kicks the case back to state courts, but it means there’s a continuing lack of clarity, according to UC Santa Cruz sociology professor Steve McKay, who directs the university’s Center for Labor and Community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we have a system where employers pay for a lot of the benefits, who’s covered and how? And that’s actually falling more and more to the state to provide that then if employers aren’t doing it,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot of money at stake, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re an independent contractor, you’re not covered by worker protections such as wage and hour laws, anti-discrimination laws, and laws providing the ability for collective bargaining. If you’re a contractor, you don’t receive unemployment benefits. When you’re temporarily jobless, you don’t get worker’s comp if you’re injured, and you’re responsible for paying all the payroll tax,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The company take\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, the justices struck down part of California state law that\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-1573_8p6h.pdf\"> authorized private attorneys to sue\u003c/a> on behalf of a group of employees, even though they had agreed to be bound by individual arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theane Evangelis, counsel for Uber, wrote in a statement to KQED, “While the Supreme Court did not take this opportunity to weigh in now, it should do so in the future, holding once again that the FAA preempts state efforts to undermine arbitration agreements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is also important to note that the Supreme Court is still considering our constitutional challenge to AB5,” she continued. “As we explained in detail in our complaint in that case — and to which a three-judge panel of the Ninth Circuit unanimously agreed — in enacting AB5, the California legislature unfairly targeted my clients out of animus rather than reason. We’re asking the U.S. Supreme Court to grant review and give us our day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The North Bay-based organic food company \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amys-kitchen\">Amy’s Kitchen\u003c/a> will lay off 311 employees — nearly 15% of its workforce — just months after the end of a two-year boycott over unsafe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the company’s Petaluma headquarters, Santa Rosa plant and remote workers will be affected. Amy’s said in a statement that the decision was based on “industry headwinds” to “rebalance the business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yesterday’s decision was difficult and we are saddened to have to say goodbye to some of our valued team members,” the statement reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy’s said it will provide severance packages and mental health resources to all laid-off employees. The company \u003ca href=\"https://www.northbaybusinessjournal.com/article/industrynews/amys-kitchen-layoffs-reorganization/\">told the \u003cem>North Bay Business Journal\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that managers, clerical staff and assembly line workers are all affected and that layoffs will be staggered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely the outcome that, if we could have avoided, we would have. It’s heartbreaking and sad,” Amy’s President, Paul Schiefer, told the Business Journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999044\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999044\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers assemble frozen meals at Amy’s Kitchen in Santa Rosa in 2022. California heat protections for indoor workers include guidelines for those who must wear full-body clothing. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amy’s Kitchen is known for its organic and family-owned approach to soups and frozen meals. Founded in 1987, the company boasts on its website that it was organic “before organic was a thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Amy’s laid off a similar number of employees after abruptly closing its San José facility amid a union organizing drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11990197 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298939246-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That came months after a fierce two-year boycott began over working conditions and alleged union-busting practices. The boycott, led by the food justice nonprofit Food Empowerment Project, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990197/there-is-such-optimism-activists-workers-welcome-deal-ending-boycott-of-amys-kitchen-products\">ended in June\u003c/a> after Amy’s agreed to a number of improvements for workers, from increased wages to bilingual service representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreements followed eight months of negotiations between Amy’s and the Food Empowerment Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workers who love their job. They just want to be treated with respect and paid a living wage,” Food Empowerment Project founder Lauren Ornelas previously told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the boycott ended, Schiefer said in a statement published on the FEP website that closing the San Jose plant was “a difficult decision in response to a challenging economic climate following the pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have learned valuable lessons from this experience and are committed to improvement going forward,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The North Bay-based organic food company \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amys-kitchen\">Amy’s Kitchen\u003c/a> will lay off 311 employees — nearly 15% of its workforce — just months after the end of a two-year boycott over unsafe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the company’s Petaluma headquarters, Santa Rosa plant and remote workers will be affected. Amy’s said in a statement that the decision was based on “industry headwinds” to “rebalance the business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yesterday’s decision was difficult and we are saddened to have to say goodbye to some of our valued team members,” the statement reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy’s said it will provide severance packages and mental health resources to all laid-off employees. The company \u003ca href=\"https://www.northbaybusinessjournal.com/article/industrynews/amys-kitchen-layoffs-reorganization/\">told the \u003cem>North Bay Business Journal\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that managers, clerical staff and assembly line workers are all affected and that layoffs will be staggered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely the outcome that, if we could have avoided, we would have. It’s heartbreaking and sad,” Amy’s President, Paul Schiefer, told the Business Journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999044\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999044\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers assemble frozen meals at Amy’s Kitchen in Santa Rosa in 2022. California heat protections for indoor workers include guidelines for those who must wear full-body clothing. