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Then, those who need the office’s help to collect on their back pay only get all their money back 12% of the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit confirms the findings of several recent news reports on the problem, including a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/unpaid-wages-california-workers/\">2022 CalMatters series detailing long waits\u003c/a> and low payouts for workers making claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit stated that it would take the Labor Commissioner’s Office wage claims unit nearly 900 staff members to fully address the backlogs and handle claims in the time required by law. That’s almost three times the positions the unit currently has — about a third of which are vacant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though auditors pinned the office’s crisis largely to the understaffing, it also found:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The office has a unit to help workers who win their claims recover the money from resistant employers by placing liens on property, levying bank accounts or, in some cases, revoking the employers’ business licenses. However, that unit didn’t recover any of the money in most cases and often did not use all the methods available.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hiring is overseen by two different human resources departments: the Labor Commissioner and that of the larger Department of Industrial Relations. The auditor found the slow process resulted in the office losing qualified candidates. Pay is also sometimes lower than comparable state and local government jobs, the audit found, particularly for hearing officers.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The audit criticized the office for failing to adequately train new staff and supervisors and for using a case management system that was rife with inaccuracies and unreliable data, making it difficult for the office to track the progress of wage claims.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In response to the report, Katrina S. Hagen, the industrial relations director, wrote that the office is working on improvements to the case management system and conducting a study of staff salaries to improve retention. She also noted California is passing increasingly complex new labor laws that may prevent the office from meeting case deadlines even with enough staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wage claim system is decades old. In recent years, California labor officials have increasingly tried alternative enforcement methods, including workplace-wide investigations in low-wage industries with the help of worker advocates. Last week, they announced they would award $8.5 million to 17 local prosecutors to bring criminal charges against problem employers. [aside postID=news_11979626 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/SAUL-PEDROZA-26-KQED-1020x680.jpg']However, advocates said the individual claim system is still an important way for workers who believe they’ve been underpaid to recover small amounts without hiring a lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit immediately prompted labor leaders to call for the state to prioritize hiring at the Labor Commissioner’s Office. The California Labor Federation said the office should get emergency hiring authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s audit findings demonstrate that California workers face an enforcement crisis,” federation leader Lorena Gonzalez said in a statement. “Our state enforcement agencies weren’t designed to handle this magnitude of labor law violations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-glazer-165414\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a>, an Orinda Democrat who pushed for the audit last year in response to the news reports, lambasted the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California State Auditor’s report makes clear that our State Labor Commissioner is a toothless enforcer of our wage theft laws,” he said in a statement. “Immediate and decisive action to restore integrity and effectiveness to the Labor Commissioner’s office is needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Glazer isn’t planning any bills to address the issue, his spokesperson Steven Harmon said.\u003cbr>\n[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='immigration']The release of the audit puts pressure on lawmakers and business and labor lobbyists to reach a deal in a simmering battle over another California labor law. A longtime target of the California Chamber of Commerce and other employers’ groups, the Private Attorneys General Act allows workers with private lawyers to take on the role of the state in suing their employers for alleged violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class-action suits brought against employers generate about $200 million a year in penalties that get deposited into a fund for state labor enforcement efforts. Workers’ advocates argue those cases are also diverted from what would be an even worse backlog for the Labor Commissioner’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Chamber-backed measure to repeal the law is scheduled to be on voters’ ballots in November, though business and labor groups have until late June to reach a compromise that could be passed by the Legislature instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely the worst time to even consider” repealing the law, said Alexandra Suh, co-president of the California Coalition for Worker Power and executive director of the Koreatown Immigrant Workers’ Alliance in LA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alliance has been helping workers file wage claims for more than 30 years, and Suh said delays at the office have been a longstanding problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This audit is even more clear evidence in my mind that we need to preserve PAGA, preserve the right of workers to stand in the shoes of the state to address violations and relieve pressure on the Labor Commissioner’s Office,” Suh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "After Months-Long Coma, This Latino Immigrant Worker Is Still Fighting Mysterious Long COVID Symptoms",
"headTitle": "After Months-Long Coma, This Latino Immigrant Worker Is Still Fighting Mysterious Long COVID Symptoms | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/\">\u003cem>El Tecolote\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a bilingual publication that documents and amplifies the voices of San Francisco’s Latinx communities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar rarely worried about his health. As a construction worker, he had enough gigs to earn more than $500 a week under the table, allowing him to rent a studio for $600 a month with two other Latinx construction workers in San Francisco’s Mission District. Despite working nearly full-time, he was barely able to make ends meet. So, when the pandemic hit, Varilla-Aguilar continued working. He got critically sick in December 2020. To this day, Varilla-Aguilar still wonders whether he got COVID-19 on the job or at the grocery store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either way, it landed him in a coma — for more than three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was such a difficult time,” said his sister, Araceli Aguilar-Perez. “To see him like that, it affected me a lot,” Aguilar-Perez said the doctors recommended disconnecting Varilla-Aguilar from the ventilator after two months. The family refused. Hoping for a miracle, Aguilar-Perez talked to her unconscious brother through a hospital monitor via Zoom calls every week. Then, in March 2021, Varilla-Aguilar woke up. “When I opened my eyes, it felt like a few days [had passed],” Varilla-Aguilar said. “But they told me it had been three months … It was a shock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986483\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986483\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latino man puts on an oxygen mask at home.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar, 46, puts on the oxygen ventilator he uses every night in San Francisco on Feb. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, more than three years after he was discharged from the hospital, Varilla-Aguilar still depends on the oxygen respirator next to his bed. He has since moved out from his shared Mission District studio and lives in Sunnydale in a shared home with other Latinx workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his housemates are among the community that COVID-19 hit the hardest in San Francisco: immigrants, especially those working unprotected essential jobs. As the devastating impact of \u003ca href=\"https://ldi.upenn.edu/our-work/research-updates/a-health-equity-voice-from-san-franciscos-latino-covid-pandemic/\">COVID-19 in Latinx communities\u003c/a> in the Mission District and Bayview is increasingly documented, the lingering, and sometimes extreme, symptoms of infection are much less understood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks after being discharged from the hospital, Varilla-Aguilar noticed his vision was going blurry while waiting at a bus stop. Within four hours, his left eye went permanently blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986484\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986484\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latinx couple, a woman seated and a man standing with his right arm around her as they both look at the camera in their home kitchen with a refrigerator behind them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1322\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED-800x529.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED-1020x674.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED-1536x1015.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED-1920x1269.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Siblings Araceli Aguilar-Perez (left) and Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar inside Aguilar-Perez’s home in San Francisco on April 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“[COVID] can cause many things, one of them being thrombosis,” said Dr. Hector Bonilla, a clinical infectious disease expert and associate professor at Stanford University. According to\u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10123679/\"> medical research\u003c/a>, critically ill COVID-19 patients like Varilla-Aguilar are especially at risk for severe health outcomes like thrombosis or blood clots. “It can happen any place [in the body],” Bonilla said. “Maybe this can explain what happened in the eye.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined with his deteriorated eyesight, Varilla-Aguilar also endures fatigue, brain fog and depression, which are among the more common symptoms cited by people who experience long COVID. He said he also never fully recovered the strength he lost during his monthslong coma despite a year in physical therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have the strength that I used to, and I run out of breath when I try,” Varilla-Aguilar said. “So it’s hard finding steady work.” Despite his physical weaknesses, he continues to take on physically demanding jobs like landscaping and, on occasion, roofing gigs. “I have no choice. I need to pay the rent. If I don’t do it, who else is going to help me?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the 46-year-old, doctors have not been able to determine why COVID-19 took an extreme toll on his health. Instead, doctors have prescribed him several prescription pills to help reduce some of his ongoing symptoms. Still, he believes this hasn’t been enough and that the cost of medication is expensive. His experience is one faced by millions of long COVID patients across the country as researchers continue to look for the underlying causes of the mysterious symptoms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986481\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986481\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latino man gestures during a presentation as he talks into a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED-1920x1277.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar, 46, shares his experience with mysterious symptoms during a ‘Somos Remedios’ event inside the Latino Task Force building in the Mission District in San Francisco on Jan. 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986486\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986486\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"821\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-800x263.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-1020x335.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-1536x504.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-2048x673.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-1920x631.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: (From left) Rosario Ortegón, Martin Rodríguez, and Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar bag fresh produce during a ‘Somos Remedios’ event at the Latino Task Force building in the Mission District in San Francisco on Jan. 13, 2024. Right: Herbs and remedies on display at a ‘Somos Remedios’ event. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amid medical uncertainty, Varilla-Aguilar, like other sufferers of long COVID, has turned elsewhere for solutions. Previously skeptical of alternative medicine, Varilla-Aguilar agreed to his sister’s “baño de pies” after months of coping with numbness in his feet. The foot bath was infused with herbs like Santa Maria, rue, rose buds and eucalyptus, which his sister blended into a bucket of hot water. The effort was meant to reduce stress and inflammation. After a few treatments, he said he was shocked to have gained back sensations in his feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Varilla-Aguilar has used and advocated for natural remedies rooted in Indigenous practice, including the consumption of teas, herbs, and whole foods. He is also a member of “Somos Remedios,” a Mission-based grassroots research group that documents Latinx solutions to treating long COVID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Varilla-Aguilar now prioritizes his health, he admits that he will never be the same again. “Every day, there is an effort to live, to work, and to have enough money to eat,” Varilla-Aguilar said. “I found [strength] within myself, [when] there was nowhere else to find it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986485\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986485\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latino man outside of his house, photographed from inside the house, with a car parked on the street outside his house.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1322\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED-800x529.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED-1020x674.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED-1536x1015.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED-1920x1269.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar, 46, steps outside of his sister’s home in San Francisco on April 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/long-covid-latino-immigrant-worker/\">\u003cem>El Tecolote’s original version of the story can be found here.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Construction worker Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar is still fighting mysterious symptoms after emerging from a 3-month coma and going blind in his left eye. His experience is just one example of the devastating impact that COVID continues to have on Latinx communities in San Francisco.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/\">\u003cem>El Tecolote\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a bilingual publication that documents and amplifies the voices of San Francisco’s Latinx communities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar rarely worried about his health. As a construction worker, he had enough gigs to earn more than $500 a week under the table, allowing him to rent a studio for $600 a month with two other Latinx construction workers in San Francisco’s Mission District. Despite working nearly full-time, he was barely able to make ends meet. So, when the pandemic hit, Varilla-Aguilar continued working. He got critically sick in December 2020. To this day, Varilla-Aguilar still wonders whether he got COVID-19 on the job or at the grocery store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either way, it landed him in a coma — for more than three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was such a difficult time,” said his sister, Araceli Aguilar-Perez. “To see him like that, it affected me a lot,” Aguilar-Perez said the doctors recommended disconnecting Varilla-Aguilar from the ventilator after two months. The family refused. Hoping for a miracle, Aguilar-Perez talked to her unconscious brother through a hospital monitor via Zoom calls every week. Then, in March 2021, Varilla-Aguilar woke up. “When I opened my eyes, it felt like a few days [had passed],” Varilla-Aguilar said. “But they told me it had been three months … It was a shock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986483\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986483\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latino man puts on an oxygen mask at home.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-16-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar, 46, puts on the oxygen ventilator he uses every night in San Francisco on Feb. 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, more than three years after he was discharged from the hospital, Varilla-Aguilar still depends on the oxygen respirator next to his bed. He has since moved out from his shared Mission District studio and lives in Sunnydale in a shared home with other Latinx workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his housemates are among the community that COVID-19 hit the hardest in San Francisco: immigrants, especially those working unprotected essential jobs. As the devastating impact of \u003ca href=\"https://ldi.upenn.edu/our-work/research-updates/a-health-equity-voice-from-san-franciscos-latino-covid-pandemic/\">COVID-19 in Latinx communities\u003c/a> in the Mission District and Bayview is increasingly documented, the lingering, and sometimes extreme, symptoms of infection are much less understood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks after being discharged from the hospital, Varilla-Aguilar noticed his vision was going blurry while waiting at a bus stop. Within four hours, his left eye went permanently blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986484\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986484\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latinx couple, a woman seated and a man standing with his right arm around her as they both look at the camera in their home kitchen with a refrigerator behind them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1322\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED-800x529.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED-1020x674.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED-1536x1015.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-33-KQED-1920x1269.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Siblings Araceli Aguilar-Perez (left) and Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar inside Aguilar-Perez’s home in San Francisco on April 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“[COVID] can cause many things, one of them being thrombosis,” said Dr. Hector Bonilla, a clinical infectious disease expert and associate professor at Stanford University. According to\u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10123679/\"> medical research\u003c/a>, critically ill COVID-19 patients like Varilla-Aguilar are especially at risk for severe health outcomes like thrombosis or blood clots. “It can happen any place [in the body],” Bonilla said. “Maybe this can explain what happened in the eye.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined with his deteriorated eyesight, Varilla-Aguilar also endures fatigue, brain fog and depression, which are among the more common symptoms cited by people who experience long COVID. He said he also never fully recovered the strength he lost during his monthslong coma despite a year in physical therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have the strength that I used to, and I run out of breath when I try,” Varilla-Aguilar said. “So it’s hard finding steady work.” Despite his physical weaknesses, he continues to take on physically demanding jobs like landscaping and, on occasion, roofing gigs. “I have no choice. I need to pay the rent. If I don’t do it, who else is going to help me?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the 46-year-old, doctors have not been able to determine why COVID-19 took an extreme toll on his health. Instead, doctors have prescribed him several prescription pills to help reduce some of his ongoing symptoms. Still, he believes this hasn’t been enough and that the cost of medication is expensive. His experience is one faced by millions of long COVID patients across the country as researchers continue to look for the underlying causes of the mysterious symptoms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986481\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986481\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latino man gestures during a presentation as he talks into a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-8-KQED-1920x1277.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar, 46, shares his experience with mysterious symptoms during a ‘Somos Remedios’ event inside the Latino Task Force building in the Mission District in San Francisco on Jan. 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986486\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986486\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"821\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-800x263.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-1020x335.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-1536x504.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-2048x673.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-DYPTICH-KQED-1920x631.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: (From left) Rosario Ortegón, Martin Rodríguez, and Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar bag fresh produce during a ‘Somos Remedios’ event at the Latino Task Force building in the Mission District in San Francisco on Jan. 13, 2024. Right: Herbs and remedies on display at a ‘Somos Remedios’ event. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amid medical uncertainty, Varilla-Aguilar, like other sufferers of long COVID, has turned elsewhere for solutions. Previously skeptical of alternative medicine, Varilla-Aguilar agreed to his sister’s “baño de pies” after months of coping with numbness in his feet. The foot bath was infused with herbs like Santa Maria, rue, rose buds and eucalyptus, which his sister blended into a bucket of hot water. The effort was meant to reduce stress and inflammation. After a few treatments, he said he was shocked to have gained back sensations in his feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Varilla-Aguilar has used and advocated for natural remedies rooted in Indigenous practice, including the consumption of teas, herbs, and whole foods. He is also a member of “Somos Remedios,” a Mission-based grassroots research group that documents Latinx solutions to treating long COVID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Varilla-Aguilar now prioritizes his health, he admits that he will never be the same again. “Every day, there is an effort to live, to work, and to have enough money to eat,” Varilla-Aguilar said. “I found [strength] within myself, [when] there was nowhere else to find it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986485\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986485\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latino man outside of his house, photographed from inside the house, with a car parked on the street outside his house.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1322\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED-800x529.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED-1020x674.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED-1536x1015.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/FEBMAY2024-LONGCOVID-ET-PU-34-KQED-1920x1269.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Osbaldo Varilla-Aguilar, 46, steps outside of his sister’s home in San Francisco on April 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/long-covid-latino-immigrant-worker/\">\u003cem>El Tecolote’s original version of the story can be found here.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'Political Football:' Future Uncertain for Program Reuniting Migrant Families",
