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"title": "Asthma Rates Higher in California's Historically Redlined Communities, New Study Finds",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Great Depression federal home-loan policy that ranked the desirability of neighborhoods based on their racial makeup may still be affecting the health of the residents who live there today, \u003ca href=\"https://eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2019-05/uoc--hrc052019.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new study\u003c/a> suggests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related stories\" tag=\"asthma\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers at UC Berkeley and UCSF examined health statistics in eight California cities that were heavily impacted by redlining — a tactic used by government officials to justify discriminatory mortgage-lending policies in predominantly minority neighborhoods. The study found that current residents of those neighborhoods are more than twice as likely as their peers to visit emergency rooms for asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What it suggests is that real estate policy that was enacted over 80 years ago, enforced in part on the basis of race, both shaped our neighborhoods and may still be impacting respiratory health outcomes today,” said Anthony Nardone, a medical student in the UC Berkeley-UCSF Joint Medical Program, who led the analysis. “It’s the first study, to our knowledge, that actually assesses the relationship between historic residential redlining and current health outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nardone used \u003ca href=\"https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/#loc=3/38.07/-97.29&opacity=0.8&text=about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">historic redlining maps\u003c/a> to identify census tracts in San Francisco, San Jose, Oakland, Sacramento, Stockton, Fresno, Los Angeles and San Diego that government officials had once identified as “high risk” (red) and “low risk” (green) neighborhoods in terms of loan security. He then compared current air quality and health outcome data from each of those tracts, using the \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/calenviroscreen/report/calenviroscreen-30\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CalEnviroScreen 3.0\u003c/a> database, and found that current residents in the redlined communities — those considered “high risk” — visited the emergency room for asthma-related complaints 2.4 times more often than those in nearby “low risk” neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11749449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11749449 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma-160x80.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma-800x400.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma-1020x510.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The map on the right shows census tracts in the cities of San Francisco and Oakland categorized according to their Home Owners’ Loan Corp. rating, with green indicating ‘best,’ blue indicating ‘still desirable,’ yellow indicating ‘definitely declining,’ and red indicating ‘hazardous.’ The map on the right shows the rate of asthma-related emergency room visits per 10,000 residents for those same census tracts. \u003ccite>(Anthony Nardone/UC Berkeley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That asthma-health disparity is driven in part by excessive exposure to ambient air pollution, said Nardone, noting that historically redlined neighborhoods often have significantly higher levels of diesel particulate matter in the air. But that’s not the only factor at play, he added, citing generational poverty and elevated levels of “psychosocial stress” caused by everything from living in environments with higher crime rates to a lack of access to decent, affordable health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redlining started as official government policy during the Great Depression. The Home Owners’ Loan Corp. (HOLC), established by Congress in 1933 as part of President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, was intended to help stem the urban foreclosure crisis sweeping the country. The government-sponsored agency refinanced more than a million homes, issuing low-interest, long-term loans to scores of new homeowners across the nation and spurring a dramatic increase in home ownership in the following decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But only for some.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To identify neighborhoods deemed safe investments, HOLC gathered reams of local data to draw up “residential safety maps” in some 240 cities across the country. Neighborhoods were classified into one of four categories based on “favorable” and “detrimental” influences, including “threat of infiltration of foreign-born, negro, or lower grade population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These designations were for decades used to deny home loans and other forms of investment to these communities, stunting generational wealth and furthering racial segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Though these discriminatory lending practices are now illegal, and gentrification has affected the demographics of some redlined neighborhoods, they remain largely low income and have a higher proportion of black and Hispanic populations than non-redlined communities,” Nardone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/palette-400x273.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright wp-image-11749441\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/palette-400x273.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"278\" height=\"190\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/palette-400x273.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/palette-400x273-160x109.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 278px) 100vw, 278px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private banks quickly adopted the government’s identification system, commonly denying home loans to residents in neighborhoods considered risky. The color coding of maps became a verb: to redline a community was to mark it as undesirable and not worthy of investment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although officially prohibited by the \u003ca href=\"http://portal.hud.gov/hudportal/HUD?src=/program_offices/fair_housing_equal_opp/progdesc/title8\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Fair Housing Act\u003c/a> of 1968, the practice of neighborhood delineation based on race and class had a lasting impact, depriving certain neighborhoods of essential resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our study shows that, even though a policy gets eliminated or is recognized to be a poor choice, its effect can have impacts even many decades later,” said Neeta Thakur, an assistant professor of medicine at UCSF and Nardone’s adviser. “We need to use that information to help us inform our current policies and thinking about what potential ramifications are down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More subtle forms of redlining continue, however, as evidenced by recent discriminatory loan practice \u003ca href=\"http://portal.hud.gov/hudportal/HUD?src=/press/press_releases_media_advisories/2015/HUDNo_15-064b\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">settlements\u003c/a> and issues of \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/22777683\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“retail redlining,”\u003c/a> in which businesses avoid setting up shop in neighborhoods deemed undesirable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below are some of the original HOLC maps and recreated interactive versions, which use data collected by the \u003ca href=\"http://salt.umd.edu/T-RACES/demo/demo.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">University of Maryland’s T-Races project\u003c/a> (click on individual tracts to read original assessments for each neighborhood).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/OaklandBerkeleyHOLCmap-MED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11749460\" 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"excerpt": "Racist housing policies crafted 80 years ago are likely still influencing health outcomes today.",
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"title": "Asthma Rates Higher in California's Historically Redlined Communities, New Study Finds | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Great Depression federal home-loan policy that ranked the desirability of neighborhoods based on their racial makeup may still be affecting the health of the residents who live there today, \u003ca href=\"https://eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2019-05/uoc--hrc052019.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new study\u003c/a> suggests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers at UC Berkeley and UCSF examined health statistics in eight California cities that were heavily impacted by redlining — a tactic used by government officials to justify discriminatory mortgage-lending policies in predominantly minority neighborhoods. The study found that current residents of those neighborhoods are more than twice as likely as their peers to visit emergency rooms for asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What it suggests is that real estate policy that was enacted over 80 years ago, enforced in part on the basis of race, both shaped our neighborhoods and may still be impacting respiratory health outcomes today,” said Anthony Nardone, a medical student in the UC Berkeley-UCSF Joint Medical Program, who led the analysis. “It’s the first study, to our knowledge, that actually assesses the relationship between historic residential redlining and current health outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nardone used \u003ca href=\"https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/#loc=3/38.07/-97.29&opacity=0.8&text=about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">historic redlining maps\u003c/a> to identify census tracts in San Francisco, San Jose, Oakland, Sacramento, Stockton, Fresno, Los Angeles and San Diego that government officials had once identified as “high risk” (red) and “low risk” (green) neighborhoods in terms of loan security. He then compared current air quality and health outcome data from each of those tracts, using the \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/calenviroscreen/report/calenviroscreen-30\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CalEnviroScreen 3.0\u003c/a> database, and found that current residents in the redlined communities — those considered “high risk” — visited the emergency room for asthma-related complaints 2.4 times more often than those in nearby “low risk” neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11749449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11749449 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma-160x80.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma-800x400.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/CensusTractGradesAndAsthma-1020x510.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The map on the right shows census tracts in the cities of San Francisco and Oakland categorized according to their Home Owners’ Loan Corp. rating, with green indicating ‘best,’ blue indicating ‘still desirable,’ yellow indicating ‘definitely declining,’ and red indicating ‘hazardous.’ The map on the right shows the rate of asthma-related emergency room visits per 10,000 residents for those same census tracts. \u003ccite>(Anthony Nardone/UC Berkeley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That asthma-health disparity is driven in part by excessive exposure to ambient air pollution, said Nardone, noting that historically redlined neighborhoods often have significantly higher levels of diesel particulate matter in the air. But that’s not the only factor at play, he added, citing generational poverty and elevated levels of “psychosocial stress” caused by everything from living in environments with higher crime rates to a lack of access to decent, affordable health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redlining started as official government policy during the Great Depression. The Home Owners’ Loan Corp. (HOLC), established by Congress in 1933 as part of President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, was intended to help stem the urban foreclosure crisis sweeping the country. The government-sponsored agency refinanced more than a million homes, issuing low-interest, long-term loans to scores of new homeowners across the nation and spurring a dramatic increase in home ownership in the following decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But only for some.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To identify neighborhoods deemed safe investments, HOLC gathered reams of local data to draw up “residential safety maps” in some 240 cities across the country. Neighborhoods were classified into one of four categories based on “favorable” and “detrimental” influences, including “threat of infiltration of foreign-born, negro, or lower grade population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These designations were for decades used to deny home loans and other forms of investment to these communities, stunting generational wealth and furthering racial segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Though these discriminatory lending practices are now illegal, and gentrification has affected the demographics of some redlined neighborhoods, they remain largely low income and have a higher proportion of black and Hispanic populations than non-redlined communities,” Nardone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/palette-400x273.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright wp-image-11749441\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/palette-400x273.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"278\" height=\"190\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/palette-400x273.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/palette-400x273-160x109.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 278px) 100vw, 278px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private banks quickly adopted the government’s identification system, commonly denying home loans to residents in neighborhoods considered risky. The color coding of maps became a verb: to redline a community was to mark it as undesirable and not worthy of investment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although officially prohibited by the \u003ca href=\"http://portal.hud.gov/hudportal/HUD?src=/program_offices/fair_housing_equal_opp/progdesc/title8\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Fair Housing Act\u003c/a> of 1968, the practice of neighborhood delineation based on race and class had a lasting impact, depriving certain neighborhoods of essential resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our study shows that, even though a policy gets eliminated or is recognized to be a poor choice, its effect can have impacts even many decades later,” said Neeta Thakur, an assistant professor of medicine at UCSF and Nardone’s adviser. “We need to use that information to help us inform our current policies and thinking about what potential ramifications are down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More subtle forms of redlining continue, however, as evidenced by recent discriminatory loan practice \u003ca href=\"http://portal.hud.gov/hudportal/HUD?src=/press/press_releases_media_advisories/2015/HUDNo_15-064b\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">settlements\u003c/a> and issues of \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/22777683\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“retail redlining,”\u003c/a> in which businesses avoid setting up shop in neighborhoods deemed undesirable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below are some of the original HOLC maps and recreated interactive versions, which use data collected by the \u003ca href=\"http://salt.umd.edu/T-RACES/demo/demo.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">University of Maryland’s T-Races project\u003c/a> (click on individual tracts to read original assessments for each neighborhood).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/OaklandBerkeleyHOLCmap-MED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11749460\" 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"content": "\u003cp>In a much anticipated ruling this week, a federal judge found that cellphone chipmaker Qualcomm unlawfully squeezed out rivals and charged excessive royalties to manufacturers such as Apple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Lucy Koh of the Northern District of California issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/411066615/19-05-21-FTC-v-Qualcomm-Judicial-Findings?campaign=SkimbitLtd&ad_group=3947X638757X8138f836f25869070c4508ecbb552344&keyword=660149026&source=hp_affiliate&medium=affiliate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a 233-page ruling\u003c/a> late Tuesday night in favor of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.306945/gov.uscourts.cand.306945.1.0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Federal Trade Commission's antitrust allegations\u003c/a> and ordered that Qualcomm, which manufactures nearly all the chips in smartphones, must go back and renegotiate its licensing deals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11740682\" label=\"LISTEN\"]\"It's a decision that has really global effects,\" said Mike Swift, chief global digital risk correspondent for MLex, a technology and legal publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the crux of this fight and other related fights is Qualcomm's business model and the company's hold on the smartphone market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based in San Diego, Qualcomm is the world's largest maker of mobile chips. It created some of the technology integral to cellular networks and holds patents on a range of cellphone technology, including key 3G, 4G and 5G networking components. Because of those patents, all smartphone manufacturers have to pay a licensing fee to Qualcomm, whether they use the company's chips or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Qualcomm also has a \"no license, no chip\" policy, which requires phone manufacturers to pay for an exclusive license in order to buy their chips. Additionally, Qualcomm has refused to license its patents to rival chipmakers. The company has typically set licensing fees at 5% of the price of the mobile device — something Apple took issue with, arguing that features that make a phone more expensive may have nothing to do with Qualcomm's technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"left\" citation=\"Mike Swift, chief global digital risk correspondent for MLex\"]'What she's trying to achieve is to inject competition back into the market.'