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amy’s Kitchen is known for its organic and family-owned approach to soups and frozen meals. Founded in 1987, the company boasts on its website that it was organic “before organic was a thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Amy’s laid off a similar number of employees after abruptly closing its San José facility amid a union organizing drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That came months after a fierce two-year boycott began over working conditions and alleged union-busting practices. The boycott, led by the food justice nonprofit Food Empowerment Project, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990197/there-is-such-optimism-activists-workers-welcome-deal-ending-boycott-of-amys-kitchen-products\">ended in June\u003c/a> after Amy’s agreed to a number of improvements for workers, from increased wages to bilingual service representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreements followed eight months of negotiations between Amy’s and the Food Empowerment Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workers who love their job. They just want to be treated with respect and paid a living wage,” Food Empowerment Project founder Lauren Ornelas previously told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the boycott ended, Schiefer said in a statement published on the FEP website that closing the San Jose plant was “a difficult decision in response to a challenging economic climate following the pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have learned valuable lessons from this experience and are committed to improvement going forward,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amazon\">Amazon\u003c/a> warehouse workers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> have asked the company to voluntarily recognize their new union with the Teamsters, a move that experts said is unlikely to yield a contract deal without additional government or community pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the Amazon DCK6 facility in the city’s Bayview neighborhood, who have been organizing with the Teamsters since last year, said they are pushing for better pay and safer conditions. Many work part-time and lack basic benefits, according to a union \u003ca href=\"https://teamster.org/2024/10/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-san-francisco-join-teamsters-union/\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need good pay and benefits to take care of our families too. That’s why we formed a union with the Teamsters,” warehouse worker Jocelyn Vargas said in a statement. “We are essential workers, and it’s time Amazon treats us that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement sent to KQED on Wednesday evening, a spokesperson for Amazon said: “Because this union has a track record of misrepresenting the facts, we’re skeptical that their claims here are accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, one of the world’s largest online retailers, has for years weathered a wave of unrest and growing unionization efforts among its employees, who have cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929057/amazon-workers-strike-at-third-largest-air-hub-in-us-file-labor-complaint\">insufficient pay\u003c/a> and safety concerns, including a high\u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/amazon-injury-rate/\"> injury rate\u003c/a> and excessive indoor heat. The company’s net income was \u003ca href=\"https://ir.aboutamazon.com/news-release/news-release-details/2024/Amazon.com-Announces-Fourth-Quarter-Results/default.aspx\">$30.4 billion\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the e-commerce giant has resisted worker efforts to unionize and negotiate contracts, the Teamsters’ increasing involvement is a “game changer,” said Bill Gould, who teaches labor and employment law at Stanford University, because of the resources and expertise brought by one of America’s largest unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006820 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-35-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 5,500 Amazon workers with the independent Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island, N.Y., which struggled to get recognized by the company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/18/g-s1-4989/amazon-union-teamsters-join-forces\">voted this summer to join\u003c/a> forces with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The union, which has 1.3 million members in the U.S., Canada and Puerto Rico, said hundreds of Amazon drivers in Queens, N.Y., also officially joined their ranks last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters don’t want Amazon to undercut the higher wages and workplace protections the union secured last year for workers at UPS, a competitor, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators fined Amazon nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990881/california-fines-amazon-nearly-6-million-for-breaking-warehouse-worker-safety-rules\">$6 million\u003c/a> in June for violating safety rules aimed at preventing warehouse worker injuries. The company has appealed the citation and is still awaiting a hearing, said Tim Shadix, legal director of the Warehouse Worker Resource Center. The California Department of Industrial Relations did not immediately respond to a request for an update on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Amazon has been accused of unfair labor practices, such as surveillance and retaliation against workers for organizing, in hundreds of cases across the country, according to National Labor Relations Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/search/case/Amazon.com\">records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amazon is rigidly anti-union and has fought union organization at every step of