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"content": "\u003cp>The soaring cost of child care has recently led states like New Mexico to offer universal child care and cities like New York and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069711/san-francisco-expands-child-care-subsidies-to-tackle-affordability-issues\">San Francisco to expand\u003c/a> free and low-cost child care to income-eligible families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Could it be done in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two papers published Friday, researchers say, in short: Yes. The state could build upon \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-funding-trends-for-early-care-education-programs/\">its ongoing investments in child care\u003c/a> and work toward universal care for infants and toddlers, aged three and under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost could reach up to $21 billion per year to subsidize all families, but it would generate as much as $23 billion in economic output — essentially paying for itself — by allowing mothers of young children to rejoin the workforce, according to an analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/economics-market-early-childhood-care-and-education-california#15\">Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not considering the many other benefits that accrue to the children themselves, to families and to society from having a robust, high-quality, well-functioning early childhood care and education market,” said Chloe Gibbs, a policy fellow at the institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.childcareaware.org/price-landscape24/\">Child care prices went up 29%\u003c/a> across the country from 2020 to 2024, according to Child Care Aware of America, a national network of child care resource and referral agencies. The prices outpaced overall inflation as increased demand for care collided with a worsening shortage of child care workers, \u003ca href=\"https://kpmg.com/us/en/articles/2025/october-2025-the-great-exit.html\">according to the business firm KPMG\u003c/a>, which noted that women with young children are increasingly working part-time, missing work or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061802/how-are-child-care-costs-affecting-the-lives-of-bay-area-families-you-told-us\">leaving the labor force entirely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071641\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071641\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child care business owner holds one of the younger children attending her home daycare in Manteca on Oct. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Affordability concerns are front and center for American households, and that also means there is a political and policy window of opportunity to take strides,” said Neale Mahoney, an economics professor and director of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists call child care an example of a market failure because the cost of providing care exceeds what families can afford to pay, resulting in an imbalance between supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care for infants and toddlers is harder to come by and costs the most because babies require constant attention. Providers must maintain a low caregiver-to-child ratio, which limits capacity, but have a hard time retaining workers. Policy experts say subsidies can help close the gap between what parents can afford and what it actually costs to provide high-quality care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, Stanford economists estimate that California could subsidize infant and toddler care for low- and middle-income earners at a cost of between $4 billion to $8 billion per year, or between $12 billion to $21 billion to scale the subsidies to all families.[aside postID=news_12069711 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00057_TV-KQED.jpg']A universal “zero to three” child care program could allow more than 100,000 mothers of young children to join the workforce, they said. Stanford coordinated the publication of its policy brief with another by researchers at the University of California that outlines ways to build up the child care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpip.uci.edu/files/briefs/zero-to-three.pdf\">paper by two early childhood policy experts\u003c/a> at UC Irvine and UC Berkeley lays out more than a dozen suggestions to build a child care system that works for families and child providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include consolidating more than a dozen funding streams for child care and simplifying eligibility rules to make it easier for child care providers to enroll families; making Head Start centers eligible for state funding so they can serve more children; cutting fees and easing zoning restrictions to get child care facilities up and running faster; and setting up a comprehensive online portal where families can find the kind of child care they need and providers can respond to market demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We don’t have anybody that’s looking out across California [for child care needs] the way we look at where we should build schools or where we should put bus stops or post offices,” said Jade Jenkins, a professor at UC Irvine’s School of Education. “If we provide families information in this online marketplace to make finding child care as easy as it would be to register for yoga … we could meet families where they are at and draw providers in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said modernizing child care information is one of several low-cost fixes the state can undertake to prepare for expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas called California’s cost of living “the single biggest threat to our future” and set up a select committee to focus on child care costs. He said now that California has fully expanded transitional kindergarten, also known as TK, to offer a free year of schooling for all 4-year-olds, it’s time for the legislature to focus on helping families afford child care for the youngest kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A day care worker hugs a child in a playroom at her child care facility in San José on Oct. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The committee held three hearings last year but has yet to propose any solution. At a hearing held in Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article312533574.html\">only one of 13 members of the committee showed up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the most recent hearing in December, Assembly Majority Leader Cecilia Aguiar-Curry, who co-chairs the committee, told KQED that more time is needed to investigate which model of child care expansion works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been working on this ever since I came [to the legislature] in 2016, and I can see that we’ve got more work to do, but we got to do it right, and we just can’t be slapstick,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the quick buildout of TK led to \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/transitional-kindergarten-public-preschool-affluent-income-report\">unintended consequences\u003c/a>, including the closure of private or nonprofit-based preschools that lost their 4-year-old students to publicly-funded schools and struggled to pivot to serving younger kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://survey.alchemer.com/s3/8658266/dc85b370721c\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"900\" height=\"500\" style=\"overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguiar-Curry said New Mexico could offer universal child care because it has a smaller population and can draw on oil and gas profits to fund the initiative. That’s harder to do in a big state like California, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see how they roll that out,” she said. “I hope that they’re successful and I hope we can all learn from their lessons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email message Thursday, Aguiar-Curry said she looks forward to digging into the new reports. In the meantime, she said she’ll keep working with the legislature and Gov. Gavin Newsom to follow through on promises to raise reimbursement rates for child care providers participating in the subsidy system and fund up to 200,000 subsidized child care slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those steps will make a real difference for families across the state, and we’re going to keep pushing to bring costs down,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The soaring cost of child care has recently led states like New Mexico to offer universal child care and cities like New York and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069711/san-francisco-expands-child-care-subsidies-to-tackle-affordability-issues\">San Francisco to expand\u003c/a> free and low-cost child care to income-eligible families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Could it be done in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two papers published Friday, researchers say, in short: Yes. The state could build upon \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-funding-trends-for-early-care-education-programs/\">its ongoing investments in child care\u003c/a> and work toward universal care for infants and toddlers, aged three and under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost could reach up to $21 billion per year to subsidize all families, but it would generate as much as $23 billion in economic output — essentially paying for itself — by allowing mothers of young children to rejoin the workforce, according to an analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/economics-market-early-childhood-care-and-education-california#15\">Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not considering the many other benefits that accrue to the children themselves, to families and to society from having a robust, high-quality, well-functioning early childhood care and education market,” said Chloe Gibbs, a policy fellow at the institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.childcareaware.org/price-landscape24/\">Child care prices went up 29%\u003c/a> across the country from 2020 to 2024, according to Child Care Aware of America, a national network of child care resource and referral agencies. The prices outpaced overall inflation as increased demand for care collided with a worsening shortage of child care workers, \u003ca href=\"https://kpmg.com/us/en/articles/2025/october-2025-the-great-exit.html\">according to the business firm KPMG\u003c/a>, which noted that women with young children are increasingly working part-time, missing work or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061802/how-are-child-care-costs-affecting-the-lives-of-bay-area-families-you-told-us\">leaving the labor force entirely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071641\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071641\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child care business owner holds one of the younger children attending her home daycare in Manteca on Oct. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Affordability concerns are front and center for American households, and that also means there is a political and policy window of opportunity to take strides,” said Neale Mahoney, an economics professor and director of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists call child care an example of a market failure because the cost of providing care exceeds what families can afford to pay, resulting in an imbalance between supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care for infants and toddlers is harder to come by and costs the most because babies require constant attention. Providers must maintain a low caregiver-to-child ratio, which limits capacity, but have a hard time retaining workers. Policy experts say subsidies can help close the gap between what parents can afford and what it actually costs to provide high-quality care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, Stanford economists estimate that California could subsidize infant and toddler care for low- and middle-income earners at a cost of between $4 billion to $8 billion per year, or between $12 billion to $21 billion to scale the subsidies to all families.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A universal “zero to three” child care program could allow more than 100,000 mothers of young children to join the workforce, they said. Stanford coordinated the publication of its policy brief with another by researchers at the University of California that outlines ways to build up the child care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpip.uci.edu/files/briefs/zero-to-three.pdf\">paper by two early childhood policy experts\u003c/a> at UC Irvine and UC Berkeley lays out more than a dozen suggestions to build a child care system that works for families and child providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include consolidating more than a dozen funding streams for child care and simplifying eligibility rules to make it easier for child care providers to enroll families; making Head Start centers eligible for state funding so they can serve more children; cutting fees and easing zoning restrictions to get child care facilities up and running faster; and setting up a comprehensive online portal where families can find the kind of child care they need and providers can respond to market demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We don’t have anybody that’s looking out across California [for child care needs] the way we look at where we should build schools or where we should put bus stops or post offices,” said Jade Jenkins, a professor at UC Irvine’s School of Education. “If we provide families information in this online marketplace to make finding child care as easy as it would be to register for yoga … we could meet families where they are at and draw providers in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said modernizing child care information is one of several low-cost fixes the state can undertake to prepare for expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas called California’s cost of living “the single biggest threat to our future” and set up a select committee to focus on child care costs. He said now that California has fully expanded transitional kindergarten, also known as TK, to offer a free year of schooling for all 4-year-olds, it’s time for the legislature to focus on helping families afford child care for the youngest kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A day care worker hugs a child in a playroom at her child care facility in San José on Oct. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The committee held three hearings last year but has yet to propose any solution. At a hearing held in Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article312533574.html\">only one of 13 members of the committee showed up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the most recent hearing in December, Assembly Majority Leader Cecilia Aguiar-Curry, who co-chairs the committee, told KQED that more time is needed to investigate which model of child care expansion works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been working on this ever since I came [to the legislature] in 2016, and I can see that we’ve got more work to do, but we got to do it right, and we just can’t be slapstick,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the quick buildout of TK led to \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/transitional-kindergarten-public-preschool-affluent-income-report\">unintended consequences\u003c/a>, including the closure of private or nonprofit-based preschools that lost their 4-year-old students to publicly-funded schools and struggled to pivot to serving younger kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://survey.alchemer.com/s3/8658266/dc85b370721c\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"900\" height=\"500\" style=\"overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguiar-Curry said New Mexico could offer universal child care because it has a smaller population and can draw on oil and gas profits to fund the initiative. That’s harder to do in a big state like California, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see how they roll that out,” she said. “I hope that they’re successful and I hope we can all learn from their lessons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email message Thursday, Aguiar-Curry said she looks forward to digging into the new reports. In the meantime, she said she’ll keep working with the legislature and Gov. Gavin Newsom to follow through on promises to raise reimbursement rates for child care providers participating in the subsidy system and fund up to 200,000 subsidized child care slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those steps will make a real difference for families across the state, and we’re going to keep pushing to bring costs down,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> lawmakers are seeking to target the deep pockets of for-profit contractors key to the Trump administration’s growing deportation campaign, amid outrage over the killing of U.S. citizens by federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> agents in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new state bill would raise taxes on companies that contract with the federal government to run immigration detention facilities, which hold thousands of men and women in California. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1633\">AB-1633\u003c/a>, introduced by Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, on Tuesday, would tax operators’ detention contract revenue by 50% annually and reinvest those funds into services supporting immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first-in-the-nation bill aims to mitigate economic, emotional and social harms caused to the state as immigration authorities detain more residents, businesses lose workers and students skip school due to deportation fears, Haney said during a press conference on the bill on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not allow these for-profit corporations to make hundreds of millions of dollars off of human suffering and family separation,” Haney said, flanked by Democratic lawmakers, gubernatorial candidate Tony Thurmond and immigrant advocates. “If you are going to impose this kind of terror on our state and on our people, we are going to tax you for the pain and harm that you’re causing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes as the fatal shootings of protesters Alex Pretti, an intensive care unit nurse, and Renee Macklin Good, a mother of three, have\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071018/california-governor-candidates-denounce-ice-at-san-francisco-forum\"> generated intense backlash\u003c/a> in spaces as varied as professional basketball games, social media influencers’ baking feeds and Trump\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5688870\"> voter\u003c/a> surveys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement contracts with three private prison companies — Geo Group, CoreCivic and Management & Training Corporation — for about $560 million per year to run detention centers in the state, according to the California Immigrant Policy Center, a bill sponsor. The seven facilities currently jail more than 6,200 immigrants, ICE’s most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management#stats\">figures\u003c/a> show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12065169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12065169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2240148392-scaled-e1769712035624.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fences and barbed wire surround the CoreCivic Otay Mesa Detention Center on Oct. 4, 2025, in San Diego, California. \u003ccite>(Kevin Carter/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For years, detainees and immigrant advocates, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-warns-dangerous-conditions-california-city-detention\">California Attorney General,\u003c/a> have reported that the facilities have failed to meet ICE’s own detention standards, with substandard medical care, unsanitary living spaces, inadequate access to food and other serious problems. Last year, 32 people died in ICE custody nationwide, the most in two decades. So far this year, six more detainees have died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Wilkes, a spokeswoman for the Day 1 Alliance — a trade organization representing Geo Group, CoreCivic and MTC — declined to comment on the new proposed tax, but defended the companies’ records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For more than 30 years, contractors have partnered with both Democratic and Republican administrations to provide vital services at their request, including safe, humane housing, quality medical and mental health care, and respectful, dignified care for individuals navigating the U.S. immigration system,” Wilkes said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the contractors’ critical services, she added, more immigrants would likely be held in overcrowded local jails, alongside potentially dangerous individuals.[aside postID=news_12069688 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/KernCountyICEDetentionGetty.jpg']“Contractors do not make arrests, do not decide the length of detention, and play no role in determining the legal status of individuals in their care,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under President Donald Trump, the federal government approved last summer an unprecedented \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069220/south-bay-rep-ro-khanna-horrified-after-visit-to-california-city-ice-detention-center\">$170 billion\u003c/a> over four years for the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE, Border Patrol and other agencies. Those funds include $45 billion for building new immigration detention centers and $30 billion to boost enforcement and deportation operations. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070519/california-senators-visit-immigration-jail-ahead-of-looming-ice-funding-bill-deadline\">Senate is now considering\u003c/a> a House-approved package that would send additional funding to DHS. The measure is largely opposed by Democrats, who are demanding more guardrails for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberly Woo, a Bay Area community organizer, said her elderly family members were apprehended by ICE during their final interview to apply for permanent residency, after 20 years of living in the U.S. They were locked up in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062774/conditions-at-massive-new-california-immigration-facility-are-alarming-report-finds\">largest and newest detention center\u003c/a> in the Mojave Desert, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Words cannot describe what visceral pain of seeing your elder relative who immigrated to this country to build a better life for our family, break down crying behind a glass screen window where it’s impossible to hug them and hold their hand,” said Woo, who works at the nonprofit Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network. “No one deserves to experience the same inhumane pain, suffering, and loneliness that my loved one felt every day in that prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislation previously tried to phase out all for-profit prisons and private detention facilities, but was blocked by the courts. Still, the state has broad authority to tax businesses as it sees fit, including contractors enabling detentions, Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12027566 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged the proposed 50% tax on the gross receipts from detention contracts (before operating expenses) would be much larger than most state taxes, and could threaten the companies’ ability to operate in the state. California’s corporate income tax is 8.84% on profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they look at this tax and they say, ‘That’s too high for us to pay,’ then they can leave,” Haney said. “And certainly, we’re not going to shed any tears if that’s the outcome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States may not impose taxes directly on the federal government, but can tax the income of federal employees and contractors. In addition, taxes are often targeted to activities perceived as causing social harm to discourage the taxpayer from creating additional harm or to mitigate it, said UC Davis law professor Darien Shanske, who teaches tax law.