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"headTitle": "‘Political Football:’ Future Uncertain for Program Reuniting Migrant Families | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In her driveway in East Palo Alto, Norma Lima watched her two boys zip around on their scooters in the spring sunshine. After years of separation from her younger son, it gave her a thrill to see Diego, 6, playing with his 10-year-old brother José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lima used to be a police officer in her native El Salvador. But in 2019, facing death threats from an organized criminal gang, she fled and sought asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. Knowing she couldn’t manage the dangerous journey from El Salvador to the U.S. with two young children, she took only José with her. She left Diego, still in diapers, with his grandmother, not knowing how they’d ever reunite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, last fall, Diego was approved to come join her in the U.S. with refugee status under something called \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/CAM\">the Central American Minors program (CAM)\u003c/a>. In September, he boarded a plane in San Salvador, and Lima met him at San Francisco International Airport with their first hug in four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so immense,” Lima said. “I’ll be forever grateful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when thousands of unaccompanied children are showing up at the U.S.-Mexico border every month, the Biden administration has been trying to build an alternative pathway through CAM. But just as the program, which started under President Barack Obama, has gotten reestablished, supporters and critics alike question whether it will survive this year’s presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is the Central American Minors program?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The CAM program was created in 2014 during the Obama administration when the number of children traveling alone into the U.S. first spiked. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-border-unaccompanied-children/fy-2014\">then-record 68,000 unaccompanied kids\u003c/a> arrived at the border that year, most from the tumultuous countries of Central America’s “Northern Triangle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was to let parents who were already lawfully in the U.S. bring the children they had left behind in Guatemala, Honduras or El Salvador through a safe, legal pathway, as well as certain adult siblings and caretakers with them. This, the administration hoped, would deter desperate parents from putting their kids into the hands of smugglers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986452\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/05/16/political-football-future-uncertain-for-program-reuniting-migrant-families/flood-of-migrants-overwhelms-arizona-border-crossings/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11986452\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986452\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"a line of kids outside in the desert\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrant children await transport from the U.S.-Mexico border in December 2023. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the history of the program has been rocky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the final two years of the Obama administration, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/relaunching-central-american-minors-program\">more than 6,000 CAM applications were approved\u003c/a>. However, soon after Donald Trump became president, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/idUSKCN1AW2OY/\">he ended the program\u003c/a> as part of a broad crackdown on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2021, President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/restarting-the-central-american-minors-program/\">brought it back\u003c/a>, saying CAM “reflects our values as a nation” by protecting vulnerable children. It was also part of a comprehensive approach to managing the current surge of migration in the Americas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many kids have come through CAM since the program restarted because the government has not been forthcoming with data. But the number must be tiny when compared to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">the 137,000 unaccompanied minors\u003c/a> encountered at the border last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for the U.S. State Department said more than 800 people have come into the U.S. as refugees under CAM since 2021. In addition, those who don’t qualify for \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/refugees-and-asylum/refugees/refugee-eligibility-determination\">refugee status\u003c/a> (which offers legal permanent residence and eventual citizenship) are considered for a temporary status called \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/humanitarian_parole\">humanitarian parole\u003c/a>. Advocates estimate that roughly twice as many people are approved for parole as refugee status. However, the agency that handles parole, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, declined KQED’s request for data on the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The lucky and the not-so-lucky\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As Diego and José chased each other around the driveway, Lima stood on her porch and spoke in a hushed voice about the death threats that led her to leave her toddler behind in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her city, \u003ca href=\"https://insightcrime.org/el-salvador-organized-crime-news/santa-ana-el-salvador/\">Santa Ana, was dominated by gangs\u003c/a>, and her work as a police officer made her a target. After a warning from colleagues, she said, she began moving where she slept — at the police station, at her parents’ home — but gang members tracked her down and threatened her directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, she said, she turned in her badge and her uniform, scraped together money for a smuggler, and prepared for a risky journey to reach her sister in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew if I had to run, my older boy could run with me. But I couldn’t carry one in my arms and hold the other by the hand,” she said. “It was the hardest decision I’ve ever made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Norma Lima\"]‘I knew if I had to run, my older boy could run with me. But I couldn’t carry one in my arms and hold the other by the hand.’[/pullquote]Lima got to the U.S. border with José, passed an initial asylum screening and moved in with her sister in East Palo Alto. After six months, she qualified for a work permit and began delivering pizzas, then waitressing, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>José was thriving in school and learning English, Lima said, but without Diego, she fell into a depression. Then, a friend showed her a YouTube video about the Central American Minors program. She jotted down the phone number and called the next morning. She applied in November of 2022, and 10 months later, she met Diego at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was incredibly fast,” she said. “I still can’t believe it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other parents have not been so lucky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elda Coreas, a construction worker in Virginia, applied to the CAM program in 2016 to bring her son from El Salvador. She said she had left him with family as a little boy years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coreas’s son, Ricardo, was approved for parole. She paid for his plane ticket, and he packed his bag, she said. Then, in 2017, President Trump abruptly shut the program down. An official called and told her Ricardo could not come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt as if the sky had fallen,” Coreas said. “I didn’t know how to tell him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the International Refugee Assistance Program sued the Trump administration on behalf of families like hers. And in 2019, a judge ordered the government to admit the more than 2,800 people, including Ricardo, who had already been approved when CAM was terminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, 1,769 of them have arrived in the U.S., and just 107 cases remain pending, though hundreds of others have simply been closed, \u003ca href=\"https://refugeerights.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/ECF-124-20th-Quarterly-Report.pdf\">according to a court-ordered update last month (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, Coreas’s case was reopened. Though Ricardo is now an adult with a degree in computer engineering, he was still eligible to join her, and he again went through interviews, background checks and a physical exam. Coreas said last November officials told her Ricardo was qualified and that they would notify him of his travel date. But she said they’ve heard nothing since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many years of waiting,” she said. “They give you hope, then they take it away. They’re treating us as if we were toys.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatiana Méndez with the International Rescue Committee, which is assisting Coreas with her case, said it’s unclear what’s causing the delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A political football’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates said the relaunch of the CAM program has been slowed by the fact that refugee resettlement agencies, which assist parents in filing applications, are only now rebuilding after losing funding and staff when Trump drastically cut the U.S. refugee program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other issue, after so much political back-and-forth, has simply been getting the word out that the program exists — and convincing parents that applying is worth their trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frankly, a lot of folks who are now eligible may not even be aware that the program exists,” said Michelle Villegas, an attorney with Kids in Need of Defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villegas’ organization received a grant from the U.S. State Department to raise awareness of CAM through outreach to legal service providers, schools, clinics and churches in the U.S. and in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the challenge she said she faces is rebuilding trust with those who do know about CAM because the program has had so many stops and starts. She said word travels about cases like Coreas’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, it’s the reality that many immigration policies are political footballs,” Villegas said. “And CAM is one of these programs that is affected by the policies of different administrations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villegas and other supporters believe that, given time and consistency, the CAM program could grow to be a humane and effective tool for making a dent in illegal border crossings. However, political football is still being tossed about, and what will happen in the future is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Confronted with a global migration crisis and record numbers of migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border, Biden has used parole programs liberally. However, parole — including through CAM — has become increasingly controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a campaign video, Trump said that, if elected, he would “\u003ca href=\"https://www.donaldjtrump.com/agenda47/agenda47-no-welfare-for-illegal-aliens\">stop the outrageous abuse of parole authority.\u003c/a>” His press secretary wouldn’t say whether Trump would terminate CAM a second time, but advocates on both the right and the left believe he would.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Krikorian, executive director of the Center for Immigration Studies in Washington, D.C., which advocates for reducing immigration, expects Trump would end CAM because, he said, its parole provisions overstep presidential power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parole is supposed to be a narrow emergency power. And this administration, in particular, has used it as a kind of blank check,” he said. “The CAM program, regardless of whom it benefits, is illegitimate in itself. Now, Congress could create a program like that if they wanted to, but they didn’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the CAM program is also being challenged \u003ca href=\"https://refugeerights.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/March-14-2022-Amended-Complaint.pdf\">in a lawsuit brought by the attorneys general of Texas and other Republican-led states (PDF)\u003c/a>. Lawyers for parents who’ve intervened in the suit have \u003ca href=\"https://refugeerights.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/ECF-124-Defendant-Intervenors-MTD-1.pdf\">asked the federal judge to dismiss the case (PDF)\u003c/a>, saying the states don’t have standing to challenge the program. The judge heard that argument in January and could rule at any time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hannah Flamm, a policy counsel with the International Refugee Assistance Program, said the migrant journey across Mexico remains extremely dangerous, so lawful pathways for kids are crucial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many of these families, there is no alternative,” she said. “So maintaining and improving the Central American Minors program is the only way that the United States can offer a meaningful alternative to the dangerous journey that many children undertake… due to their circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984330\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/norma-lima-and-her-son-diego-6-in-menlo-park-on-apr-28-2024-2/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984330\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"woman pushes a kid in a swing\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Norma Lima and her son Diego, 6, in Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>A safe alternative\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Norma Lima didn’t want to risk her little boy’s life with a smuggler, yet the separation was unbearable. So, she has nothing but gratitude that Diego could come to her safely through CAM. Getting reacquainted after four years apart took a little time — she said at first, she didn’t even know what foods her son liked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now she can see a future for her children to grow up without fear. She recently won her asylum case, which means they are all on a path to U.S. citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m proud they can grow up here,” she said. “And I’m committed to raising them to respect authority and the values of this country that has opened its doors and helped us so much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Lima said bedtime is the time when her heart is fullest because now she can kiss both of her boys goodnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In her driveway in East Palo Alto, Norma Lima watched her two boys zip around on their scooters in the spring sunshine. After years of separation from her younger son, it gave her a thrill to see Diego, 6, playing with his 10-year-old brother José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lima used to be a police officer in her native El Salvador. But in 2019, facing death threats from an organized criminal gang, she fled and sought asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. Knowing she couldn’t manage the dangerous journey from El Salvador to the U.S. with two young children, she took only José with her. She left Diego, still in diapers, with his grandmother, not knowing how they’d ever reunite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, last fall, Diego was approved to come join her in the U.S. with refugee status under something called \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/CAM\">the Central American Minors program (CAM)\u003c/a>. In September, he boarded a plane in San Salvador, and Lima met him at San Francisco International Airport with their first hug in four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so immense,” Lima said. “I’ll be forever grateful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when thousands of unaccompanied children are showing up at the U.S.-Mexico border every month, the Biden administration has been trying to build an alternative pathway through CAM. But just as the program, which started under President Barack Obama, has gotten reestablished, supporters and critics alike question whether it will survive this year’s presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is the Central American Minors program?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The CAM program was created in 2014 during the Obama administration when the number of children traveling alone into the U.S. first spiked. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-border-unaccompanied-children/fy-2014\">then-record 68,000 unaccompanied kids\u003c/a> arrived at the border that year, most from the tumultuous countries of Central America’s “Northern Triangle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was to let parents who were already lawfully in the U.S. bring the children they had left behind in Guatemala, Honduras or El Salvador through a safe, legal pathway, as well as certain adult siblings and caretakers with them. This, the administration hoped, would deter desperate parents from putting their kids into the hands of smugglers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986452\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/05/16/political-football-future-uncertain-for-program-reuniting-migrant-families/flood-of-migrants-overwhelms-arizona-border-crossings/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11986452\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986452\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"a line of kids outside in the desert\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1838184632-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrant children await transport from the U.S.-Mexico border in December 2023. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the history of the program has been rocky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the final two years of the Obama administration, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/relaunching-central-american-minors-program\">more than 6,000 CAM applications were approved\u003c/a>. However, soon after Donald Trump became president, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/idUSKCN1AW2OY/\">he ended the program\u003c/a> as part of a broad crackdown on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2021, President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/restarting-the-central-american-minors-program/\">brought it back\u003c/a>, saying CAM “reflects our values as a nation” by protecting vulnerable children. It was also part of a comprehensive approach to managing the current surge of migration in the Americas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many kids have come through CAM since the program restarted because the government has not been forthcoming with data. But the number must be tiny when compared to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">the 137,000 unaccompanied minors\u003c/a> encountered at the border last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for the U.S. State Department said more than 800 people have come into the U.S. as refugees under CAM since 2021. In addition, those who don’t qualify for \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/refugees-and-asylum/refugees/refugee-eligibility-determination\">refugee status\u003c/a> (which offers legal permanent residence and eventual citizenship) are considered for a temporary status called \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/humanitarian_parole\">humanitarian parole\u003c/a>. Advocates estimate that roughly twice as many people are approved for parole as refugee status. However, the agency that handles parole, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, declined KQED’s request for data on the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The lucky and the not-so-lucky\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As Diego and José chased each other around the driveway, Lima stood on her porch and spoke in a hushed voice about the death threats that led her to leave her toddler behind in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her city, \u003ca href=\"https://insightcrime.org/el-salvador-organized-crime-news/santa-ana-el-salvador/\">Santa Ana, was dominated by gangs\u003c/a>, and her work as a police officer made her a target. After a warning from colleagues, she said, she began moving where she slept — at the police station, at her parents’ home — but gang members tracked her down and threatened her directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, she said, she turned in her badge and her uniform, scraped together money for a smuggler, and prepared for a risky journey to reach her sister in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew if I had to run, my older boy could run with me. But I couldn’t carry one in my arms and hold the other by the hand,” she said. “It was the hardest decision I’ve ever made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lima got to the U.S. border with José, passed an initial asylum screening and moved in with her sister in East Palo Alto. After six months, she qualified for a work permit and began delivering pizzas, then waitressing, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>José was thriving in school and learning English, Lima said, but without Diego, she fell into a depression. Then, a friend showed her a YouTube video about the Central American Minors program. She jotted down the phone number and called the next morning. She applied in November of 2022, and 10 months later, she met Diego at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was incredibly fast,” she said. “I still can’t believe it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other parents have not been so lucky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elda Coreas, a construction worker in Virginia, applied to the CAM program in 2016 to bring her son from El Salvador. She said she had left him with family as a little boy years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coreas’s son, Ricardo, was approved for parole. She paid for his plane ticket, and he packed his bag, she said. Then, in 2017, President Trump abruptly shut the program down. An official called and told her Ricardo could not come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt as if the sky had fallen,” Coreas said. “I didn’t know how to tell him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the International Refugee Assistance Program sued the Trump administration on behalf of families like hers. And in 2019, a judge ordered the government to admit the more than 2,800 people, including Ricardo, who had already been approved when CAM was terminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, 1,769 of them have arrived in the U.S., and just 107 cases remain pending, though hundreds of others have simply been closed, \u003ca href=\"https://refugeerights.