the process,” said Gould, a former chairman of the NLRB. “The law isn’t as effective and the company has managed to delay worker rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are various ways workers can form a union, including by requesting voluntary recognition from their employer, as the San Francisco warehouse workers did. They are the first Amazon warehouse workers to do so, while others have sought recognition by petitioning for an NLRB election, the Teamsters noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amazon\">Amazon\u003c/a> warehouse workers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> have asked the company to voluntarily recognize their new union with the Teamsters, a move that experts said is unlikely to yield a contract deal without additional government or community pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the Amazon DCK6 facility in the city’s Bayview neighborhood, who have been organizing with the Teamsters since last year, said they are pushing for better pay and safer conditions. Many work part-time and lack basic benefits, according to a union \u003ca href=\"https://teamster.org/2024/10/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-san-francisco-join-teamsters-union/\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need good pay and benefits to take care of our families too. That’s why we formed a union with the Teamsters,” warehouse worker Jocelyn Vargas said in a statement. “We are essential workers, and it’s time Amazon treats us that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement sent to KQED on Wednesday evening, a spokesperson for Amazon said: “Because this union has a track record of misrepresenting the facts, we’re skeptical that their claims here are accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, one of the world’s largest online retailers, has for years weathered a wave of unrest and growing unionization efforts among its employees, who have cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929057/amazon-workers-strike-at-third-largest-air-hub-in-us-file-labor-complaint\">insufficient pay\u003c/a> and safety concerns, including a high\u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/amazon-injury-rate/\"> injury rate\u003c/a> and excessive indoor heat. The company’s net income was \u003ca href=\"https://ir.aboutamazon.com/news-release/news-release-details/2024/Amazon.com-Announces-Fourth-Quarter-Results/default.aspx\">$30.4 billion\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the e-commerce giant has resisted worker efforts to unionize and negotiate contracts, the Teamsters’ increasing involvement is a “game changer,” said Bill Gould, who teaches labor and employment law at Stanford University, because of the resources and expertise brought by one of America’s largest unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 5,500 Amazon workers with the independent Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island, N.Y., which struggled to get recognized by the company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/18/g-s1-4989/amazon-union-teamsters-join-forces\">voted this summer to join\u003c/a> forces with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The union, which has 1.3 million members in the U.S., Canada and Puerto Rico, said hundreds of Amazon drivers in Queens, N.Y., also officially joined their ranks last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters don’t want Amazon to undercut the higher wages and workplace protections the union secured last year for workers at UPS, a competitor, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators fined Amazon nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990881/california-fines-amazon-nearly-6-million-for-breaking-warehouse-worker-safety-rules\">$6 million\u003c/a> in June for violating safety rules aimed at preventing warehouse worker injuries. The company has appealed the citation and is still awaiting a hearing, said Tim Shadix, legal director of the Warehouse Worker Resource Center. The California Department of Industrial Relations did not immediately respond to a request for an update on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Amazon has been accused of unfair labor practices, such as surveillance and retaliation against workers for organizing, in hundreds of cases across the country, according to National Labor Relations Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/search/case/Amazon.com\">records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amazon is rigidly anti-union and has fought union organization at every step of the process,” said Gould, a former chairman of the NLRB. “The law isn’t as effective and the company has managed to delay worker rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are various ways workers can form a union, including by requesting voluntary recognition from their employer, as the San Francisco warehouse workers did. They are the first Amazon warehouse workers to do so, while others have sought recognition by petitioning for an NLRB election, the Teamsters noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California’s $20 Fast Food Minimum Wage Sees No Job Loss, Slight Price Hikes",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s $20-an-hour\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\"> minimum wage\u003c/a> for larger fast food chains has not led to overall job losses, according to a new report by UC Berkeley’s Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new wage floor, the highest in the U.S., went into effect on April 1. According to research by economists Michael Reich of UC Berkeley and Denis Sosinskiy of UC Davis, menu prices have only slightly increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> found that hundreds of thousands of fast-food workers saw their hourly pay rise by an average of 18%, yet the wage hike did not reduce employment, as industry groups had warned. Menu prices grew by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The policy did not affect employment adversely. It did increase fast food prices, on a one-time basis only, by about 3.7%,” the authors concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are consistent with the bulk of minimum wage studies, which find “minimal employment effects,” Reich and Sosinskiy wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To assess the policy’s effect on industry employment, Reich and Sosinskiy used the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Current Employment Statistics. In a category of businesses dominated by fast food, the data show about 750,000 jobs statewide in July 2024 and July 