[/pullquote]\u003cbr>\nAccording to Swift, two examples stood out to Judge Koh during the trial, which wrapped up testimony in January. In one instance, Samsung attempted to create a cooperative agreement with some manufacturers in Japan to create their own modem technology, but said it abandoned the effort because of Qualcomm's hold on the market. In the other instance, Apple executives testified that they aimed to have multiple suppliers for every part in their phones in order to improve price and quality, but that they were forced to sign an exclusive deal with Qualcomm to provide chips. (Apple recently, while fighting with Qualcomm, also signed a deal with Intel to supply some of its chips.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koh, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/In-Silicon-Valley-Lucy-Koh-is-the-law-5679303.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">who has overseen a number of smartphone cases\u003c/a>, ruled that Qualcomm must:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>renegotiate its licensing deals with customers, without conditioning the supply of chips on their licensing status\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>license its patents to rival chipmakers at fair prices\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>not sign exclusive agreements that block competitors from also selling chips to smartphone makers like Apple\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>submit to FTC monitoring for seven years\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\"What she's trying to achieve is to inject competition back into the market,\" said Swift of Koh's decision. \"But it's not going to mean a dramatic drop in prices of smartphones.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We strongly disagree with the judge's conclusions, her interpretation of the facts and her application of the law,\" Qualcomm general counsel Don Rosenberg said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Qualcomm said it will appeal the decision, suggesting the case could still take a few years to resolve. Swift said that means there will likely be no big price drops overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If and when the decision goes into effect, it's not clear what company could immediately step in to compete against Qualcomm in the smartphone chip market, especially in the 5G space.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Apple and Qualcomm Settle\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last month, \u003ca href=\"https://mlexmarketinsight.com/insights-center/editors-picks/antitrust/north-america/qualcomm-apple-settlement-a-win-for-both-companies-less-so-for-the-ftc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a separate lawsuit\u003c/a> over some of the technology that enables iPhones to connect to the internet was settled between Apple and Qualcomm — with Apple agreeing to pay Qualcomm an undisclosed amount and to continue buying Qualcomm's chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement \"took the air out of the room for other chipmakers,\" said Swift, because of the market share that iPhones enjoy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last few years, Intel had been providing 3G and 4G chips to Apple, but immediately after the settlement announced it would not enter the 5G market — leaving just Qualcomm in the burgeoning 5G space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Tuesday's antitrust decision, Swift spoke with Intel, but said the company would not comment on whether it will change its decision regarding making 5G chips. Swift said that other companies that could potentially compete with Qualcomm include Samsung, MediaTek and a few large China-based companies, such as Huawei.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"The Tech-Trade Fight\" postID=\"news_11748486,news_11746559\"]Qualcomm has justified its pricing system as a way to recoup the $40 billion it spent over several decades developing wireless technology now essential to smartphones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koh's decision could have geopolitical ramifications: If Qualcomm suffers a hit to its profitability, it could mean less spending on research and development at a time when the U.S. is racing China to update to 5G.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Trump administration views Qualcomm as almost the crown jewel for the U.S. in terms of U.S. technology development. Similar to the way China views Huawei,\" said Angelo Zino, an analyst with research firm Center for Financial Research and Analysis. \"It will be interesting to see if this gets revisited.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration's attitude can be seen in a case from last year, when it blocked Singapore company Broadcom from buying Qualcomm over concerns about national security and who would dominate 5G technology. Earlier this week, an administration ban on doing business with Huawei also led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11748486/after-trump-ban-huawei-phones-will-lose-access-to-google-software\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Google ending the licensing of its Android operating system to the Chinese phone company\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Additional reporting by Tali Arbel and Michael Liedtke, Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full 233-page decision:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[scribd id=411066615 key=key-ovi3zyl5VbxSPaSmebyc mode=scroll]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a much anticipated ruling this week, a federal judge found that cellphone chipmaker Qualcomm unlawfully squeezed out rivals and charged excessive royalties to manufacturers such as Apple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Lucy Koh of the Northern District of California issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/411066615/19-05-21-FTC-v-Qualcomm-Judicial-Findings?campaign=SkimbitLtd&ad_group=3947X638757X8138f836f25869070c4508ecbb552344&keyword=660149026&source=hp_affiliate&medium=affiliate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a 233-page ruling\u003c/a> late Tuesday night in favor of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.306945/gov.uscourts.cand.306945.1.0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Federal Trade Commission's antitrust allegations\u003c/a> and ordered that Qualcomm, which manufactures nearly all the chips in smartphones, must go back and renegotiate its licensing deals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"It's a decision that has really global effects,\" said Mike Swift, chief global digital risk correspondent for MLex, a technology and legal publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the crux of this fight and other related fights is Qualcomm's business model and the company's hold on the smartphone market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based in San Diego, Qualcomm is the world's largest maker of mobile chips. It created some of the technology integral to cellular networks and holds patents on a range of cellphone technology, including key 3G, 4G and 5G networking components. Because of those patents, all smartphone manufacturers have to pay a licensing fee to Qualcomm, whether they use the company's chips or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Qualcomm also has a \"no license, no chip\" policy, which requires phone manufacturers to pay for an exclusive license in order to buy their chips. Additionally, Qualcomm has refused to license its patents to rival chipmakers. The company has typically set licensing fees at 5% of the price of the mobile device — something Apple took issue with, arguing that features that make a phone more expensive may have nothing to do with Qualcomm's technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nAccording to Swift, two examples stood out to Judge Koh during the trial, which wrapped up testimony in January. In one instance, Samsung attempted to create a cooperative agreement with some manufacturers in Japan to create their own modem technology, but said it abandoned the effort because of Qualcomm's hold on the market. In the other instance, Apple executives testified that they aimed to have multiple suppliers for every part in their phones in order to improve price and quality, but that they were forced to sign an exclusive deal with Qualcomm to provide chips. (Apple recently, while fighting with Qualcomm, also signed a deal with Intel to supply some of its chips.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koh, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/In-Silicon-Valley-Lucy-Koh-is-the-law-5679303.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">who has overseen a number of smartphone cases\u003c/a>, ruled that Qualcomm must:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>renegotiate its licensing deals with customers, without conditioning the supply of chips on their licensing status\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>license its patents to rival chipmakers at fair prices\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>not sign exclusive agreements that block competitors from also selling chips to smartphone makers like Apple\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>submit to FTC monitoring for seven years\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\"What she's trying to achieve is to inject competition back into the market,\" said Swift of Koh's decision. \"But it's not going to mean a dramatic drop in prices of smartphones.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We strongly disagree with the judge's conclusions, her interpretation of the facts and her application of the law,\" Qualcomm general counsel Don Rosenberg said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Qualcomm said it will appeal the decision, suggesting the case could still take a few years to resolve. Swift said that means there will likely be no big price drops overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If and when the decision goes into effect, it's not clear what company could immediately step in to compete against Qualcomm in the smartphone chip market, especially in the 5G space.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Apple and Qualcomm Settle\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last month, \u003ca href=\"https://mlexmarketinsight.com/insights-center/editors-picks/antitrust/north-america/qualcomm-apple-settlement-a-win-for-both-companies-less-so-for-the-ftc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a separate lawsuit\u003c/a> over some of the technology that enables iPhones to connect to the internet was settled between Apple and Qualcomm — with Apple agreeing to pay Qualcomm an undisclosed amount and to continue buying Qualcomm's chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement \"took the air out of the room for other chipmakers,\" said Swift, because of the market share that iPhones enjoy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last few years, Intel had been providing 3G and 4G chips to Apple, but immediately after the settlement announced it would not enter the 5G market — leaving just Qualcomm in the burgeoning 5G space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Tuesday's antitrust decision, Swift spoke with Intel, but said the company would not comment on whether it will change its decision regarding making 5G chips. Swift said that other companies that could potentially compete with Qualcomm include Samsung, MediaTek and a few large China-based companies, such as Huawei.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Qualcomm has justified its pricing system as a way to recoup the $40 billion it spent over several decades developing wireless technology now essential to smartphones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koh's decision could have geopolitical ramifications: If Qualcomm suffers a hit to its profitability, it could mean less spending on research and development at a time when the U.S. is racing China to update to 5G.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Trump administration views Qualcomm as almost the crown jewel for the U.S. in terms of U.S. technology development. Similar to the way China views Huawei,\" said Angelo Zino, an analyst with research firm Center for Financial Research and Analysis. \"It will be interesting to see if this gets revisited.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration's attitude can be seen in a case from last year, when it blocked Singapore company Broadcom from buying Qualcomm over concerns about national security and who would dominate 5G technology. Earlier this week, an administration ban on doing business with Huawei also led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11748486/after-trump-ban-huawei-phones-will-lose-access-to-google-software\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Google ending the licensing of its Android operating system to the Chinese phone company\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Additional reporting by Tali Arbel and Michael Liedtke, Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full 233-page decision:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ciframe\n class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\"\n src=\"//www.scribd.com/embeds/411066615/content?start_page=1&view_mode=&access_key=key-ovi3zyl5VbxSPaSmebyc\"\n title=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/411066615\"\n data-auto-height=\"true\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"scribd_411066615\"\n width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n \u003ca class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__scribdShortcode__scribd_footer\"\n href=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/411066615\"\n target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">View this document on Scribd\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Dave Chappelle, W. Kamau Bell Rally in S.F. to Save Punch Line Comedy Club",
"title": "Dave Chappelle, W. Kamau Bell Rally in S.F. to Save Punch Line Comedy Club",
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"content": "\u003cp>A group of comedians — including Dave Chappelle and W. Kamau Bell — joined several San Francisco supervisors on the steps of City Hall Tuesday morning for a rally to save the legendary \u003ca href=\"http://www.punchlinecomedyclub.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Punch Line comedy club\u003c/a>.[pullquote align='right' citation='W. Kamau Bell']'If you let the Punch Line go, it's basically a wrap on San Francisco.'[/pullquote]Earlier this month, Punch Line tweeted that \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/punchlinesf/status/1125960660154585089\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the club is facing closure\u003c/a> in August \"after being unable to renew our lease\" at the 444 Battery Street location that has been their home since 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Any historic comedian will tell you, 'The Punch Line is not just a San Francisco phenomenon, it really is like an American phenomenon.' It's one of the premiere comedy clubs in all the country,\" comedian Dave Chappelle told a crowd of about 50 people. \"When I quit my show that room became like a home to me.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me personally, it’s like a cultural epicenter of the city,\" Chappelle told KQED. \"Every comedy community needs a place like the Punch Line. It’s really sacred ground, it really is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/wkamaubell/status/1130911460077400064\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Punch Line is currently operated by Live Nation and the building is owned by a subsidiary of Morgan Stanley. Speakers at the rally were quick to point out that it is not a situation of a cash-strapped small business being pushed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’re here to tell the story of a group of scrappy Postmates drivers with no health insurance who are also comedians trying to save a club that's owned by a big corporation from displacement by an even bigger corporation,\" said comedian and rally organizer Nato Green. \"Thats the story of San Francisco in 2019.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speculation has grown that the building owners are likely to lease the space to Google once Punch Line's lease ends in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’re losing the culture of the city and this is one of the things that defines San Francisco. If you let the Punch Line go, it's basically a wrap on San Francisco,\" said W. Kamau Bell, Bay Area comedian and host of CNN's \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/shows/united-shades-of-america\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">United Shades of America\u003c/a>.\" Bell was a staple at the club early in his career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don’t know what the city can do, but if they can do something they’d be saving, literally, what I consider a historical landmark,\" Chappelle said. \"For American culture, it’s one of the most important rooms in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Aaron Peskin announced a series of steps he is taking to attempt to save Punch Line. The first step, taken last Friday, was nominating the club as a legacy business, which would bring financial benefits to Live Nation. Secondly, Peskin — along with Supervisors Hillary Ronen, Sandra Lee Fewer and Ahsha Safaí — plan to introduce an \"interim zoning moratorium\" at the June 4 Board of Supervisors meeting that would prevent the building from being rezoned to any use other than entertainment purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/HillaryRonen/status/1130930237066190848\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, Peskin said the city is \"trying to have reasonable conversations with Morgan Stanley\" and that they'd \"like to do this with honey and not vinegar.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without adding any specific details, Peskin also pleaded directly to the much-speculated future tenant of the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want to say to Google: 'Really, really do no evil.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For rally organizer Green and his fellow comedians, the importance of saving Punch Line is obvious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need the Punch Line to have a local comedy scene,\" Green said. \"The Punch Line has been a birthplace for comedians for generations, for 40 years, generation after generation ... Without the Punch Line you don’t get Kamau, you don’t get Patton Oswalt or Ali Wong or Margaret Cho.