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/ECF-124-20th-Quarterly-Report.pdf\">according to a court-ordered update last month (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, Coreas’s case was reopened. Though Ricardo is now an adult with a degree in computer engineering, he was still eligible to join her, and he again went through interviews, background checks and a physical exam. Coreas said last November officials told her Ricardo was qualified and that they would notify him of his travel date. But she said they’ve heard nothing since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many years of waiting,” she said. “They give you hope, then they take it away. They’re treating us as if we were toys.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatiana Méndez with the International Rescue Committee, which is assisting Coreas with her case, said it’s unclear what’s causing the delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A political football’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates said the relaunch of the CAM program has been slowed by the fact that refugee resettlement agencies, which assist parents in filing applications, are only now rebuilding after losing funding and staff when Trump drastically cut the U.S. refugee program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other issue, after so much political back-and-forth, has simply been getting the word out that the program exists — and convincing parents that applying is worth their trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Frankly, a lot of folks who are now eligible may not even be aware that the program exists,” said Michelle Villegas, an attorney with Kids in Need of Defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villegas’ organization received a grant from the U.S. State Department to raise awareness of CAM through outreach to legal service providers, schools, clinics and churches in the U.S. and in Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the challenge she said she faces is rebuilding trust with those who do know about CAM because the program has had so many stops and starts. She said word travels about cases like Coreas’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, it’s the reality that many immigration policies are political footballs,” Villegas said. “And CAM is one of these programs that is affected by the policies of different administrations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villegas and other supporters believe that, given time and consistency, the CAM program could grow to be a humane and effective tool for making a dent in illegal border crossings. However, political football is still being tossed about, and what will happen in the future is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Confronted with a global migration crisis and record numbers of migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border, Biden has used parole programs liberally. However, parole — including through CAM — has become increasingly controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a campaign video, Trump said that, if elected, he would “\u003ca href=\"https://www.donaldjtrump.com/agenda47/agenda47-no-welfare-for-illegal-aliens\">stop the outrageous abuse of parole authority.\u003c/a>” His press secretary wouldn’t say whether Trump would terminate CAM a second time, but advocates on both the right and the left believe he would.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Krikorian, executive director of the Center for Immigration Studies in Washington, D.C., which advocates for reducing immigration, expects Trump would end CAM because, he said, its parole provisions overstep presidential power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parole is supposed to be a narrow emergency power. And this administration, in particular, has used it as a kind of blank check,” he said. “The CAM program, regardless of whom it benefits, is illegitimate in itself. Now, Congress could create a program like that if they wanted to, but they didn’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the CAM program is also being challenged \u003ca href=\"https://refugeerights.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/March-14-2022-Amended-Complaint.pdf\">in a lawsuit brought by the attorneys general of Texas and other Republican-led states (PDF)\u003c/a>. Lawyers for parents who’ve intervened in the suit have \u003ca href=\"https://refugeerights.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/ECF-124-Defendant-Intervenors-MTD-1.pdf\">asked the federal judge to dismiss the case (PDF)\u003c/a>, saying the states don’t have standing to challenge the program. The judge heard that argument in January and could rule at any time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hannah Flamm, a policy counsel with the International Refugee Assistance Program, said the migrant journey across Mexico remains extremely dangerous, so lawful pathways for kids are crucial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many of these families, there is no alternative,” she said. “So maintaining and improving the Central American Minors program is the only way that the United States can offer a meaningful alternative to the dangerous journey that many children undertake… due to their circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984330\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/norma-lima-and-her-son-diego-6-in-menlo-park-on-apr-28-2024-2/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984330\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"woman pushes a kid in a swing\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-CENTRAL-AMERICAN-MINORS-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Norma Lima and her son Diego, 6, in Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>A safe alternative\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Norma Lima didn’t want to risk her little boy’s life with a smuggler, yet the separation was unbearable. So, she has nothing but gratitude that Diego could come to her safely through CAM. Getting reacquainted after four years apart took a little time — she said at first, she didn’t even know what foods her son liked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now she can see a future for her children to grow up without fear. She recently won her asylum case, which means they are all on a path to U.S. citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m proud they can grow up here,” she said. “And I’m committed to raising them to respect authority and the values of this country that has opened its doors and helped us so much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Lima said bedtime is the time when her heart is fullest because now she can kiss both of her boys goodnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "The UC Berkeley Professor Centering the Latino Experience on Campus",
"headTitle": "The UC Berkeley Professor Centering the Latino Experience on Campus | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>I met UC Berkeley professor G. Cristina Mora a year ago when she invited me to one of her classes about Latinos in the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She created Latino Sociology, a course that “examines the historical and contemporary experiences of Latinxs in the United States.” It’s exactly the kind of class Mora wished she had been able to take as an undergraduate at Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I wanted to learn more about what she is doing to make Berkeley a place that welcomes and celebrates the Latinx experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mora, a UC Berkeley graduate, arrived for her freshman year, she thought she would become a teacher and maybe a principal. Growing up in Pacoima, a city in the San Fernando Valley, the only people she knew who had college degrees worked in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her first two years at Berkeley, she took some part-time jobs working with middle school students and quickly realized she didn’t want to be a teacher. In her junior year, the ambition to become a professor materialized. She knew she was facing difficult odds. Higher education is a competitive field, especially for a first-generation college student from a working-class, Mexican American background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Berkeley and across academia, Latinx college students need institutions to recognize Latinidad as an academic discipline, Mora told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 50% of students who graduate from high school in California are Latino. Meanwhile, Latinos make up about \u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/latinx-thriving-initiatives-lti/hsi-data\">19% of Berkeley undergraduate students\u003c/a>. The university has a \u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/lti/overview\">goal of reaching 25%\u003c/a> by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/latinx-thriving-initiatives-lti/hsi-data\">However, Latinos only make up 7% of Berkeley’s core faculty\u003c/a>. Mora recalled that when she was an undergraduate majoring in sociology, she took a lot of amazing classes that completely left out the Latinx experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hardly ever got to read texts about my own community,” she said. “I always remember thinking there was this huge gap. I ask myself, ‘What are the things that I can produce and do that I would have loved to read?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora graduated in 2003 and earned a doctorate in sociology from Princeton University. She is now a tenured professor of sociology and co-director of UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies, which conducts research and polls on politics and policy issues. As a Latina in higher education, she feels a duty to also fight against the erasure of our value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lrc.berkeley.edu/2023/04/05/latino-studies-stagnation/\">2023 report\u003c/a> she co-authored found that only 4% of colleges and universities in the U.S. offer a major centered on the Latinx experience. She and her fellow researchers scoured course catalogs for majors such as Latino Studies, Mexican American Studies, Chicano Studies and Puerto Rican Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s incredibly easy for [academia] to write off Latinos as foreigners, as newcomers, as people that live in the outside over there and to overlook the tremendous contributions of Latino communities in the founding history and development of the country,” Mora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, schools such as San Francisco State University and San Jose State University were pioneers in establishing robust Chicano and Latino studies programs, whereas more prestigious schools such as Berkeley and Stanford have lagged, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Latinx students go to college to land a well-paying job. So why would it matter if a school offers a Latinx-centered major, given that it may not lead directly into a career?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The world is complex,” Mora said. “To really understand engineering, you probably need to know society really well, right? You probably need to understand what are the social dynamics around what happens when a freeway is constructed or a bridge is constructed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She shared her insights in her office in the social sciences building. I sat on the same couch as dozens of students who had unburdened themselves to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even students not enrolled in her classes, who hear about her through word of mouth, seek her out for guidance and support. They see a part of themselves in her, whether because she’s a child of immigrants or because she, too, had to juggle working multiple jobs while attending Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I see some of myself in Mora. We are both in our early 40s, moms and live in the East Bay. I felt like an outsider on my college campus. I want future generations of Latinx students, including my own children, to feel welcomed and represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talking with Mora made me think of how complicated higher education is for many Latinos. On one hand, attending college allows you to access knowledge, pursue careers, achieve financial stability and become a more conscious member of society. On the other hand, you might feel like you have to find a way to blend in or constantly feel at odds with your surroundings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I attended Vanderbilt University 20 years ago, the percentage of Hispanic students was 3.4 to 4.1% (now close to 12%). I majored in English and minored in Latin American Studies, with an emphasis on Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only class I took that centered on the Latino experience in the U.S., as opposed to Latin America, was a Latino literature course taught by acclaimed Puerto Rican writer Judith Ortiz Cofer, who was a visiting professor. It exposed me to a world of writers I had never encountered and showed me that Latino literature was a thriving genre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chicana writer Lorraine Lopez was the only professor who encouraged me to go to graduate school. I earned a master’s in creative writing from Mills College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mention all of this to second what Mora told me: The ability for students to see themselves reflected in faculty and course material isn’t the be-all and end-all, but it can lead to meaningful, life-altering connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I really admire about Mora is that she is focused on changing how Latino students experience higher education in ways that benefit non-Latino students and faculty, too. Still, revamping any longstanding, powerful institution is challenging and daunting. I asked what keeps her going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have an option but to keep pushing,” Mora said. “I’ve had the chance to move to the East Coast or become a professor at an elite private school. I choose to stay here, and many of my colleagues choose to stay here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We stay here because we believe in teaching the students here. We believe in the future of California. We believe that this place can be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Latinos are roughly 19% of UC Berkeley's undergraduate students. The university has a goal of reaching 25% in three years. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>I met UC Berkeley professor G. Cristina Mora a year ago when she invited me to one of her classes about Latinos in the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She created Latino Sociology, a course that “examines the historical and contemporary experiences of Latinxs in the United States.” It’s exactly the kind of class Mora wished she had been able to take as an undergraduate at Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I wanted to learn more about what she is doing to make Berkeley a place that welcomes and celebrates the Latinx experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mora, a UC Berkeley graduate, arrived for her freshman year, she thought she would become a teacher and maybe a principal. Growing up in Pacoima, a city in the San Fernando Valley, the only people she knew who had college degrees worked in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her first two years at Berkeley, she took some part-time jobs working with middle school students and quickly realized she didn’t want to be a teacher. In her junior year, the ambition to become a professor materialized. She knew she was facing difficult odds. Higher education is a competitive field, especially for a first-generation college student from a working-class, Mexican American background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Berkeley and across academia, Latinx college students need institutions to recognize Latinidad as an academic discipline, Mora told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 50% of students who graduate from high school in California are Latino. Meanwhile, Latinos make up about \u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/latinx-thriving-initiatives-lti/hsi-data\">19% of Berkeley undergraduate students\u003c/a>. The university has a \u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/lti/overview\">goal of reaching 25%\u003c/a> by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/latinx-thriving-initiatives-lti/hsi-data\">However, Latinos only make up 7% of Berkeley’s core faculty\u003c/a>. Mora recalled that when she was an undergraduate majoring in sociology, she took a lot of amazing classes that completely left out the Latinx experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hardly ever got to read texts about my own community,” she said. “I always remember thinking there was this huge gap. I ask myself, ‘What are the things that I can produce and do that I would have loved to read?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora graduated in 2003 and earned a doctorate in sociology from Princeton University. She is now a tenured professor of sociology and co-director of UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies, which conducts research and polls on politics and policy issues. As a Latina in higher education, she feels a duty to also fight against the erasure of our value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lrc.berkeley.edu/2023/04/05/latino-studies-stagnation/\">2023 report\u003c/a> she co-authored found that only 4% of colleges and universities in the U.S. offer a major centered on the Latinx experience. She and her fellow researchers scoured course catalogs for majors such as Latino Studies, Mexican American Studies, Chicano Studies and Puerto Rican Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s incredibly easy for [academia] to write off Latinos as foreigners, as newcomers, as people that live in the outside over there and to overlook the tremendous contributions of Latino communities in the founding history and development of the country,” Mora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, schools such as San Francisco State University and San Jose State University were pioneers in establishing robust Chicano and Latino studies programs, whereas more prestigious schools such as Berkeley and Stanford have lagged, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Latinx students go to college to land a well-paying job. So why would it matter if a school offers a Latinx-centered major, given that it may not lead directly into a career?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The world is complex,” Mora said. “To really understand engineering, you probably need to know society really well, right? You probably need to understand what are the social dynamics around what happens when a freeway is constructed or a bridge is constructed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She shared her insights in her office in the social sciences building. I sat on the same couch as dozens of students who had unburdened themselves to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even students not enrolled in her classes, who hear about her through word of mouth, seek her out for guidance and support. They see a part of themselves in her, whether because she’s a child of immigrants or because she, too, had to juggle working multiple jobs while attending Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I see some of myself in Mora. We are both in our early 40s, moms and live in the East Bay. I felt like an outsider on my college campus. I want future generations of Latinx students, including my own children, to feel welcomed and represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talking with Mora made me think of how complicated higher education is for many Latinos. On one hand, attending college allows you to access knowledge, pursue careers, achieve financial stability and become a more conscious member of society. On the other hand, you might feel like you have to find a way to blend in or constantly feel at odds with your surroundings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I attended Vanderbilt University 20 years ago, the percentage of Hispanic students was 3.4 to 4.1% (now close to 12%). I majored in English and minored in Latin American Studies, with an emphasis on Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only class I took that centered on the Latino experience in the U.S., as opposed to Latin America, was a Latino literature course taught by acclaimed Puerto Rican writer Judith Ortiz Cofer, who was a visiting professor. It exposed me to a world of writers I had never encountered and showed me that Latino literature was a thriving genre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chicana writer Lorraine Lopez was the only professor who encouraged me to go to graduate school. I earned a master’s in creative writing from Mills College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mention all of this to second what Mora told me: The ability for students to see themselves reflected in faculty and course material isn’t the be-all and end-all, but it can lead to meaningful, life-altering connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I really admire about Mora is that she is focused on changing how Latino students experience higher education in ways that benefit non-Latino students and faculty, too. Still, revamping any longstanding, powerful institution is challenging and daunting. I asked what keeps her going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have an option but to keep pushing,” Mora said. “I’ve had the chance to move to the East Coast or become a professor at an elite private school. I choose to stay here, and many of my colleagues choose to stay here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We stay here because we believe in teaching the students here. We believe in the future of California. We believe that this place can be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a meeting room at a hotel in California’s crop-rich Central Valley, a fight is taking place that could help shape the future of farm labor in fields that grow a chunk of the country’s food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The battle between a unit of the Wonderful Co. — one of the state’s most well-known farm companies that grows pistachios, pomegranates and citrus — and United Farm Workers — the country’s biggest farm worker union — comes after California \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-business-california-kamala-harris-gavin-newsom-d9ec4ee77d9430c4bf8ec7b17b68c3fc\">passed a law\u003c/a> in 2022 aimed at making it easier for agricultural laborers to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several hundred workers filed papers this year to unionize at Wonderful Nurseries in Wasco, California, a move the company claimed was fraudulent. The allegations are being heard in proceedings that could uphold the newly formed union or revoke its certification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, farmer and labor advocates are watching closely to determine the new law’s impact in a state where most farmworkers are not organized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four groups of California farmworkers have so far organized under the law, marking the UFW’s first successful attempts at farmworker unionization since 2016, said Elizabeth Strater, the union’s director of strategic campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to see a continued rise in California of farmworker organizing because there is a tremendous need,” Strater said. “Every time there’s a union win in the community, that raises the standard for other employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers aren’t covered by federal rules for labor organizing in the United States. However, California, which harvests much of the country’s produce, enacted a law and created a special board in 1975 to protect their right to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-business-california-kamala-harris-gavin-newsom-d9ec4ee77d9430c4bf8ec7b17b68c3fc\">The 2022 law lets the workers unionize\u003c/a> by collecting a majority of signatures without holding an election at a polling place — a move proponents said would protect workers from union busting and employers said lacked safeguards to prevent fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom reluctantly approved the changes with a nudge from the White House after farmworkers led a weekslong march to the state Capitol.