[aside postID=news_12071374 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-1.jpg']“You can use the tax system to express values. And so, if you tax alcohol or tobacco or cannabis, maybe you accept that they’re going to be legal, but you have concerns about them,” said Shanske, who specializes in state and local taxation. “To the extent that California wants to express strong disapprobation … using the tax system to do that is not unprecedented or inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If AB-1633 is signed into law, the impacted companies would likely challenge it in court, as the tax would represent a significant blow to their business, Shanske said. The contractors may argue that the tax is in effect targeting federal agencies to curb the administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Liz Ortega, D-San Leandro, said that while the killings of Pretti and Good were caught on widely circulated bystander cellphone videos, detention centers have continued to operate in relative obscurity, largely away from the public’s gaze. Most immigrants held by ICE have no criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My question is, what is happening to the innocent people inside these detention centers where it’s dark, where there are no cell phones,” Ortega, a cosponsor of AB-1633, said. “This bill will continue to go along the path of holding these corporations accountable and ensuring that if we’re going to use our taxpayer dollars to continue this reign of terror, that they also pay their taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate California bill that Assemblymember Alex Lee, D-Milpitas, plans to introduce next week would eliminate state tax breaks for businesses that contract with DHS to provide goods or services, such as software companies, armed security services and transportation providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> lawmakers are seeking to target the deep pockets of for-profit contractors key to the Trump administration’s growing deportation campaign, amid outrage over the killing of U.S. citizens by federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> agents in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new state bill would raise taxes on companies that contract with the federal government to run immigration detention facilities, which hold thousands of men and women in California. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1633\">AB-1633\u003c/a>, introduced by Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, on Tuesday, would tax operators’ detention contract revenue by 50% annually and reinvest those funds into services supporting immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first-in-the-nation bill aims to mitigate economic, emotional and social harms caused to the state as immigration authorities detain more residents, businesses lose workers and students skip school due to deportation fears, Haney said during a press conference on the bill on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not allow these for-profit corporations to make hundreds of millions of dollars off of human suffering and family separation,” Haney said, flanked by Democratic lawmakers, gubernatorial candidate Tony Thurmond and immigrant advocates. “If you are going to impose this kind of terror on our state and on our people, we are going to tax you for the pain and harm that you’re causing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes as the fatal shootings of protesters Alex Pretti, an intensive care unit nurse, and Renee Macklin Good, a mother of three, have\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071018/california-governor-candidates-denounce-ice-at-san-francisco-forum\"> generated intense backlash\u003c/a> in spaces as varied as professional basketball games, social media influencers’ baking feeds and Trump\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5688870\"> voter\u003c/a> surveys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement contracts with three private prison companies — Geo Group, CoreCivic and Management & Training Corporation — for about $560 million per year to run detention centers in the state, according to the California Immigrant Policy Center, a bill sponsor. The seven facilities currently jail more than 6,200 immigrants, ICE’s most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management#stats\">figures\u003c/a> show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12065169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12065169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2240148392-scaled-e1769712035624.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fences and barbed wire surround the CoreCivic Otay Mesa Detention Center on Oct. 4, 2025, in San Diego, California. \u003ccite>(Kevin Carter/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For years, detainees and immigrant advocates, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-warns-dangerous-conditions-california-city-detention\">California Attorney General,\u003c/a> have reported that the facilities have failed to meet ICE’s own detention standards, with substandard medical care, unsanitary living spaces, inadequate access to food and other serious problems. Last year, 32 people died in ICE custody nationwide, the most in two decades. So far this year, six more detainees have died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Wilkes, a spokeswoman for the Day 1 Alliance — a trade organization representing Geo Group, CoreCivic and MTC — declined to comment on the new proposed tax, but defended the companies’ records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For more than 30 years, contractors have partnered with both Democratic and Republican administrations to provide vital services at their request, including safe, humane housing, quality medical and mental health care, and respectful, dignified care for individuals navigating the U.S. immigration system,” Wilkes said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the contractors’ critical services, she added, more immigrants would likely be held in overcrowded local jails, alongside potentially dangerous individuals.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Contractors do not make arrests, do not decide the length of detention, and play no role in determining the legal status of individuals in their care,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under President Donald Trump, the federal government approved last summer an unprecedented \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069220/south-bay-rep-ro-khanna-horrified-after-visit-to-california-city-ice-detention-center\">$170 billion\u003c/a> over four years for the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE, Border Patrol and other agencies. Those funds include $45 billion for building new immigration detention centers and $30 billion to boost enforcement and deportation operations. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070519/california-senators-visit-immigration-jail-ahead-of-looming-ice-funding-bill-deadline\">Senate is now considering\u003c/a> a House-approved package that would send additional funding to DHS. The measure is largely opposed by Democrats, who are demanding more guardrails for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberly Woo, a Bay Area community organizer, said her elderly family members were apprehended by ICE during their final interview to apply for permanent residency, after 20 years of living in the U.S. They were locked up in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062774/conditions-at-massive-new-california-immigration-facility-are-alarming-report-finds\">largest and newest detention center\u003c/a> in the Mojave Desert, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Words cannot describe what visceral pain of seeing your elder relative who immigrated to this country to build a better life for our family, break down crying behind a glass screen window where it’s impossible to hug them and hold their hand,” said Woo, who works at the nonprofit Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network. “No one deserves to experience the same inhumane pain, suffering, and loneliness that my loved one felt every day in that prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislation previously tried to phase out all for-profit prisons and private detention facilities, but was blocked by the courts. Still, the state has broad authority to tax businesses as it sees fit, including contractors enabling detentions, Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12027566 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged the proposed 50% tax on the gross receipts from detention contracts (before operating expenses) would be much larger than most state taxes, and could threaten the companies’ ability to operate in the state. California’s corporate income tax is 8.84% on profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they look at this tax and they say, ‘That’s too high for us to pay,’ then they can leave,” Haney said. “And certainly, we’re not going to shed any tears if that’s the outcome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States may not impose taxes directly on the federal government, but can tax the income of federal employees and contractors. In addition, taxes are often targeted to activities perceived as causing social harm to discourage the taxpayer from creating additional harm or to mitigate it, said UC Davis law professor Darien Shanske, who teaches tax law.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“You can use the tax system to express values. And so, if you tax alcohol or tobacco or cannabis, maybe you accept that they’re going to be legal, but you have concerns about them,” said Shanske, who specializes in state and local taxation. “To the extent that California wants to express strong disapprobation … using the tax system to do that is not unprecedented or inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If AB-1633 is signed into law, the impacted companies would likely challenge it in court, as the tax would represent a significant blow to their business, Shanske said. The contractors may argue that the tax is in effect targeting federal agencies to curb the administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Liz Ortega, D-San Leandro, said that while the killings of Pretti and Good were caught on widely circulated bystander cellphone videos, detention centers have continued to operate in relative obscurity, largely away from the public’s gaze. Most immigrants held by ICE have no criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My question is, what is happening to the innocent people inside these detention centers where it’s dark, where there are no cell phones,” Ortega, a cosponsor of AB-1633, said. “This bill will continue to go along the path of holding these corporations accountable and ensuring that if we’re going to use our taxpayer dollars to continue this reign of terror, that they also pay their taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate California bill that Assemblymember Alex Lee, D-Milpitas, plans to introduce next week would eliminate state tax breaks for businesses that contract with DHS to provide goods or services, such as software companies, armed security services and transportation providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A monthslong labor dispute over staffing and compensation at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kaiser-permanente\">Kaiser Permanente\u003c/a> escalated into an open-ended strike beginning Monday, threatening to disrupt operations at dozens of hospitals and clinics across California and Hawaii.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of nurses, physical therapists, midwives and other health professionals voted to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070263/union-of-31000-kaiser-workers-to-go-on-indefinite-strike\">walk off their jobs\u003c/a> for days or even weeks to pressure California’s largest private employer to concede ground on top union demands, at a time the industry faces financial headwinds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Nurses Associations of California/Union of Health Care Professionals, which represents about 31,000 employees, accuses Kaiser of squeezing patient care and staffing for revenue as it expanded to other states — a claim that the nonprofit organization denies, arguing it meets all staffing and safety requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Picketers on Monday morning outside Kaiser’s Oakland Medical Center, near the employer’s headquarters, said wages need to keep up with inflation and the cost of living after they accepted smaller pay raises during the pandemic. Many also participated in a larger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060288/kaiser-strike-ends-sunday-as-union-and-management-plan-to-resume-wage-talks\">five-day strike\u003c/a> in several states in October as part of the Alliance of Healthcare Unions and a one-day walkout in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re fighting for our livelihoods, we’re fighting for patient care,” said Jessica Servin, a nurse anesthetist in San Francisco. She said patients are facing long waitlists for appointments and surgeries and struggling to get necessary care in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071030\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071030\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers strike at Kaiser Oakland Medical Center in Oakland on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I believed their values and their mission statement,” said Servin, who joined Kaiser as a nurse almost 20 years ago. “It feels like they’re deviating from the foundation of why Kaiser was built. It feels kind of sad to be here and realize that Kaiser is choosing profit over patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser said its health care workers earn more on average than those at other employers and dismissed claims that the quality of its patient care is at risk, pointing to a turnover rate that the organization said is much lower than it is for the rest of the industry. Executives said they aim to balance managing growing payroll costs with keeping care affordable for more than 12 million people Kaiser serves, most of them in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These negotiations come at a time when health care costs are rising, and millions of Americans are at risk of losing access to health coverage,” Lionel Sims, senior vice president of human resources at Kaiser Northern California, said in a statement. “This underscores our responsibility to deliver fair, competitive pay for employees while protecting access and affordability for our members. We’re doing both.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospitals, emergency rooms, pharmacies and nearly all medical offices will remain open during the strike, while patients will be contacted in advance if their care is affected, according to Kaiser. The employer plans to reschedule some surgeries and other procedures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disruptions could be larger in Southern California, where about 28,000 UNAC/UHCP members are based, making up the vast majority. The union represents just 2,800 members in Northern California, including physician assistants and speech therapists, and 200 in Hawaii.[aside postID=news_12070138 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/StoneWorkerGetty2.jpg']For months, the union has sought a 25% pay increase over a four-year contract, but management has stuck to its offer to raise wages by 21.5%, calling it the strongest compensation package in Kaiser’s national bargaining history. Since the October walkout, the employer said it reached tentative agreements with other Alliance unions, strengthening staffing and scheduling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is disheartening that UNAC/UHCP leaders continue to talk about improving care, when this strike, and their actions over the past several months, are really all about higher wages,” Sims said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser, founded in 1945 in Oakland, employs more than 180,000 people in nine states and the District of Columbia. As a nonprofit health plan and care provider, Kaiser said it reinvests its revenue into running and improving its hospitals, clinics and community programs, emphasizing preventive medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company rebounded from a net loss of about $4.5 billion in 2022 to positive net income from operations and investments in later years, posting nearly $13 billion in 2024 and $8 billion for the first three quarters of 2025, according to its most recent financial results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, the U.S. Department of Justice announced Kaiser agreed to pay \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/kaiser-permanente-affiliates-pay-556m-resolve-false-claims-act-allegations\">$556 million\u003c/a> to settle allegations that it defrauded Medicare to increase reimbursements by pressuring doctors in California and Colorado to alter medical records and add diagnoses after patient visits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Mason, UNAC/UHCP’s lead negotiator, said the company floated cutting retirement and health care benefits for newer union members, which would neutralize higher wages. He said management has also refused to bargain on proposals that would allow workers to give patients the care and time they need, though Kaiser disputes that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to go to an appointment when you’re sick and feel like you’re being rushed because your provider has to get to the next patient and the next,” Mason said. “This strike is to ensure that patient care continues to be the best that it can be and that Kaiser doesn’t continue down this financial-lies path where they’re treating health care like a hedge fund.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071036\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-08-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071036\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-08-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sanne Jacobsen attends the strike at Kaiser Oakland Medical Center in Oakland on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanne Jacobsen, a nurse anesthetist in Oakland, said providers are overbooked and left out of scheduling conversations. She said that the company has struggled to recruit and retain staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s delayed appointments, delayed surgeries… and in places like the clinics where people are getting physical therapy, those physical therapists don’t have adequate time to actually treat the patients well,” Jacobsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staffing ratios and wages became top concerns for health care workers as the sector has increasingly consolidated and executive pay has soared, according to labor experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 15,000 nurses at three major hospitals in \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/nursing-strike-new-york-5647ac366a8d067785b9cb4005204878\">New York\u003c/a> went on strike this month, and hundreds more in Grand Blanc, Michigan, remained at the picket line under freezing conditions. Nurses in five other states are threatening walkouts, according to the website \u003ca href=\"https://nurse.org/articles/nurse-strikes-list/\">nurse.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One factor in Kaiser’s reluctance to commit to additional payroll costs is an uncertain financial forecast under the Trump administration, said John Logan, who chairs the labor and employment studies program at San Francisco State University. Federal policies that are expected to increase the number of uninsured Americans could affect Kaiser’s bottom line.[aside postID=news_12069984 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251014-KAISER-STRIKE-START-MD-06-KQED.jpg']“Kaiser management wants to give itself as much flexibility and wants to avoid making concrete, enforceable commitments to the union in terms of staffing levels and working conditions that it might see are going to be a huge liability in that changing environment,” Logan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union points to Kaiser’s $66 billion in reserves as proof that it can afford improved staffing and benefits, though the company said that the funds are for long-term commitments such as pensions and building maintenance, not ongoing payroll increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, frontline employees want executives to invest more of the nonprofit organization’s financial income on its workforce and patient care, said Rebecca Givan, an associate professor in the School of Management and Labor Relations at Rutgers University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clearly the case that Kaiser, by any metric, is taking in a lot of money,” Givan said. “It has very highly paid executives and the leaders of Kaiser are making choices about where to invest their money. And these frontline workers feel that a little bit more should be on the frontline and not elsewhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacobsen, who’s a member of the union’s bargaining team, said the company’s negotiating behavior felt like “an investment bank that poses as a health care organization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For them to say that they can’t afford to pay us fair wages? I think we know where the greed is,” she said on the picket line on Monday. “It’s not out here on the line. It’s way up there in the corporate office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National negotiations that started in May were paused by Kaiser last month, after executives said the union threatened to release damning information about the company. The union then published \u003ca href=\"https://unacuhcp.org/caregivers/\">a report\u003c/a> on Kaiser’s financials, including linking the employer’s investments to Geo Group and CoreCivic, private prison companies that also run many immigration detention centers. Kaiser slammed the findings as a “collection of misrepresentation of facts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the weekend, Kaiser and the union met for negotiations, but workers said they weren’t productive and the strike will continue. The employer said it’s onboarding nurses, clinicians and other staff to work during the walkout, and reassigning some employees to work at strike locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">\u003cem>Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Picketers on Monday morning outside Kaiser’s Oakland Medical Center, near the employer’s headquarters, said wages need to keep up with inflation and the cost of living after they accepted smaller pay raises during the pandemic. Many also participated in a larger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060288/kaiser-strike-ends-sunday-as-union-and-management-plan-to-resume-wage-talks\">five-day strike\u003c/a> in several states in October as part of the Alliance of Healthcare Unions and a one-day walkout in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re fighting for our livelihoods, we’re fighting for patient care,” said Jessica Servin, a nurse anesthetist in San Francisco. She said patients are facing long waitlists for appointments and surgeries and struggling to get necessary care in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071030\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071030\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers strike at Kaiser Oakland Medical Center in Oakland on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I believed their values and their mission statement,” said Servin, who joined Kaiser as a nurse almost 20 years ago. “It feels like they’re deviating from the foundation of why Kaiser was built. It feels kind of sad to be here and realize that Kaiser is choosing profit over patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser said its health care workers earn more on average than those at other employers and dismissed claims that the quality of its patient care is at risk, pointing to a turnover rate that the organization said is much lower than it is for the rest of the industry. Executives said they aim to balance managing growing payroll costs with keeping care affordable for more than 12 million people Kaiser serves, most of them in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These negotiations come at a time when health care costs are rising, and millions of Americans are at risk of losing access to health coverage,” Lionel Sims, senior vice president of human resources at Kaiser Northern California, said in a statement. “This underscores our responsibility to deliver fair, competitive pay for employees while protecting access and affordability for our members. We’re doing both.