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/katewolffe/status/1130911132879806464\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>KQED’s Kate Wolffe contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A group of comedians — including Dave Chappelle and W. Kamau Bell — joined several San Francisco supervisors on the steps of City Hall Tuesday morning for a rally to save the legendary \u003ca href=\"http://www.punchlinecomedyclub.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Punch Line comedy club\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Earlier this month, Punch Line tweeted that \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/punchlinesf/status/1125960660154585089\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the club is facing closure\u003c/a> in August \"after being unable to renew our lease\" at the 444 Battery Street location that has been their home since 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Any historic comedian will tell you, 'The Punch Line is not just a San Francisco phenomenon, it really is like an American phenomenon.' It's one of the premiere comedy clubs in all the country,\" comedian Dave Chappelle told a crowd of about 50 people. \"When I quit my show that room became like a home to me.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me personally, it’s like a cultural epicenter of the city,\" Chappelle told KQED. \"Every comedy community needs a place like the Punch Line. It’s really sacred ground, it really is.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Punch Line is currently operated by Live Nation and the building is owned by a subsidiary of Morgan Stanley. Speakers at the rally were quick to point out that it is not a situation of a cash-strapped small business being pushed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’re here to tell the story of a group of scrappy Postmates drivers with no health insurance who are also comedians trying to save a club that's owned by a big corporation from displacement by an even bigger corporation,\" said comedian and rally organizer Nato Green. \"Thats the story of San Francisco in 2019.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speculation has grown that the building owners are likely to lease the space to Google once Punch Line's lease ends in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’re losing the culture of the city and this is one of the things that defines San Francisco. If you let the Punch Line go, it's basically a wrap on San Francisco,\" said W. Kamau Bell, Bay Area comedian and host of CNN's \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/shows/united-shades-of-america\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">United Shades of America\u003c/a>.\" Bell was a staple at the club early in his career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don’t know what the city can do, but if they can do something they’d be saving, literally, what I consider a historical landmark,\" Chappelle said. \"For American culture, it’s one of the most important rooms in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Aaron Peskin announced a series of steps he is taking to attempt to save Punch Line. The first step, taken last Friday, was nominating the club as a legacy business, which would bring financial benefits to Live Nation. Secondly, Peskin — along with Supervisors Hillary Ronen, Sandra Lee Fewer and Ahsha Safaí — plan to introduce an \"interim zoning moratorium\" at the June 4 Board of Supervisors meeting that would prevent the building from being rezoned to any use other than entertainment purposes.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Lastly, Peskin said the city is \"trying to have reasonable conversations with Morgan Stanley\" and that they'd \"like to do this with honey and not vinegar.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without adding any specific details, Peskin also pleaded directly to the much-speculated future tenant of the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want to say to Google: 'Really, really do no evil.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For rally organizer Green and his fellow comedians, the importance of saving Punch Line is obvious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need the Punch Line to have a local comedy scene,\" Green said. \"The Punch Line has been a birthplace for comedians for generations, for 40 years, generation after generation ... Without the Punch Line you don’t get Kamau, you don’t get Patton Oswalt or Ali Wong or Margaret Cho.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>KQED’s Kate Wolffe contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris on Monday released a plan as part of her 2020 presidential bid that would require employers to show they are not paying women less than men for similar work, and would fine those that are, a senior campaign official said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Democrat’s plan would change how challenges to pay discrimination are administered by placing the burden on companies rather than employees, who often face costly lawsuits in taking on their employers, the official said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://kamalaharris.org/equalpay/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harris’ plan\u003c/a> would require large companies to report — among other information — the overall pay and total compensation gap that exists between men and women, and to get an “Equal Pay Certification” from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which would post compliance reports on its website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Paul Grossman, California Employment Law Council']‘Raw data on jobs rarely has relevance to whether or not there is pay discrimination … there are so many factors that go into determining pay.’[/pullquote]To get certified, companies would have to align their pay policies with best practices, including allowing employees to discuss their pay and banning the practice of asking potential hires about prior salary history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Businesses that don’t get the EEOC certification would be fined 1% of their average daily profits during the last fiscal year for every 1% wage gap. Those fines would help fund family and medical leave, which Harris’ campaign said was a significant driver of the pay gap, calling it a “wage penalty” that women pay when caring for a new child or a sick parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Generally, it is difficult for individual employees to even know when there’s been a wage gap, even know when they’ve been discriminated against,” said Vasu Reddy, senior policy counsel for workplace programs at the National Partnership for Women & Families (NPWF). “That information is not freely available and many companies have secrecy policies in place that punish workers or prohibit them from discussing their pay with their coworkers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='equal-pay' label='Equal Pay in California']“Taking some of the burden off of employees means that you are able to proactively prevent those gaps as opposed to relying on employees who may or may not have all the information, who may or may not have the resources to pursue a claim, who may be afraid of retaliation to pursue a claim — and should hopefully make it easier for those gaps to get revealed,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all are sold on Harris’ plan: Paul Grossman, general counsel for the \u003ca href=\"http://caemploymentlaw.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Employment Law Council\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit made up of about 70 of the state’s largest employers, said “it’s just not that simplistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Raw data on jobs rarely has relevance to whether or not there is pay discrimination,” said \u003ca href=\"http://www.paulhastings.com/professionals/details/paulgrossman\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Grossman\u003c/a>, co-author of “Employment Discrimination Law,” noting that multiple objective and subjective factors go into determining pay. “When you drill down, sometimes there is discrimination and sometimes there isn’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of our members share the Senator’s commitment” to equal pay, he added. “The proposal is just too simplistic and would lead to conclusions that are inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Vasu Reddy, National Partnership for Women & Families']‘It is difficult for individual employees to even know when there’s been a wage gap, even know when they’ve been discriminated against.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another critic, Anastasia Boden, a Sacramento-based lawyer with the conservative leaning \u003ca href=\"https://pacificlegal.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Pacific Legal Foundation\u003c/a>, said Harris’ plan is “misguided” and would place a “hefty” burden on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to drive up the cost of doing business, largely as a boon to plaintiffs’ lawyers,” Boden said. “Businesses are going to balk at it because it may paint them in a light that’s not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, women employed full time and year-round are \u003ca href=\"http://www.nationalpartnership.org/our-work/resources/workplace/fair-pay/americas-women-and-the-wage-gap.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">paid $0.80 for every dollar paid to men\u003c/a>, according to the NPWF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, women are paid from $0.41 to $0.80 for every $1 paid to a white man — a wide range that varies by race — despite efforts by lawmakers to bridge that gap, including a series of recent amendments to the state’s Equal Pay Act. The total annual wage losses for California women amount to more than $87 billion a year, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.nationalpartnership.org/our-work/workplace/wage-gap/the-wage-gap-in-california.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPWF\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11737305\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11737305\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-800x890.jpg\" alt=\"Those gaps amount to yearly lost earnings in the thousands of dollars for women: $44,500 for Latinas, $39,000 for Native Americans, $31,000 for blacks, $21,500 for Asian Americans, and $15,100 for white, non-Hispanics. Data analysis by the National Partnership for Women & Families using U.S. Census data from 2017 and 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"890\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-800x890.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-160x178.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-1020x1135.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-1079x1200.jpg 1079w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-1920x2136.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut.jpg 1841w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Analysis by the National Partnership for Women & Families using U.S. Census data from 2017 and 2018. \u003ccite>(Elena Lacey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Harris is one of more than 20 people running for the Democratic nomination for president. Other candidates have \u003ca href=\"http://time.com/5562209/equal-pay-day-2020-candidates/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">made the gender pay gap\u003c/a> a part of their campaign, including Sens. Kirsten Gillibrand, Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, as well as businessman Andrew Yang and motivational speaker Marianne Williamson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Harris’ proposals also fit into efforts already being made by equal-pay advocates. That includes the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/senate-bill/270/text\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Paycheck Fairness Act,\u003c/a> introduced into the U.S. Senate this year (and co-sponsored by Harris and a number of other presidential candidates, including Sens. Cory Booker, Amy Klobuchar, Gillibrand, Sanders and Warren), said Reddy of NPWF. The legislation would authorize the EEOC to collect compensation data and would prohibit asking about salary history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Reddy said she hadn’t seen proposals like Harris’ corporate accountability one, she said some states have taken a more preventive approach: Minnesota and New Jersey have laws requiring employers to collect gender wage-gap data, and some states have considered bills requiring any company bidding on a public contract to first obtain an equal pay certificate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Transparency about wages is a really important piece of fighting for equal pay because it can help the people who are enforcing equal pay laws identify where the most problematic industries are, where the most problematic job categories might be coming up, and really understand how to target their enforcement,” Reddy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Got a news tip or comment? Email the reporter: mleitsinger@kqed.org. You can also reach her on the encrypted communications app, Signal: 650-888-2765.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Taking some of the burden off of employees means that you are able to proactively prevent those gaps as opposed to relying on employees who may or may not have all the information, who may or may not have the resources to pursue a claim, who may be afraid of retaliation to pursue a claim — and should hopefully make it easier for those gaps to get revealed,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all are sold on Harris’ plan: Paul Grossman, general counsel for the \u003ca href=\"http://caemploymentlaw.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Employment Law Council\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit made up of about 70 of the state’s largest employers, said “it’s just not that simplistic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Raw data on jobs rarely has relevance to whether or not there is pay discrimination,” said \u003ca href=\"http://www.paulhastings.com/professionals/details/paulgrossman\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Grossman\u003c/a>, co-author of “Employment Discrimination Law,” noting that multiple objective and subjective factors go into determining pay. “When you drill down, sometimes there is discrimination and sometimes there isn’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of our members share the Senator’s commitment” to equal pay, he added. “The proposal is just too simplistic and would lead to conclusions that are inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another critic, Anastasia Boden, a Sacramento-based lawyer with the conservative leaning \u003ca href=\"https://pacificlegal.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Pacific Legal Foundation\u003c/a>, said Harris’ plan is “misguided” and would place a “hefty” burden on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to drive up the cost of doing business, largely as a boon to plaintiffs’ lawyers,” Boden said. “Businesses are going to balk at it because it may paint them in a light that’s not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, women employed full time and year-round are \u003ca href=\"http://www.nationalpartnership.org/our-work/resources/workplace/fair-pay/americas-women-and-the-wage-gap.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">paid $0.80 for every dollar paid to men\u003c/a>, according to the NPWF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, women are paid from $0.41 to $0.80 for every $1 paid to a white man — a wide range that varies by race — despite efforts by lawmakers to bridge that gap, including a series of recent amendments to the state’s Equal Pay Act. The total annual wage losses for California women amount to more than $87 billion a year, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.nationalpartnership.org/our-work/workplace/wage-gap/the-wage-gap-in-california.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPWF\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11737305\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11737305\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-800x890.jpg\" alt=\"Those gaps amount to yearly lost earnings in the thousands of dollars for women: $44,500 for Latinas, $39,000 for Native Americans, $31,000 for blacks, $21,500 for Asian Americans, and $15,100 for white, non-Hispanics. Data analysis by the National Partnership for Women & Families using U.S. Census data from 2017 and 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"890\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-800x890.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-160x178.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-1020x1135.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-1079x1200.jpg 1079w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut-1920x2136.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/04022019_graphic_pay-gap-equal-pay-day-women-discrimination-qut.jpg 1841w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Analysis by the National Partnership for Women & Families using U.S. Census data from 2017 and 2018. \u003ccite>(Elena Lacey/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Harris is one of more than 20 people running for the Democratic nomination for president. Other candidates have \u003ca href=\"http://time.com/5562209/equal-pay-day-2020-candidates/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">made the gender pay gap\u003c/a> a part of their campaign, including Sens. Kirsten Gillibrand, Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, as well as businessman Andrew Yang and motivational speaker Marianne Williamson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of Harris’ proposals also fit into efforts already being made by equal-pay advocates. That includes the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/senate-bill/270/text\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Paycheck Fairness Act,\u003c/a> introduced into the U.S. Senate this year (and co-sponsored by Harris and a number of other presidential candidates, including Sens. Cory Booker, Amy Klobuchar, Gillibrand, Sanders and Warren), said Reddy of NPWF. The legislation would authorize the EEOC to collect compensation data and would prohibit asking about salary history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Reddy said she hadn’t seen proposals like Harris’ corporate accountability one, she said some states have taken a more preventive approach: Minnesota and New Jersey have laws requiring employers to collect gender wage-gap data, and some states have considered bills requiring any company bidding on a public contract to first obtain an equal pay certificate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Transparency about wages is a really important piece of fighting for equal pay because it can help the people who are enforcing equal pay laws identify where the most problematic industries are, where the most problematic job categories might be coming up, and really understand how to target their enforcement,” Reddy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Got a news tip or comment? Email the reporter: mleitsinger@kqed.org. You can also reach her on the encrypted communications app, Signal: 650-888-2765.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "State Officials: High Gas Prices Could Be Due to Refinery Problems — and Market Manipulation",