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='immigration']Farmworkers in California are overwhelmingly Latino and among the state’s poorest and most vulnerable residents. Many are seasonal workers, which makes it tough to organize a job site, and many lack legal status in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law could lead to a rise in union influence and a resurgence of the UFW, which represented tens of thousands of farmworkers at its peak but has seen its numbers dwindle, said Christian Paiz, a professor of ethnic studies at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is one of the most dangerous jobs in the country,” Paiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an absurdity to the claim these individuals would say, ‘No, I’m cool, I trust my employer.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm industry leaders contend that the lack of a secret ballot makes workers vulnerable to coercion by unions and fraud. They want farmworkers to be able to revoke their signatures if they change their mind about organizing, and they want unions to clarify in writing that a signature essentially constitutes a worker’s vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan Little, director of labor policy for the California Farm Bureau Federation, said he expects more union filings under the new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our members are very concerned about it,” Little said. “You have a union, and all of a sudden, you have a business partner in effect telling you how to operate your business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clash at Wonderful Nurseries began when a group of workers filed in February to organize over concerns about assignments and scheduling, Strater said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 640-worker unit was certified by the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board. But Wonderful filed a complaint saying its workers didn’t want a union and thought cards they signed were to access $600 payments under a federal pandemic relief program the UFW helps administer. The UFW denied it and claimed Wonderful was calling meetings to try to get workers to withdraw their cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue is now before the board with an administrative law judge taking testimony from workers during a weekslong hearing that started in person and continues remotely with lawyers sparring over computer screens while farmworkers speak from a Bakersfield meeting room with help from a Spanish interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wonderful Nurseries contends the board has failed to ensure an honest process for the unit’s 60 permanent employees and as many as 1,500 seasonal workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our company’s history of working with agricultural workers is rooted in mutual trust, collaboration, and respect, all of which stands in contrast to the UFW actions,” Rob Yraceburu, president of Wonderful Nurseries, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Agricultural Labor Relations Board had no immediate comment on the case but said the hearing would allow all parties to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push to organize farm labor follows a \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-starbucks-corp-labor-unions-amazoncom-inc-business-1d9ce765edef24211b5160d55b3f9c90\">decadeslong decline in union membership\u003c/a> in the United States. However, public support for unions has recently grown, and the National Labor Relations Board, which governs non-farmworkers’ right to organize, reported the \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/unions-membership-rates-uaw-government-a3fc7bc50dd59a89f414230e8837d7e6\">highest number of filings\u003c/a> for union representation in eight years during the 2023 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other California companies where farmworkers have organized are much smaller than Wonderful, a $6 billion company founded by Stewart and Lynda Resnick, who have donated to \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-farm-workers-union-endorsement-2024-labor-issues-b3259c0bfaede763c122e53c505ffa82\">President Joe Biden\u003c/a> and Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At DMB Packing, Guadalupe Luna said he signed up to form a union because he previously worked at a unionized farm where he earned 5 cents more for each bucket of tomatoes picked. Now, he said a contract may soon be signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think this year things are going to be better for us,” the 55-year-old said. “We want better pay and benefits; that’s what we’re asking the ranchers for, and they seem willing to negotiate with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four groups of California farmworkers have so far organized under the law, marking the UFW’s first successful attempts at farmworker unionization since 2016, said Elizabeth Strater, the union’s director of strategic campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to see a continued rise in California of farmworker organizing because there is a tremendous need,” Strater said. “Every time there’s a union win in the community, that raises the standard for other employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers aren’t covered by federal rules for labor organizing in the United States. However, California, which harvests much of the country’s produce, enacted a law and created a special board in 1975 to protect their right to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-business-california-kamala-harris-gavin-newsom-d9ec4ee77d9430c4bf8ec7b17b68c3fc\">The 2022 law lets the workers unionize\u003c/a> by collecting a majority of signatures without holding an election at a polling place — a move proponents said would protect workers from union busting and employers said lacked safeguards to prevent fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom reluctantly approved the changes with a nudge from the White House after farmworkers led a weekslong march to the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Farmworkers in California are overwhelmingly Latino and among the state’s poorest and most vulnerable residents. Many are seasonal workers, which makes it tough to organize a job site, and many lack legal status in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law could lead to a rise in union influence and a resurgence of the UFW, which represented tens of thousands of farmworkers at its peak but has seen its numbers dwindle, said Christian Paiz, a professor of ethnic studies at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is one of the most dangerous jobs in the country,” Paiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an absurdity to the claim these individuals would say, ‘No, I’m cool, I trust my employer.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm industry leaders contend that the lack of a secret ballot makes workers vulnerable to coercion by unions and fraud. They want farmworkers to be able to revoke their signatures if they change their mind about organizing, and they want unions to clarify in writing that a signature essentially constitutes a worker’s vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan Little, director of labor policy for the California Farm Bureau Federation, said he expects more union filings under the new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our members are very concerned about it,” Little said. “You have a union, and all of a sudden, you have a business partner in effect telling you how to operate your business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clash at Wonderful Nurseries began when a group of workers filed in February to organize over concerns about assignments and scheduling, Strater said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 640-worker unit was certified by the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board. But Wonderful filed a complaint saying its workers didn’t want a union and thought cards they signed were to access $600 payments under a federal pandemic relief program the UFW helps administer. The UFW denied it and claimed Wonderful was calling meetings to try to get workers to withdraw their cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue is now before the board with an administrative law judge taking testimony from workers during a weekslong hearing that started in person and continues remotely with lawyers sparring over computer screens while farmworkers speak from a Bakersfield meeting room with help from a Spanish interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wonderful Nurseries contends the board has failed to ensure an honest process for the unit’s 60 permanent employees and as many as 1,500 seasonal workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our company’s history of working with agricultural workers is rooted in mutual trust, collaboration, and respect, all of which stands in contrast to the UFW actions,” Rob Yraceburu, president of Wonderful Nurseries, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Agricultural Labor Relations Board had no immediate comment on the case but said the hearing would allow all parties to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push to organize farm labor follows a \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-starbucks-corp-labor-unions-amazoncom-inc-business-1d9ce765edef24211b5160d55b3f9c90\">decadeslong decline in union membership\u003c/a> in the United States. However, public support for unions has recently grown, and the National Labor Relations Board, which governs non-farmworkers’ right to organize, reported the \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/unions-membership-rates-uaw-government-a3fc7bc50dd59a89f414230e8837d7e6\">highest number of filings\u003c/a> for union representation in eight years during the 2023 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other California companies where farmworkers have organized are much smaller than Wonderful, a $6 billion company founded by Stewart and Lynda Resnick, who have donated to \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-farm-workers-union-endorsement-2024-labor-issues-b3259c0bfaede763c122e53c505ffa82\">President Joe Biden\u003c/a> and Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At DMB Packing, Guadalupe Luna said he signed up to form a union because he previously worked at a unionized farm where he earned 5 cents more for each bucket of tomatoes picked. Now, he said a contract may soon be signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think this year things are going to be better for us,” the 55-year-old said. “We want better pay and benefits; that’s what we’re asking the ranchers for, and they seem willing to negotiate with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom weighed in on a debate over affordable housing in Half Moon Bay today, calling on the city’s planning commission to move swiftly to approve an apartment building for senior farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/09/governor-newsom-calls-on-half-moon-bay-to-approve-housing-for-farmworkers-following-mass-shooting/\">statement\u003c/a>, Newsom told commissioners to “stop delaying” approval of the 40-unit project and threatened legal action against the city if they did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The delay is egregious and jeopardizes the well-being of Californians,” Newsom said. “The state’s Housing Accountability Unit is reviewing the city’s actions and will take all necessary steps to hold Half Moon Bay accountable if the project does not move forward as state law requires.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed five-story apartment building is one of two low-income housing developments for farmworkers the city has pursued in the wake of a mass shooting last year on two Half Moon Bay mushroom farms that brought to light squalid living conditions for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom visited the city after the Jan. 23, 2023, shooting rampage where a disgruntled farmworker killed seven co-workers and gravely injured an eighth. After touring the mushroom farms, he voiced outrage over the deplorable housing that lacked heat or running water, telling reporters: “Some of you should see where these folks are living, the conditions they’re in. Living in shipping containers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='half-moon-bay-shooting']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The planning commission held two meetings in late April with hours of public comment, but did not vote on the proposal. A third meeting is scheduled for May 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquín Jiménez said that Newsom’s comments were unhelpful, and he denied that the approval was delayed, saying the commission was simply accommodating members of the public who wished to speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he wants to meet with me and sit down and talk about housing, I would love to sit down with him,” said Jiménez, who added that Newsom did not reach out to him before weighing in. “He needs to understand that this is a process that we have to follow. There’s nothing being delayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jiménez, who sits on the city council, declined to give an opinion on how the commission should vote because any appeal of its decision could go to a vote of the council. But Jiménez is a long-time farmworker advocate and has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941716/we-have-a-moment-here-an-urgent-push-for-farmworker-housing-in-wake-of-half-moon-bay-tragedy\">leading the call for more affordable workforce housing\u003c/a> in coastal San Mateo County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not new to the coast. We know we need housing. Ten years ago we knew that,” said Jiménez. “We need to provide housing for low-income farm workers. We have to and we want to.”\u003cbr>\nCity staff has recommended the commission approve the 40-unit apartment building, on a city-owned parcel at 555 Kelly St. in downtown Half Moon Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the Half Moon Bay City Council \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastsidebuzz.com/the-rhna-housing-element-cycle-6-demands-half-moon-bay-build-affordable-and-low-income-480-living-units/\">directed staff\u003c/a> to work with nonprofit developer Mercy Housing and a local community organization, Ayudando Latinos A Soñar. Mercy and ALAS are jointly developing the project, and the city has received millions of dollars in state and county funds for such a development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Newsom follows through on the threat to take legal action against Half Moon Bay, the responsibility would fall to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/accountability-and-enforcement\">Housing Accountability Unit\u003c/a>, an enforcement agency that has wielded its power to push other cities to comply with state housing laws and build sufficient housing under the state’s housing element law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another Half Moon Bay farmworker housing project — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">47 manufactured homes for very low-income families\u003c/a> on city-owned land — is due to break ground in the coming weeks. On Tuesday, the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/supervisors-approve-nearly-6-million-farm-labor-housing\">approved $6 million for that project\u003c/a>, which is expected to be ready for move-in by early next year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom weighed in on a debate over affordable housing in Half Moon Bay today, calling on the city’s planning commission to move swiftly to approve an apartment building for senior farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/09/governor-newsom-calls-on-half-moon-bay-to-approve-housing-for-farmworkers-following-mass-shooting/\">statement\u003c/a>, Newsom told commissioners to “stop delaying” approval of the 40-unit project and threatened legal action against the city if they did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The delay is egregious and jeopardizes the well-being of Californians,” Newsom said. “The state’s Housing Accountability Unit is reviewing the city’s actions and will take all necessary steps to hold Half Moon Bay accountable if the project does not move forward as state law requires.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed five-story apartment building is one of two low-income housing developments for farmworkers the city has pursued in the wake of a mass shooting last year on two Half Moon Bay mushroom farms that brought to light squalid living conditions for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom visited the city after the Jan. 23, 2023, shooting rampage where a disgruntled farmworker killed seven co-workers and gravely injured an eighth. After touring the mushroom farms, he voiced outrage over the deplorable housing that lacked heat or running water, telling reporters: “Some of you should see where these folks are living, the conditions they’re in. Living in shipping containers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The planning commission held two meetings in late April with hours of public comment, but did not vote on the proposal. A third meeting is scheduled for May 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquín Jiménez said that Newsom’s comments were unhelpful, and he denied that the approval was delayed, saying the commission was simply accommodating members of the public who wished to speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he wants to meet with me and sit down and talk about housing, I would love to sit down with him,” said Jiménez, who added that Newsom did not reach out to him before weighing in. “He needs to understand that this is a process that we have to follow. There’s nothing being delayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jiménez, who sits on the city council, declined to give an opinion on how the commission should vote because any appeal of its decision could go to a vote of the council. But Jiménez is a long-time farmworker advocate and has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941716/we-have-a-moment-here-an-urgent-push-for-farmworker-housing-in-wake-of-half-moon-bay-tragedy\">leading the call for more affordable workforce housing\u003c/a> in coastal San Mateo County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not new to the coast. We know we need housing. Ten years ago we knew that,” said Jiménez. “We need to provide housing for low-income farm workers. We have to and we want to.”\u003cbr>\nCity staff has recommended the commission approve the 40-unit apartment building, on a city-owned parcel at 555 Kelly St. in downtown Half Moon Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the Half Moon Bay City Council \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastsidebuzz.com/the-rhna-housing-element-cycle-6-demands-half-moon-bay-build-affordable-and-low-income-480-living-units/\">directed staff\u003c/a> to work with nonprofit developer Mercy Housing and a local community organization, Ayudando Latinos A Soñar. Mercy and ALAS are jointly developing the project, and the city has received millions of dollars in state and county funds for such a development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Newsom follows through on the threat to take legal action against Half Moon Bay, the responsibility would fall to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/accountability-and-enforcement\">Housing Accountability Unit\u003c/a>, an enforcement agency that has wielded its power to push other cities to comply with state housing laws and build sufficient housing under the state’s housing element law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another Half Moon Bay farmworker housing project — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">47 manufactured homes for very low-income families\u003c/a> on city-owned land — is due to break ground in the coming weeks. On Tuesday, the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/supervisors-approve-nearly-6-million-farm-labor-housing\">approved $6 million for that project\u003c/a>, which is expected to be ready for move-in by early next year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Joe Biden had a question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is it true?” Biden asked Sen. Alex Padilla, referencing the roughly 25% of U.S. students in kindergarten through high school who are Latino. Padilla said the question came as he was waiting with the president in a back room at a library in Culver City, California before an event in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was exactly the kind of opening Padilla was hoping to get with the Democratic president. Biden was weighing his reelection campaign, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-immigration-border-donald-trump-f0ca943f0f148e165bc6e8ebfd149f14\">executive actions on immigration\u003c/a> and what to do about a southern border that has been marked by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-border-crossings-mexico-biden-18ac91ef502e0c5433f74de6cc629b32\">historic numbers of illegal crossings\u003c/a> during his tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla wanted to make sure Biden also took into account the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-jobs-economy-wages-gdp-trump-biden-fbd1f2ec89e84fdfaf81d005054edad0\">potential of the country’s immigrants\u003c/a>. “Mr. President, do you know what I call them, those students?” Padilla recalled saying. “It’s the workforce of tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was just one of the many times Padilla, who at 52 years old is now the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-california-kamala-harris-gavin-newsom-alex-padilla-60caab4661f65771f8fa21a585de2638\">senior senator of California\u003c/a>, has taken the opportunity — from face-to-face moments with the president to regular calls with top White House staff and sometimes outspoken criticism — to put his stamp on the Democratic Party’s approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The son of Mexican immigrants and the first Latino to represent his state in the Senate, Padilla has emerged as a persistent force at a time when Democrats are increasingly focused on border security and the country’s posture toward immigrants is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illegal immigration is seen as a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/congress-border-security-democrats-ca10e37c4f961700cdd1645e09422ac0\">growing political crisis for Democrats\u003c/a> after authorities both at the border and in cities nationwide have struggled to handle recent surges. The party may also be losing favor with Hispanic voters amid disenchantment with Biden. But Padilla, in a series of interviews with The Associated Press, expressed a deep reserve of optimism about his party’s ability to win support both from and for immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t be afraid, don’t be reluctant to talk about immigration. Lean into it,” Padilla said. “Because number one, it’s the morally right thing to do. Number two, it is key to the strength, the security and the future of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The senator has tried to anchor his fellow Democrats to that stance even as the politics of immigration grow increasingly toxic. Donald Trump, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, has said immigrants who enter the U.S. illegally are \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/border-immigration-trump-biden-rhetoric-2024-election-327c08045edcc200f850d893de6a79d6\">“poisoning the blood” of the country\u003c/a> and accused Biden of allowing a “bloodbath” at the southern border. Biden, meanwhile, has \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-immigration-asylum-border-congress-7507034034ba49a8f170777600cad46e\">shifted to the right\u003c/a> at times in both the policies and language he is willing to use as illegal border crossings become a vulnerability for his reelection bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such was the case when Biden, during his State of the Union address, entered into an unscripted exchange with Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Republican of Georgia, and referred to a Venezuelan man accused of killing a nursing student in Georgia as an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/illegal-biden-backlash-laken-riley-41819b01c3942435f0f862789cd1d0f0#:~:text=Politics-,Biden's%20reference%20to%20'an%20illegal'%20rankles%20some%20Democrats%20who%20argue,he's%20still%20preferable%20to%20Trump&text=MIAMI%20(AP)%20%E2%80%94%20President%20Joe,State%20of%20the%20Union%20speech.