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom poses for a portrait in the Sacramento KQED offices on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The report comes as California voters will decide the fate of a minimum wage bump to $18 an hour by 2026 for all employees. Opponents of Proposition 32, which is on the November ballot, argue that businesses adjusting to a more costly payroll would be forced to raise consumer prices and slash jobs, a position similar to those who fought the fast food wage hike when it was being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 32 would not impact higher pay floors already set by dozens of cities and counties or in certain industries, such as fast food and health care. Most health care facilities will be required \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=When%20does%20the%20minimum%20wage,in%20the%202024%20Budget%2C%20or\">to start\u003c/a> gradually increasing the hourly minimum wage to $25 as early as Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001133 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/FastFoodWorkersGetty1-1020x712.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who signed the state law enacting the fast food wage hike last September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">touted federal jobs data\u003c/a> pointing to industry growth despite higher payroll expenses. Critics responded by highlighting a separate federal data set adjusted for seasonal variations, which shows relatively small job losses of about 2,200 from April through August in quick-service restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there were approximately 737,000 \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">fast food jobs\u003c/a> as of last month, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Most fast-food employees in California are adult women of color who, in 2022, made an hourly \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/09/28/california-increases-minimum-wage-protections-for-fast-food-workers/\">average\u003c/a> of $16.21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses, the law Newsom signed in 2023 only applies to fast food restaurants in chains that have 60 or more locations nationwide to mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation also established a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council made up of worker and employer representatives. It has the authority to keep increasing the industry’s minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually. At a council meeting in Los Angeles earlier this month, dozens of franchise restaurant owners requested the nine-member council hold off from mandating another increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many said they struggled financially to cope with the current pay of at least $20 an hour, had reduced work hours or jobs and even closed stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The policy did not affect employment adversely. It did increase fast food prices, on a one-time basis only, by about 3.7%,” the authors concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are consistent with the bulk of minimum wage studies, which find “minimal employment effects,” Reich and Sosinskiy wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To assess the policy’s effect on industry employment, Reich and Sosinskiy used the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Current Employment Statistics. In a category of businesses dominated by fast food, the data show about 750,000 jobs statewide in July 2024 and July 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom poses for a portrait in the Sacramento KQED offices on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The report comes as California voters will decide the fate of a minimum wage bump to $18 an hour by 2026 for all employees. Opponents of Proposition 32, which is on the November ballot, argue that businesses adjusting to a more costly payroll would be forced to raise consumer prices and slash jobs, a position similar to those who fought the fast food wage hike when it was being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 32 would not impact higher pay floors already set by dozens of cities and counties or in certain industries, such as fast food and health care. Most health care facilities will be required \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=When%20does%20the%20minimum%20wage,in%20the%202024%20Budget%2C%20or\">to start\u003c/a> gradually increasing the hourly minimum wage to $25 as early as Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who signed the state law enacting the fast food wage hike last September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">touted federal jobs data\u003c/a> pointing to industry growth despite higher payroll expenses. Critics responded by highlighting a separate federal data set adjusted for seasonal variations, which shows relatively small job losses of about 2,200 from April through August in quick-service restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there were approximately 737,000 \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">fast food jobs\u003c/a> as of last month, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Most fast-food employees in California are adult women of color who, in 2022, made an hourly \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/09/28/california-increases-minimum-wage-protections-for-fast-food-workers/\">average\u003c/a> of $16.21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses, the law Newsom signed in 2023 only applies to fast food restaurants in chains that have 60 or more locations nationwide to mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation also established a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council made up of worker and employer representatives. It has the authority to keep increasing the industry’s minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually. At a council meeting in Los Angeles earlier this month, dozens of franchise restaurant owners requested the nine-member council hold off from mandating another increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many said they struggled financially to cope with the current pay of at least $20 an hour, had reduced work hours or jobs and even closed stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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}
},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
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"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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