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"content": "\u003cp>Refinery outages and potential market manipulation could be to blame for California's high gas prices, according to the California Energy Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission's analysis comes after Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101870725/governor-seeks-answers-as-california-gas-prices-pass-4-per-gallon\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">asked the state agency in April\u003c/a> to investigate what he called an \"unaccounted-for price differential\" in the state. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6015287-Letter-to-Governor-Newsom-Regardin-Gas-Prices.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">memo to Newsom on Wednesday\u003c/a>, Energy Commission Chair David Hochschild said California gas prices have been higher than the national average since 2015, and \"most recently, that difference has soared to more than a dollar.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=”right” citation=\"Consumer Watchdog President Jamie Court\"]'Oil companies should not be able to use this state like an ATM anymore. It's time to reverse the cash flow.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6015285-CEC-MEMO-Gasoline-Price-Final-05-15-2019.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">agency's analysis\u003c/a>, the phenomenon can roughly be traced to early 2015, when an \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-exxon-mobil-refinery-20170502-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">explosion at Exxon Mobil's Torrance refinery\u003c/a> prompted state officials to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-exxon-mobil-refinery-explosion-20150813-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">order the company\u003c/a> to shut down the refinery until it could demonstrate safe operation. While the ensuing outage at that refinery only lasted about a year and a half, the commission said spiking prices at the pump in California \"remained well after the restoration of normal operations at Torrance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2015, the analysis found — after accounting for the state's additional taxes and other program costs — that price increases have ranged between 17 cents and 24 cents per gallon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission said those price increases may be due, in part, to some oil companies charging more than others for the same product. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While this practice is not necessarily illegal,\" the report says, \"it may be an effort of a segment of the market to artificially inflate prices to the detriment of California consumers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis found a number of other reasons for the continued differences between California prices and the U.S. average, including crude oil prices and other recent refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full analysis:\u003cbr>\n[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6015285-CEC-MEMO-Gasoline-Price-Final-05-15-2019.html\" responsive=true height=800]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11735475/california-gas-prices-expected-to-spike-in-wake-of-shutdown-at-valeros-benicia-refinery\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED reported\u003c/a> that a recent shutdown of Valero's Benicia refinery may have contributed to increasing prices at the pump in California this year. Valero \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11745576/valero-restarts-benicia-refinery-helping-to-slow-statewide-gas-price-hike\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">began restarting\u003c/a> operations at the facility earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates are applauding the Energy Commission's analysis and Newsom's call for the investigation. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerwatchdog.org/energy/consumer-watchdog-applauds-governor-newsoms-energy-commission-report-taking-gas-price\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statement\u003c/a>, the advocacy group Consumer Watchdog said they have issued a series of reports since 2015 finding that oil companies may be manipulating the market in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Governor Newsom's Energy Commission has finally acknowledged that the extra dollar we pay at the pump is likely highway robbery because it's not justified by production costs,\" said Consumer Watchdog President Jamie Court in the statement. \"At last we have a real investigation into the Golden State Gouge.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his letter to Newsom, Energy Commission Chair Hochschild proposed spending another five months further examining the causes of skyrocketing gas prices. Consumer Watchdog is asking Newsom and the state Legislature to take action against oil companies before that full investigation is complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Californians need relief now,\" Court said. \"Oil companies should not be able to use this state like an ATM anymore. It's time to reverse the cash flow.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Refinery outages and potential market manipulation could be to blame for California's high gas prices, according to the California Energy Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission's analysis comes after Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101870725/governor-seeks-answers-as-california-gas-prices-pass-4-per-gallon\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">asked the state agency in April\u003c/a> to investigate what he called an \"unaccounted-for price differential\" in the state. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6015287-Letter-to-Governor-Newsom-Regardin-Gas-Prices.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">memo to Newsom on Wednesday\u003c/a>, Energy Commission Chair David Hochschild said California gas prices have been higher than the national average since 2015, and \"most recently, that difference has soared to more than a dollar.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6015285-CEC-MEMO-Gasoline-Price-Final-05-15-2019.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">agency's analysis\u003c/a>, the phenomenon can roughly be traced to early 2015, when an \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-exxon-mobil-refinery-20170502-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">explosion at Exxon Mobil's Torrance refinery\u003c/a> prompted state officials to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-exxon-mobil-refinery-explosion-20150813-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">order the company\u003c/a> to shut down the refinery until it could demonstrate safe operation. While the ensuing outage at that refinery only lasted about a year and a half, the commission said spiking prices at the pump in California \"remained well after the restoration of normal operations at Torrance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2015, the analysis found — after accounting for the state's additional taxes and other program costs — that price increases have ranged between 17 cents and 24 cents per gallon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission said those price increases may be due, in part, to some oil companies charging more than others for the same product. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While this practice is not necessarily illegal,\" the report says, \"it may be an effort of a segment of the market to artificially inflate prices to the detriment of California consumers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis found a number of other reasons for the continued differences between California prices and the U.S. average, including crude oil prices and other recent refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full analysis:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11735475/california-gas-prices-expected-to-spike-in-wake-of-shutdown-at-valeros-benicia-refinery\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED reported\u003c/a> that a recent shutdown of Valero's Benicia refinery may have contributed to increasing prices at the pump in California this year. Valero \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11745576/valero-restarts-benicia-refinery-helping-to-slow-statewide-gas-price-hike\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">began restarting\u003c/a> operations at the facility earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates are applauding the Energy Commission's analysis and Newsom's call for the investigation. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerwatchdog.org/energy/consumer-watchdog-applauds-governor-newsoms-energy-commission-report-taking-gas-price\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">statement\u003c/a>, the advocacy group Consumer Watchdog said they have issued a series of reports since 2015 finding that oil companies may be manipulating the market in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Governor Newsom's Energy Commission has finally acknowledged that the extra dollar we pay at the pump is likely highway robbery because it's not justified by production costs,\" said Consumer Watchdog President Jamie Court in the statement. \"At last we have a real investigation into the Golden State Gouge.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his letter to Newsom, Energy Commission Chair Hochschild proposed spending another five months further examining the causes of skyrocketing gas prices. Consumer Watchdog is asking Newsom and the state Legislature to take action against oil companies before that full investigation is complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Californians need relief now,\" Court said. \"Oil companies should not be able to use this state like an ATM anymore. It's time to reverse the cash flow.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-more-californians-borrow-at-skyrocketing-interest-rates-will-state-crack-down-on-predatory-lending",
"title": "As More Californians Borrow at Skyrocketing Interest Rates, Will State Crack Down on 'Predatory Lending'?",
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"headTitle": "As More Californians Borrow at Skyrocketing Interest Rates, Will State Crack Down on ‘Predatory Lending’? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Elishia Benson already knew that a loan with a high interest rate could wreak havoc on her bank account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had borrowed before, including from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/predatory-payday-lending-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">payday lenders\u003c/a>, which can legally only offer a maximum of $255. But four years ago, she felt like she was out of options.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘People don’t realize how disastrous it’s going to be. Most people are not that great at math.’\u003ccite>Maeve Elise Brown, executive director of Housing and Economic Rights Advocates\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>A self-described “autism” mom in Chula Vista, she didn’t have a job. What she did have: lots of debt, rent, car payments and utility bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So she went online and found Wilshire Consumer Credit — a company willing to loan her $2,510. Under the terms of the loan, Benson would pay $244 every month for three years or surrender her 2003 Ford Explorer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a daughter, a young child. I just wanted to make sure we were good,” she said. “I wasn’t really focused on the interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The annual rate on her loan: 112%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in 38 other states, charging a triple-digit interest rate on many consumer loans is legal in California. In the state’s rapidly growing market for “subprime” consumer credit, loan terms like what Benson enouraged are increasingly common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to data the lending industry reported to state regulators, “small-dollar,” high-cost credit — loans of less than $10,000 with rates of over 100% — have swelled between 2009 and 2017, from 4% of the non-bank consumer lending market to nearly one-third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benson recalled making her payments on time for the first year and a half, cutting other expenses and repaying over $4,000, before deciding she “couldn’t do it anymore.” She went to the Legal Aid Society of San Diego, which said it identified a mistake on the loan agreement: Wilshire Consumer Credit had allegedly failed to disclose a $15 fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawyer for Westlake Financial Services, which controls Wilshire Consumer Credit, declined to confirm Benson’s account, saying settlement terms are confidential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benson said she got out from under her loan on a technicality, but most borrowers cannot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High-cost lenders argue that their rates reflect the risk of lending to the state’s poorest borrowers — consumers often rejected by traditional banks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not pricing these products because we feel like it,” said Mary Jackson, CEO of the Online Lenders Alliance, a trade group. “We have to balance out the risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But consumer advocates say that these lenders, which sometimes set rates exceeding 200%, profit off of borrowers’ desperation or lack of financial sophistication, and often make a bad situation worse. Now they’re backing a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB539\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bill\u003c/a> by Assemblywoman Monique Limón, a Santa Barbara Democrat, that would set an interest-rate cap of roughly 38% for consumer loans between $2,500 and $10,000. With annual fees, the maximum cost could be as high as 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/rV3DdTNjm6xd3wQmVCu4?src=embed\" title=\"Plus100\" width=\"550\" height=\"1430\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents say the cap would push lenders out of the market, forcing borrowers to turn to illegal lenders — or to forgo credit entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some consumer groups say there are worse things than being unable to borrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Access to credit is only a good thing when it’s affordable, sustainable credit, not credit that is going to ruin your life,” said Lauren Saunders from the National Consumer Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the Great Recession, the business of extending pricey credit to the state’s poorest borrowers has been booming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2009, lenders regulated by the California Financing Law, which include all non-bank creditors except payday lenders, doled out $26 million in small loans with triple-digit interest rates. In less than a decade, that total skyrocketed to over $1 billion — a 40-fold increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these high-cost lenders demand cars as collateral. Others specialize in unsecured installment loans, handing out cash, and making up the difference with higher rates and aggressive collections practices. Virtually all recent growth in this market has been in the $2,500 to $5,000 range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That isn’t an accident, but a response to California’s patchwork regulatory system, which puts tight price caps on certain loans while leaving rates on others unregulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under state law, ultra short-term payday loans can carry annualized interest costs of 450%, but they cannot exceed $255. Larger loans are subject to a cap of around 30% — but only up to $2,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For increments above that, there’s no legal limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s sort of an artificial boundary in California where a lot of the lenders have an incentive to operate right around that $2,500 mark,” said Nick Bourke, a consumer finance researcher at Pew Charitable Trusts. It also gives lenders a reason to \u003ca href=\"http://www.dbo.ca.gov/Press/press_releases/2015/CashCall%20Restitution%20Announcement%2011-18-15.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">convince\u003c/a> those who “might be more interested in taking a $1,000 loan” to borrow more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauren Muntasir, a single grandmother from the East Bay city of Richmond, said she only needed an extra $1,000 when her car transmission died last spring. When she turned to LoanMe, one of the largest high-cost consumer lenders in the state, she said they told her the minimum was just over $2,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State \u003ca href=\"http://www.dbo.ca.gov/Press/press_releases/2018/CFL%20Triple-Digit%20APR%20Leaders%202017.