\">“illegal” — a term anathema to immigration rights advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the speech, Padilla discussed the moment with Rep. Tony Cárdenas in the apartment they share in Washington. Cárdenas said their conversation turned to how they wanted politicians to avoid labeling migrants as “illegals” because it deprived them of dignity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla told him he would call the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is the kind of person who steps in and steps up, and, you know, he’s tactical about it,” Cárdenas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a difficult role to play, especially as Democrats try to shore up what’s seen as a weakness on border security in the battleground states that will determine control of the White House and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in California, Republicans have been emboldened on immigration as they try to reassert statewide relevance, said Mark Meuser, a lawyer who lost elections against Padilla for the Senate in 2022 and California Secretary of State in 2018. He argued top California Democrats like Padilla “are driving hard towards the extreme edges of their party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla has urged the president and fellow Democrats to hold firm to the position that border enforcement measures be paired with reforms for immigrants who are already in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Senate negotiations earlier this year over border policy, Padilla asserted himself as the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/senate-border-immigration-biden-66531bcefb908d5440a52b54c543b006\">leader of congressional opposition\u003c/a> from the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla, along with four other Democratic-aligned senators, eventually \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/congress-ukraine-aid-border-security-386dcc54b29a5491f8bd87b727a284f8\">voted against advancing the package\u003c/a>, ensuring its failure as Republicans also rejected it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is a lone voice but it is a courageous voice in the Senate,” said Vanessa Cardenas, who leads the immigration advocacy organization America’s Voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been a quick ascent for Padilla, who is just beginning his fourth year in Congress. Yet for Padilla, it’s the very reason he entered politics in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11979131,news_11970221,news_11982020\"]When he graduated in 1994 with an engineering degree from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, it was a dream fulfilled for his parents — his father a short order cook and his mother a house cleaner. But he was soon drawn into politics as the state’s attention turned to Proposition 187, a 1994 ballot measure that was approved to deny education, health care and other non-emergency services to immigrants who entered the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was branded by supporters as the Save Our State Initiative. Padilla still remembers the ads for the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to blame a downward economy on the hardest working people that I know was offensive and an outrage,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now he sees parallels between California in the 1990s, which approved the ballot measure but then had it invalidated in federal court, and the wider country today: changing demographics, economic uncertainty and political opportunists “scapegoating” immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet it also spurred the state’s Latinos to get involved politically. To Padilla, it’s no coincidence that California, the state with the most immigrants, now boasts the nation’s largest economy and is a stronghold for Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Alex Padilla is taking practically every opportunity to put his stamp on the Democratic Party’s approach to immigration and pressing his case in face-to-face moments with President Joe Biden.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Joe Biden had a question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is it true?” Biden asked Sen. Alex Padilla, referencing the roughly 25% of U.S. students in kindergarten through high school who are Latino. Padilla said the question came as he was waiting with the president in a back room at a library in Culver City, California before an event in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was exactly the kind of opening Padilla was hoping to get with the Democratic president. Biden was weighing his reelection campaign, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-immigration-border-donald-trump-f0ca943f0f148e165bc6e8ebfd149f14\">executive actions on immigration\u003c/a> and what to do about a southern border that has been marked by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-border-crossings-mexico-biden-18ac91ef502e0c5433f74de6cc629b32\">historic numbers of illegal crossings\u003c/a> during his tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla wanted to make sure Biden also took into account the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-jobs-economy-wages-gdp-trump-biden-fbd1f2ec89e84fdfaf81d005054edad0\">potential of the country’s immigrants\u003c/a>. “Mr. President, do you know what I call them, those students?” Padilla recalled saying. “It’s the workforce of tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was just one of the many times Padilla, who at 52 years old is now the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-california-kamala-harris-gavin-newsom-alex-padilla-60caab4661f65771f8fa21a585de2638\">senior senator of California\u003c/a>, has taken the opportunity — from face-to-face moments with the president to regular calls with top White House staff and sometimes outspoken criticism — to put his stamp on the Democratic Party’s approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The son of Mexican immigrants and the first Latino to represent his state in the Senate, Padilla has emerged as a persistent force at a time when Democrats are increasingly focused on border security and the country’s posture toward immigrants is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illegal immigration is seen as a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/congress-border-security-democrats-ca10e37c4f961700cdd1645e09422ac0\">growing political crisis for Democrats\u003c/a> after authorities both at the border and in cities nationwide have struggled to handle recent surges. The party may also be losing favor with Hispanic voters amid disenchantment with Biden. But Padilla, in a series of interviews with The Associated Press, expressed a deep reserve of optimism about his party’s ability to win support both from and for immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t be afraid, don’t be reluctant to talk about immigration. Lean into it,” Padilla said. “Because number one, it’s the morally right thing to do. Number two, it is key to the strength, the security and the future of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The senator has tried to anchor his fellow Democrats to that stance even as the politics of immigration grow increasingly toxic. Donald Trump, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, has said immigrants who enter the U.S. illegally are \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/border-immigration-trump-biden-rhetoric-2024-election-327c08045edcc200f850d893de6a79d6\">“poisoning the blood” of the country\u003c/a> and accused Biden of allowing a “bloodbath” at the southern border. Biden, meanwhile, has \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-immigration-asylum-border-congress-7507034034ba49a8f170777600cad46e\">shifted to the right\u003c/a> at times in both the policies and language he is willing to use as illegal border crossings become a vulnerability for his reelection bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such was the case when Biden, during his State of the Union address, entered into an unscripted exchange with Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Republican of Georgia, and referred to a Venezuelan man accused of killing a nursing student in Georgia as an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/illegal-biden-backlash-laken-riley-41819b01c3942435f0f862789cd1d0f0#:~:text=Politics-,Biden's%20reference%20to%20'an%20illegal'%20rankles%20some%20Democrats%20who%20argue,he's%20still%20preferable%20to%20Trump&text=MIAMI%20(AP)%20%E2%80%94%20President%20Joe,State%20of%20the%20Union%20speech.\">“illegal” — a term anathema to immigration rights advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the speech, Padilla discussed the moment with Rep. Tony Cárdenas in the apartment they share in Washington. Cárdenas said their conversation turned to how they wanted politicians to avoid labeling migrants as “illegals” because it deprived them of dignity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla told him he would call the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is the kind of person who steps in and steps up, and, you know, he’s tactical about it,” Cárdenas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a difficult role to play, especially as Democrats try to shore up what’s seen as a weakness on border security in the battleground states that will determine control of the White House and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in California, Republicans have been emboldened on immigration as they try to reassert statewide relevance, said Mark Meuser, a lawyer who lost elections against Padilla for the Senate in 2022 and California Secretary of State in 2018. He argued top California Democrats like Padilla “are driving hard towards the extreme edges of their party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla has urged the president and fellow Democrats to hold firm to the position that border enforcement measures be paired with reforms for immigrants who are already in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Senate negotiations earlier this year over border policy, Padilla asserted himself as the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/senate-border-immigration-biden-66531bcefb908d5440a52b54c543b006\">leader of congressional opposition\u003c/a> from the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla, along with four other Democratic-aligned senators, eventually \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/congress-ukraine-aid-border-security-386dcc54b29a5491f8bd87b727a284f8\">voted against advancing the package\u003c/a>, ensuring its failure as Republicans also rejected it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is a lone voice but it is a courageous voice in the Senate,” said Vanessa Cardenas, who leads the immigration advocacy organization America’s Voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been a quick ascent for Padilla, who is just beginning his fourth year in Congress. Yet for Padilla, it’s the very reason he entered politics in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When he graduated in 1994 with an engineering degree from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, it was a dream fulfilled for his parents — his father a short order cook and his mother a house cleaner. But he was soon drawn into politics as the state’s attention turned to Proposition 187, a 1994 ballot measure that was approved to deny education, health care and other non-emergency services to immigrants who entered the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was branded by supporters as the Save Our State Initiative. Padilla still remembers the ads for the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to blame a downward economy on the hardest working people that I know was offensive and an outrage,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now he sees parallels between California in the 1990s, which approved the ballot measure but then had it invalidated in federal court, and the wider country today: changing demographics, economic uncertainty and political opportunists “scapegoating” immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet it also spurred the state’s Latinos to get involved politically. To Padilla, it’s no coincidence that California, the state with the most immigrants, now boasts the nation’s largest economy and is a stronghold for Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "us-department-of-labor-hails-expanded-protections-for-h-2a-farmworkers-in-santa-rosa",
"title": "US Department of Labor Hails Expanded Protections for H-2A Farmworkers in Santa Rosa",
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"headTitle": "US Department of Labor Hails Expanded Protections for H-2A Farmworkers in Santa Rosa | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal labor officials announced Friday increased protections for the growing number of seasonal foreign workers whom agricultural employers rely upon as they navigate domestic labor shortages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/agriculture/h2a/final-rule\">final \u003c/a>rule aims to reduce abuses faced by temporary agricultural laborers with H-2A visas, including human trafficking and wage theft, according to the U.S. Department of Labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regulations will help ensure the program treats workers fairly while promoting employer accountability, Acting Labor Secretary Julie Su said during a press conference in Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen far too often the rights of those workers are violated,” said Su, who previously served as California Labor Secretary. The new rule “both strengthens existing protections and expands some protections. We are also improving the DOL’s ability to enforce the laws that are in place against fraud and bad actors who violated workers’ rights previously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/h-2a-temporary-agricultural-workers\">H-2A\u003c/a> program allows U.S. agricultural employers to fill temporary jobs with workers from other countries when they can’t find enough workers in the U.S. The program has \u003ca href=\"https://calag.ucanr.edu/Archive/?article=ca.2021a0020\">quadrupled in size\u003c/a> since 2000, with nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/ETA/oflc/pdfs/H-2A_Selected_Statistics_FY2023_Q4.pdf\">380,000 H-2A\u003c/a> positions certified nationwide last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The farmworkers, many who are from Mexico, depend on employers for their housing and transportation and can be deported if they are fired. That power imbalance often contributes to exploitative job conditions, according to experts who’ve studied the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>H-2A workers “are afraid of retaliation from their employers. They do not raise their voice when working under abusive conditions,” said Maria Casillas, a member of the United Farm Workers Foundation who pushed for the protections. “All farmworkers, including H-2A and American workers, deserve the right to have a voice in the workplace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor department’s wage and hour division found violations in 88% of the H-2A investigations it opened in the last five years. However, most farm employers are never inspected by the agency because it lacks funding and staffing, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/record-low-farm-investigations/\">study\u003c/a> from the Economic Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su said the new regulations, which include clarifying that an employer can only terminate a worker when they fail to comply with outlined job duties or employer policies, are a “significant milestone” in the Biden administration’s pro-worker efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California employers requested almost 41,000 H-2A workers last year, making the state the second top user of these visas behind Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture employers in California have argued the regulations would make an already burdensome program more complex and costly as they seek to bridge the gap of growing labor shortages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984235\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984235\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1247\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED-800x499.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED-1020x636.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED-1536x958.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED-1920x1197.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daysi Estrada (right), a farmworker in Sonoma County, speaks next to United Farm Workers President Teresa Romero at a press conference held by Acting Secretary of Labor Julie Su in Santa Rosa on Friday, April 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Farm Bureau Federation, which has nearly 29,000 members, \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/comment/ETA-2023-0003-0322\">encouraged\u003c/a> the labor department to drop provisions such as those granting labor groups access to workers at employer-provided housing out of privacy concerns and adding requirements to justify firing a worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Viohl, federal policy director for the California Farm Bureau, told KQED that while the organization was still processing the 600-page rule, their initial review “is one of disappointment and concern.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the overwhelming majority of H-2A employers acting in good faith, we would ask the Acting Secretary to withdraw this rule and work more closely with industry partners to better improve our guest worker programs in a more sustainable and practical manner,” Viohl said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite the Department of Labor routinely referencing many of the concerns raised by the agricultural industry, it appears most of those suggestions were ignored in favor of regulatory overreach to the benefit of organized labor groups,” Viohl added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the regulations, employers are prohibited from holding or confiscating a worker’s passport, visa or other identification documents, which is a tactic used to exploit workers, according to the labor department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make the recruitment process more transparent, U.S. employers must also disclose their agreements with agents in Mexico, Central America and elsewhere who solicit prospective H-2A workers. KQED previously \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">reported\u003c/a> that agents blacklist employees who speak up while employed in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most workers pay illegal recruitment fees that put them in debt even before they start working in the U.S., said attorney Daniel Costa, a former senior advisor to the California attorney general on immigration and labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11982817,forum_2010101892120,news_11918317\"]Costa expects legal challenges to the new rule, but he said the Department of Labor has the authority to make these “modest and reasonable” changes to the H-2A program’s standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law requires that the U.S. government protect labor standards in the H-2A program, so they have a lot of authority to set that program up,” said Costa, director of immigration law and policy research at the Economic Policy Institute. “And I think it’s good to use that authority to have updated protections that reflect the reality for H-2A workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule is set to be effective on June 28. H-2A applications filed before August 28 will be processed according to the previous standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates who attended the press conference in Santa Rosa welcomed the changes, including those that allow workers to decline going to employer-sponsored meetings where they are discouraged from organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They peddle fear and hopelessness and tell workers that you can’t make a difference…and you should just not organize,” said Davida Sotelo Escobedo with North Bay Jobs With Justice. “It’s a matter of workers having the power to step up and hold companies accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The new regulations, which go into effect this summer, aim to reduce abuses faced by seasonal foreign farmworkers with H-2A visas. California employers worry the program will become more complex and costly as they deal with U.S. labor shortages.",