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospitals, emergency rooms, pharmacies and nearly all medical offices will remain open during the strike, while patients will be contacted in advance if their care is affected, according to Kaiser. The employer plans to reschedule some surgeries and other procedures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disruptions could be larger in Southern California, where about 28,000 UNAC/UHCP members are based, making up the vast majority. The union represents just 2,800 members in Northern California, including physician assistants and speech therapists, and 200 in Hawaii.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For months, the union has sought a 25% pay increase over a four-year contract, but management has stuck to its offer to raise wages by 21.5%, calling it the strongest compensation package in Kaiser’s national bargaining history. Since the October walkout, the employer said it reached tentative agreements with other Alliance unions, strengthening staffing and scheduling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is disheartening that UNAC/UHCP leaders continue to talk about improving care, when this strike, and their actions over the past several months, are really all about higher wages,” Sims said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser, founded in 1945 in Oakland, employs more than 180,000 people in nine states and the District of Columbia. As a nonprofit health plan and care provider, Kaiser said it reinvests its revenue into running and improving its hospitals, clinics and community programs, emphasizing preventive medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company rebounded from a net loss of about $4.5 billion in 2022 to positive net income from operations and investments in later years, posting nearly $13 billion in 2024 and $8 billion for the first three quarters of 2025, according to its most recent financial results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, the U.S. Department of Justice announced Kaiser agreed to pay \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/kaiser-permanente-affiliates-pay-556m-resolve-false-claims-act-allegations\">$556 million\u003c/a> to settle allegations that it defrauded Medicare to increase reimbursements by pressuring doctors in California and Colorado to alter medical records and add diagnoses after patient visits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Mason, UNAC/UHCP’s lead negotiator, said the company floated cutting retirement and health care benefits for newer union members, which would neutralize higher wages. He said management has also refused to bargain on proposals that would allow workers to give patients the care and time they need, though Kaiser disputes that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to go to an appointment when you’re sick and feel like you’re being rushed because your provider has to get to the next patient and the next,” Mason said. “This strike is to ensure that patient care continues to be the best that it can be and that Kaiser doesn’t continue down this financial-lies path where they’re treating health care like a hedge fund.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071036\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-08-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071036\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260126-KAISER-STRIKE-BEGINS-MD-08-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sanne Jacobsen attends the strike at Kaiser Oakland Medical Center in Oakland on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanne Jacobsen, a nurse anesthetist in Oakland, said providers are overbooked and left out of scheduling conversations. She said that the company has struggled to recruit and retain staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s delayed appointments, delayed surgeries… and in places like the clinics where people are getting physical therapy, those physical therapists don’t have adequate time to actually treat the patients well,” Jacobsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staffing ratios and wages became top concerns for health care workers as the sector has increasingly consolidated and executive pay has soared, according to labor experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 15,000 nurses at three major hospitals in \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/nursing-strike-new-york-5647ac366a8d067785b9cb4005204878\">New York\u003c/a> went on strike this month, and hundreds more in Grand Blanc, Michigan, remained at the picket line under freezing conditions. Nurses in five other states are threatening walkouts, according to the website \u003ca href=\"https://nurse.org/articles/nurse-strikes-list/\">nurse.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One factor in Kaiser’s reluctance to commit to additional payroll costs is an uncertain financial forecast under the Trump administration, said John Logan, who chairs the labor and employment studies program at San Francisco State University. Federal policies that are expected to increase the number of uninsured Americans could affect Kaiser’s bottom line.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Kaiser management wants to give itself as much flexibility and wants to avoid making concrete, enforceable commitments to the union in terms of staffing levels and working conditions that it might see are going to be a huge liability in that changing environment,” Logan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union points to Kaiser’s $66 billion in reserves as proof that it can afford improved staffing and benefits, though the company said that the funds are for long-term commitments such as pensions and building maintenance, not ongoing payroll increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, frontline employees want executives to invest more of the nonprofit organization’s financial income on its workforce and patient care, said Rebecca Givan, an associate professor in the School of Management and Labor Relations at Rutgers University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clearly the case that Kaiser, by any metric, is taking in a lot of money,” Givan said. “It has very highly paid executives and the leaders of Kaiser are making choices about where to invest their money. And these frontline workers feel that a little bit more should be on the frontline and not elsewhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacobsen, who’s a member of the union’s bargaining team, said the company’s negotiating behavior felt like “an investment bank that poses as a health care organization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For them to say that they can’t afford to pay us fair wages? I think we know where the greed is,” she said on the picket line on Monday. “It’s not out here on the line. It’s way up there in the corporate office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National negotiations that started in May were paused by Kaiser last month, after executives said the union threatened to release damning information about the company. The union then published \u003ca href=\"https://unacuhcp.org/caregivers/\">a report\u003c/a> on Kaiser’s financials, including linking the employer’s investments to Geo Group and CoreCivic, private prison companies that also run many immigration detention centers. Kaiser slammed the findings as a “collection of misrepresentation of facts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the weekend, Kaiser and the union met for negotiations, but workers said they weren’t productive and the strike will continue. The employer said it’s onboarding nurses, clinicians and other staff to work during the walkout, and reassigning some employees to work at strike locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">\u003cem>Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "these-fees-make-affordable-housing-more-expensive-developers-want-to-slash-them",
"title": "These Fees Make Affordable Housing More Expensive. Developers Want to Slash Them",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">Affordable housing\u003c/a> developers in California are met with a lot of demands: pay for sidewalks and extra sewer lines, make sure there’s money for parks and art projects, don’t forget schools and subways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All those demands add up — contributing to about $20,000 per apartment, on average, or $2 million for a 100-unit building, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/assessing-the-cost-of-impact-fees-on-affordable-housing-an-analysis-of-low-income-housing-tax-credit-projects-in-california/\">new report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, released Thursday, looked at some 700 projects across the state built between 2020 and 2023 and found those fees totaled a whopping $1.2 billion — money the report’s author, Ben Metcalf, said could be better spent building more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we could have instead reinvested that $1.2 billion into new affordable housing, that could have been 5,000 families that would be off the streets or stably housed or in a much better condition,” said Metcalf, who is also the managing director for the center. “There’s a trade-off that we’re making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings come as the state and federal government look for ways to spur housing construction and make it cheaper to build and buy homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/01/13/nx-s1-5674777/trump-federal-reserve-jerome-powell\">aggressively pushed\u003c/a> the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates, which he claimed would \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/13/us/politics/trump-housing-costs.html\">make homeownership more affordable\u003c/a>. And during his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069094/in-final-state-of-state-speech-gov-newsom-says-california-offers-model-for-the-nation\">State of the State\u003c/a> address earlier this month, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced he would focus on the cost of construction during his final term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044986\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers build at 750 Golden Gate Ave. in San Francisco on June 18, 2025, during a groundbreaking ceremony marking the start of two affordable housing projects. One will deliver 75 units prioritized for SFUSD and City College educators, and the other at 850 Turk will add 92 family apartments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But many of the biggest construction costs, including labor, material and — despite the president’s attempts — interest rates are virtually immovable. Experts say the fees local municipalities charge developers are one lever left to pull.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulling that lever, however, may be easier said than done. Known as “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017695/san-francisco-wants-to-make-it-cheaper-for-developers-to-build-housing-downtown\">impact fees\u003c/a>” or “developer fees,” the money helps fund infrastructure and municipal services cities argue are needed to support the new residents of the development, including schools, parks, streets, sewage, electricity and public art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apart from local bonds and sales tax measures, impact fees are one of the few ways local governments can generate tax revenue.[aside postID=news_12069513 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_9694.JPG_qed.jpg']That’s largely a result of Prop 13, a landmark 1978 ballot measure that capped property taxes and limited how much they can increase each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many cities have become increasingly hamstrung in raising revenues to pay for services, and they’re not eager to forgo the extra fees they say are necessary to maintain basic public facilities and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t make money on these fees,” said Jason Rhine, senior director of legislative affairs for the League of California Cities. “They literally go directly back to the services and facilities … not to support anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, the Terner Center’s report found that impact fees, on average, accounted for around 1% of cities’ total revenue. And many cities aren’t generating fee revenue on affordable housing at all because they’re not building any.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report looked specifically at projects built using the Low Income Housing Tax Program (LIHTC), a federal effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/RS22389\">encourage affordable housing construction\u003c/a> by awarding developers tax credits to offset construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062182\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062182\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/250519-AffordableHousingFile-13-BL_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/250519-AffordableHousingFile-13-BL_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/250519-AffordableHousingFile-13-BL_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/250519-AffordableHousingFile-13-BL_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction is underway on an affordable housing apartment building at 2550 Irving St. in San Francisco’s Sunset District on May 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Out of the 482 cities studied, a little more than half didn’t receive a single LIHTC award between 2020 and 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike market-rate housing, affordable housing developments are exempt from some impact fees. Still, the Terner Center’s report argues, a fee is a fee. And with affordable housing, it has to be covered by taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those fees can vary depending on the type of project and where it’s built. On average, family housing projects were charged around $24,000 in impact fees, while senior housing and housing for people with special needs were charged about $19,100 and $13,800, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller, more suburban cities, where the project necessitated new infrastructure, such as roads and utility lines, tended to charge higher impact fees, while cities with larger populations usually charged lower fees.[aside postID=news_12068746 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250618-NewTeacherHousing-18-BL_qed.jpg']“If the infrastructure doesn’t exist, you have to create that infrastructure,” Rhine said. “And since we’re limited in how we can charge or generate revenue to fund that infrastructure, it really falls on the development community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers said these fees don’t necessarily break a project, but they can shape what it looks like, what amenities are included and how quickly it can be built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Friend is the chief lending officer at Housing Trust Silicon Valley, a financial institution that provides loans for affordable housing projects across the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said higher impact fees can affect the number of family-sized apartments versus studios and one-bedrooms in a development. It can also mean using cheaper building materials and reducing the amount of common space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That can result in projects sometimes looking half-built with “spaces for amenities yet to come,” he said. “Spaces might be left empty, when they are imagined [to be], say, a playground or a landscape design feature or something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059485\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A site of new middle housing units is under construction at 2824 D St. in Sacramento on October 7, 2025. Developers are reviving “middle housing” such as duplexes and cottage clusters, but say California’s rollout of the new rules has been anything but smooth. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To avoid those compromises, some developers told KQED they try to work with cities to waive the fees or wait to pay them until tenants are ready to move in. The city of Palo Alto waived the impact fees for \u003ca href=\"https://edenhousing.org/properties/mitchell-park-place/\">Mitchell Park Place\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/housing/2025/12/19/mitchell-park-place-begins-to-welcome-tenants-into-affordable-housing\">recently completed\u003c/a> affordable apartment building with 50 units, including some set aside for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The waiver meant more than $3 million in cost savings for Eden Housing, the developer. “Most of the cities would like to build the housing, so they’d like to find a solution, particularly [for] affordable housing,” said Linda Mandolini, president and CEO of the nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some developers and housing activists argue there are other cities that impose hefty impact fees as a way to shut out development entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/housingactioncoalition/news-from-hac-xvlkxure9o-13363216\">Housing Action Coalition\u003c/a> recently announced it had sent a letter to the Manhattan Beach City Council and had complained to the state’s housing agency after the city proposed increasing its impact fees for multifamily housing by almost three times more per square foot than for single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12066836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12066836\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251211-PEOPLES-PARK-RENDERINGS-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251211-PEOPLES-PARK-RENDERINGS-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251211-PEOPLES-PARK-RENDERINGS-02-KQED-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251211-PEOPLES-PARK-RENDERINGS-02-KQED-1536x871.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The university will work with Satellite Affordable Housing Associates, a Bay Area nonprofit, to build the permanent supportive housing project on Berkeley’s People’s Park. A rendering of the proposed permanent supportive housing project that will include at least 100 units for people exiting homelessness and for low-income residents. \u003ccite>(LMS Architects/Hood Design Studio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Manhattan Beach can plan for infrastructure needs without adopting policies to deter the multifamily and below-market housing it is required to encourage [under state law],” Jesse Zwick, the coalition’s southern California director, wrote in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To spur housing construction and make sure cities can reach their state-mandated housing goals, lawmakers have recently passed laws aiming to lessen the burden of impact fees. The new rules require cities to provide an \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1820\">estimate of the fees\u003c/a> early in the development process and allow \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB937\">certain types of projects\u003c/a> to pay them once construction and inspections are complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities are under more scrutiny to approve and build housing as the state’s affordability crisis worsens. Developers argue that if it’s easier for them to build housing, the cities can meet their goals faster. But for many cities with already-tight budgets and few resources on hand, forgoing impact fees is not necessarily a win-win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ideally, we’d have a state fund that would fund impact fees or development fees on behalf of affordable housing developers,” Rhine said. “Right now, the bit of the trade-off really is if a developer is not going to pay those fees, somebody’s going to go without a park or a library or a service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">Affordable housing\u003c/a> developers in California are met with a lot of demands: pay for sidewalks and extra sewer lines, make sure there’s money for parks and art projects, don’t forget schools and subways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All those demands add up — contributing to about $20,000 per apartment, on average, or $2 million for a 100-unit building, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/assessing-the-cost-of-impact-fees-on-affordable-housing-an-analysis-of-low-income-housing-tax-credit-projects-in-california/\">new report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, released Thursday, looked at some 700 projects across the state built between 2020 and 2023 and found those fees totaled a whopping $1.2 billion — money the report’s author, Ben Metcalf, said could be better spent building more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we could have instead reinvested that $1.2 billion into new affordable housing, that could have been 5,000 families that would be off the streets or stably housed or in a much better condition,” said Metcalf, who is also the managing director for the center. “There’s a trade-off that we’re making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings come as the state and federal government look for ways to spur housing construction and make it cheaper to build and buy homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/01/13/nx-s1-5674777/trump-federal-reserve-jerome-powell\">aggressively pushed\u003c/a> the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates, which he claimed would \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/13/us/politics/trump-housing-costs.html\">make homeownership more affordable\u003c/a>. And during his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069094/in-final-state-of-state-speech-gov-newsom-says-california-offers-model-for-the-nation\">State of the State\u003c/a> address earlier this month, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced he would focus on the cost of construction during his final term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044986\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250618-NEWTEACHERHOUSING-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers build at 750 Golden Gate Ave. in San Francisco on June 18, 2025, during a groundbreaking ceremony marking the start of two affordable housing projects. One will deliver 75 units prioritized for SFUSD and City College educators, and the other at 850 Turk will add 92 family apartments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But many of the biggest construction costs, including labor, material and — despite the president’s attempts — interest rates are virtually immovable. Experts say the fees local municipalities charge developers are one lever left to pull.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulling that lever, however, may be easier said than done. Known as “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017695/san-francisco-wants-to-make-it-cheaper-for-developers-to-build-housing-downtown\">impact fees\u003c/a>” or “developer fees,” the money helps fund infrastructure and municipal services cities argue are needed to support the new residents of the development, including schools, parks, streets, sewage, electricity and public art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apart from local bonds and sales tax measures, impact fees are one of the few ways local governments can generate tax revenue.