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> shows that 99.7% of LoanMe’s loans between $2,500 and $9,999 carried triple-digit annual percentage rates in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related\" tag=\"payday-lending\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muntasir took it anyway: “You can’t look at no hungry baby,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While lenders attribute the rise of these loans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/projects/la-fi-reddam-cashcall-loanme/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">innovation\u003c/a>, critics say it resulted from regulators under the Obama administration turning against payday lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The increased scrutiny and limitations placed by federal agencies has encouraged the industry to look more toward installment lending,” said Quyen Truong, former assistant director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. The Trump administration is now attempting to reverse some of those limitations, even as progressives in Congress \u003ca href=\"https://theintercept.com/2019/05/09/alexandria-ocasio-cortez-bernie-sanders-bank-legislation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">push\u003c/a> for tighter rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maeve Elise Brown, executive director of Housing and Economic Rights Advocates, a legal-aid provider in Oakland, has seen a four-year increase in the number of clients staggering under larger-than-needed loans with triple-digit interest rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t realize how disastrous it’s going to be,” she said. “Most people are not that great at math.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry’s argument: If someone decides to take out a particular loan, the state shouldn’t get in the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a misunderstanding of who the average borrower is,” said Roger Salazar, spokesman for Californians for Credit Access, a coalition of small-loan lenders. “They’re working folks who are smart and understand what the product is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a state Assembly committee hearing last month, some borrowers spoke against Limón’s bill, arguing that high-cost loans, though expensive, helped them weather difficult financial times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other borrowers report being stunned by the steep cost of their loans. Muntasir from Richmond said that she cried when she realized the total amount she would be expected to pay (she eventually defaulted). Even for those who understand the terms, the math of compound interest can be deceiving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Garcia, a 35-year-old single mother from South Gate in southeast Los Angeles, recalls the feeling of throwing hundreds of dollars, month after month, at a problem that never quite seemed to get smaller. She called it a “nightmare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia, who now works as a medical assistant at Kaiser Permanente, said she was unemployed when she took out her car title loan. She had six kids. Gas prices were high. Christmas was coming. Credit seemed like the only option — and it was ubiquitous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everywhere you drive you see these freaking signs: ‘Get a loan,’ ‘Get a loan,’ ‘Get a loan,” she said. “It sounds great. It sounds like, ‘well, shoot, if they’re willing to help me, why not?’ But no. It’s not. They’re not helping you at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Garcia borrowed $3,200 from LoanMart. She remembers sitting in her kitchen one morning when she heard the sound of jangling chains on the street. She said she raced outside to grab her toddler’s car seat before her Chevy Suburban was towed away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia said she remembers spending hundreds each month, but doesn’t recall the loan’s exact percentage rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/229fba0d-20d2-42cb-a048-aea188605ca3?src=embed\" title=\"Where the money goes\" width=\"550\" height=\"1633\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not uncommon, said Rosie Papazian, who manages the personal finance program at New Economics for Women, a Los Angeles non-profit. Many clients are reluctant to dig into the details of their own financial situation, either out of shame or a lack of understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They think, ‘Gosh, it’s been three years and I’m still paying off this loan and I don’t really know why.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third of high-cost loans end in default, according to one legislative analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates say there would be fewer defaults — which can trash a borrower’s credit score even as collections agencies continue to seek repayment — if only lenders offered lower rates. Lenders counter that so many of their borrowers fail to pay back the loans because they are, by definition, in dire financial straits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to run a lending operation that has a high number of defaults,” said Salazar. But “it’s a risky customer base,” she noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if roughly 40% of customers are defaulting — as is the case with CashCall, according to court \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.204763.170.0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">documents\u003c/a> from an ongoing class-action lawsuit against the lender — the remaining 60% are using the product “effectively,” said Jackson of the Online Lenders Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that the proposed rate cap would make it impossible for her members to lend to the most financially desperate customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People find ways to work around some prohibition. Look at what happened when we banned alcohol,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One 2016 \u003ca href=\"https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/686033\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> found that states where payday loan restrictions went into effect saw a 60 percent increase in pawnshop loans, which are typically more expensive. Another \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1032621\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> found more bounced checks, more complaints of abusive lending, more bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatiana Homonoff, a New York University professor and an author of the 2016 study, said the response to a bill like Limón’s could be different, since payday loans are smaller and have a wider array of substitutes. But it’s important to think through the consequences, she said: “When these loans aren’t available, what do people do instead?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how state Sen. Ben Hueso, a moderate Democrat from San Diego County who opposes a rate cap, framed the dilemma:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What do I prefer?” he said. “That we have people that are defaulting on loans? Or people that are getting their knees broken?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone agrees that lenders need to charge triple-digit interest rates to serve low-income borrowers. That includes some lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Limón’s bill were to become law “collectively we will be able to serve those consumers,” said Ezra Garrett, a vice president at Oportun, one of the more than a dozen lenders in California who offer consumer loans between $300 and $2,500, subjecting themselves to the state’s tight-interest caps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But high-cost lenders argue the Oportuns of the state would not be able to profitably serve the state’s riskiest borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, two state rate-cap bills \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/predatory-payday-lending-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failed\u003c/a> — stymied by a coalition of Republicans and business-friendly Democrats. But the political climate has shifted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last August, the state Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/2018/s241434.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">raised\u003c/a> new questions about the legality of high-cost loans — without specifying what interest threshold would be too much. There’s also some anxiety over a potential ballot fight, which Garrett called the “sledgehammer approach.” The prospect of unending litigation or voter-imposed mandates has pushed more lenders, including OneMain Financial and Lendmark Financial Services, to back Limón’s bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first quarter of this year, lenders opposed to the bill have outspent those in favor on lobbying by more than 3-to-1. But for now, the political odds may have tilted in the bill’s favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon has called such loans “salt water in the desert —a thirsty person will drink it, but they will not be better off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With so much support in the Assembly, lobbyists on both sides are preparing for the real fight in the Senate, where moderate Democrats skeptical of the proposal are well represented in the Banking and Finance Committee. Tom Dresslar, a retired deputy commissioner at the Department of Business Oversight, called that committee “the industry’s last best hope to preserve this system of exploitation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Loans of less than $10,000 with rates of over 100% have swelled dramatically in California. Pending state legislation would set a much lower cap.\r\n",
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"title": "As More Californians Borrow at Skyrocketing Interest Rates, Will State Crack Down on 'Predatory Lending'? | KQED",
"description": "Loans of less than $10,000 with rates of over 100% have swelled dramatically in California. Pending state legislation would set a much lower cap.\r\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/ben-christopher/\" target=\"_blank\">Ben Christopher\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Elishia Benson already knew that a loan with a high interest rate could wreak havoc on her bank account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had borrowed before, including from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/predatory-payday-lending-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">payday lenders\u003c/a>, which can legally only offer a maximum of $255. But four years ago, she felt like she was out of options.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘People don’t realize how disastrous it’s going to be. Most people are not that great at math.’\u003ccite>Maeve Elise Brown, executive director of Housing and Economic Rights Advocates\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>A self-described “autism” mom in Chula Vista, she didn’t have a job. What she did have: lots of debt, rent, car payments and utility bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So she went online and found Wilshire Consumer Credit — a company willing to loan her $2,510. Under the terms of the loan, Benson would pay $244 every month for three years or surrender her 2003 Ford Explorer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a daughter, a young child. I just wanted to make sure we were good,” she said. “I wasn’t really focused on the interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The annual rate on her loan: 112%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in 38 other states, charging a triple-digit interest rate on many consumer loans is legal in California. In the state’s rapidly growing market for “subprime” consumer credit, loan terms like what Benson enouraged are increasingly common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to data the lending industry reported to state regulators, “small-dollar,” high-cost credit — loans of less than $10,000 with rates of over 100% — have swelled between 2009 and 2017, from 4% of the non-bank consumer lending market to nearly one-third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benson recalled making her payments on time for the first year and a half, cutting other expenses and repaying over $4,000, before deciding she “couldn’t do it anymore.” She went to the Legal Aid Society of San Diego, which said it identified a mistake on the loan agreement: Wilshire Consumer Credit had allegedly failed to disclose a $15 fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawyer for Westlake Financial Services, which controls Wilshire Consumer Credit, declined to confirm Benson’s account, saying settlement terms are confidential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benson said she got out from under her loan on a technicality, but most borrowers cannot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High-cost lenders argue that their rates reflect the risk of lending to the state’s poorest borrowers — consumers often rejected by traditional banks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not pricing these products because we feel like it,” said Mary Jackson, CEO of the Online Lenders Alliance, a trade group. “We have to balance out the risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But consumer advocates say that these lenders, which sometimes set rates exceeding 200%, profit off of borrowers’ desperation or lack of financial sophistication, and often make a bad situation worse. Now they’re backing a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB539\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bill\u003c/a> by Assemblywoman Monique Limón, a Santa Barbara Democrat, that would set an interest-rate cap of roughly 38% for consumer loans between $2,500 and $10,000. With annual fees, the maximum cost could be as high as 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/rV3DdTNjm6xd3wQmVCu4?src=embed\" title=\"Plus100\" width=\"550\" height=\"1430\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents say the cap would push lenders out of the market, forcing borrowers to turn to illegal lenders — or to forgo credit entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some consumer groups say there are worse things than being unable to borrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Access to credit is only a good thing when it’s affordable, sustainable credit, not credit that is going to ruin your life,” said Lauren Saunders from the National Consumer Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the Great Recession, the business of extending pricey credit to the state’s poorest borrowers has been booming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2009, lenders regulated by the California Financing Law, which include all non-bank creditors except payday lenders, doled out $26 million in small loans with triple-digit interest rates. In less than a decade, that total skyrocketed to over $1 billion — a 40-fold increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these high-cost lenders demand cars as collateral. Others specialize in unsecured installment loans, handing out cash, and making up the difference with higher rates and aggressive collections practices. Virtually all recent growth in this market has been in the $2,500 to $5,000 range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That isn’t an accident, but a response to California’s patchwork regulatory system, which puts tight price caps on certain loans while leaving rates on others unregulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under state law, ultra short-term payday loans can carry annualized interest costs of 450%, but they cannot exceed $255. Larger loans are subject to a cap of around 30% — but only up to $2,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For increments above that, there’s no legal limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s sort of an artificial boundary in California where a lot of the lenders have an incentive to operate right around that $2,500 mark,” said Nick Bourke, a consumer finance researcher at Pew Charitable Trusts. It also gives lenders a reason to \u003ca href=\"http://www.dbo.ca.gov/Press/press_releases/2015/CashCall%20Restitution%20Announcement%2011-18-15.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">convince\u003c/a> those who “might be more interested in taking a $1,000 loan” to borrow more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauren Muntasir, a single grandmother from the East Bay city of Richmond, said she only needed an extra $1,000 when her car transmission died last spring. When she turned to LoanMe, one of the largest high-cost consumer lenders in the state, she said they told her the minimum was just over $2,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State \u003ca href=\"http://www.dbo.ca.gov/Press/press_releases/2018/CFL%20Triple-Digit%20APR%20Leaders%202017.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> shows that 99.7% of LoanMe’s loans between $2,500 and $9,999 carried triple-digit annual percentage rates in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muntasir took it anyway: “You can’t look at no hungry baby,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While lenders attribute the rise of these loans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/projects/la-fi-reddam-cashcall-loanme/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">innovation\u003c/a>, critics say it resulted from regulators under the Obama administration turning against payday lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The increased scrutiny and limitations placed by federal agencies has encouraged the industry to look more toward installment lending,” said Quyen Truong, former assistant director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. The Trump administration is now attempting to reverse some of those limitations, even as progressives in Congress \u003ca href=\"https://theintercept.com/2019/05/09/alexandria-ocasio-cortez-bernie-sanders-bank-legislation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">push\u003c/a> for tighter rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maeve Elise Brown, executive director of Housing and Economic Rights Advocates, a legal-aid provider in Oakland, has seen a four-year increase in the number of clients staggering under larger-than-needed loans with triple-digit interest rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t realize how disastrous it’s going to be,” she said. “Most people are not that great at math.