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"title": "US Department of Labor Hails Expanded Protections for H-2A Farmworkers in Santa Rosa | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal labor officials announced Friday increased protections for the growing number of seasonal foreign workers whom agricultural employers rely upon as they navigate domestic labor shortages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/agriculture/h2a/final-rule\">final \u003c/a>rule aims to reduce abuses faced by temporary agricultural laborers with H-2A visas, including human trafficking and wage theft, according to the U.S. Department of Labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regulations will help ensure the program treats workers fairly while promoting employer accountability, Acting Labor Secretary Julie Su said during a press conference in Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen far too often the rights of those workers are violated,” said Su, who previously served as California Labor Secretary. The new rule “both strengthens existing protections and expands some protections. We are also improving the DOL’s ability to enforce the laws that are in place against fraud and bad actors who violated workers’ rights previously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/h-2a-temporary-agricultural-workers\">H-2A\u003c/a> program allows U.S. agricultural employers to fill temporary jobs with workers from other countries when they can’t find enough workers in the U.S. The program has \u003ca href=\"https://calag.ucanr.edu/Archive/?article=ca.2021a0020\">quadrupled in size\u003c/a> since 2000, with nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/ETA/oflc/pdfs/H-2A_Selected_Statistics_FY2023_Q4.pdf\">380,000 H-2A\u003c/a> positions certified nationwide last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The farmworkers, many who are from Mexico, depend on employers for their housing and transportation and can be deported if they are fired. That power imbalance often contributes to exploitative job conditions, according to experts who’ve studied the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>H-2A workers “are afraid of retaliation from their employers. They do not raise their voice when working under abusive conditions,” said Maria Casillas, a member of the United Farm Workers Foundation who pushed for the protections. “All farmworkers, including H-2A and American workers, deserve the right to have a voice in the workplace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor department’s wage and hour division found violations in 88% of the H-2A investigations it opened in the last five years. However, most farm employers are never inspected by the agency because it lacks funding and staffing, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/record-low-farm-investigations/\">study\u003c/a> from the Economic Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su said the new regulations, which include clarifying that an employer can only terminate a worker when they fail to comply with outlined job duties or employer policies, are a “significant milestone” in the Biden administration’s pro-worker efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California employers requested almost 41,000 H-2A workers last year, making the state the second top user of these visas behind Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture employers in California have argued the regulations would make an already burdensome program more complex and costly as they seek to bridge the gap of growing labor shortages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984235\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984235\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1247\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED-800x499.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED-1020x636.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED-1536x958.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-3-GC-KQED-1920x1197.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daysi Estrada (right), a farmworker in Sonoma County, speaks next to United Farm Workers President Teresa Romero at a press conference held by Acting Secretary of Labor Julie Su in Santa Rosa on Friday, April 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Farm Bureau Federation, which has nearly 29,000 members, \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/comment/ETA-2023-0003-0322\">encouraged\u003c/a> the labor department to drop provisions such as those granting labor groups access to workers at employer-provided housing out of privacy concerns and adding requirements to justify firing a worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Viohl, federal policy director for the California Farm Bureau, told KQED that while the organization was still processing the 600-page rule, their initial review “is one of disappointment and concern.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the overwhelming majority of H-2A employers acting in good faith, we would ask the Acting Secretary to withdraw this rule and work more closely with industry partners to better improve our guest worker programs in a more sustainable and practical manner,” Viohl said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite the Department of Labor routinely referencing many of the concerns raised by the agricultural industry, it appears most of those suggestions were ignored in favor of regulatory overreach to the benefit of organized labor groups,” Viohl added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the regulations, employers are prohibited from holding or confiscating a worker’s passport, visa or other identification documents, which is a tactic used to exploit workers, according to the labor department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make the recruitment process more transparent, U.S. employers must also disclose their agreements with agents in Mexico, Central America and elsewhere who solicit prospective H-2A workers. KQED previously \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">reported\u003c/a> that agents blacklist employees who speak up while employed in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most workers pay illegal recruitment fees that put them in debt even before they start working in the U.S., said attorney Daniel Costa, a former senior advisor to the California attorney general on immigration and labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Costa expects legal challenges to the new rule, but he said the Department of Labor has the authority to make these “modest and reasonable” changes to the H-2A program’s standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law requires that the U.S. government protect labor standards in the H-2A program, so they have a lot of authority to set that program up,” said Costa, director of immigration law and policy research at the Economic Policy Institute. “And I think it’s good to use that authority to have updated protections that reflect the reality for H-2A workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule is set to be effective on June 28. H-2A applications filed before August 28 will be processed according to the previous standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates who attended the press conference in Santa Rosa welcomed the changes, including those that allow workers to decline going to employer-sponsored meetings where they are discouraged from organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They peddle fear and hopelessness and tell workers that you can’t make a difference…and you should just not organize,” said Davida Sotelo Escobedo with North Bay Jobs With Justice. “It’s a matter of workers having the power to step up and hold companies accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "in-fresnos-chinatown-high-speed-rail-sparks-hope-and-debate-within-residents",
"title": "In Fresno’s Chinatown, High-Speed Rail Sparks Hope and Debate Within Residents",
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"headTitle": "In Fresno’s Chinatown, High-Speed Rail Sparks Hope and Debate Within Residents | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent weekday in Fresno’s Chinatown, a steady stream of customers flow into the Central Fish Company. The Japanese grocery store doubles as a modest restaurant, where owner Morgan Doizaki serves up catfish nuggets and fish and chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This business is bustling, but around the shop, there’s not a lot of activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When my great uncle opened the store, this was the downtown for communities of color,” Doizaki said. “Then, it became a ghost town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because, in the 1960s, Fresno’s Chinatown was hit hard by \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Fresno.pdf\">urban renewal\u003c/a>. A major highway cut through the once-vibrant neighborhood, resulting in demolished buildings and shuttered stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the California High-Speed Rail Authority promises to bring economic prosperity back to this area by constructing a new station — one of the first to be built along the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while some Chinatown residents said this station will be a boon to the local economy, others worry it will be a catalyst for gentrification, ultimately pushing out the very people and businesses the new station aims to benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Cederoth, the director of planning and sustainability at the California High-Speed Rail Authority, said that after decades of segregation, she hopes the new station — with entrances on both the Chinatown and downtown sides of the tracks — will be a bridge to reknit the two neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually a fantastic opportunity for reconnecting downtown and Chinatown,” Cederoth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983935\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To jumpstart economic activity, the authority secured a \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/RAISE-2023-Factsheet-Revised-A11Y.pdf\">$20 million grant\u003c/a> from the federal government to build a plaza in front of the new station that will host food trucks and street vendors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaza, which will sit on the downtown side of the tracks, is slated to open in 2026, a full four years before trains are expected to start running. On the Chinatown side, the authority plans to build an electric vehicle charging station for residents. The funding will also help restore the historic train depot, which will be incorporated into the new station’s design and is believed to be one of Fresno’s oldest buildings, according to the High-Speed Rail Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Fresno] was a city that was really born out of the railway, and having that historic station next to the future high-speed rail station creates this real chemistry between old and new,” Cederoth said. “We want these to be places that are enjoyed by the public, even in advance of high-speed rail service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The history of Fresno’s Chinatown\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants were among the first to settle in Fresno after they helped build the transcontinental railroad in the 1860s. When white landlords in the city agreed not to sell or lease homes east of the railroad to Chinese residents, they were forced to relocate to the west side of the tracks, where Chinatown is now, separating downtown Fresno from Chinese residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These residents created a bustling neighborhood filled with shops, restaurants and civic organizations. But, Jan Minami, director of the Chinatown Fresno Foundation Project, said it was also a locus of illicit activity, which took place inside a warren of underground tunnels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At one point, Chinatown was a red light district,” Minami said. “Many of the underground tunnels and basements were created to escape the heat, but they were also used to essentially hide gambling and prostitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants continued to move to the neighborhood and began working at nearby farms, picking figs, grapes, cotton and wheat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in the 1880s, the Chinese Exclusion Act diminished the Chinese workforce. Japanese immigrants, including Doizaki’s family, moved in with many replacing Chinese workers in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"769\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-800x601.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morgan Doizaki stands outside his family business, Central Fish Company, in Fresno’s Chinatown on March 26, 2024. Doizaki’s family has run the shop since 1950. \u003ccite>(Madi Bolanos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s great-grandpa first moved from Japan to Fowler, a small rural town south of Fresno, in 1898. He and his family relocated to Fresno’s Chinatown years later and began creating a life there — until World War II when Japanese immigrants were forced into internment camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s family was one of the few that was able to rebuild and maintain a business in the area. Over time, Fresno’s Chinatown would become home to 11 different cultures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had our ups and downs, but we’re starting to see improvements,” Doizaki said of his neighborhood. ” High-speed rail definitely has helped put a lot of focus into Chinatown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Chinatown revitalization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The High-Speed Rail Authority estimates it will spend more than \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2023/06/28/news-release-high-speed-rail-authority-receives-20-million-from-federal-government-to-revitalize-historic-fresno-train-depot/#:~:text=NEWS%20RELEASE%3A%E2%80%8B%20High%2DSpeed,Revitalize%20Historic%20Fresno%20Train%20Depot&text=FRESNO%2C%20Calif.\">$33 million\u003c/a> on the plaza and other early work near the new station — an investment that’s also prompting city officials to get in on the revitalization effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno City Council members recently approved a $10 million contract, with funding from the \u003ca href=\"https://sgc.ca.gov/grant-programs/tcc/\">Transforming Climate Communities Program\u003c/a>, to construct median islands with greenery and new sidewalks, as well as install street lights with Chinese lanterns to honor the neighborhood’s culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the last year, the city has opened an apartment building with \u003ca href=\"https://fresnohousing.org/properties/the-monarch-chinatown/\">57 affordable units\u003c/a> just three blocks from the Chinatown station. Councilmember Miguel Arias, who represents the district, said the city has also acquired old motels and historic buildings that will eventually be converted into market-rate and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a responsibility to these communities to not allow the next modern transit system to continue that historical redlining because the freeway system, the train system fundamentally killed Chinatown,” Arias said. “Our goal is to have about half a dozen housing projects be opened or in the final stages of construction by 2026.” [aside label='Related Coverage' tag='central-valley']But housing advocates said building more is just one piece of a much larger puzzle. Marisa Moraza, a campaign director with Power California, said the city needs to ensure that all this new development does not price out tenants and business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that, she’s advocating for the city to impose a rent cap, increase tenant protections and institute a new oversight board to oversee these efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Department of Housing and Community Development has mandated that Fresno build nearly \u003ca href=\"https://fresnocog.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/FCOG_RHNP_Public_Review_Final_November_2022_Compiled.pdf\">37,000 new homes and apartments\u003c/a> by 2031 as part of California’s broader goal to construct \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million homes\u003c/a> in that time. And in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eZOB6B6RPRgSnWfKu27p8iYwbPij2vaU/view?usp=sharing\">letter to the city\u003c/a> (PDF), the department recommended it listen and incorporate comments from community groups, such as Power California, as it plans for its share of that new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to continue to see the city of Fresno grow,” Moraza said. “However, we want to ensure that we are not increasing displacement in downtown and in southwest Fresno as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Doizaki, whose family business has been in Chinatown since 1950, he hopes the city and businesses can work together to provide enough housing for residents with a healthy range of incomes and backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the plans that I’m seeing right now is to fill Chinatown with affordable housing. That’s not how you build a thriving community,” he said. “It’s 2024; we should be able to foresee that this is not how you treat a cultural minority district that was born through racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California High-Speed Rail Authorities are promising to revitalize Fresno’s Chinatown years before the first trains leave the station, intending to spur economic growth for the struggling neighborhood.",
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"title": "In Fresno’s Chinatown, High-Speed Rail Sparks Hope and Debate Within Residents | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent weekday in Fresno’s Chinatown, a steady stream of customers flow into the Central Fish Company. The Japanese grocery store doubles as a modest restaurant, where owner Morgan Doizaki serves up catfish nuggets and fish and chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This business is bustling, but around the shop, there’s not a lot of activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When my great uncle opened the store, this was the downtown for communities of color,” Doizaki said. “Then, it became a ghost town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because, in the 1960s, Fresno’s Chinatown was hit hard by \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Fresno.pdf\">urban renewal\u003c/a>. A major highway cut through the once-vibrant neighborhood, resulting in demolished buildings and shuttered stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the California High-Speed Rail Authority promises to bring economic prosperity back to this area by constructing a new station — one of the first to be built along the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while some Chinatown residents said this station will be a boon to the local economy, others worry it will be a catalyst for gentrification, ultimately pushing out the very people and businesses the new station aims to benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Cederoth, the director of planning and sustainability at the California High-Speed Rail Authority, said that after decades of segregation, she hopes the new station — with entrances on both the Chinatown and downtown sides of the tracks — will be a bridge to reknit the two neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually a fantastic opportunity for reconnecting downtown and Chinatown,” Cederoth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983935\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To jumpstart economic activity, the authority secured a \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/RAISE-2023-Factsheet-Revised-A11Y.pdf\">$20 million grant\u003c/a> from the federal government to build a plaza in front of the new station that will host food trucks and street vendors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaza, which will sit on the downtown side of the tracks, is slated to open in 2026, a full four years before trains are expected to start running. On the Chinatown side, the authority plans to build an electric vehicle charging station for residents. The funding will also help restore the historic train depot, which will be incorporated into the new station’s design and is believed to be one of Fresno’s oldest buildings, according to the High-Speed Rail Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Fresno] was a city that was really born out of the railway, and having that historic station next to the future high-speed rail station creates this real chemistry between old and new,” Cederoth said. “We want these to be places that are enjoyed by the public, even in advance of high-speed rail service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The history of Fresno’s Chinatown\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants were among the first to settle in Fresno after they helped build the transcontinental railroad in the 1860s. When white landlords in the city agreed not to sell or lease homes east of the railroad to Chinese residents, they were forced to relocate to the west side of the tracks, where Chinatown is now, separating downtown Fresno from Chinese residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These residents created a bustling neighborhood filled with shops, restaurants and civic organizations. But, Jan Minami, director of the Chinatown Fresno Foundation Project, said it was also a locus of illicit activity, which took place inside a warren of underground tunnels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At one point, Chinatown was a red light district,” Minami said. “Many of the underground tunnels and basements were created to escape the heat, but they were also used to essentially hide gambling and prostitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants continued to move to the neighborhood and began working at nearby farms, picking figs, grapes, cotton and wheat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in the 1880s, the Chinese Exclusion Act diminished the Chinese workforce. Japanese immigrants, including Doizaki’s family, moved in with many replacing Chinese workers in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"769\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-800x601.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morgan Doizaki stands outside his family business, Central Fish Company, in Fresno’s Chinatown on March 26, 2024. Doizaki’s family has run the shop since 1950. \u003ccite>(Madi Bolanos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s great-grandpa first moved from Japan to Fowler, a small rural town south of Fresno, in 1898. He and his family relocated to Fresno’s Chinatown years later and began creating a life there — until World War II when Japanese immigrants were forced into internment camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s family was one of the few that was able to rebuild and maintain a business in the area. Over time, Fresno’s Chinatown would become home to 11 different cultures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had our ups and downs, but we’re starting to see improvements,” Doizaki said of his neighborhood. ” High-speed rail definitely has helped put a lot of focus into Chinatown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Chinatown revitalization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The High-Speed Rail Authority estimates it will spend more than \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2023/06/28/news-release-high-speed-rail-authority-receives-20-million-from-federal-government-to-revitalize-historic-fresno-train-depot/#:~:text=NEWS%20RELEASE%3A%E2%80%8B%20High%2DSpeed,Revitalize%20Historic%20Fresno%20Train%20Depot&text=FRESNO%2C%20Calif.\">$33 million\u003c/a> on the plaza and other early work near the new station — an investment that’s also prompting city officials to get in on the revitalization effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno City Council members recently approved a $10 million contract, with funding from the \u003ca href=\"https://sgc.ca.gov/grant-programs/tcc/\">Transforming Climate Communities Program\u003c/a>, to construct median islands with greenery and new sidewalks, as well as install street lights with Chinese lanterns to honor the neighborhood’s culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the last year, the city has opened an apartment building with \u003ca href=\"https://fresnohousing.org/properties/the-monarch-chinatown/\">57 affordable units\u003c/a> just three blocks from the Chinatown station. Councilmember Miguel Arias, who represents the district, said the city has also acquired old motels and historic buildings that will eventually be converted into market-rate and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a responsibility to these communities to not allow the next modern transit system to continue that historical redlining because the freeway system, the train system fundamentally killed Chinatown,” Arias said. “Our goal is to have about half a dozen housing projects be opened or in the final stages of construction by 2026.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But housing advocates said building more is just one piece of a much larger puzzle. Marisa Moraza, a campaign director with Power California, said the city needs to ensure that all this new development does not price out tenants and business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that, she’s advocating for the city to impose a rent cap, increase tenant protections and institute a new oversight board to oversee these efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Department of Housing and Community Development has mandated that Fresno build nearly \u003ca href=\"https://fresnocog.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/FCOG_RHNP_Public_Review_Final_November_2022_Compiled.pdf\">37,000 new homes and apartments\u003c/a> by 2031 as part of California’s broader goal to construct \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million homes\u003c/a> in that time. And in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eZOB6B6RPRgSnWfKu27p8iYwbPij2vaU/view?usp=sharing\">letter to the city\u003c/a> (PDF), the department recommended it listen and incorporate comments from community groups, such as Power California, as it plans for its share of that new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to continue to see the city of Fresno grow,” Moraza said. “However, we want to ensure that we are not increasing displacement in downtown and in southwest Fresno as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Doizaki, whose family business has been in Chinatown since 1950, he hopes the city and businesses can work together to provide enough housing for residents with a healthy range of incomes and backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the plans that I’m seeing right now is to fill Chinatown with affordable housing. That’s not how you build a thriving community,” he said. “It’s 2024; we should be able to foresee that this is not how you treat a cultural minority district that was born through racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "After Parole, ICE Deported This Refugee Back to a Country He Never Knew",