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That’s largely a result of Prop 13, a landmark 1978 ballot measure that capped property taxes and limited how much they can increase each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many cities have become increasingly hamstrung in raising revenues to pay for services, and they’re not eager to forgo the extra fees they say are necessary to maintain basic public facilities and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t make money on these fees,” said Jason Rhine, senior director of legislative affairs for the League of California Cities. “They literally go directly back to the services and facilities … not to support anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, the Terner Center’s report found that impact fees, on average, accounted for around 1% of cities’ total revenue. And many cities aren’t generating fee revenue on affordable housing at all because they’re not building any.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report looked specifically at projects built using the Low Income Housing Tax Program (LIHTC), a federal effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/RS22389\">encourage affordable housing construction\u003c/a> by awarding developers tax credits to offset construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062182\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062182\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/250519-AffordableHousingFile-13-BL_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/250519-AffordableHousingFile-13-BL_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/250519-AffordableHousingFile-13-BL_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/250519-AffordableHousingFile-13-BL_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction is underway on an affordable housing apartment building at 2550 Irving St. in San Francisco’s Sunset District on May 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Out of the 482 cities studied, a little more than half didn’t receive a single LIHTC award between 2020 and 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike market-rate housing, affordable housing developments are exempt from some impact fees. Still, the Terner Center’s report argues, a fee is a fee. And with affordable housing, it has to be covered by taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those fees can vary depending on the type of project and where it’s built. On average, family housing projects were charged around $24,000 in impact fees, while senior housing and housing for people with special needs were charged about $19,100 and $13,800, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller, more suburban cities, where the project necessitated new infrastructure, such as roads and utility lines, tended to charge higher impact fees, while cities with larger populations usually charged lower fees.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If the infrastructure doesn’t exist, you have to create that infrastructure,” Rhine said. “And since we’re limited in how we can charge or generate revenue to fund that infrastructure, it really falls on the development community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers said these fees don’t necessarily break a project, but they can shape what it looks like, what amenities are included and how quickly it can be built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Friend is the chief lending officer at Housing Trust Silicon Valley, a financial institution that provides loans for affordable housing projects across the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said higher impact fees can affect the number of family-sized apartments versus studios and one-bedrooms in a development. It can also mean using cheaper building materials and reducing the amount of common space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That can result in projects sometimes looking half-built with “spaces for amenities yet to come,” he said. “Spaces might be left empty, when they are imagined [to be], say, a playground or a landscape design feature or something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059485\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A site of new middle housing units is under construction at 2824 D St. in Sacramento on October 7, 2025. Developers are reviving “middle housing” such as duplexes and cottage clusters, but say California’s rollout of the new rules has been anything but smooth. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To avoid those compromises, some developers told KQED they try to work with cities to waive the fees or wait to pay them until tenants are ready to move in. The city of Palo Alto waived the impact fees for \u003ca href=\"https://edenhousing.org/properties/mitchell-park-place/\">Mitchell Park Place\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/housing/2025/12/19/mitchell-park-place-begins-to-welcome-tenants-into-affordable-housing\">recently completed\u003c/a> affordable apartment building with 50 units, including some set aside for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The waiver meant more than $3 million in cost savings for Eden Housing, the developer. “Most of the cities would like to build the housing, so they’d like to find a solution, particularly [for] affordable housing,” said Linda Mandolini, president and CEO of the nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some developers and housing activists argue there are other cities that impose hefty impact fees as a way to shut out development entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/housingactioncoalition/news-from-hac-xvlkxure9o-13363216\">Housing Action Coalition\u003c/a> recently announced it had sent a letter to the Manhattan Beach City Council and had complained to the state’s housing agency after the city proposed increasing its impact fees for multifamily housing by almost three times more per square foot than for single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12066836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12066836\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251211-PEOPLES-PARK-RENDERINGS-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251211-PEOPLES-PARK-RENDERINGS-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251211-PEOPLES-PARK-RENDERINGS-02-KQED-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251211-PEOPLES-PARK-RENDERINGS-02-KQED-1536x871.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The university will work with Satellite Affordable Housing Associates, a Bay Area nonprofit, to build the permanent supportive housing project on Berkeley’s People’s Park. A rendering of the proposed permanent supportive housing project that will include at least 100 units for people exiting homelessness and for low-income residents. \u003ccite>(LMS Architects/Hood Design Studio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Manhattan Beach can plan for infrastructure needs without adopting policies to deter the multifamily and below-market housing it is required to encourage [under state law],” Jesse Zwick, the coalition’s southern California director, wrote in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To spur housing construction and make sure cities can reach their state-mandated housing goals, lawmakers have recently passed laws aiming to lessen the burden of impact fees. The new rules require cities to provide an \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1820\">estimate of the fees\u003c/a> early in the development process and allow \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB937\">certain types of projects\u003c/a> to pay them once construction and inspections are complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities are under more scrutiny to approve and build housing as the state’s affordability crisis worsens. Developers argue that if it’s easier for them to build housing, the cities can meet their goals faster. But for many cities with already-tight budgets and few resources on hand, forgoing impact fees is not necessarily a win-win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ideally, we’d have a state fund that would fund impact fees or development fees on behalf of affordable housing developers,” Rhine said. “Right now, the bit of the trade-off really is if a developer is not going to pay those fees, somebody’s going to go without a park or a library or a service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>JoseMonkey is very good at finding people. With their permission, of course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a self-styled \u003ca href=\"https://josemonkey.com/about-me/\">“open source intelligence researcher”\u003c/a> operating on TikTok, Instagram and YouTube, JoseMonkey’s specialty is pinpointing a person’s exact global location using only the non-descript video of their face, which they send him first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His posts — \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@the_josemonkey\">most of them documenting his lighthearted digital manhunts\u003c/a> — gain hundreds of thousands of views each, with nearly 20 million total likes over five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do this work, JoseMonkey focuses on the background details of the videos he’s sent — like the landscape and visible street signs — and uses publicly available tools like \u003ca href=\"https://www.openstreetmap.org/#map=4/38.01/-95.84\">OpenStreetMap\u003c/a>. But he only tries to “find people who ask to be found,” JoseMonkey told KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/closealltabs\">Close All Tabs\u003c/a> podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JoseMonkey does this for fun — and also because of his advocacy for online privacy. When he felt like people weren’t taking his concerns about the information they were unknowingly sharing seriously, he took to TikTok for a different approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By walking his viewers “through the process of how I could look at a seemingly mundane video that doesn’t show very much” and nonetheless deduce the exact location it was taken, “I thought that might be something that people would think was both interesting, but maybe slightly unsettling,” JoseMonkey said. “And then, they would pay attention to this idea of internet safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"tiktok-embed\" style=\"max-width: 605px; min-width: 325px;\" cite=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@the_josemonkey/video/7530754458112806157\" data-video-id=\"7530754458112806157\">\n\u003csection>\u003ca title=\"@the_josemonkey\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@the_josemonkey?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">@the_josemonkey\u003c/a> This one was tricky 😅 \u003ca title=\"geolocation\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/geolocation?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#geolocation\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"osint\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/osint?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#OSINT\u003c/a> @mastrosmom \u003ca title=\"♬ original sound - josemonkey\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-josemonkey-7530754461849996087?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">♬ original sound – josemonkey\u003c/a>\u003c/section>\n\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript async src=\"https://www.tiktok.com/embed.js\">\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n[tiktok]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oversharing online is so common that most people don’t think twice about it. Think of the most popular posts online: “Get ready with me,” apartment tours, “Come with me.” Videos like these can, even unwittingly, contain a huge amount of personal geographic information — details which could make them vulnerable to scams or even attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The important takeaway here is that a sufficiently motivated individual who has an attention to detail and time to spend … can find you from a video,” JoseMonkey explained. “I don’t wanna scare people by saying that, but people should know it is possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Close All Tabs spoke to JoseMonkey and other experts on how you can start the new year with privacy in mind by adjusting some of your digital habits — without overwhelming you too much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump to: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#WhatshouldIthinkaboutwhenIpost\">What should I think about when I post?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#WhatarethefirststepsIcantaketowarddigitalhygiene\">What are the first steps I can take toward digital hygiene?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>How much danger might my personal privacy be in?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You don’t need to guard yourself against every threat that exists, explained Eva Galperin, the director of cybersecurity at the Electronic Frontier Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only way to really do that is to “live as a hermit on a mountain and fling all of your devices into the sea,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Galperin said, it’s more helpful to think about what advocates like her call “threat modeling”: What you want to protect and who you want to protect it from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069526\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12069526 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/DataPrivacyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/DataPrivacyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/DataPrivacyGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/DataPrivacyGetty-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A worst-case scenario of having your digital privacy breached: Losing out financially. \u003ccite>(Rain Star/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some of the common threat models you might consider:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Being scammed online by ransomware …\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most people, their threat is scammers looking for money, access to their accounts or access to people who trust them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the big problems that we have right now is that we are in a golden age of grift,” Galperin explained. And if you have a phone, email address or any way of being reached, you are “constantly getting messages from scammers and criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us feel very smart because every day we get targeted with, like, six of these things and we don’t fall for it,” she said. “But what’s really important to understand is that all a scammer needs is for you to have one bad day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A common method is ransomware, in which a scammer tricks you into downloading software that locks up your devices and holds them hostage until you pay a ransom — or in some cases, uses such software to spy on you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>… or a phishing attempt\u003c/strong>[aside postID=news_12055606 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/USImmigrationCustomsEnforcementHQGetty.jpg']Phishing entails a bad actor pretending to be someone you trust — a bank, a friend, a family member — and luring you into clicking on a link, or logging into a fake website to obtain information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You may be able to tell you are being phished by viewing the message closely and noticing inconsistencies, like the email address being slightly wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A sort of indicator of a scam is a sense of urgency,” Galperin said. “‘Something is on fire,’ ‘an emergency is happening’ or ‘you could get rich if you click here in the next five minutes.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That sense of urgency is aimed at overriding your common sense,” she warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Being tracked as someone seeking an abortion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts worry about the digital safety of people seeking reproductive care across state borders following the overturning of Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion advocates have taken \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldefensefund.org/\">major steps to educate people\u003c/a> in states that severely restrict abortion on how to cover their tracks in pursuing the procedure elsewhere, including turning off their location. (Read \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014633/how-do-i-protect-my-privacy-if-im-seeking-an-abortion\">The Markup’s thorough guide on protecting your privacy if you are seeking an abortion\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When communicating about abortion, a major way that patients and providers can protect their messages is to use an encrypted app, like \u003ca href=\"https://support.signal.org/hc/en-us/categories/5592576449306-Getting-Started\">Signal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, end-to-end encryption means that your telecommunications company and the messaging platform can’t read your messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Being threatened as a survivor of domestic abuse\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Creating a threat model for scenarios like domestic abuse is harder, often because an abuser can gain physical access to a person’s possessions, like their phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When talking to survivors of domestic abuse who are attempting to leave an abuser, Galperin said the first thing she suggests is creating a new account — or a device — where they know their communications will be safe and private.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"WhatshouldIthinkaboutwhenIpost\">\u003c/a>How can my posts and videos reveal too much about my location?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Always review what you are posting before you post it, JoseMonkey said — even though “many people” never take this step.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They record something, and they just press send,” he said. And a person may not even realize “that there was some big thing that they forgot that they didn’t want to include,” he warns, until the post is out there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This could, for example, be a visible street sign behind you, which can be easily remedied by cropping it out or covering it with text or \u003ca href=\"https://help.instagram.com/151273688993748/\">a sticker\u003c/a> — or just rerecording the video to keep it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11732621\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11732621 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/gettyimages-936083116_slide-3e70954a8411a47eae7fed29faec169c8c9a7088-e1552499753206.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How can you protect your digital privacy online, especially when it comes to sharing details on social media? \u003ccite>(Chandan Khanna/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A more subtle aspect people may not think about? “The more you move the camera, the more information you’re going to show,” JoseMonkey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re out for a walk somewhere, people can see everything around you,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people record videos in their car, but “people underestimate how much you can see through the windows of your car,” JoseMonkey warned. And if the car’s mirrors or its GPS are visible, that’s more information being shared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be mindful of your posting history — “you may not remember that three years ago, you posted something that’s still there on your account that revealed some other bit of information,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this could be spread across several platforms. You tweeted something on one account, you posted a picture on another, have your LinkedIn on another, and a larger picture about you is created.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now people have all these bits and pieces of information about you,” JoseMonkey said — and you’ve potentially made it far easier for someone to find you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"WhatarethefirststepsIcantaketowarddigitalhygiene\">\u003c/a>OK, I’m convinced. What should my first steps to improve my digital safety be?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the world of surveillance and privacy can be \u003cem>incredibly \u003c/em>overwhelming (and scary), it shouldn’t completely discourage you from adopting good practices that are attainable for anyone with a phone or computer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider the following checklist a form of basic digital hygiene — like washing your hands — that can help make you safer from the “kinds of threats that most people face every day,” Galperin explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947072\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11947072 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A close up of a woman's hands as she holds a smartphone and is swiping the screen. She wears an orange jacket.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">What are some easy digital habits you can pick up in the new year that can protect your privacy online? \u003ccite>(istock/GaudiLab)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Strengthen — and manage — your passwords — and get a password manager\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To secure your accounts, Galperin said, you should make sure:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>All of your passwords are different from one another\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The passwords are long\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Use a password manager like \u003ca href=\"https://bitwarden.com/\">Bitwarden\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://proton.me/pass\">ProtonPass\u003c/a>, a secure application that manages, stores and even creates passkeys to different websites (you may need to pay for this service, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.zdnet.com/article/apple-google-and-microsoft-offer-free-password-managers-but-should-you-use-them/\">free password managers are available too\u003c/a>)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Your password manager will be unlocked with a single password,” Galperin said. “That single password again should be long and strong, and easy for you to memorize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make this single password easier to manage, Galperin recommends using a pass phrase instead: “Like five or six words, chosen at random.