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry’s argument: If someone decides to take out a particular loan, the state shouldn’t get in the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a misunderstanding of who the average borrower is,” said Roger Salazar, spokesman for Californians for Credit Access, a coalition of small-loan lenders. “They’re working folks who are smart and understand what the product is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a state Assembly committee hearing last month, some borrowers spoke against Limón’s bill, arguing that high-cost loans, though expensive, helped them weather difficult financial times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other borrowers report being stunned by the steep cost of their loans. Muntasir from Richmond said that she cried when she realized the total amount she would be expected to pay (she eventually defaulted). Even for those who understand the terms, the math of compound interest can be deceiving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Garcia, a 35-year-old single mother from South Gate in southeast Los Angeles, recalls the feeling of throwing hundreds of dollars, month after month, at a problem that never quite seemed to get smaller. She called it a “nightmare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia, who now works as a medical assistant at Kaiser Permanente, said she was unemployed when she took out her car title loan. She had six kids. Gas prices were high. Christmas was coming. Credit seemed like the only option — and it was ubiquitous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everywhere you drive you see these freaking signs: ‘Get a loan,’ ‘Get a loan,’ ‘Get a loan,” she said. “It sounds great. It sounds like, ‘well, shoot, if they’re willing to help me, why not?’ But no. It’s not. They’re not helping you at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Garcia borrowed $3,200 from LoanMart. She remembers sitting in her kitchen one morning when she heard the sound of jangling chains on the street. She said she raced outside to grab her toddler’s car seat before her Chevy Suburban was towed away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia said she remembers spending hundreds each month, but doesn’t recall the loan’s exact percentage rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/229fba0d-20d2-42cb-a048-aea188605ca3?src=embed\" title=\"Where the money goes\" width=\"550\" height=\"1633\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not uncommon, said Rosie Papazian, who manages the personal finance program at New Economics for Women, a Los Angeles non-profit. Many clients are reluctant to dig into the details of their own financial situation, either out of shame or a lack of understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They think, ‘Gosh, it’s been three years and I’m still paying off this loan and I don’t really know why.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third of high-cost loans end in default, according to one legislative analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates say there would be fewer defaults — which can trash a borrower’s credit score even as collections agencies continue to seek repayment — if only lenders offered lower rates. Lenders counter that so many of their borrowers fail to pay back the loans because they are, by definition, in dire financial straits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to run a lending operation that has a high number of defaults,” said Salazar. But “it’s a risky customer base,” she noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if roughly 40% of customers are defaulting — as is the case with CashCall, according to court \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.204763.170.0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">documents\u003c/a> from an ongoing class-action lawsuit against the lender — the remaining 60% are using the product “effectively,” said Jackson of the Online Lenders Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that the proposed rate cap would make it impossible for her members to lend to the most financially desperate customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People find ways to work around some prohibition. Look at what happened when we banned alcohol,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One 2016 \u003ca href=\"https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/686033\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> found that states where payday loan restrictions went into effect saw a 60 percent increase in pawnshop loans, which are typically more expensive. Another \u003ca href=\"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1032621\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> found more bounced checks, more complaints of abusive lending, more bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tatiana Homonoff, a New York University professor and an author of the 2016 study, said the response to a bill like Limón’s could be different, since payday loans are smaller and have a wider array of substitutes. But it’s important to think through the consequences, she said: “When these loans aren’t available, what do people do instead?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how state Sen. Ben Hueso, a moderate Democrat from San Diego County who opposes a rate cap, framed the dilemma:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What do I prefer?” he said. “That we have people that are defaulting on loans? Or people that are getting their knees broken?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone agrees that lenders need to charge triple-digit interest rates to serve low-income borrowers. That includes some lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Limón’s bill were to become law “collectively we will be able to serve those consumers,” said Ezra Garrett, a vice president at Oportun, one of the more than a dozen lenders in California who offer consumer loans between $300 and $2,500, subjecting themselves to the state’s tight-interest caps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But high-cost lenders argue the Oportuns of the state would not be able to profitably serve the state’s riskiest borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, two state rate-cap bills \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/predatory-payday-lending-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failed\u003c/a> — stymied by a coalition of Republicans and business-friendly Democrats. But the political climate has shifted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last August, the state Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/2018/s241434.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">raised\u003c/a> new questions about the legality of high-cost loans — without specifying what interest threshold would be too much. There’s also some anxiety over a potential ballot fight, which Garrett called the “sledgehammer approach.” The prospect of unending litigation or voter-imposed mandates has pushed more lenders, including OneMain Financial and Lendmark Financial Services, to back Limón’s bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first quarter of this year, lenders opposed to the bill have outspent those in favor on lobbying by more than 3-to-1. But for now, the political odds may have tilted in the bill’s favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon has called such loans “salt water in the desert —a thirsty person will drink it, but they will not be better off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With so much support in the Assembly, lobbyists on both sides are preparing for the real fight in the Senate, where moderate Democrats skeptical of the proposal are well represented in the Banking and Finance Committee. Tom Dresslar, a retired deputy commissioner at the Department of Business Oversight, called that committee “the industry’s last best hope to preserve this system of exploitation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf and Councilmember Nikki Fortunato Bas are calling for citywide incentives for restaurant owners who undergo a thorough racial equity training process, after a new report outlined the severity and impact of racial segregation in Bay Area restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11748239]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Tuesday, Restaurant Opportunities Centers United (ROC), an advocacy group for restaurant workers, released the findings of a three-year study conducted with \u003ca href=\"https://www.raceforward.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Race Forward\u003c/a>, an organization focused on racial equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, which surveyed restaurant employers, workers and consumers throughout California, documented systemic race-based occupational segregation and implicit biases in the restaurant industry that results in lower wages, benefits and working conditions for people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new report expands on a \u003ca href=\"http://www.rocunited.org/wp2015b/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/BKD_BayArea_Report_LR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2017 ROC study\u003c/a> that found the Bay Area's race-wage gap — the difference in pay between white people and minorities working in the restaurant industry — was the highest in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report attributes the high race-wage gap to the racial segregation of \"front of the house jobs\" (servers, bartenders and hosts, who directly interact with patrons) and \"back of the house jobs\" (cooks and kitchen staff who typically remain unseen by diners).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11747211\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"Solomon Smith at work on May 14 at Homeroom, an Oakland restaurant that participated in a ROC racial equity pilot program.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11747211\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-687x916.jpg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-414x552.jpg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-354x472.jpg 354w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Solomon Smith at work on May 14 at Homeroom, an Oakland restaurant that participated in a ROC racial equity pilot program. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Homeroom)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Workers of color represent over 70% of the restaurant workforce in California and those jobs are predominantly concentrated at the back of the house, in lower-wage jobs, according to the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joel Leon is a Mexican American restaurant worker living in Oakland. He says he’s applied to over 20 server positions and interviewed for around half. Despite having previous front of the house experience as an assistant manager at his previous job, Leon has not been able to land a server position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have been denied a lot of times by restaurants for server positions, and they've always offered me back of house positions, such as dishwasher or busser,” Leon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when people of color are able to find front of the house work, their wages, on average, are lower than white workers in the same position. The study found, for instance, that 51% of white bartenders and 45% of white servers earn livable wages, compared to 28% of bartenders and servers of color in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Schaaf and Councilmember Bas were on hand Tuesday to voice their desire to promote equity in the restaurant industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"With the restaurant industry being a core part of our economy, with Oakland being a food destination, I think it's really important to make sure that we're making this industry as equitable as possible,\" Bas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Now that we have data around this, as well as a toolkit, I think it's more possible to change the industry and to make it more accessible to everybody,\" Bas added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study makes several policy recommendations, including a certification process that provides tax and licensing incentives for restaurants that complete equity training. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bas and Schaaf said they hope to integrate the certification into a program aimed at lowering the race-wage gap in Oakland restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Wade is the founder of \u003ca href=\"https://homeroom510.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Homeroom\u003c/a>, a mac and cheese restaurant in Oakland, which, along with \u003ca href=\"https://altarestaurantgroup.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Alta Restaurant Group\u003c/a> in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11630445/in-the-bay-white-restaurant-workers-are-paid-more-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">underwent an intensive racial equity transformation process\u003c/a> as part of a pilot program implemented by ROC. Wade says when the program looked at Homeroom's workforce, they found a serious lack of black workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That seemed like a pretty huge issue that we wanted to correct,” Wade said. “We really want our restaurant to look like our city so that everyone who lives in our city feels like they come to Homeroom and they see themselves represented there”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With few details announced, Bas and Schaaf said their next step is to meet with ROC staff to explore how these policies can be implemented on a larger scale in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, ROC is hoping to promote similar restaurant incentives in San Francisco and San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full report:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6006993-TheHighRoad-RacialEquity-Report.html\" responsive=true height=900]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Tuesday, Restaurant Opportunities Centers United (ROC), an advocacy group for restaurant workers, released the findings of a three-year study conducted with \u003ca href=\"https://www.raceforward.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Race Forward\u003c/a>, an organization focused on racial equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, which surveyed restaurant employers, workers and consumers throughout California, documented systemic race-based occupational segregation and implicit biases in the restaurant industry that results in lower wages, benefits and working conditions for people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new report expands on a \u003ca href=\"http://www.rocunited.org/wp2015b/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/BKD_BayArea_Report_LR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2017 ROC study\u003c/a> that found the Bay Area's race-wage gap — the difference in pay between white people and minorities working in the restaurant industry — was the highest in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report attributes the high race-wage gap to the racial segregation of \"front of the house jobs\" (servers, bartenders and hosts, who directly interact with patrons) and \"back of the house jobs\" (cooks and kitchen staff who typically remain unseen by diners).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11747211\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"Solomon Smith at work on May 14 at Homeroom, an Oakland restaurant that participated in a ROC racial equity pilot program.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11747211\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-687x916.jpg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-414x552.jpg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1-354x472.jpg 354w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/homeroom_IMG_3269-1.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Solomon Smith at work on May 14 at Homeroom, an Oakland restaurant that participated in a ROC racial equity pilot program. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Homeroom)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Workers of color represent over 70% of the restaurant workforce in California and those jobs are predominantly concentrated at the back of the house, in lower-wage jobs, according to the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joel Leon is a Mexican American restaurant worker living in Oakland. He says he’s applied to over 20 server positions and interviewed for around half. Despite having previous front of the house experience as an assistant manager at his previous job, Leon has not been able to land a server position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have been denied a lot of times by restaurants for server positions, and they've always offered me back of house positions, such as dishwasher or busser,” Leon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when people of color are able to find front of the house work, their wages, on average, are lower than white workers in the same position. The study found, for instance, that 51% of white bartenders and 45% of white servers earn livable wages, compared to 28% of bartenders and servers of color in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Schaaf and Councilmember Bas were on hand Tuesday to voice their desire to promote equity in the restaurant industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"With the restaurant industry being a core part of our economy, with Oakland being a food destination, I think it's really important to make sure that we're making this industry as equitable as possible,\" Bas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Now that we have data around this, as well as a toolkit, I think it's more possible to change the industry and to make it more accessible to everybody,\" Bas added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study makes several policy recommendations, including a certification process that provides tax and licensing incentives for restaurants that complete equity training. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bas and Schaaf said they hope to integrate the certification into a program aimed at lowering the race-wage gap in Oakland restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Wade is the founder of \u003ca href=\"https://homeroom510.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Homeroom\u003c/a>, a mac and cheese restaurant in Oakland, which, along with \u003ca href=\"https://altarestaurantgroup.