"headTitle": "After Parole, ICE Deported This Refugee Back to a Country He Never Knew | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>When Phoeun You landed in Phnom Penh in March 2022, he was surprised by how tall the buildings were. “I thought about Cambodia like, man, I’m gonna see cows on the road. Dirt roads and stuff like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was born there, but by the time he returned at almost 50 years old, he was effectively a foreigner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You was an infant when his family fled the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/15/world/asia/khmer-rouge-cambodia-genocide.html\">Cambodian genocide\u003c/a> in 1976. Fifteen of them — siblings, parents, grandma, nieces and nephews — ended up in a refugee camp in Thailand. It was a harrowing but familiar path for the estimated 1 million Cambodians who escaped Pol Pot’s bloody dictatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You spent the first five years of his life in the refugee camp in Thailand. It wasn’t until later in life that he realized how traumatic those early years were. Small things, like powdered milk, now transport him back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That smell, that feel of chalk … it took me right back to the refugee camp,” he recently remembered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the aftermath of the Vietnam War, the State Department contracted with religious agencies to help resettle the hundreds of thousands of refugees arriving in the U.S. from Southeast Asia. After receiving his green card, Phoeun landed with a Mormon family in northern Utah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His first memories in the U.S. were of eating tuna fish sandwiches and macaroni and cheese. Everything, including the enormous Wasatch Mountains, felt surreal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember the first time it snowed,” he said. “It scared the hell out of me. I was like, ‘Man, this is cold. Are we gonna freeze out here?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After life stabilized in Utah, You’s parents moved the family to Long Beach, California. Thanks to a student exchange program at Cal State Long Beach, the city’s Cambodian population had grown since the 1950s. By the time the Khmer Rouge fell in 1979, Long Beach had the largest population of Cambodians outside of Cambodia. In some ways, it felt like home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the move to California also brought unwanted reminders of the country they left behind. Long Beach was a violent place in the 1980s, particularly for Southeast Asian refugees moving into historically Black and Latino neighborhoods. You was bullied at school, and when he was 13, he joined his older brother’s gang for protection. His life spiraled out of control from there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1995, a gang beat up You and his nephew in a school parking lot. The next day, You fired a shotgun into a crowd of teenagers in retaliation. It killed one of the young men and injured four others. A year later, he was convicted of first-degree murder and given a 35-year-to-life sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’s first few years of adulthood began in California’s state prison system, and it was rough. He regularly witnessed fights and stabbings at Salinas Valley State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You almost have to stop yourself from being human,” he recalls. “Every time you see blood, the human side of me makes me wanna care. Like, ‘Hey man, I know this is a prison, but are you OK?’ But I can’t do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until You suffered his own loss that he reflected on his crime. The news came through a letter in the mail from an older sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It] said, ‘Hey, look, we have some news that your sister was murdered.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sister had been shot in a parking lot by a jealous boyfriend, according to You. He felt anger but also a strange sense of clarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11966564,news_11975246,news_11800255,news_11975904\"]“It dawned on me that this must be how the victim’s family felt when I took their son away from them,” he reflected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a dozen years in California maximum security prisons, You was transferred to San Quentin State Prison. He enrolled in rehabilitation programs, including the intensive Victim Offender Education Group. The early sessions helped him confront the magnitude of his crime and, for the first time, unpack the traumatic life events that led up to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, he started his own program for other Asian American and Pacific Islander inmates at San Quentin to talk about history, war, and how to enter back into society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, after 25 years behind bars, You was up for parole. It was actually his second time presenting his case to the state’s board — the first time, he said, he completely froze up. This time, though, You was ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when he first heard the news of his freedom through a Zoom meeting during the COVID-19 pandemic, You struggled to take it in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To finally hear those words just didn’t feel real,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that feeling joy didn’t feel right either. “It takes away from the crime I’ve committed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately for You, things were about to become much more complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Deported to Cambodia\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few days before he was set to be released, he got a visit from a federal official who informed him that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement had placed a hold on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although You became eligible for U.S. citizenship when he turned 18, his parents’ hectic home life — with 12 family members rotating in and out of a three-bedroom house — kept them from pursuing an application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When You lost his green card status following the murder conviction, he was no longer a protected refugee. Rather, he was now illegally on U.S. soil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983321\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG-20240413-WA0014.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1280\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG-20240413-WA0014.jpg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG-20240413-WA0014-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG-20240413-WA0014-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG-20240413-WA0014-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003cem>Phoeun \u003c/em>You takes a selfie in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pheoun You)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The ICE hold meant that federal officials could try to deport him after his release from prison. Instead of walking out of San Quentin, a free man, You was transferred to an immigration detention center in central California where he could choose to appeal his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You said that was a difficult decision. If he fought his case, it would happen from a detention cell in central California — a process that could take years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to weigh it out like, does it matter when the law is already set in stone? Do you prolong your sentence and your stay if you know you’re gonna lose the case anyways?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So You signed his own deportation papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he stepped off the plane in Phnom Penh a few months later, he was accompanied by three ICE agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entire experience left him shell-shocked. You didn’t have a job or speak Khmer and had no friends or professional contacts. And he had no proof he was a citizen of any country; documentation of his birth was destroyed during the genocide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luckily, You still had relatives in Cambodia. He spent the first few weeks of his new life in Southeast Asia, reconnecting with his aunt in the Cambodian countryside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hadn’t seen her in nearly 50 years, but she offered to sponsor his Cambodian citizenship application.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>New life in Cambodia\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You’s aunt hooked him up with a third-floor studio on the outskirts of Phnom Penh. After weeks of watching the neighborhood wake up from his balcony — food carts passing by, moms walking their kids to school — he started to feel more settled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other adjustments have come more slowly. Because of the language barrier, You spends a lot of time alone in his apartment. He uses a translator app on his phone to communicate at restaurants or the grocery store, but he’s hesitant to date or make new friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a social person,” he said. “I want to mingle. I want to connect on a deeper level, and I don’t have the words to do that. And it feels really awkward because I can’t express (myself) fully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Phoeun You\"]‘You have to weigh it out like, does it matter when the law is already set in stone? Do you prolong your sentence and your stay if you know you’re gonna lose the case anyways?’[/pullquote]Everywhere he looks, You is reminded that he’s far away from home. Billboards are in different languages. There are no sidewalks or street lamps, and the food stalls still amaze him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People stare at him — which makes him uncomfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They look at me, and it’s like, OK: the tattoos, the shaved head … They’ll notice my accent is a little off. They get the hint like, ‘This guy’s not completely one of us.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Very quickly, You had to start looking for a job in a country where he didn’t speak the language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his last job was more than two decades ago, working at a casino in Las Vegas. With some experience teaching English as a second language to adults at San Quentin, You thought he might land a similar gig in Phnom Penh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was applying for a good four months,” he said — pursuing around 20 different positions — but he kept getting turned down. “I was like, ‘Man, what is going on?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You wasn’t sure, but he had a sinking feeling that his criminal record in the U.S. followed him to Cambodia. He said most hiring managers didn’t know about his conviction right away, but when interviewers asked him what a working-aged man from the U.S. was doing in Phnom Penh, You felt like they were piecing things together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You spent months worrying he’d never get back on his feet. But finally, he broke through. In October 2023, he landed a job teaching English at an international school in Phnom Penh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the work is exhausting: He teaches five grade levels and isn’t paid much. But he said it’s helping him find purpose again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, he assigned his ninth-grade students to interview their parents. He said it’s sometimes difficult for Cambodians to communicate on a deeper level with their parents, so his goal is for them to get to know themselves better by learning about their family’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think of my own past, growing up,” he said. “I didn’t know my parents enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You laments the lack of love and connection he felt at home as a kid. Part of him feels like life might have been different otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He can’t change the past, but he said that teaching helps him reflect on his childhood and look forward to a future with a family of his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Phoeun You knows what it’s like to be a refugee in the United States, serve prison time for a violent crime, and be deported to a country he never knew. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Phoeun You landed in Phnom Penh in March 2022, he was surprised by how tall the buildings were. “I thought about Cambodia like, man, I’m gonna see cows on the road. Dirt roads and stuff like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was born there, but by the time he returned at almost 50 years old, he was effectively a foreigner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You was an infant when his family fled the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/15/world/asia/khmer-rouge-cambodia-genocide.html\">Cambodian genocide\u003c/a> in 1976. Fifteen of them — siblings, parents, grandma, nieces and nephews — ended up in a refugee camp in Thailand. It was a harrowing but familiar path for the estimated 1 million Cambodians who escaped Pol Pot’s bloody dictatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You spent the first five years of his life in the refugee camp in Thailand. It wasn’t until later in life that he realized how traumatic those early years were. Small things, like powdered milk, now transport him back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That smell, that feel of chalk … it took me right back to the refugee camp,” he recently remembered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the aftermath of the Vietnam War, the State Department contracted with religious agencies to help resettle the hundreds of thousands of refugees arriving in the U.S. from Southeast Asia. After receiving his green card, Phoeun landed with a Mormon family in northern Utah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His first memories in the U.S. were of eating tuna fish sandwiches and macaroni and cheese. Everything, including the enormous Wasatch Mountains, felt surreal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember the first time it snowed,” he said. “It scared the hell out of me. I was like, ‘Man, this is cold. Are we gonna freeze out here?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After life stabilized in Utah, You’s parents moved the family to Long Beach, California. Thanks to a student exchange program at Cal State Long Beach, the city’s Cambodian population had grown since the 1950s. By the time the Khmer Rouge fell in 1979, Long Beach had the largest population of Cambodians outside of Cambodia. In some ways, it felt like home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the move to California also brought unwanted reminders of the country they left behind. Long Beach was a violent place in the 1980s, particularly for Southeast Asian refugees moving into historically Black and Latino neighborhoods. You was bullied at school, and when he was 13, he joined his older brother’s gang for protection. His life spiraled out of control from there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1995, a gang beat up You and his nephew in a school parking lot. The next day, You fired a shotgun into a crowd of teenagers in retaliation. It killed one of the young men and injured four others. A year later, he was convicted of first-degree murder and given a 35-year-to-life sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’s first few years of adulthood began in California’s state prison system, and it was rough. He regularly witnessed fights and stabbings at Salinas Valley State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You almost have to stop yourself from being human,” he recalls. “Every time you see blood, the human side of me makes me wanna care. Like, ‘Hey man, I know this is a prison, but are you OK?’ But I can’t do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until You suffered his own loss that he reflected on his crime. The news came through a letter in the mail from an older sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It] said, ‘Hey, look, we have some news that your sister was murdered.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sister had been shot in a parking lot by a jealous boyfriend, according to You. He felt anger but also a strange sense of clarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It dawned on me that this must be how the victim’s family felt when I took their son away from them,” he reflected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a dozen years in California maximum security prisons, You was transferred to San Quentin State Prison. He enrolled in rehabilitation programs, including the intensive Victim Offender Education Group. The early sessions helped him confront the magnitude of his crime and, for the first time, unpack the traumatic life events that led up to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, he started his own program for other Asian American and Pacific Islander inmates at San Quentin to talk about history, war, and how to enter back into society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, after 25 years behind bars, You was up for parole. It was actually his second time presenting his case to the state’s board — the first time, he said, he completely froze up. This time, though, You was ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when he first heard the news of his freedom through a Zoom meeting during the COVID-19 pandemic, You struggled to take it in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To finally hear those words just didn’t feel real,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that feeling joy didn’t feel right either. “It takes away from the crime I’ve committed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately for You, things were about to become much more complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Deported to Cambodia\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few days before he was set to be released, he got a visit from a federal official who informed him that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement had placed a hold on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although You became eligible for U.S. citizenship when he turned 18, his parents’ hectic home life — with 12 family members rotating in and out of a three-bedroom house — kept them from pursuing an application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When You lost his green card status following the murder conviction, he was no longer a protected refugee. Rather, he was now illegally on U.S. soil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983321\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG-20240413-WA0014.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1280\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG-20240413-WA0014.jpg 1280w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG-20240413-WA0014-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG-20240413-WA0014-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG-20240413-WA0014-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003cem>Phoeun \u003c/em>You takes a selfie in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pheoun You)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The ICE hold meant that federal officials could try to deport him after his release from prison. Instead of walking out of San Quentin, a free man, You was transferred to an immigration detention center in central California where he could choose to appeal his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You said that was a difficult decision. If he fought his case, it would happen from a detention cell in central California — a process that could take years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to weigh it out like, does it matter when the law is already set in stone? Do you prolong your sentence and your stay if you know you’re gonna lose the case anyways?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So You signed his own deportation papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he stepped off the plane in Phnom Penh a few months later, he was accompanied by three ICE agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The entire experience left him shell-shocked. You didn’t have a job or speak Khmer and had no friends or professional contacts. And he had no proof he was a citizen of any country; documentation of his birth was destroyed during the genocide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luckily, You still had relatives in Cambodia. He spent the first few weeks of his new life in Southeast Asia, reconnecting with his aunt in the Cambodian countryside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hadn’t seen her in nearly 50 years, but she offered to sponsor his Cambodian citizenship application.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>New life in Cambodia\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You’s aunt hooked him up with a third-floor studio on the outskirts of Phnom Penh. After weeks of watching the neighborhood wake up from his balcony — food carts passing by, moms walking their kids to school — he started to feel more settled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other adjustments have come more slowly. Because of the language barrier, You spends a lot of time alone in his apartment. He uses a translator app on his phone to communicate at restaurants or the grocery store, but he’s hesitant to date or make new friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a social person,” he said. “I want to mingle. I want to connect on a deeper level, and I don’t have the words to do that. And it feels really awkward because I can’t express (myself) fully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Everywhere he looks, You is reminded that he’s far away from home. Billboards are in different languages. There are no sidewalks or street lamps, and the food stalls still amaze him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People stare at him — which makes him uncomfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They look at me, and it’s like, OK: the tattoos, the shaved head … They’ll notice my accent is a little off. They get the hint like, ‘This guy’s not completely one of us.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Very quickly, You had to start looking for a job in a country where he didn’t speak the language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his last job was more than two decades ago, working at a casino in Las Vegas. With some experience teaching English as a second language to adults at San Quentin, You thought he might land a similar gig in Phnom Penh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was applying for a good four months,” he said — pursuing around 20 different positions — but he kept getting turned down. “I was like, ‘Man, what is going on?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You wasn’t sure, but he had a sinking feeling that his criminal record in the U.S. followed him to Cambodia. He said most hiring managers didn’t know about his conviction right away, but when interviewers asked him what a working-aged man from the U.S. was doing in Phnom Penh, You felt like they were piecing things together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You spent months worrying he’d never get back on his feet. But finally, he broke through. In October 2023, he landed a job teaching English at an international school in Phnom Penh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the work is exhausting: He teaches five grade levels and isn’t paid much. But he said it’s helping him find purpose again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, he assigned his ninth-grade students to interview their parents. He said it’s sometimes difficult for Cambodians to communicate on a deeper level with their parents, so his goal is for them to get to know themselves better by learning about their family’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think of my own past, growing up,” he said. “I didn’t know my parents enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You laments the lack of love and connection he felt at home as a kid. Part of him feels like life might have been different otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He can’t change the past, but he said that teaching helps him reflect on his childhood and look forward to a future with a family of his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Half Moon Bay Prepares to Break Ground on Farmworker Housing",