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In choosing a password manager, Galperin said that you should search the name of the application and “security incident” — to make sure the password manager you’re considering doesn’t have a history of being broken into. For example, LastPass — once one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/best-password-managers/\">more popular password managers\u003c/a> — has faced controversy for \u003ca href=\"https://krebsonsecurity.com/2025/03/feds-link-150m-cyberheist-to-2022-lastpass-hacks/\">a 2022 breach that still sees theft today\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it has a history of being untrustworthy, don’t touch it,” she said. But “if you don’t find a bunch of security incidents, it’s probably OK or good enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, though, the best password manager is the “one you actually use,” and that fits your daily life, Galperin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you spend a bunch of time getting a top-of-the-line password manager and then you only put two passwords in it, then you haven’t really done yourself a lot of good,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Install two-factor authentication\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two-factor authentication, or 2FA — also called multi-factor authentication or MFA — adds another layer of protection to your account beyond just your password. Many websites and applications encourage you to activate 2FA on your profiles, like \u003ca href=\"https://help.instagram.com/566810106808145\">Instagram\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://support.discord.com/hc/en-us/articles/219576828-Setting-up-Multi-Factor-Authentication\">Discord\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/accounts/answer/185839?hl=en&co=GENIE.Platform%3DDesktop\">Gmail\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12044323 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-AI-IN-POLICING-MD-13_qed-1020x680.jpg']How it looks for most users: you enter your password, and then the website will send a unique code to you through SMS (a text) or to your email account, which you then enter back into the website. After that, you will have access to your account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Galperin points out that contrary to what you might assume, getting a code through SMS is actually “the least secure way” of protecting your account — because “SMS messages are not encrypted,” and it’s “possible to intercept them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SMS is better than nothing in most cases, Galperin recommended instead using an authenticator app, which syncs to your account and receives your code. Examples of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/wirecutter/reviews/best-two-factor-authentication-app/\">these kinds of apps\u003c/a> include \u003ca href=\"https://duo.com/\">Duo Mobile\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/accounts/answer/1066447\">Google Authenticator\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another layer of security could be getting a physical key: a keychain-sized flash drive that you can insert into your devices, allowing you to log in. But keep in mind, “if you break your physical key and you don’t have a backup key somewhere, you can end up locked out of your account,” Galperin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also doesn’t recommend using a physical key to survivors of domestic abuse, or anyone in “a situation in which you need to secure your account against somebody who has physical access to you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pull your data from the brokers selling it\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data brokers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055606/how-ice-is-using-your-data-and-what-you-can-do-about-it\">collect\u003c/a> your information and sell it through all sorts of means, including scraping from public records. These brokers can also grab personal information from tracking cookies, which can \u003ca href=\"https://socradar.io/blog/tracking-the-cookies-the-world-of-data-brokers/\">trace your browsing history and social media interactions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can mitigate the latter by installing an extension like \u003ca href=\"https://privacybadger.org/\">Privacy Badger\u003c/a> on your web browser, Galperin said. Privacy Badger’s website states that it stops advertisers and other third-party trackers from “secretly tracking where you go and what pages you look at on the web.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians can also \u003ca href=\"https://privacy.ca.gov/DROP/\">now fill out a request to the state to opt out of data brokers\u003c/a>, stopping them from storing and selling personal information. Keep in mind, these requests will only \u003ca href=\"https://privacy.ca.gov/drop/how-drop-works/\">start being processed by data brokers in August\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>More digital safety resources\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ssd.eff.org/\">Electronic Frontier Foundation’s Surveillance Self-Defense\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/pages/tools\">Tools from the Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.privacyguides.org/en/\">Privacy Guides\u003c/a> (\u003ca href=\"https://www.privacyguides.org/es/basics/why-privacy-matters/\">Español\u003c/a>)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Cornell University’s \u003ca href=\"https://ceta.tech.cornell.edu/resources\">Clinic to End Tech Abuse\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/gentle-january/2024/01/31/overwhelmed-by-digital-privacy-reset-with-these-practical-tips\">The Markup\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://zebracrossing.narwhalacademy.org/\">Zebra Crossing\u003c/a> (\u003ca href=\"https://zebracrossing.narwhalacademy.org/index-%E7%B9%81%E9%AB%94%E4%B8%AD%E6%96%87.html\">繁體中文\u003c/a>)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://digitalfirstaid.org/\">Digital First Aid Kit\u003c/a> (\u003ca href=\"https://digitalfirstaid.org/es/\">Español\u003c/a>)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://gameshotline.org/online-free-safety-guide/\">The Games and Online Harassment Hotline\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://privacyinternational.org/guides\">Privacy International\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldefensefund.org/\">Digital Defense Fund\u003c/a> (aimed at people seeking reproductive care)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org/digital-privacy-tips-abortion-seekers\">Asian Americans Advancing Justice\u003c/a> (aimed at people seeking reproductive care) (languages include \u003ca href=\"https://aajc.medium.com/%E5%A6%82%E4%BD%95%E4%BF%9D%E6%8A%A4%E8%87%AA%E5%B7%B1-%E6%B5%81%E4%BA%A7-%E5%8C%BB%E7%96%97%E9%9A%90%E7%A7%81%E6%95%B0%E5%AD%97%E5%AE%89%E5%85%A8%E6%8C%87%E5%8D%97-a5f690894c3\">简体中文\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://aajc.medium.com/paano-protektahan-ang-iyong-sarili-a6b2f743b019\">Tagalog\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://aajc.medium.com/%E0%B8%88%E0%B8%B0%E0%B8%9B%E0%B8%81%E0%B8%9B%E0%B9%89%E0%B8%AD%E0%B8%87%E0%B8%95%E0%B8%B1%E0%B8%A7%E0%B9%80%E0%B8%AD%E0%B8%87%E0%B8%AD%E0%B8%A2%E0%B9%88%E0%B8%B2%E0%B8%87%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%A3-7a92019678c2\">ภาษาไทย\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://aajc.medium.com/l%C3%A0m-th%E1%BA%BF-n%C3%A0o-%C4%91%E1%BB%83-b%E1%BA%A3o-v%E1%BB%87-b%E1%BA%A3n-th%C3%A2n-4aadd977d030\">Tiếng Việt\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org/sites/default/files/Bengali_Digital%20Privacy%20One%20Pager%20_%20Designed.pdf\">বাংলা\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org/sites/default/files/Khmer_Digital%20Privacy%20One%20Pager%20_%20Designed.pdf\">ខ្មែរ\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org/sites/default/files/Korean_Digital%20Privacy%20One%20Pager%20_%20Designed.pdf\">한국어\u003c/a>.)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://maskon.zone/\">Mask On Zone\u003c/a> (aimed at people going to protests)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://activistchecklist.org/\">Digital Security Checklists for Activists\u003c/a> (aimed at people going to protests and organizers)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "How to Protect Your Information Online in 2026 | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>JoseMonkey is very good at finding people. With their permission, of course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a self-styled \u003ca href=\"https://josemonkey.com/about-me/\">“open source intelligence researcher”\u003c/a> operating on TikTok, Instagram and YouTube, JoseMonkey’s specialty is pinpointing a person’s exact global location using only the non-descript video of their face, which they send him first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His posts — \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@the_josemonkey\">most of them documenting his lighthearted digital manhunts\u003c/a> — gain hundreds of thousands of views each, with nearly 20 million total likes over five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do this work, JoseMonkey focuses on the background details of the videos he’s sent — like the landscape and visible street signs — and uses publicly available tools like \u003ca href=\"https://www.openstreetmap.org/#map=4/38.01/-95.84\">OpenStreetMap\u003c/a>. But he only tries to “find people who ask to be found,” JoseMonkey told KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/closealltabs\">Close All Tabs\u003c/a> podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JoseMonkey does this for fun — and also because of his advocacy for online privacy. When he felt like people weren’t taking his concerns about the information they were unknowingly sharing seriously, he took to TikTok for a different approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By walking his viewers “through the process of how I could look at a seemingly mundane video that doesn’t show very much” and nonetheless deduce the exact location it was taken, “I thought that might be something that people would think was both interesting, but maybe slightly unsettling,” JoseMonkey said. “And then, they would pay attention to this idea of internet safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"tiktok-embed\" style=\"max-width: 605px; min-width: 325px;\" cite=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@the_josemonkey/video/7530754458112806157\" data-video-id=\"7530754458112806157\">\n\u003csection>\u003ca title=\"@the_josemonkey\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@the_josemonkey?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">@the_josemonkey\u003c/a> This one was tricky 😅 \u003ca title=\"geolocation\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/geolocation?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#geolocation\u003c/a> \u003ca title=\"osint\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/tag/osint?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">#OSINT\u003c/a> @mastrosmom \u003ca title=\"♬ original sound - josemonkey\" href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-josemonkey-7530754461849996087?refer=embed\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">♬ original sound – josemonkey\u003c/a>\u003c/section>\n\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript async src=\"https://www.tiktok.com/embed.js\">\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oversharing online is so common that most people don’t think twice about it. Think of the most popular posts online: “Get ready with me,” apartment tours, “Come with me.” Videos like these can, even unwittingly, contain a huge amount of personal geographic information — details which could make them vulnerable to scams or even attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The important takeaway here is that a sufficiently motivated individual who has an attention to detail and time to spend … can find you from a video,” JoseMonkey explained. “I don’t wanna scare people by saying that, but people should know it is possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Close All Tabs spoke to JoseMonkey and other experts on how you can start the new year with privacy in mind by adjusting some of your digital habits — without overwhelming you too much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump to: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#WhatshouldIthinkaboutwhenIpost\">What should I think about when I post?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#WhatarethefirststepsIcantaketowarddigitalhygiene\">What are the first steps I can take toward digital hygiene?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>How much danger might my personal privacy be in?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You don’t need to guard yourself against every threat that exists, explained Eva Galperin, the director of cybersecurity at the Electronic Frontier Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only way to really do that is to “live as a hermit on a mountain and fling all of your devices into the sea,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Galperin said, it’s more helpful to think about what advocates like her call “threat modeling”: What you want to protect and who you want to protect it from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069526\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12069526 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/DataPrivacyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/DataPrivacyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/DataPrivacyGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/DataPrivacyGetty-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A worst-case scenario of having your digital privacy breached: Losing out financially. \u003ccite>(Rain Star/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some of the common threat models you might consider:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Being scammed online by ransomware …\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most people, their threat is scammers looking for money, access to their accounts or access to people who trust them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the big problems that we have right now is that we are in a golden age of grift,” Galperin explained. And if you have a phone, email address or any way of being reached, you are “constantly getting messages from scammers and criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us feel very smart because every day we get targeted with, like, six of these things and we don’t fall for it,” she said. “But what’s really important to understand is that all a scammer needs is for you to have one bad day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A common method is ransomware, in which a scammer tricks you into downloading software that locks up your devices and holds them hostage until you pay a ransom — or in some cases, uses such software to spy on you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>… or a phishing attempt\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Phishing entails a bad actor pretending to be someone you trust — a bank, a friend, a family member — and luring you into clicking on a link, or logging into a fake website to obtain information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You may be able to tell you are being phished by viewing the message closely and noticing inconsistencies, like the email address being slightly wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A sort of indicator of a scam is a sense of urgency,” Galperin said. “‘Something is on fire,’ ‘an emergency is happening’ or ‘you could get rich if you click here in the next five minutes.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That sense of urgency is aimed at overriding your common sense,” she warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Being tracked as someone seeking an abortion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts worry about the digital safety of people seeking reproductive care across state borders following the overturning of Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion advocates have taken \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldefensefund.org/\">major steps to educate people\u003c/a> in states that severely restrict abortion on how to cover their tracks in pursuing the procedure elsewhere, including turning off their location. (Read \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014633/how-do-i-protect-my-privacy-if-im-seeking-an-abortion\">The Markup’s thorough guide on protecting your privacy if you are seeking an abortion\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When communicating about abortion, a major way that patients and providers can protect their messages is to use an encrypted app, like \u003ca href=\"https://support.signal.org/hc/en-us/categories/5592576449306-Getting-Started\">Signal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, end-to-end encryption means that your telecommunications company and the messaging platform can’t read your messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Being threatened as a survivor of domestic abuse\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Creating a threat model for scenarios like domestic abuse is harder, often because an abuser can gain physical access to a person’s possessions, like their phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When talking to survivors of domestic abuse who are attempting to leave an abuser, Galperin said the first thing she suggests is creating a new account — or a device — where they know their communications will be safe and private.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"WhatshouldIthinkaboutwhenIpost\">\u003c/a>How can my posts and videos reveal too much about my location?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Always review what you are posting before you post it, JoseMonkey said — even though “many people” never take this step.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They record something, and they just press send,” he said. And a person may not even realize “that there was some big thing that they forgot that they didn’t want to include,” he warns, until the post is out there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This could, for example, be a visible street sign behind you, which can be easily remedied by cropping it out or covering it with text or \u003ca href=\"https://help.instagram.com/151273688993748/\">a sticker\u003c/a> — or just rerecording the video to keep it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11732621\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11732621 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/gettyimages-936083116_slide-3e70954a8411a47eae7fed29faec169c8c9a7088-e1552499753206.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How can you protect your digital privacy online, especially when it comes to sharing details on social media? \u003ccite>(Chandan Khanna/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A more subtle aspect people may not think about? “The more you move the camera, the more information you’re going to show,” JoseMonkey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re out for a walk somewhere, people can see everything around you,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people record videos in their car, but “people underestimate how much you can see through the windows of your car,” JoseMonkey warned. And if the car’s mirrors or its GPS are visible, that’s more information being shared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be mindful of your posting history — “you may not remember that three years ago, you posted something that’s still there on your account that revealed some other bit of information,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this could be spread across several platforms. You tweeted something on one account, you posted a picture on another, have your LinkedIn on another, and a larger picture about you is created.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now people have all these bits and pieces of information about you,” JoseMonkey said — and you’ve potentially made it far easier for someone to find you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"WhatarethefirststepsIcantaketowarddigitalhygiene\">\u003c/a>OK, I’m convinced. What should my first steps to improve my digital safety be?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the world of surveillance and privacy can be \u003cem>incredibly \u003c/em>overwhelming (and scary), it shouldn’t completely discourage you from adopting good practices that are attainable for anyone with a phone or computer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider the following checklist a form of basic digital hygiene — like washing your hands — that can help make you safer from the “kinds of threats that most people face every day,” Galperin explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947072\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11947072 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A close up of a woman's hands as she holds a smartphone and is swiping the screen. She wears an orange jacket.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">What are some easy digital habits you can pick up in the new year that can protect your privacy online? \u003ccite>(istock/GaudiLab)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Strengthen — and manage — your passwords — and get a password manager\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To secure your accounts, Galperin said, you should make sure:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>All of your passwords are different from one another\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The passwords are long\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Use a password manager like \u003ca href=\"https://bitwarden.com/\">Bitwarden\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://proton.me/pass\">ProtonPass\u003c/a>, a secure application that manages, stores and even creates passkeys to different websites (you may need to pay for this service, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.zdnet.com/article/apple-google-and-microsoft-offer-free-password-managers-but-should-you-use-them/\">free password managers are available too\u003c/a>)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Your password manager will be unlocked with a single password,” Galperin said. “That single password again should be long and strong, and easy for you to memorize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make this single password easier to manage, Galperin recommends using a pass phrase instead: “Like five or six words, chosen at random.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In choosing a password manager, Galperin said that you should search the name of the application and “security incident” — to make sure the password manager you’re considering doesn’t have a history of being broken into. For example, LastPass — once one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/best-password-managers/\">more popular password managers\u003c/a> — has faced controversy for \u003ca href=\"https://krebsonsecurity.com/2025/03/feds-link-150m-cyberheist-to-2022-lastpass-hacks/\">a 2022 breach that still sees theft today\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it has a history of being untrustworthy, don’t touch it,” she said. But “if you don’t find a bunch of security incidents, it’s probably OK or good enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, though, the best password manager is the “one you actually use,” and that fits your daily life, Galperin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you spend a bunch of time getting a top-of-the-line password manager and then you only put two passwords in it, then you haven’t really done yourself a lot of good,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Install two-factor authentication\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two-factor authentication, or 2FA — also called multi-factor authentication or MFA — adds another layer of protection to your account beyond just your password. Many websites and applications encourage you to activate 2FA on your profiles, like \u003ca href=\"https://help.instagram.com/566810106808145\">Instagram\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://support.discord.com/hc/en-us/articles/219576828-Setting-up-Multi-Factor-Authentication\">Discord\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/accounts/answer/185839?hl=en&co=GENIE.Platform%3DDesktop\">Gmail\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>How it looks for most users: you enter your password, and then the website will send a unique code to you through SMS (a text) or to your email account, which you then enter back into the website. After that, you will have access to your account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Galperin points out that contrary to what you might assume, getting a code through SMS is actually “the least secure way” of protecting your account — because “SMS messages are not encrypted,” and it’s “possible to intercept them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SMS is better than nothing in most cases, Galperin recommended instead using an authenticator app, which syncs to your account and receives your code. Examples of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/wirecutter/reviews/best-two-factor-authentication-app/\">these kinds of apps\u003c/a> include \u003ca href=\"https://duo.com/\">Duo Mobile\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/accounts/answer/1066447\">Google Authenticator\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another layer of security could be getting a physical key: a keychain-sized flash drive that you can insert into your devices, allowing you to log in. But keep in mind, “if you break your physical key and you don’t have a backup key somewhere, you can end up locked out of your account,” Galperin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also doesn’t recommend using a physical key to survivors of domestic abuse, or anyone in “a situation in which you need to secure your account against somebody who has physical access to you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pull your data from the brokers selling it\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data brokers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055606/how-ice-is-using-your-data-and-what-you-can-do-about-it\">collect\u003c/a> your information and sell it through all sorts of means, including scraping from public records. These brokers can also grab personal information from tracking cookies, which can \u003ca href=\"https://socradar.io/blog/tracking-the-cookies-the-world-of-data-brokers/\">trace your browsing history and social media interactions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can mitigate the latter by installing an extension like \u003ca href=\"https://privacybadger.org/\">Privacy Badger\u003c/a> on your web browser, Galperin said. Privacy Badger’s website states that it stops advertisers and other third-party trackers from “secretly tracking where you go and what pages you look at on the web.