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Alta Restaurant Group\u003c/a> in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11630445/in-the-bay-white-restaurant-workers-are-paid-more-why\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">underwent an intensive racial equity transformation process\u003c/a> as part of a pilot program implemented by ROC. Wade says when the program looked at Homeroom's workforce, they found a serious lack of black workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That seemed like a pretty huge issue that we wanted to correct,” Wade said. “We really want our restaurant to look like our city so that everyone who lives in our city feels like they come to Homeroom and they see themselves represented there”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With few details announced, Bas and Schaaf said their next step is to meet with ROC staff to explore how these policies can be implemented on a larger scale in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, ROC is hoping to promote similar restaurant incentives in San Francisco and San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full report:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Think you pay too much in state income taxes? Well, if you made $82,643 and paid $5,000 to Sacramento, then for better or worse, you are the average California taxpayer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related\" tag=\"taxes\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Franchise Tax Board breaks down personal income tax collections and total tax liability by ZIP code. For the 2018 filing year, CALmatters took one step further: We’ve figured out, for each of those areas, what the typical tax filer made and paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two dozen neighborhoods in California where the average tax filer reported income of over $500,000. Moreover, six ZIP codes with at least 20 tax filings had average incomes topping $1 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spoiler alert: Silicon Valley’s wealthy enclaves of Atherton, Los Altos, Palo Alto and San Francisco top the list of highest contributors to California’s coffers. The Southern California beach towns of Newport Beach and Santa Monica also pulled in big numbers for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In ranking the highest and lowest contributing neighborhoods, we filtered out ZIP codes with fewer than 20 tax returns. That’s because some areas have a lot of commerce and very few returns, distorting the overall picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/fb5416e5-09bd-42c1-aaa1-fda477807e19?src=embed\" title=\"Top ZIP Codes for CA Income Taxes\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take for example, the top slot, which went to a block in Burbank that is home to The Walt Disney Studios. Ten tax returns were filed for the 91521 ZIP code, with an aggregate income of $77.3 million, which works out to an average income of $7.7 million per filer. The average tax paid? $947,200 per filer, which isn’t entirely representative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, just 10 returns came from the ZIP code encompassing the Pasadena campus of defense contractor Parsons Corp., with a total income of $16.5 million, which works out to $1.65 million per filer. The state collected $1.8 million from those 10 filers, which works out to $178,600 apiece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But among ZIP codes that are clearly residential, the 94027 area of Atherton, the affluent Silicon Valley suburb, placed first with an average income of $1.7 million. That was followed by 94023 in Los Altos with a $1.64 million average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other end, the 95229 pocket of Vallecito, known as Douglas Flat, in Calaveras County, averaged $91 in taxes paid, the lowest in the state. The sparsely populated foothills town has roots going back to the Gold Rush and is registered as a historic landmark. The 93410 area of San Luis Obispo, which is mostly occupied by a private school campus, also came in under $100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Filtering out the more isolated communities, inland and Central Valley communities tended to earn less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taxpayers in the unincorporated community of Mecca, on the Salton Sea in Riverside County, as well as part of Fresno and Huron, a Central Valley town that seasonally swells with migrant farmworkers, all contributed between $112 and $177 on average. There were 98 ZIP codes where the average tax was less than $500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Find out how much you and your neighbors paid using this searchable map:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Think you pay too much in state income taxes? Well, if you made $82,643 and paid $5,000 to Sacramento, then for better or worse, you are the average California taxpayer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Franchise Tax Board breaks down personal income tax collections and total tax liability by ZIP code. For the 2018 filing year, CALmatters took one step further: We’ve figured out, for each of those areas, what the typical tax filer made and paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two dozen neighborhoods in California where the average tax filer reported income of over $500,000. Moreover, six ZIP codes with at least 20 tax filings had average incomes topping $1 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spoiler alert: Silicon Valley’s wealthy enclaves of Atherton, Los Altos, Palo Alto and San Francisco top the list of highest contributors to California’s coffers. The Southern California beach towns of Newport Beach and Santa Monica also pulled in big numbers for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In ranking the highest and lowest contributing neighborhoods, we filtered out ZIP codes with fewer than 20 tax returns. That’s because some areas have a lot of commerce and very few returns, distorting the overall picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/fb5416e5-09bd-42c1-aaa1-fda477807e19?src=embed\" title=\"Top ZIP Codes for CA Income Taxes\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take for example, the top slot, which went to a block in Burbank that is home to The Walt Disney Studios. Ten tax returns were filed for the 91521 ZIP code, with an aggregate income of $77.3 million, which works out to an average income of $7.7 million per filer. The average tax paid? $947,200 per filer, which isn’t entirely representative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, just 10 returns came from the ZIP code encompassing the Pasadena campus of defense contractor Parsons Corp., with a total income of $16.5 million, which works out to $1.65 million per filer. The state collected $1.8 million from those 10 filers, which works out to $178,600 apiece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But among ZIP codes that are clearly residential, the 94027 area of Atherton, the affluent Silicon Valley suburb, placed first with an average income of $1.7 million. That was followed by 94023 in Los Altos with a $1.64 million average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other end, the 95229 pocket of Vallecito, known as Douglas Flat, in Calaveras County, averaged $91 in taxes paid, the lowest in the state. The sparsely populated foothills town has roots going back to the Gold Rush and is registered as a historic landmark. The 93410 area of San Luis Obispo, which is mostly occupied by a private school campus, also came in under $100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Filtering out the more isolated communities, inland and Central Valley communities tended to earn less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taxpayers in the unincorporated community of Mecca, on the Salton Sea in Riverside County, as well as part of Fresno and Huron, a Central Valley town that seasonally swells with migrant farmworkers, all contributed between $112 and $177 on average. There were 98 ZIP codes where the average tax was less than $500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Find out how much you and your neighbors paid using this searchable map:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court ruled Monday that a major antitrust lawsuit against Apple over its App Store can move forward. The 5-to-4 ruling immediately plunged Apple's stock prices and opened the door to the possibility of enormous future damages against the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Brett Kavanaugh, appointed by President Trump last year, wrote the decision for himself and the court's four liberal justices. In it, he stressed that the court majority was taking no position on the merits of the lawsuit but said that under long-standing precedent the suit could proceed to its next stages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More Apple Coverage\" tag=\"apple\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit was brought against Apple by four iPhone users, who claimed that Apple was monopolizing the retail market for the sale of apps and using that monopoly to force higher-than-competitive charges for its apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The theory of the lawsuit is that Apple's 30% commission charge to app developers is often passed on to consumers — creating a higher-than-competitive price — and that competitors are shut out because Apple prevents iPhone owners from buying apps anywhere other than its App Store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apple sought to block the lawsuit, asserting that it had not set the prices on the apps and thus the iPhone owners had no standing to sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against Apple, and on Monday the Supreme Court agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Ever since Congress overwhelmingly passed and President Benjamin Harrison signed the Sherman Act in 1890, 'protecting consumers from monopoly prices' has been 'the central concern of antitrust,' \" Kavanaugh wrote in the majority opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, \"The consumers here purchased apps directly from Apple, and they allege that Apple used its monopoly power over the retail apps market to charge higher-than-competitive prices.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh's opinion was joined by Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor. The dissent was written by Trump's other appointee to the high court, Justice Neil Gorsuch. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gorsuch's opinion was joined by Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts. They would have thrown the case out of court because in their view, iPhone users are not direct purchasers who, under the court's precedents, may bring antitrust claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gorsuch's dissenting minority opinion cited the landmark \u003cem>Illinois Brick Co. v. Illinois\u003c/em> case of 1977 to say that \"an antitrust plaintiff can't sue a defendant for overcharging someone else who might (or might not) have passed on all (or some) of the overcharge to him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/5999869-Supreme-Court-Apple-App-Store-Opinion.html\" responsive=true height=800]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than allowing the four iPhone owners to sue under a \"pass on\" theory, Gorsuch wrote, the high court should have ruled that the rightful suit can only come from those who are forced to pay \"overcharges\" in a monopoly environment — in this case, the companies that develop and sell apps in Apple's online store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the proximate cause line is no longer to be drawn at the first injured party, how far down the causal chain can a plaintiff be and still recoup damages?\" Gorsuch asked, in his dissenting opinion that was joined by Roberts, along with Thomas and Alito.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today's ruling, Gorsuch said, could begin whittling away the decision in \u003cem>Illinois Brick\u003c/em> and may also call other, older cases into question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kavanaugh wrote that the previous decision wasn't meant \"to bar direct-purchaser suits against monopolistic retailers who employ commissions rather than markups.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, \"The plaintiffs seek to hold retailers to account if the retailers engage in unlawful anticompetitive conduct that harms consumers who purchase from those retailers. That is why we have antitrust law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the question of whether Apple could now be subject to lawsuits from different plaintiffs — by consumers who are downstream in the sales process, and by suppliers who are further upstream — Kavanaugh wrote, \"A retailer who is both a monopolist and a monopsonist may be liable to different classes of plaintiffs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A monopsony, as we all recall, can occur when a company becomes the sole buyer of goods or labor, concentrating all the market power on its side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit was brought against Apple by four iPhone users, who claimed that Apple was monopolizing the retail market for the sale of apps and using that monopoly to force higher-than-competitive charges for its apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The theory of the lawsuit is that Apple's 30% commission charge to app developers is often passed on to consumers — creating a higher-than-competitive price — and that competitors are shut out because Apple prevents iPhone owners from buying apps anywhere other than its App Store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apple sought to block the lawsuit, asserting that it had not set the prices on the apps and thus the iPhone owners had no standing to sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against Apple, and on Monday the Supreme Court agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Ever since Congress overwhelmingly passed and President Benjamin Harrison signed the Sherman Act in 1890, 'protecting consumers from monopoly prices' has been 'the central concern of antitrust,' \" Kavanaugh wrote in the majority opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, \"The consumers here purchased apps directly from Apple, and they allege that Apple used its monopoly power over the retail apps market to charge higher-than-competitive prices.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh's opinion was joined by Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor. The dissent was written by Trump's other appointee to the high court, Justice Neil Gorsuch. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gorsuch's opinion was joined by Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts. They would have thrown the case out of court because in their view, iPhone users are not direct purchasers who, under the court's precedents, may bring antitrust claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gorsuch's dissenting minority opinion cited the landmark \u003cem>Illinois Brick Co. v. Illinois\u003c/em> case of 1977 to say that \"an antitrust plaintiff can't sue a defendant for overcharging someone else who might (or might not) have passed on all (or some) of the overcharge to him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than allowing the four iPhone owners to sue under a \"pass on\" theory, Gorsuch wrote, the high court should have ruled that the rightful suit can only come from those who are forced to pay \"overcharges\" in a monopoly environment — in this case, the companies that develop and sell apps in Apple's online store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If the proximate cause line is no longer to be drawn at the first injured party, how far down the causal chain can a plaintiff be and still recoup damages?\" Gorsuch asked, in his dissenting opinion that was joined by Roberts, along with Thomas and Alito.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today's ruling, Gorsuch said, could begin whittling away the decision in \u003cem>Illinois Brick\u003c/em> and may also call other, older cases into question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kavanaugh wrote that the previous decision wasn't meant \"to bar direct-purchaser suits against monopolistic retailers who employ commissions rather than markups.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, \"The plaintiffs seek to hold retailers to account if the retailers engage in unlawful anticompetitive conduct that harms consumers who purchase from those retailers. That is why we have antitrust law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the question of whether Apple could now be subject to lawsuits from different plaintiffs — by consumers who are downstream in the sales process, and by suppliers who are further upstream — Kavanaugh wrote, \"A retailer who is both a monopolist and a monopsonist may be liable to different classes of plaintiffs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A monopsony, as we all recall, can occur when a company becomes the sole buyer of goods or labor, concentrating all the market power on its side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>China’s intensified \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11746318/record-imports-at-port-of-oakland-partly-due-to-companies-trying-to-beat-trumps-tariff-increase\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tariff\u003c/a> war with the Trump administration is threatening Beijing’s ambition to transform itself into the dominant player in global technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States is a vital customer and source of technology for Chinese makers of electronics, medical equipment and other high-tech exports — industries that the ruling Communist Party sees as the heart of its economic future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet to the Trump administration, they’re a threat to America’s industrial leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beijing managed to keep Chinese economic growth steady in the most recent quarter despite a drop in exports to the United States. It did so by boosting government spending and bank lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But China’s technology exporters suffered huge sales drops of up to 40 percent, which ate into profits that pay for technology research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tariff war is compounding the pain felt by many Chinese companies. They are already enduring stiffened resistance in the United States and Europe to Chinese acquisitions of technology through joint ventures with foreign companies or, with financing by state-run banks, outright purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>China might now have to take the “tougher route” of developing more of its own technology, with less access to foreign partners and know-how, said Rajiv Biswas, chief Asia economist for IHS Markit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may be a slower path,” Biswas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government and companies are pouring billions of dollars into research. Huawei, the telecom equipment giant and China’s first global tech brand, spent $15 billion last year — more than Apple Inc.