"headTitle": "Half Moon Bay Prepares to Break Ground on Farmworker Housing | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>After their shift at a local mushroom farm one recent afternoon, two farmworkers, smudged with dirt and sawdust, trudged back to their rented rooms in Half Moon Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The motel rooms are clean and safe and have been home for Vicente and Cornelio since shortly after a coworker opened fire at this farm and another nearby in January 2023. The men asked that we use only their first names for immigration concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the mass shooting claimed seven lives, it also shone a light on the terrible living conditions at the mushroom farms, which local officials decried as deplorable and heartbreaking and vowed to improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were four of us in the trailer,” says Vicente, 52, who has worked at the farm for three years. “We had nowhere to cook and no hot water. You endure it out of necessity. But it was not good, suffering in the cold like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While these rooms, paid for by the county, have heat and access to a kitchen, Vicente says knowing he’ll have to move has added to his sense of vulnerability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982572\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982572\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquin Jimenez (in vest) and housing coordinator Mike Noce visit a site on March 14, 2023, where the city plans to build 47 affordable homes for farmworkers with very low incomes. The project is due to break ground next month and will include units for rent and for purchase, Noce says. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Ever since the tragedy, we feel insecure. It affected us so much,” he says, adding that he wants a home where he can reunite with his wife and 7-year-old son. The family has been separated since the shooting because they couldn’t afford a place big enough to live together, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That desire for a permanent place could be a reality by early next year. Half Moon Bay officials plan to break ground next month to erect nearly four dozen manufactured homes. The new development, known as Stone Pine Cove, will be built on a parcel of city land, less than a 10-minute walk from downtown Half Moon Bay. It’s geared toward low-income farmworkers, like Vicente and Cornelio, and the other families displaced from the mushroom farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Joaquín Jiménez, mayor, Half Moon Bay\"]‘We’re looking for opportunities to better the lives of our essential workers.’[/pullquote]Two other farmworker housing projects are also in the works in the area, though they’ll take longer. Together, they could create some 200 units, and make a modest dent in the acute shortage of affordable housing in coastal San Mateo County. The most recent survey available, from 2016, found \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/housing/agricultural-workforce-housing-needs-assessment\">the county needs at least 1,000 units of farmworker housing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would be so happy to have a house like that,” says Cornelio, who still struggles with the trauma of the mass shooting, even after group therapy provided by a local community organization. “I’m so grateful to everyone who has extended a hand to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We are in an emergency’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, after the shooting, officials, including Gov. Gavin Newsom and Rep. Anna Eshoo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941716/we-have-a-moment-here-an-urgent-push-for-farmworker-housing-in-wake-of-half-moon-bay-tragedy\">pledged to transform the tragedy\u003c/a> into critically needed investments in decent farmworker housing. That’s a much more costly proposition here in the expensive Bay Area than in more rural parts of the state, and the sense of urgency continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11939603,forum_2010101892120,news_11939470\"]“We are in an emergency,” Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquín Jiménez says. “Families are still living crowded. They’re getting ready to move out of Half Moon Bay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials cobbled together the $16 million budget for Stone Pine Cove from a combination of federal, state and local sources, plus some philanthropic dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County Supervisor Ray Mueller says ensuring good quality, affordable housing for farmworkers is not only the right thing to do, it’s important for the health of the county’s economy — where \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/san-mateo-county-agriculture-production-near-100-million\">agriculture is a $100-million industry\u003c/a>, with products ranging from flowers to Brussels sprouts to Half Moon Bay’s famous pumpkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Agriculture is incredibly important,” Mueller says. “It provides food resilience to the region. … and then obviously there’s the economics of being able to go ahead and have that thriving industry there which provides good jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate San Mateo County has as many as 2,000 farmworkers overall, mostly in the area locals refer to as the “Coastside.” Mueller says he’s working to make it easier for farmers to build quality housing on their farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982574\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982574\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Joaquin Jimenez stops on a bridge in downtown Half Moon Bay on March 14, 2024. Jimenez, the son of a farmworker, has made farmworker housing a priority. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Affordable housing in the works\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The $1 million the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors committed to housing the 38 displaced mushroom farm workers for a year ran out this month, but Half Moon Bay and local foundations will cover a second year while Stone Pine Cove is built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other affordable housing projects are in the works, too, but they won’t be ready for several years. Half Moon Bay plans a 40-unit apartment building for farmworkers 55 and older. Meanwhile, the county is in the process of buying a former flower nursery where Mueller says 100 homes could be built and is eyeing two other locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are light years from where we were a year ago,” Mueller says. “But we haven’t crossed the finish line in terms of opening any of those housing sites. … So we can’t lose that momentum. The good news is, there’s no indication that we will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting also prompted the county to create \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/planning/farm-labor-housing-compliance\">a new task force to inspect all on-farm housing\u003c/a> in unincorporated areas to ensure it meets health and safety standards. County officials say of the roughly 50 farms they’ve visited that provide housing, they haven’t found egregious violations, but more than a quarter have been ordered to make fixes such as repairing unsafe wiring and ensuring a clean water supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982571\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982571\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a Half Moon Bay City Council meeting on March 14, 2024, Mayor Joaquín Jiménez speaks about the urgency of building affordable housing for farmworkers and other essential workers with low incomes. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘That much more severe for farmworkers’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The agricultural region of coastside San Mateo County is just over a ridge from the heart of Silicon Valley, where high salaries and stock options have fueled ever-increasing housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent survey by the California Association of Realtors showed \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2024-News-Releases/4qtr2023hai#:~:text=Lassen%20(49%20percent)%20remained%20the,the%20fourth%20quarter%20of%202023.\">the median home price in San Mateo County is over $1.9 million\u003c/a>, making it the most expensive county in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Flores, the faculty director at UC Merced’s Center for Community and Labor Center, says the acute housing crisis for farmworkers in San Mateo is simply a more extreme example of a statewide affordable housing problem confronting millions of workers who fill essential jobs but are paid little.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Agricultural workers are among the lowest-earning occupations,” he says. “So as severe as the state’s housing crisis is for low-wage workers, it’s even that much more severe for farm workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most farmworkers in the Coastside earn little more than the minimum wage of $17.35/hour, Jiménez says, the Half Moon Bay mayor. But in San Mateo County, \u003ca href=\"https://livingwage.mit.edu/\">a living wage that covers the basics\u003c/a> can be well over twice that, depending on how many children a worker supports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact is, we need help from the county,” says Vicente, the mushroom farm worker. “Because here in Half Moon Bay the rent is really high, and we don’t earn much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Sharing a home with 21 people\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the child of farmworkers himself, Jiménez knows what it’s like when low-wage workers have to crowd into housing. During his teenage years, he says, his family shared a three-bedroom, one-bathroom house with 21 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Vicente, farmworker\"]‘The fact is, we need help from the county. Because here in Half Moon Bay, the rent is really high, and we don’t earn much.’[/pullquote]After running \u003ca href=\"https://www.alasdreams.com\">a local\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.alasdreams.com\">farmworker outreach program\u003c/a> for years, Jiménez is now spearheading a project to build \u003ca href=\"https://www.hmbreview.com/news/co-op-plants-opportunities-for-farmworkers/article_229f9136-7946-11ec-b1d0-1f79501ec0a3.html\">a farmworker co-op\u003c/a> in Half Moon Bay where farmworkers can profit from the produce they grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is to help them build wealth for their family,” he says. “We’re looking for opportunities to better the lives of our essential workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent visit to the future site of Stone Pine Cove, Jiménez extolled the fact that 28 of the homes will be available for purchase, using \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-active/joe-serna-jr-farmworker-housing-grant\">a state program of forgivable 20-year home loans\u003c/a> geared toward agricultural workers with very low incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The farmworkers are going to get to own their modular home,” says Jiménez, who says home ownership is one more step toward stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parcel sits just across a small creek from the California Terra Garden mushroom farm. When it’s developed, it will have a wildlife buffer along the creek, a walking trail and a playground for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting on the porch of the guesthouse, Vicente says he can picture his son playing in a little park like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need a fancy house,” he says. “Just a simple house with the basics, where we can be together as a family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Last year’s mass shooting spurred local leaders to act. Dozens of homes for farmworker families should be ready in early 2024, but other projects could take years.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After their shift at a local mushroom farm one recent afternoon, two farmworkers, smudged with dirt and sawdust, trudged back to their rented rooms in Half Moon Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The motel rooms are clean and safe and have been home for Vicente and Cornelio since shortly after a coworker opened fire at this farm and another nearby in January 2023. The men asked that we use only their first names for immigration concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the mass shooting claimed seven lives, it also shone a light on the terrible living conditions at the mushroom farms, which local officials decried as deplorable and heartbreaking and vowed to improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were four of us in the trailer,” says Vicente, 52, who has worked at the farm for three years. “We had nowhere to cook and no hot water. You endure it out of necessity. But it was not good, suffering in the cold like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While these rooms, paid for by the county, have heat and access to a kitchen, Vicente says knowing he’ll have to move has added to his sense of vulnerability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982572\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982572\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquin Jimenez (in vest) and housing coordinator Mike Noce visit a site on March 14, 2023, where the city plans to build 47 affordable homes for farmworkers with very low incomes. The project is due to break ground next month and will include units for rent and for purchase, Noce says. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Ever since the tragedy, we feel insecure. It affected us so much,” he says, adding that he wants a home where he can reunite with his wife and 7-year-old son. The family has been separated since the shooting because they couldn’t afford a place big enough to live together, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That desire for a permanent place could be a reality by early next year. Half Moon Bay officials plan to break ground next month to erect nearly four dozen manufactured homes. The new development, known as Stone Pine Cove, will be built on a parcel of city land, less than a 10-minute walk from downtown Half Moon Bay. It’s geared toward low-income farmworkers, like Vicente and Cornelio, and the other families displaced from the mushroom farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Two other farmworker housing projects are also in the works in the area, though they’ll take longer. Together, they could create some 200 units, and make a modest dent in the acute shortage of affordable housing in coastal San Mateo County. The most recent survey available, from 2016, found \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/housing/agricultural-workforce-housing-needs-assessment\">the county needs at least 1,000 units of farmworker housing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would be so happy to have a house like that,” says Cornelio, who still struggles with the trauma of the mass shooting, even after group therapy provided by a local community organization. “I’m so grateful to everyone who has extended a hand to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We are in an emergency’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, after the shooting, officials, including Gov. Gavin Newsom and Rep. Anna Eshoo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941716/we-have-a-moment-here-an-urgent-push-for-farmworker-housing-in-wake-of-half-moon-bay-tragedy\">pledged to transform the tragedy\u003c/a> into critically needed investments in decent farmworker housing. That’s a much more costly proposition here in the expensive Bay Area than in more rural parts of the state, and the sense of urgency continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We are in an emergency,” Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquín Jiménez says. “Families are still living crowded. They’re getting ready to move out of Half Moon Bay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials cobbled together the $16 million budget for Stone Pine Cove from a combination of federal, state and local sources, plus some philanthropic dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County Supervisor Ray Mueller says ensuring good quality, affordable housing for farmworkers is not only the right thing to do, it’s important for the health of the county’s economy — where \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/san-mateo-county-agriculture-production-near-100-million\">agriculture is a $100-million industry\u003c/a>, with products ranging from flowers to Brussels sprouts to Half Moon Bay’s famous pumpkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Agriculture is incredibly important,” Mueller says. “It provides food resilience to the region. … and then obviously there’s the economics of being able to go ahead and have that thriving industry there which provides good jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate San Mateo County has as many as 2,000 farmworkers overall, mostly in the area locals refer to as the “Coastside.” Mueller says he’s working to make it easier for farmers to build quality housing on their farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982574\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982574\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Joaquin Jimenez stops on a bridge in downtown Half Moon Bay on March 14, 2024. Jimenez, the son of a farmworker, has made farmworker housing a priority. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Affordable housing in the works\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The $1 million the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors committed to housing the 38 displaced mushroom farm workers for a year ran out this month, but Half Moon Bay and local foundations will cover a second year while Stone Pine Cove is built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other affordable housing projects are in the works, too, but they won’t be ready for several years. Half Moon Bay plans a 40-unit apartment building for farmworkers 55 and older. Meanwhile, the county is in the process of buying a former flower nursery where Mueller says 100 homes could be built and is eyeing two other locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are light years from where we were a year ago,” Mueller says. “But we haven’t crossed the finish line in terms of opening any of those housing sites. … So we can’t lose that momentum. The good news is, there’s no indication that we will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting also prompted the county to create \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/planning/farm-labor-housing-compliance\">a new task force to inspect all on-farm housing\u003c/a> in unincorporated areas to ensure it meets health and safety standards. County officials say of the roughly 50 farms they’ve visited that provide housing, they haven’t found egregious violations, but more than a quarter have been ordered to make fixes such as repairing unsafe wiring and ensuring a clean water supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982571\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982571\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a Half Moon Bay City Council meeting on March 14, 2024, Mayor Joaquín Jiménez speaks about the urgency of building affordable housing for farmworkers and other essential workers with low incomes. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘That much more severe for farmworkers’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The agricultural region of coastside San Mateo County is just over a ridge from the heart of Silicon Valley, where high salaries and stock options have fueled ever-increasing housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent survey by the California Association of Realtors showed \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2024-News-Releases/4qtr2023hai#:~:text=Lassen%20(49%20percent)%20remained%20the,the%20fourth%20quarter%20of%202023.\">the median home price in San Mateo County is over $1.9 million\u003c/a>, making it the most expensive county in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Flores, the faculty director at UC Merced’s Center for Community and Labor Center, says the acute housing crisis for farmworkers in San Mateo is simply a more extreme example of a statewide affordable housing problem confronting millions of workers who fill essential jobs but are paid little.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Agricultural workers are among the lowest-earning occupations,” he says. “So as severe as the state’s housing crisis is for low-wage workers, it’s even that much more severe for farm workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most farmworkers in the Coastside earn little more than the minimum wage of $17.35/hour, Jiménez says, the Half Moon Bay mayor. But in San Mateo County, \u003ca href=\"https://livingwage.mit.edu/\">a living wage that covers the basics\u003c/a> can be well over twice that, depending on how many children a worker supports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact is, we need help from the county,” says Vicente, the mushroom farm worker. “Because here in Half Moon Bay the rent is really high, and we don’t earn much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Sharing a home with 21 people\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the child of farmworkers himself, Jiménez knows what it’s like when low-wage workers have to crowd into housing. During his teenage years, he says, his family shared a three-bedroom, one-bathroom house with 21 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After running \u003ca href=\"https://www.alasdreams.com\">a local\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.alasdreams.com\">farmworker outreach program\u003c/a> for years, Jiménez is now spearheading a project to build \u003ca href=\"https://www.hmbreview.com/news/co-op-plants-opportunities-for-farmworkers/article_229f9136-7946-11ec-b1d0-1f79501ec0a3.html\">a farmworker co-op\u003c/a> in Half Moon Bay where farmworkers can profit from the produce they grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is to help them build wealth for their family,” he says. “We’re looking for opportunities to better the lives of our essential workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent visit to the future site of Stone Pine Cove, Jiménez extolled the fact that 28 of the homes will be available for purchase, using \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-active/joe-serna-jr-farmworker-housing-grant\">a state program of forgivable 20-year home loans\u003c/a> geared toward agricultural workers with very low incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The farmworkers are going to get to own their modular home,” says Jiménez, who says home ownership is one more step toward stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parcel sits just across a small creek from the California Terra Garden mushroom farm. When it’s developed, it will have a wildlife buffer along the creek, a walking trail and a playground for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting on the porch of the guesthouse, Vicente says he can picture his son playing in a little park like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need a fancy house,” he says. “Just a simple house with the basics, where we can be together as a family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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