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians can also \u003ca href=\"https://privacy.ca.gov/DROP/\">now fill out a request to the state to opt out of data brokers\u003c/a>, stopping them from storing and selling personal information. Keep in mind, these requests will only \u003ca href=\"https://privacy.ca.gov/drop/how-drop-works/\">start being processed by data brokers in August\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>More digital safety resources\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ssd.eff.org/\">Electronic Frontier Foundation’s Surveillance Self-Defense\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/pages/tools\">Tools from the Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.privacyguides.org/en/\">Privacy Guides\u003c/a> (\u003ca href=\"https://www.privacyguides.org/es/basics/why-privacy-matters/\">Español\u003c/a>)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Cornell University’s \u003ca href=\"https://ceta.tech.cornell.edu/resources\">Clinic to End Tech Abuse\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/gentle-january/2024/01/31/overwhelmed-by-digital-privacy-reset-with-these-practical-tips\">The Markup\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://zebracrossing.narwhalacademy.org/\">Zebra Crossing\u003c/a> (\u003ca href=\"https://zebracrossing.narwhalacademy.org/index-%E7%B9%81%E9%AB%94%E4%B8%AD%E6%96%87.html\">繁體中文\u003c/a>)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://digitalfirstaid.org/\">Digital First Aid Kit\u003c/a> (\u003ca href=\"https://digitalfirstaid.org/es/\">Español\u003c/a>)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://gameshotline.org/online-free-safety-guide/\">The Games and Online Harassment Hotline\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://privacyinternational.org/guides\">Privacy International\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldefensefund.org/\">Digital Defense Fund\u003c/a> (aimed at people seeking reproductive care)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org/digital-privacy-tips-abortion-seekers\">Asian Americans Advancing Justice\u003c/a> (aimed at people seeking reproductive care) (languages include \u003ca href=\"https://aajc.medium.com/%E5%A6%82%E4%BD%95%E4%BF%9D%E6%8A%A4%E8%87%AA%E5%B7%B1-%E6%B5%81%E4%BA%A7-%E5%8C%BB%E7%96%97%E9%9A%90%E7%A7%81%E6%95%B0%E5%AD%97%E5%AE%89%E5%85%A8%E6%8C%87%E5%8D%97-a5f690894c3\">简体中文\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://aajc.medium.com/paano-protektahan-ang-iyong-sarili-a6b2f743b019\">Tagalog\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://aajc.medium.com/%E0%B8%88%E0%B8%B0%E0%B8%9B%E0%B8%81%E0%B8%9B%E0%B9%89%E0%B8%AD%E0%B8%87%E0%B8%95%E0%B8%B1%E0%B8%A7%E0%B9%80%E0%B8%AD%E0%B8%87%E0%B8%AD%E0%B8%A2%E0%B9%88%E0%B8%B2%E0%B8%87%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%A3-7a92019678c2\">ภาษาไทย\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://aajc.medium.com/l%C3%A0m-th%E1%BA%BF-n%C3%A0o-%C4%91%E1%BB%83-b%E1%BA%A3o-v%E1%BB%87-b%E1%BA%A3n-th%C3%A2n-4aadd977d030\">Tiếng Việt\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org/sites/default/files/Bengali_Digital%20Privacy%20One%20Pager%20_%20Designed.pdf\">বাংলা\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org/sites/default/files/Khmer_Digital%20Privacy%20One%20Pager%20_%20Designed.pdf\">ខ្មែរ\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org/sites/default/files/Korean_Digital%20Privacy%20One%20Pager%20_%20Designed.pdf\">한국어\u003c/a>.)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://maskon.zone/\">Mask On Zone\u003c/a> (aimed at people going to protests)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://activistchecklist.org/\">Digital Security Checklists for Activists\u003c/a> (aimed at people going to protests and organizers)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "‘I’d Be Left Alone’: Medicaid Cuts Put Disabled Patients’ In-Home Care at Risk",
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"content": "\u003cp>Emma Denice Milligan can be a prankster. Her warm eyes, big smile and wheelchair can be misleading, said her caregiver, Wanda Kincy. But Emma once crashed a wedding and helped herself to the food. Another time, she put herself on a plane from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> to Chicago to meet her high school sweetheart without telling her caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kincy points two fingers at her own eyes and then at Milligan’s. “I know you,” she said with a grin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kincy arrives at the Oakland home Milligan shares with her aunt and uncle at 8 a.m., five days a week, staying until at least 10 p.m. and overnight on Thursdays and Fridays. She helps Milligan, 57, get dressed, bathed and ready for her adult day program. Kincy books Milligan’s paratransit rides, times medication reminders and keeps track of the small details that make her independence possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The care Kincy provides is covered through California’s Medicaid program, also known as Medi-Cal. Federal cuts have many advocates worried about the future of such care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under federal law, most home- and community-based services are optional benefits, meaning states can choose whether to include services like personal care in their Medicaid plans and how broadly to offer them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, Medicaid covers in-home supportive services to Californians who are elderly, blind or disabled and would otherwise be at risk of nursing home placement. The federal government reimburses California for about half of the cost of IHSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070295\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070295\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In her Oakland home on Dec. 12, 2025, Emma Denice Milligan smiles at her caregiver, Wanda Kincy, as Kincy recounts how Milligan has coped with the death of her mother, Carolyn Milligan, a human rights activist who worked on housing rights in Chicago and served Black communities in Oakland, in 2023. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Hyeyoon Cho)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In-home services enable Milligan’s family to hire Kincy to assist with daily personal care and household tasks so Milligan can remain safely in her family home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I lose Wanda, then I would probably have to go to a facility,” she said. “People at the facility don’t care. I would be calling them for help, and they wouldn’t come. I’d be left alone and be wet all night, because I can’t go to the bathroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milligan has received IHSS on and off while living in both California and Chicago. In 2011, she moved to Oakland and has relied on the program continuously since. But there is a growing concern about how long the services can last.[aside postID=news_12068383 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/04/001_KQED_Oakland_HighlandHospital_041152020-1020x680.jpg']In July, Congress approved roughly $1 trillion in Medicaid cuts over the next decade, beginning in 2026. Because the federal government pays roughly 54% of California’s total home- and community-based services costs, the impending cuts immediately raised alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/articles/2025/06/myth-vs-fact-the-one-big-beautiful-bill/\">White House\u003c/a> has said the budget package would not affect Medicaid coverage for people with disabilities. Advocates warn the changes will nonetheless fall heavily on home- and community-based services, which aren’t protected like nursing home services. They say optional services are often the first to be reduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hagar Dickman, a senior attorney at Justice in Aging, said the risk to in-home services is not theoretical. During last year’s state budget negotiations, she said, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration initially looked to IHSS as one of the first areas to cut when facing a projected shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the May budget revision, home- and community-based services were immediately on the table,” Dickman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget proposed \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/first-look-understanding-the-governors-2025-26-may-revision/#h-revised-budget-fails-to-invest-in-older-adults-and-californians-with-disabilities\">over $1 billion\u003c/a> in mostly ongoing cuts to in-home supportive services, including limits on provider pay and hours and the elimination of benefits for certain groups. Although this was not adopted in the final budget, a plan for freezing new Medi-Cal enrollments from undocumented adults, including IHSS eligibility, was adopted and is set to begin in 2026, while existing enrollees retain coverage. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070297\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Emma Denice Milligan jokes with Wanda Kincy in Ability Now, an Oakland-based adult day center for people with disabilities, on Nov. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Hyeyoon Cho)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dickman said this episode underscored how quickly optional services can be targeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When states are under pressure, they go after HCBS [home- and community-based services] first because they’re optional under federal law,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress has agreed to restructure \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/how-federal-funding-cuts-threaten-the-health-of-californians/\">Medicaid\u003c/a> by reducing the federal government’s share of reimbursements, restricting how states raise Medicaid revenue and imposing new eligibility checks, work requirements and exclusions for certain immigrant groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/HowCutsMediCalHomeCommunityBasedServicesImpactCA.pdf\">California Health Care Foundation \u003c/a>suggests the consequences could be costly. If the state reduces HCBS by 10% in response to federal cuts, California could face roughly $1 billion in added Medicaid expenses as more residents are moved into institutional settings.[aside postID=news_12068555 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/GettyImages-1197447255-1020x680.jpg']“The federal Medicaid cuts are an absolute disaster for HCBS,” said Sabrina Epstein, a policy analyst at Disability Rights California. She said the cuts will push many people off Medicaid, leaving them without access to the only program that funds round-the-clock in-home support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People will be forced into nursing homes or left to rely on unpaid family care,” Epstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Great Recession, the federal government gave states more money for Medicaid. Researchers at UCSF and the Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund \u003ca href=\"https://geigergibson.publichealth.gwu.edu/sites/g/files/zaxdzs4421/files/2025-04/Kaye%20HCBS%20Cuts%202010-2012%20%282%29%20%281%29.pdf\">examined what happened\u003c/a> when Congress ended enhanced federal Medicaid funding to states between 2010 and 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every state responded by cutting home- and community-based services in some way — reducing benefits, the number of people covered, or both. Waiting lists for home care grew across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California will not be able to absorb the loss if federal Medicaid cuts take effect in 2026, said Mike Pereira, executive director of Ala Costa Centers in Berkeley, which offers adult day services to people with developmental disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all bracing,” he said. “We’re watching the sand run out of the hourglass.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Round-the-clock care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Milligan’s bedroom is crowded but intentional. A metal lift helps get her out of bed. A tray table holds adaptive cups and utensils. Framed photographs line the walls: Emma smiling at family gatherings, dressed up for celebrations, captured at different points in her life. One large portrait shows her late mother smiling for the camera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milligan’s uncle, Austin Long-Scott, is in his 80s and has Parkinson’s disease, which has increasingly limited what he can physically do. His wife, Ethel, is also in her 80s and not able to do as much as she used to do for Milligan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to stay with her 24/7,” Austin Long-Scott said. “We can’t do that anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070294\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070294\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of Emma Denice Milligan with friends and pastors sit in the corner of her room in Oakland on Dec. 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Hyeyoon Cho)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In October, Milligan had a setback, spending weeks in the hospital as doctors struggled to manage severe chest and stomach pain. Kincy often stayed with her, helping communicate with nurses and doctors, monitoring pain levels and watching for changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without IHSS, Long-Scott said, their options would be grim. Paying out of pocket to retain Kincy would be financially overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a caregiver, Milligan would not be able to speak at churches and community organizations about disability justice or connect domestic violence survivors with resources, advocacy that she’s been committed to for more than a decade.[aside postID=news_12069772 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_013-KQED.jpg']Kincy reads the statements Milligan writes and facilitates questions from the audience. Their coordination allows Milligan to remain active in her community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The two of them just bonded,” Long-Scott said. “It was almost instant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the afternoons, Milligan attends Ability Now Bay Area, a center for people with disabilities. There, she is developing a business idea on adaptive clothing, which grew out of her daily care needs. She wants to design garments secured with snaps, magnets or velcro — clothing that can be put on and taken off with minimal movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fridays leave small joys for Milligan: browsing with Kincy at Macy’s Backstage in Pleasanton or getting dumplings in Alameda. Recently, at an outlet store in Berkeley, Kincy used her charms to talk a cashier into reducing the price of a new jacket for Milligan by 15%. They were thrilled about the bargain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milligan appreciates Kincy and the programs that enable her to remain vibrant in her community. “People I meet at Ability Now and the community around me understand me. They can relate,” she said. “Wanda and I always crack up when we’re there. They bring a lot of joy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://archive.is/o/DQQxE/https:/hub.journalism.berkeley.edu/thestakes/\">\u003cem>“The Stakes,”\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> a UC Berkeley Journalism project on executive orders and actions affecting Californians and their communities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The care Kincy provides is covered through California’s Medicaid program, also known as Medi-Cal. Federal cuts have many advocates worried about the future of such care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under federal law, most home- and community-based services are optional benefits, meaning states can choose whether to include services like personal care in their Medicaid plans and how broadly to offer them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, Medicaid covers in-home supportive services to Californians who are elderly, blind or disabled and would otherwise be at risk of nursing home placement. The federal government reimburses California for about half of the cost of IHSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070295\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070295\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In her Oakland home on Dec. 12, 2025, Emma Denice Milligan smiles at her caregiver, Wanda Kincy, as Kincy recounts how Milligan has coped with the death of her mother, Carolyn Milligan, a human rights activist who worked on housing rights in Chicago and served Black communities in Oakland, in 2023. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Hyeyoon Cho)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In-home services enable Milligan’s family to hire Kincy to assist with daily personal care and household tasks so Milligan can remain safely in her family home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I lose Wanda, then I would probably have to go to a facility,” she said. “People at the facility don’t care. I would be calling them for help, and they wouldn’t come. I’d be left alone and be wet all night, because I can’t go to the bathroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milligan has received IHSS on and off while living in both California and Chicago. In 2011, she moved to Oakland and has relied on the program continuously since. But there is a growing concern about how long the services can last.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In July, Congress approved roughly $1 trillion in Medicaid cuts over the next decade, beginning in 2026. Because the federal government pays roughly 54% of California’s total home- and community-based services costs, the impending cuts immediately raised alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/articles/2025/06/myth-vs-fact-the-one-big-beautiful-bill/\">White House\u003c/a> has said the budget package would not affect Medicaid coverage for people with disabilities. Advocates warn the changes will nonetheless fall heavily on home- and community-based services, which aren’t protected like nursing home services. They say optional services are often the first to be reduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hagar Dickman, a senior attorney at Justice in Aging, said the risk to in-home services is not theoretical. During last year’s state budget negotiations, she said, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration initially looked to IHSS as one of the first areas to cut when facing a projected shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the May budget revision, home- and community-based services were immediately on the table,” Dickman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget proposed \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/first-look-understanding-the-governors-2025-26-may-revision/#h-revised-budget-fails-to-invest-in-older-adults-and-californians-with-disabilities\">over $1 billion\u003c/a> in mostly ongoing cuts to in-home supportive services, including limits on provider pay and hours and the elimination of benefits for certain groups. Although this was not adopted in the final budget, a plan for freezing new Medi-Cal enrollments from undocumented adults, including IHSS eligibility, was adopted and is set to begin in 2026, while existing enrollees retain coverage. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070297\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Emma Denice Milligan jokes with Wanda Kincy in Ability Now, an Oakland-based adult day center for people with disabilities, on Nov. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Hyeyoon Cho)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dickman said this episode underscored how quickly optional services can be targeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When states are under pressure, they go after HCBS [home- and community-based services] first because they’re optional under federal law,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress has agreed to restructure \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/how-federal-funding-cuts-threaten-the-health-of-californians/\">Medicaid\u003c/a> by reducing the federal government’s share of reimbursements, restricting how states raise Medicaid revenue and imposing new eligibility checks, work requirements and exclusions for certain immigrant groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/HowCutsMediCalHomeCommunityBasedServicesImpactCA.pdf\">California Health Care Foundation \u003c/a>suggests the consequences could be costly. If the state reduces HCBS by 10% in response to federal cuts, California could face roughly $1 billion in added Medicaid expenses as more residents are moved into institutional settings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The federal Medicaid cuts are an absolute disaster for HCBS,” said Sabrina Epstein, a policy analyst at Disability Rights California. She said the cuts will push many people off Medicaid, leaving them without access to the only program that funds round-the-clock in-home support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People will be forced into nursing homes or left to rely on unpaid family care,” Epstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Great Recession, the federal government gave states more money for Medicaid. Researchers at UCSF and the Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund \u003ca href=\"https://geigergibson.publichealth.gwu.edu/sites/g/files/zaxdzs4421/files/2025-04/Kaye%20HCBS%20Cuts%202010-2012%20%282%29%20%281%29.pdf\">examined what happened\u003c/a> when Congress ended enhanced federal Medicaid funding to states between 2010 and 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every state responded by cutting home- and community-based services in some way — reducing benefits, the number of people covered, or both. Waiting lists for home care grew across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California will not be able to absorb the loss if federal Medicaid cuts take effect in 2026, said Mike Pereira, executive director of Ala Costa Centers in Berkeley, which offers adult day services to people with developmental disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all bracing,” he said. “We’re watching the sand run out of the hourglass.