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this has helped make China an emerging heavyweight in telecoms, artificial intelligence and other fields. Yet the United States, Europe, Japan and other governments complain that Beijing has done so in part by stealing technology or pressuring foreign companies to hand over trade secrets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Washington is pushing Beijing to roll back plans for a government-led creation of global competitors in robotics, electric cars, artificial intelligence and an array of emerging technologies. Beijing’s trading partners argue that such plans violate its commitments to further open its vast consumer and business markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The struggle compounds the challenges for President Xi Jinping’s government by threatening to delay or disrupt its economic plans. China’s leaders are reluctant to yield; they need higher-tech industries to keep incomes rising. Many producers of textiles, shoes and toys have already migrated to Vietnam, Cambodia and other lower-cost economies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>China’s ruling Communist Party responded to an economic downturn last year by stepping up spending and lending. That effort reversed a campaign to curb reliance on debt, which had soared so high that rating agencies had downgraded China’s credit rating for government borrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11727438,bayareabites_126751,news_11738288' label='more on the tariff war']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abroad, Xi has been forced to overhaul his multibillion-dollar “Belt and Road” initiative to build railways and other infrastructure. In response to complaints that Beijing is saddling some countries with too much debt, the government has written off some loans and renegotiated contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tariff war was sparked by years of yawning U.S. trade deficits with China and by complaints — by the Trump administration and many independent trade experts — that Beijing was engaging in predatory and illicit practices, including the theft of technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first U.S. penalties targeted high-tech Chinese goods that American officials said benefited from improper support from Beijing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its impact spread as President Donald Trump extended tariff increases to Chinese exporters of handbags, furniture and other goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those higher import taxes heightened the threat of job losses — a political risk for an unelected party that derives its claim to power in no small part from having managed three decades of explosive economic growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the surface at least, the impact of Friday’s U.S. tariff hike “is relatively modest,” Brian Coulton, chief economist for Fitch Ratings, said in a report. But if Trump proceeds with his threat to extend 25% tariffs to all imports from China, that “would be a much more material threat to China’s growth outlook,” Coulton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Renewed weakening in China would rekindle financial market concerns about global growth risks,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Xi’s personal standing has been hurt by slowing growth and by last year’s decision to eliminate term limits for his office as president, said Zhang Lifang, an independent political commentator in Beijing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think these two things are very stressful for him, both economically and politically,” Zhang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States and Europe have been increasing the cost and complexity of Chinese acquisition of foreign technology or blocking it outright. In October, the European Union tentatively approved the trade bloc’s first rules on foreign investments in sensitive sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That step followed criticism of Chinese purchases of European technology vendors that are considered vital national assets, including German robot maker Kuka. Chinese buyers have also acquired Sweden’s Volvo Cars, Swiss agri-tech supplier Syngenta and IBM Corp.’s low-end server business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the United States, Trump vetoed the 2017 purchase of a chipmaker, Lattice Semiconductor, that was financed by a Chinese government fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foreign manufacturers of consumer electronics and other goods already are shifting investments to Southeast Asia to cut costs, thereby hurting demand for Chinese parts suppliers and sapping revenue they would use to develop technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Boardrooms of multinationals, including possibly Chinese companies, might decide they need to have more manufacturing capability outside China to reduce this risk,” Biswas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That shift, accelerated by the pressure from U.S. tariffs, promises a potential windfall for other Asian economies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen has suggested that the U.S.-China tariff war might help her government woo back manufacturers who had moved to the mainland in search of lower costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to speed up Taiwanese business people’s coming back to rebuild a high added-value supply chain and encourage industries to transform and upgrade themselves,” Tsai said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tariff war is compounding the pain felt by many Chinese companies. They are already enduring stiffened resistance in the United States and Europe to Chinese acquisitions of technology through joint ventures with foreign companies or, with financing by state-run banks, outright purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>China might now have to take the “tougher route” of developing more of its own technology, with less access to foreign partners and know-how, said Rajiv Biswas, chief Asia economist for IHS Markit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may be a slower path,” Biswas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government and companies are pouring billions of dollars into research. Huawei, the telecom equipment giant and China’s first global tech brand, spent $15 billion last year — more than Apple Inc.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this has helped make China an emerging heavyweight in telecoms, artificial intelligence and other fields. Yet the United States, Europe, Japan and other governments complain that Beijing has done so in part by stealing technology or pressuring foreign companies to hand over trade secrets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Washington is pushing Beijing to roll back plans for a government-led creation of global competitors in robotics, electric cars, artificial intelligence and an array of emerging technologies. Beijing’s trading partners argue that such plans violate its commitments to further open its vast consumer and business markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The struggle compounds the challenges for President Xi Jinping’s government by threatening to delay or disrupt its economic plans. China’s leaders are reluctant to yield; they need higher-tech industries to keep incomes rising. Many producers of textiles, shoes and toys have already migrated to Vietnam, Cambodia and other lower-cost economies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>China’s ruling Communist Party responded to an economic downturn last year by stepping up spending and lending. That effort reversed a campaign to curb reliance on debt, which had soared so high that rating agencies had downgraded China’s credit rating for government borrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abroad, Xi has been forced to overhaul his multibillion-dollar “Belt and Road” initiative to build railways and other infrastructure. In response to complaints that Beijing is saddling some countries with too much debt, the government has written off some loans and renegotiated contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tariff war was sparked by years of yawning U.S. trade deficits with China and by complaints — by the Trump administration and many independent trade experts — that Beijing was engaging in predatory and illicit practices, including the theft of technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first U.S. penalties targeted high-tech Chinese goods that American officials said benefited from improper support from Beijing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its impact spread as President Donald Trump extended tariff increases to Chinese exporters of handbags, furniture and other goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those higher import taxes heightened the threat of job losses — a political risk for an unelected party that derives its claim to power in no small part from having managed three decades of explosive economic growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the surface at least, the impact of Friday’s U.S. tariff hike “is relatively modest,” Brian Coulton, chief economist for Fitch Ratings, said in a report. But if Trump proceeds with his threat to extend 25% tariffs to all imports from China, that “would be a much more material threat to China’s growth outlook,” Coulton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Renewed weakening in China would rekindle financial market concerns about global growth risks,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Xi’s personal standing has been hurt by slowing growth and by last year’s decision to eliminate term limits for his office as president, said Zhang Lifang, an independent political commentator in Beijing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think these two things are very stressful for him, both economically and politically,” Zhang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States and Europe have been increasing the cost and complexity of Chinese acquisition of foreign technology or blocking it outright. In October, the European Union tentatively approved the trade bloc’s first rules on foreign investments in sensitive sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That step followed criticism of Chinese purchases of European technology vendors that are considered vital national assets, including German robot maker Kuka. Chinese buyers have also acquired Sweden’s Volvo Cars, Swiss agri-tech supplier Syngenta and IBM Corp.’s low-end server business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the United States, Trump vetoed the 2017 purchase of a chipmaker, Lattice Semiconductor, that was financed by a Chinese government fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foreign manufacturers of consumer electronics and other goods already are shifting investments to Southeast Asia to cut costs, thereby hurting demand for Chinese parts suppliers and sapping revenue they would use to develop technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Boardrooms of multinationals, including possibly Chinese companies, might decide they need to have more manufacturing capability outside China to reduce this risk,” Biswas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That shift, accelerated by the pressure from U.S. tariffs, promises a potential windfall for other Asian economies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen has suggested that the U.S.-China tariff war might help her government woo back manufacturers who had moved to the mainland in search of lower costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to speed up Taiwanese business people’s coming back to rebuild a high added-value supply chain and encourage industries to transform and upgrade themselves,” Tsai said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Thursday, Gov. Gavin Newsom unveiled his revised budget, an increase of $4 billion from the first budget he announced in January. He plans to use the additional funds, which come from higher than projected state and corporate tax revenues, to help working families by eliminating sales tax on diapers, for example, and expanding paid family leave up to four months for new parents. The governor also wants to boost the amount the state spends on homelessness programs to $1 billion in the 2019-2020 fiscal year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Senior Editor of California Politics and Government Scott Shafer spoke with Gov. Newsom about his funding priorities and big, costly challenges ahead, from building affordable housing to fighting deadly wildfires. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Uber IPO and Tech Backlash\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ride-hailing giant Uber went public on Friday with the biggest IPO of the year, valued at $82 billion. Its main rival, Lyft, this week posted a loss of more than $1 billion in its first earnings report as a public company. Meanwhile, Uber and Lyft drivers went on strike during the morning rush-hour commute on Wednesday over wages and labor practices. Also, Facebook co-founder Chris Hughes wrote an op-ed in the \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">New York Times\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> on Thursday, joining a growing chorus of voices calling for the tech giant to be broken up or regulated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kathleen Pender, business columnist, San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Casey Newton, senior editor, The Verge\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Climate Change and Biodiversity\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A new report released by the United Nations this week warns that many as 1 million plant and animal species are at risk of extinction from human activities such as logging, mining and overfishing. Climate change also imperils biodiversity, from ocean acidification that kills off coral reefs to warming temperatures that have threatened the survival of species like polar bears. The report also lays out clear links between biodiversity and human well-being, from food security to clean water for the world’s 7.5 billion people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Daniel Kammen, energy professor, UC Berkeley\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tom Steyer, founder and president, NextGen America\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Port of Oakland experienced record import volume for April, with more than 80,000 containers coming in — the highest number in its 92-year history, the port said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surge in imports came ahead of a decision by the Trump administration on Friday to boost tariffs on $200 billion worth of goods coming from China — Oakland’s largest trading partner — to 25% from 10%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts attributed the increase in the Oakland port’s imports to tense trade talks between the U.S. and China, in which President Trump’s threat to raise tariffs — unless they reached a deal that would address U.S. concerns about Chinese business practices — loomed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re going to be shipping something to the United States, you may as well get a little bit ahead of the potential tariffs rather than behind them,” Andrew Rose, a professor at UC Berkeley's Haas School of Business, said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The port said its trade numbers predated U.S. warnings of increased tariffs on Chinese goods and attributed the gains mostly to strong consumer demand. Import volume has increased 5.8% in the first four months of 2019, while overall total cargo volume – imports, exports and empty containers – is up 4.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, a tariff hike could dampen import demand, said John Driscoll, the port’s maritime director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see things like this that could impact your business, yeah it’s not a positive sign for us,” Driscoll said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11730890,news_11606579,news_10826267] Trump had threatened to increase tariffs in January and March, but the administration held off to give negotiators more time to make a deal. Financial markets have fallen this week in response to the escalation of the trade dispute and the prospect of higher tariffs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/05/09/721893765/tense-u-s-china-trade-talks-underway-with-threat-of-tariffs-\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR reported\u003c/a> looming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tariffs would be \"paid for mostly by China,\" Trump has said, but economists disagree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The evidence so far is very strongly that businesses pass it completely on to consumers,” Rose said. “Consumers are just going to pay more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previous rounds of tariffs are already making life more expensive, increasing consumer costs by $1.4 billion a month, according to experts from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.princeton.edu/~reddings/papers/CEPR-DP13564.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Federal Reserve Bank of New York and Princeton and Columbia University\u003c/a>. To date, tariffs have largely affected raw materials used to make other products, so the cost increases appear incremental to the consumer. But additional new tariffs would boost prices on a broader number of finished goods that consumers buy, like bikes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/05/09/721893765/ten%20se-u-s-china-trade-talks-underway-with-threat-of-tariffs-looming\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest tariffs will add $500 a year in costs for the average American household, Katheryn Russ, an economics professor at UC Davis, told NPR. The tariffs will be applied only to goods shipped after Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR and KQED News' Kate Wolffe and Miranda Leitsinger contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"emailStatus": "EMAIL_UNVALIDATED",
"loggedStatus": "LOGGED_OUT",
"loggingChecked": false,
"articles": [],
"firstName": null,
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{
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},
"authModal": {
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"view": "LANDING_VIEW"
},
"error": null
},
"youthMediaReducer": {},
"checkPleaseReducer": {
"filterData": {
"region": {
"key": "Restaurant Region",
"filters": [
"Any Region"
]
},
"cuisine": {
"key": "Restaurant Cuisine",
"filters": [
"Any Cuisine"
]
}
},
"restaurantDataById": {},
"restaurantIdsSorted": [],
"error": null
},
"userAgentReducer": {
"userAgent": "Mozilla/5.0 AppleWebKit/537.36 (KHTML, like Gecko; compatible; ClaudeBot/1.0; +claudebot@anthropic.com)",
"isBot": true
}
}