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Round-the-clock care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Milligan’s bedroom is crowded but intentional. A metal lift helps get her out of bed. A tray table holds adaptive cups and utensils. Framed photographs line the walls: Emma smiling at family gatherings, dressed up for celebrations, captured at different points in her life. One large portrait shows her late mother smiling for the camera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milligan’s uncle, Austin Long-Scott, is in his 80s and has Parkinson’s disease, which has increasingly limited what he can physically do. His wife, Ethel, is also in her 80s and not able to do as much as she used to do for Milligan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to stay with her 24/7,” Austin Long-Scott said. “We can’t do that anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070294\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070294\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/InHomeCare1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of Emma Denice Milligan with friends and pastors sit in the corner of her room in Oakland on Dec. 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Hyeyoon Cho)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In October, Milligan had a setback, spending weeks in the hospital as doctors struggled to manage severe chest and stomach pain. Kincy often stayed with her, helping communicate with nurses and doctors, monitoring pain levels and watching for changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without IHSS, Long-Scott said, their options would be grim. Paying out of pocket to retain Kincy would be financially overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a caregiver, Milligan would not be able to speak at churches and community organizations about disability justice or connect domestic violence survivors with resources, advocacy that she’s been committed to for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kincy reads the statements Milligan writes and facilitates questions from the audience. Their coordination allows Milligan to remain active in her community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The two of them just bonded,” Long-Scott said. “It was almost instant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the afternoons, Milligan attends Ability Now Bay Area, a center for people with disabilities. There, she is developing a business idea on adaptive clothing, which grew out of her daily care needs. She wants to design garments secured with snaps, magnets or velcro — clothing that can be put on and taken off with minimal movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fridays leave small joys for Milligan: browsing with Kincy at Macy’s Backstage in Pleasanton or getting dumplings in Alameda. Recently, at an outlet store in Berkeley, Kincy used her charms to talk a cashier into reducing the price of a new jacket for Milligan by 15%. They were thrilled about the bargain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milligan appreciates Kincy and the programs that enable her to remain vibrant in her community. “People I meet at Ability Now and the community around me understand me. They can relate,” she said. “Wanda and I always crack up when we’re there. They bring a lot of joy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://archive.is/o/DQQxE/https:/hub.journalism.berkeley.edu/thestakes/\">\u003cem>“The Stakes,”\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> a UC Berkeley Journalism project on executive orders and actions affecting Californians and their communities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The union representing 31,000 nurses, rehab therapists, pharmacists and other specialty health care professionals at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kaiser-permanente\">Kaiser Permanente\u003c/a> plans to go on an open-ended strike at hospitals and clinics across California and Hawaii, it said this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After both sides hit a wall in their months-long contract talks, the walkout is set to begin Jan. 26 at nearly 20 Kaiser hospitals and 200 clinics, with no end in sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will be on strike until we reach an agreement,” said Brian Mason, a negotiator for the United Nurses Associations of California/Union of Health Care Professionals. He warned that the strike will likely cause delayed or canceled surgeries and appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UNAC/UHCP is part of an alliance of health care unions negotiating with Kaiser for a new set of national and local contracts. In October, about 61,000 members of the alliance \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060288/kaiser-strike-ends-sunday-as-union-and-management-plan-to-resume-wage-talks\">staged a five-day, multi-state strike\u003c/a> to demand wage and staffing increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talks resumed after the walkout, but they broke down in mid-December when Kaiser negotiators accused UNAC/UHCP leaders of not bargaining in good faith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FVpegM9XML4\">statement issued on YouTube\u003c/a>, chief human resources officer Greg Holmes said a union official threatened to release “evidence of illegal, unethical and reputationally damaging information about Kaiser Permanente” unless both sides reached an acceptable agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963437\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963437\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large group of people line the sidewalk in front of a large building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kaiser workers strike in front of a sign at the Kaiser Permanente Oakland Medical Center in Oakland on Oct. 2, 2023 \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kaiser \u003ca href=\"https://about.kaiserpermanente.org/who-we-are/labor-relations/alliance-national-bargaining/media-statements/kaiser-permanente-statement-on-a-path-forward-in-alliance-bargaining\">proposed moving forward\u003c/a> with contract negotiations at a local level with other unions in the alliance — a move that prompted UNAC/UHCP to file an unfair labor practice charge at the National Labor Relations Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union accused Kaiser of trying to bypass the agreed-upon national bargaining process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, it posted \u003ca href=\"https://unacuhcp.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/ProfitsOverPatients_2026.pdf\">a report online\u003c/a> alleging that the Kaiser Permanente Group Trust, which manages pension funds for employees, invested in CoreCivic and the GEO Group, private prison companies that run detention centers for Immigration and Customs Enforcement.[aside postID=news_12069414 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011326_SOLANO-COUNTY-STRIKE-_GH_022-KQED.jpg']“When Kaiser claims it cannot afford meaningful improvements and summarily rejects proposals that would enhance patient care and health care provider well-being, its financial priorities merit detailed scrutiny,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser has not replied to an email message seeking questions about the union’s claim and its financial investments. Other unions in the alliance are not participating in the upcoming strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alliance has been seeking a 25% wage boost over four years for employees, saying they are underpaid. Kaiser, which maintains that workers already earn above-market wages, has drawn the line at 21.5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference, which adds up to roughly $300 million a year in salary costs, is what Kaiser said could force it to raise rates among its 12.6 million members, most of them in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union representatives maintain that Kaiser can meet their demands given its profits and an estimated $66 billion in reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UNAC/UHCP is part of an alliance of health care unions negotiating with Kaiser for a new set of national and local contracts. In October, about 61,000 members of the alliance \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060288/kaiser-strike-ends-sunday-as-union-and-management-plan-to-resume-wage-talks\">staged a five-day, multi-state strike\u003c/a> to demand wage and staffing increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talks resumed after the walkout, but they broke down in mid-December when Kaiser negotiators accused UNAC/UHCP leaders of not bargaining in good faith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FVpegM9XML4\">statement issued on YouTube\u003c/a>, chief human resources officer Greg Holmes said a union official threatened to release “evidence of illegal, unethical and reputationally damaging information about Kaiser Permanente” unless both sides reached an acceptable agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963437\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963437\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large group of people line the sidewalk in front of a large building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231004-KAISER-STRIKE-OAKLAND-MD-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kaiser workers strike in front of a sign at the Kaiser Permanente Oakland Medical Center in Oakland on Oct. 2, 2023 \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kaiser \u003ca href=\"https://about.kaiserpermanente.org/who-we-are/labor-relations/alliance-national-bargaining/media-statements/kaiser-permanente-statement-on-a-path-forward-in-alliance-bargaining\">proposed moving forward\u003c/a> with contract negotiations at a local level with other unions in the alliance — a move that prompted UNAC/UHCP to file an unfair labor practice charge at the National Labor Relations Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union accused Kaiser of trying to bypass the agreed-upon national bargaining process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, it posted \u003ca href=\"https://unacuhcp.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/ProfitsOverPatients_2026.pdf\">a report online\u003c/a> alleging that the Kaiser Permanente Group Trust, which manages pension funds for employees, invested in CoreCivic and the GEO Group, private prison companies that run detention centers for Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When Kaiser claims it cannot afford meaningful improvements and summarily rejects proposals that would enhance patient care and health care provider well-being, its financial priorities merit detailed scrutiny,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaiser has not replied to an email message seeking questions about the union’s claim and its financial investments. Other unions in the alliance are not participating in the upcoming strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alliance has been seeking a 25% wage boost over four years for employees, saying they are underpaid. Kaiser, which maintains that workers already earn above-market wages, has drawn the line at 21.5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference, which adds up to roughly $300 million a year in salary costs, is what Kaiser said could force it to raise rates among its 12.6 million members, most of them in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union representatives maintain that Kaiser can meet their demands given its profits and an estimated $66 billion in reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Years After A’s Deal Died, Port of Oakland Looks to Soccer Club for Waterfront Stadium",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/port-of-oakland\">Port of Oakland\u003c/a> once again has its eyes on a new waterfront sports stadium, years after the Athletics walked away from a deal to build a 35,000-seat ballpark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In letters sent to developers this week, the port authority wrote that it plans to pursue two deals to transform Howard Terminal, including one with the Oakland Roots and Soul Sports Club to build a permanent soccer stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Port officials plan to recommend that the board enter into exclusive negotiations with the team and Industrial Realty Group to develop the 50-acre site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re excited to work with the Port of Oakland on next steps toward negotiating an exclusive negotiation agreement to explore redevelopment opportunities at Howard Terminal for a stadium for Oakland Roots and Soul SC,” Lydia Tan, the club’s chief real estate officer, said. “This would be an important step in evaluating a long-term home for the club.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the port relocated container operations away from Howard Terminal more than a decade ago, it’s mostly been used for storage and other short-term operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070284\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070284\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OAKLANDSEAPORTMAP-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OAKLANDSEAPORTMAP-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OAKLANDSEAPORTMAP-KQED-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OAKLANDSEAPORTMAP-KQED-1536x983.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map shows the tentative building layout of the Charles P. Howard site. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Port of Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those plans aim to reinvigorate East Oakland after the Warriors, Raiders and Athletics all moved out of the city in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AASEG has said it plans to develop housing, retail and green space and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998786/oakland-as-agree-to-sell-their-coliseum-ownership-stake-to-developers\">open to another professional sports team moving into\u003c/a> the Oakland Arena, where the Warriors played before departing in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before announcing they would move to West Sacramento, and eventually Las Vegas, the then-Oakland A’s had eyed the Howard Terminal land for a new ballpark and mixed-use development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team entered into its own exclusive negotiation agreement with the port in 2018, and had \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/Planning-Building/Major-Development-Projects/Oakland-Waterfront-Ballpark-District-at-Howard-Terminal\">announced plans\u003c/a> for the billion-dollar stadium and upwards of 3,000 residential units, a 400-room hotel and other commercial space in the surrounding area.[aside postID=news_12060191 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251023-SB304FOLO-13-BL-KQED.jpg']After the city ceased negotiations with the Athletics in 2023, following the team’s announcement of a Las Vegas ballpark, the port put out a request for new “active economic development” proposals for the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last year, it’s whittled down potential partners from nearly a dozen to the remaining two. The site would be split into two connected projects: a larger industrial development led by Industrial Realty Group, and a smaller stadium for the Roots and Soul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The club has been looking to build a permanent stadium since its founding in 2018. The Roots, a men’s team in the USL Championship league, played at Laney College and Cal State East Bay before moving into the Oakland Coliseum on a short-term basis in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Soul, a women’s team that plans to join the USL Super League, has played three seasons at Merritt College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The club had previously entered negotiations with the city to build a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999833/oakland-roots-home-games-will-keep-pro-sports-in-the-coliseum-next-year\">temporary modular stadium\u003c/a> at the Coliseum’s adjacent Malibu parking lot, but it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023859/oakland-roots-soul-want-to-play-in-the-coliseum-for-years-to-come\">tabled those plans\u003c/a> last January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Oakland Roots defender Ilya Alekseev (88) battles San Antonio FC defender Mitchell Taintor for the ball at the Oakland Coliseum on Saturday, March 22, 2025, in Oakland, California. This was the first Roots game played in the storied stadium. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In December 2024, the Roots announced that they would propose a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandrootssc.com/news/2024/12/19/howardterminal/\">two-phase plan for the Howard Terminal land\u003c/a>: first building a modular stadium that could fit 15,000 fans on a shorter timeline, similar to its proposal for the Malibu lot, followed by a more “substantial structure” with a larger capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Details on Industrial Realty Group’s plans for the space aren’t known, but whatever development it pursues won’t be allowed to include housing or other uses that could affect the maritime activities in the Oakland seaport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The port doesn’t yet have a timeline for putting the recommendation before its board, and entering into the negotiations doesn’t guarantee that the development will come to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/port-of-oakland\">Port of Oakland\u003c/a> once again has its eyes on a new waterfront sports stadium, years after the Athletics walked away from a deal to build a 35,000-seat ballpark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In letters sent to developers this week, the port authority wrote that it plans to pursue two deals to transform Howard Terminal, including one with the Oakland Roots and Soul Sports Club to build a permanent soccer stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Port officials plan to recommend that the board enter into exclusive negotiations with the team and Industrial Realty Group to develop the 50-acre site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re excited to work with the Port of Oakland on next steps toward negotiating an exclusive negotiation agreement to explore redevelopment opportunities at Howard Terminal for a stadium for Oakland Roots and Soul SC,” Lydia Tan, the club’s chief real estate officer, said. “This would be an important step in evaluating a long-term home for the club.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the port relocated container operations away from Howard Terminal more than a decade ago, it’s mostly been used for storage and other short-term operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070284\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070284\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OAKLANDSEAPORTMAP-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OAKLANDSEAPORTMAP-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OAKLANDSEAPORTMAP-KQED-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OAKLANDSEAPORTMAP-KQED-1536x983.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map shows the tentative building layout of the Charles P. Howard site. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Port of Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those plans aim to reinvigorate East Oakland after the Warriors, Raiders and Athletics all moved out of the city in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AASEG has said it plans to develop housing, retail and green space and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998786/oakland-as-agree-to-sell-their-coliseum-ownership-stake-to-developers\">open to another professional sports team moving into\u003c/a> the Oakland Arena, where the Warriors played before departing in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before announcing they would move to West Sacramento, and eventually Las Vegas, the then-Oakland A’s had eyed the Howard Terminal land for a new ballpark and mixed-use development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team entered into its own exclusive negotiation agreement with the port in 2018, and had \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/Planning-Building/Major-Development-Projects/Oakland-Waterfront-Ballpark-District-at-Howard-Terminal\">announced plans\u003c/a> for the billion-dollar stadium and upwards of 3,000 residential units, a 400-room hotel and other commercial space in the surrounding area.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After the city ceased negotiations with the Athletics in 2023, following the team’s announcement of a Las Vegas ballpark, the port put out a request for new “active economic development” proposals for the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last year, it’s whittled down potential partners from nearly a dozen to the remaining two. The site would be split into two connected projects: a larger industrial development led by Industrial Realty Group, and a smaller stadium for the Roots and Soul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The club has been looking to build a permanent stadium since its founding in 2018. The Roots, a men’s team in the USL Championship league, played at Laney College and Cal State East Bay before moving into the Oakland Coliseum on a short-term basis in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Soul, a women’s team that plans to join the USL Super League, has played three seasons at Merritt College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The club had previously entered negotiations with the city to build a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999833/oakland-roots-home-games-will-keep-pro-sports-in-the-coliseum-next-year\">temporary modular stadium\u003c/a> at the Coliseum’s adjacent Malibu parking lot, but it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023859/oakland-roots-soul-want-to-play-in-the-coliseum-for-years-to-come\">tabled those plans\u003c/a> last January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250322_Roots_8554-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Oakland Roots defender Ilya Alekseev (88) battles San Antonio FC defender Mitchell Taintor for the ball at the Oakland Coliseum on Saturday, March 22, 2025, in Oakland, California. This was the first Roots game played in the storied stadium. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In December 2024, the Roots announced that they would propose a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandrootssc.com/news/2024/12/19/howardterminal/\">two-phase plan for the Howard Terminal land\u003c/a>: first building a modular stadium that could fit 15,000 fans on a shorter timeline, similar to its proposal for the Malibu lot, followed by a more “substantial structure” with a larger capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Details on Industrial Realty Group’s plans for the space aren’t known, but whatever development it pursues won’t be allowed to include housing or other uses that could affect the maritime activities in the Oakland seaport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The port doesn’t yet have a timeline for putting the recommendation before its board, and entering into the negotiations doesn’t guarantee that the development will come to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As San Francisco stares down another year of painful budget cuts, California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> announced Friday the state will provide the city with millions of additional dollars for homelessness programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The injection of homelessness funding comes as San Francisco is facing a nearly $936.6 million budget deficit in the next two fiscal years, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://media.api.sf.gov/documents/Joint_Report_FY_26-27_through_FY_29-30.pdf\">city report\u003c/a> released in December 2025. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064324/its-devastating-more-than-100m-for-housing-homeless-at-risk-under-new-hud-policy\">The Trump Administration’s cuts\u003c/a> through the ‘One Big Beautiful Bill Act’ are also projected to pull nearly $300 million from the city’s budget for programs like food assistance and Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are changing our approach to homelessness to get people off the street and on a path to stability,” Lurie said at a press conference in the Mission District alongside Newsom. “But we can’t do this alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Newsom announced that a combined $419 million will go to San Francisco, Los Angeles and San Diego in the sixth round of grants awarded through the Homeless Housing Assistance and Prevention Program. The HHAP program has distributed around $4.5 billion for local homelessness response so far, according to the governor, and additional dollars will be doled out in the next six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco will receive about $39.9 million, which will fund shelters and navigation centers throughout the city. Just prior to the latest round of grants, the state awarded \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/housing-open-data-tools/hhap-dashboard\">$187 million to San Francisco\u003c/a>, according to the HHAP fiscal data dashboard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070220\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NEWSOMLURIEPRESSER-21-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NEWSOMLURIEPRESSER-21-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NEWSOMLURIEPRESSER-21-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NEWSOMLURIEPRESSER-21-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its last budget negotiations, Lurie spearheaded a controversial effort to reallocate funds that voters approved through Proposition C, a tax on the city’s wealthiest companies to fund homelessness services. The approved budget shifted some dollars that were set aside for permanent supportive housing toward temporary shelter and transitional housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069177/newsoms-final-budget-disappoints-housing-homeless-advocates\">long-term state funding for homeless programs is also unclear\u003c/a>. California allocated initial funding for the HHAP program in the 2024-25 fiscal year budget, but no additional funding for that specific program was allocated in the 2025-26 budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed 2026-27 budget, which is still under review, includes around $500 million for HHAP, about half of what was originally allocated. Newsom on Friday underscored that the state had very little investment in homelessness response prior to his administration.[aside postID=news_12069711 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00057_TV-KQED.jpg']Additionally, decades ago, the state shut down many poorly run public hospitals and closed beds for people experiencing severe mental illness, with the aim of pivoting to a community-led response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the local approach never fully materialized, setting up generations of Californians without adequate behavioral health resources as the population grew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state had no vision. The state had no plan. The state was not involved in housing and mental health and homelessness just seven years ago,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters in 2024 passed Proposition 1, which Newsom advocated strongly for, giving the state a $6.4 billion bond for housing, services and treatment for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Governor’s office reports that unsheltered homelessness in California has dropped 9% statewide in the last year, based on counties’ 2025 data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m tremendously proud of the progress we’re making. Before I got here, between 2015 and 2019, we saw almost 52% increase in unsheltered homelessness,” Newsom said on Friday. “We’ve seen real progress in the last few years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As San Francisco stares down another year of painful budget cuts, California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> announced Friday the state will provide the city with millions of additional dollars for homelessness programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The injection of homelessness funding comes as San Francisco is facing a nearly $936.6 million budget deficit in the next two fiscal years, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://media.api.sf.gov/documents/Joint_Report_FY_26-27_through_FY_29-30.pdf\">city report\u003c/a> released in December 2025. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064324/its-devastating-more-than-100m-for-housing-homeless-at-risk-under-new-hud-policy\">The Trump Administration’s cuts\u003c/a> through the ‘One Big Beautiful Bill Act’ are also projected to pull nearly $300 million from the city’s budget for programs like food assistance and Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are changing our approach to homelessness to get people off the street and on a path to stability,” Lurie said at a press conference in the Mission District alongside Newsom. “But we can’t do this alone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Newsom announced that a combined $419 million will go to San Francisco, Los Angeles and San Diego in the sixth round of grants awarded through the Homeless Housing Assistance and Prevention Program. The HHAP program has distributed around $4.5 billion for local homelessness response so far, according to the governor, and additional dollars will be doled out in the next six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco will receive about $39.9 million, which will fund shelters and navigation centers throughout the city. Just prior to the latest round of grants, the state awarded \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/housing-open-data-tools/hhap-dashboard\">$187 million to San Francisco\u003c/a>, according to the HHAP fiscal data dashboard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070220\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NEWSOMLURIEPRESSER-21-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NEWSOMLURIEPRESSER-21-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NEWSOMLURIEPRESSER-21-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NEWSOMLURIEPRESSER-21-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its last budget negotiations, Lurie spearheaded a controversial effort to reallocate funds that voters approved through Proposition C, a tax on the city’s wealthiest companies to fund homelessness services. The approved budget shifted some dollars that were set aside for permanent supportive housing toward temporary shelter and transitional housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069177/newsoms-final-budget-disappoints-housing-homeless-advocates\">long-term state funding for homeless programs is also unclear\u003c/a>. California allocated initial funding for the HHAP program in the 2024-25 fiscal year budget, but no additional funding for that specific program was allocated in the 2025-26 budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed 2026-27 budget, which is still under review, includes around $500 million for HHAP, about half of what was originally allocated. Newsom on Friday underscored that the state had very little investment in homelessness response prior to his administration.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Additionally, decades ago, the state shut down many poorly run public hospitals and closed beds for people experiencing severe mental illness, with the aim of pivoting to a community-led response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the local approach never fully materialized, setting up generations of Californians without adequate behavioral health resources as the population grew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state had no vision. The state had no plan. The state was not involved in housing and mental health and homelessness just seven years ago,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters in 2024 passed Proposition 1, which Newsom advocated strongly for, giving the state a $6.4 billion bond for housing, services and treatment for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Governor’s office reports that unsheltered homelessness in California has dropped 9% statewide in the last year, based on counties’ 2025 data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m tremendously proud of the progress we’re making. Before I got here, between 2015 and 2019, we saw almost 52% increase in unsheltered homelessness,” Newsom said on Friday. “We’ve seen real progress in the last few years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "tenants-crushed-after-california-renter-protections-bill-stalls-in-the-legislature",
"title": "Tenants ‘Crushed’ After California Renter Protections Bill Stalls in the Legislature",
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"headTitle": "Tenants ‘Crushed’ After California Renter Protections Bill Stalls in the Legislature | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After taking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038224/california-bill-expand-rent-control-pulled-for-year-bay-area-lawmaker\">blows from landlord groups and the building trades\u003c/a>, a statewide bill that aimed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">expand renter protections\u003c/a> and make them permanent is likely dead this legislative season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1157\">AB 1157\u003c/a>, dubbed the “Affordable Rent Act,” would have expanded the 2019 Tenant Protection Act to more renters and lowered the amount rent can increase each year. It would have also made those changes permanent, removing a 2030 sunset date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday marked the bill’s first hearing of the year in the Assembly Judiciary Committee, where tenants and advocates pleaded with committee members to advance the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, it faced stiff opposition from rental property and building trade groups, who said it would make housing construction more expensive and could push smaller landlords out of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill failed to get enough votes, and without any additional hearings scheduled, AB 1157 will likely die there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just really, really crushed because they talk about how they don’t want to hurt the property owners, they don’t want to have them take their properties off the market,” said Chula Vista renter Tammy Alvarado, who took a 13-hour bus ride to testify in support of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069627\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069627\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign hangs in the window of an apartment building in Nob Hill in San Francisco on July 29, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The problem is these greedy landlords that raise their rent [to] the maximum. They can raise it every single year while our wages don’t go up to match.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as the 2019 Tenant Protection Act moves closer towards its expiration date, Alvarado and other tenants are worried about what it means for their own housing security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She splits the monthly payment with her husband and two children for a two-bedroom, single-family home. In November, she said her rent jumped from $2,780 to $3,030 a month — a nearly 9% increase. She also had to pay more toward her security deposit. To make up the cost, she said she would have to miss payments for her gas and electricity bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Devastated,” she said. “Next time I come up here [to Sacramento], I will probably be homeless.”[aside postID=news_12038224 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/2022-9-28-KQED-News_Tenant-Organizing_006_qed-1020x681.jpg']Since Assemblymember Ash Kalra, D-San José, introduced it last year, AB 1157 faced an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">uphill battle\u003c/a>. Powerful realtor and builder groups loudly opposed it, saying it would undermine the state’s efforts to build more housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038224/california-bill-expand-rent-control-pulled-for-year-bay-area-lawmaker\">Kalra transformed it\u003c/a> into a two-year bill, vowing to resurface the bill this year after buying more time to work on it with lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants rights advocates were feeling hopeful about its chances this time around, especially after Gov. Gavin Newsom called out the 2019 law in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069094/in-final-state-of-state-speech-gov-newsom-says-california-offers-model-for-the-nation\">State of the State\u003c/a> address, saying it was “the strongest statewide renter protections in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Kalra wanted to win over skeptical colleagues. Early in Tuesday’s hearing, he announced he would remove a controversial provision extending tenant protections to those renting single-family homes, individually owned condos and duplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all on the table,” Kalra said, “if folks are willing to come to the table to have those conversations meaningfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069626\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069626\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_9984.JPG_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_9984.JPG_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_9984.JPG_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_9984.JPG_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Giselle Penuela, 10, and Alexander Penuela, 6 attend at a vigil outside Redwood City’s city council chamber calling for rent control and other renter protections. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the concessions made, reactions to the bill were mixed. Some committee members spoke in favor, while others raised concerns about its impact on the already expensive rental market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m concerned about the big arm of government telling private property owners what they have to do,” said Asm. Diane Dixon, R-Newport Beach. “Because at some point they say, ‘The heck with it, we’ll go to Arizona and build apartment units and housing units there for a lot less money.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Committee members also took issue with the bill’s lowered rent cap. Existing law allows property owners to annually increase rent by 5% plus the cost of living, or up to 10%. As inflation has increased in the years since the law was passed, the amount landlords can raise rents has \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/all-cpi-figures-for-2024-ab-1482-rent-increases-now-available/\">crept closer to that 10%\u003c/a> threshold. AB 1157 would have cut that in half, limiting landlords to a 5% annual increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement ahead of the hearing, Adam Pearce, president of the California Rental Housing Association, said the bill could push “mom-and-pop owners out of the market, ultimately shrinking housing supply and hurting the very renters it intends to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069650\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069650\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250325-ApartmentsonWestside-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250325-ApartmentsonWestside-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250325-ApartmentsonWestside-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250325-ApartmentsonWestside-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Sunset District from the Sunset Reservoir in San Francisco on March 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008424/prop-33-rent-control-is-on-the-ballot-again-election-2024-california\">Research on this topic is mixed\u003c/a>. Traditionally, economists have largely agreed with that sentiment, saying that rent-control policies are \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-does-economic-evidence-tell-us-about-the-effects-of-rent-control/\">inefficient, create scarcity and drive up rents in non-regulated units\u003c/a>. But economists have also given credence to supporters’ claims that rent control is \u003ca href=\"https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/aer.20181289\">effective at stemming displacement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists have argued that strict rent control could discourage new apartment construction — though other research shows \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/publications/rent-matters/\">more moderate policies\u003c/a> tend to have little impact. And one recent anecdotal example seemed to support that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, St. Paul, Minnesota, enacted one of the strictest rent-control policies in the country. Minneapolis, on the other hand, passed a series of land-use laws two years prior, boosting apartment construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/real-estate/minnesota-rent-control-regulation-prices-34221bd4?mod=hp_lead_pos9#comments_sector\">\u003cem>Wall\u003c/em> \u003cem>Street\u003c/em> \u003cem>Journal\u003c/em> analysis\u003c/a>, permits to build apartments in St. Paul fell by nearly 80% in early 2022, after the city passed its rent-control ordinance. Conversely, housing permits in Minneapolis saw a fourfold increase during that same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069652\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069652\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/001_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/001_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/001_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/001_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings in Nob Hill in San Francisco on July 29, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But support for rent stabilization has grown among tenants and lawmakers in recent years, including from a coalition of 32 economists who wrote to the Federal Housing Finance Agency in 2023, urging the nationwide use of rental control. And last year, New York City voters elected Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who campaigned on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.zohranfornyc.com/platform\">multi-year rent freeze\u003c/a> for the city’s rent-stabilized apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s vote is nothing short of betrayal,” Christina Livingston, executive director of Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this moment, when Californians desperately need housing stability, our legislators chose to side with corporate landlords instead. When given the opportunity to solidify basic tenant protections, they failed, and we are outraged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "AB 1157, known as the Affordable Rent Act, didn’t get enough votes to advance out of committee. It is unlikely to resurface this legislative session. ",
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"title": "Tenants ‘Crushed’ After California Renter Protections Bill Stalls in the Legislature | KQED",
"description": "AB 1157, known as the Affordable Rent Act, didn’t get enough votes to advance out of committee. It is unlikely to resurface this legislative session. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After taking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038224/california-bill-expand-rent-control-pulled-for-year-bay-area-lawmaker\">blows from landlord groups and the building trades\u003c/a>, a statewide bill that aimed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">expand renter protections\u003c/a> and make them permanent is likely dead this legislative season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1157\">AB 1157\u003c/a>, dubbed the “Affordable Rent Act,” would have expanded the 2019 Tenant Protection Act to more renters and lowered the amount rent can increase each year. It would have also made those changes permanent, removing a 2030 sunset date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday marked the bill’s first hearing of the year in the Assembly Judiciary Committee, where tenants and advocates pleaded with committee members to advance the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, it faced stiff opposition from rental property and building trade groups, who said it would make housing construction more expensive and could push smaller landlords out of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill failed to get enough votes, and without any additional hearings scheduled, AB 1157 will likely die there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just really, really crushed because they talk about how they don’t want to hurt the property owners, they don’t want to have them take their properties off the market,” said Chula Vista renter Tammy Alvarado, who took a 13-hour bus ride to testify in support of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069627\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069627\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign hangs in the window of an apartment building in Nob Hill in San Francisco on July 29, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The problem is these greedy landlords that raise their rent [to] the maximum. They can raise it every single year while our wages don’t go up to match.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as the 2019 Tenant Protection Act moves closer towards its expiration date, Alvarado and other tenants are worried about what it means for their own housing security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She splits the monthly payment with her husband and two children for a two-bedroom, single-family home. In November, she said her rent jumped from $2,780 to $3,030 a month — a nearly 9% increase. She also had to pay more toward her security deposit. To make up the cost, she said she would have to miss payments for her gas and electricity bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Devastated,” she said. “Next time I come up here [to Sacramento], I will probably be homeless.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since Assemblymember Ash Kalra, D-San José, introduced it last year, AB 1157 faced an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">uphill battle\u003c/a>. Powerful realtor and builder groups loudly opposed it, saying it would undermine the state’s efforts to build more housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late April, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038224/california-bill-expand-rent-control-pulled-for-year-bay-area-lawmaker\">Kalra transformed it\u003c/a> into a two-year bill, vowing to resurface the bill this year after buying more time to work on it with lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants rights advocates were feeling hopeful about its chances this time around, especially after Gov. Gavin Newsom called out the 2019 law in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069094/in-final-state-of-state-speech-gov-newsom-says-california-offers-model-for-the-nation\">State of the State\u003c/a> address, saying it was “the strongest statewide renter protections in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Kalra wanted to win over skeptical colleagues. Early in Tuesday’s hearing, he announced he would remove a controversial provision extending tenant protections to those renting single-family homes, individually owned condos and duplexes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all on the table,” Kalra said, “if folks are willing to come to the table to have those conversations meaningfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069626\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069626\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_9984.JPG_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_9984.JPG_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_9984.JPG_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_9984.JPG_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Giselle Penuela, 10, and Alexander Penuela, 6 attend at a vigil outside Redwood City’s city council chamber calling for rent control and other renter protections. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the concessions made, reactions to the bill were mixed. Some committee members spoke in favor, while others raised concerns about its impact on the already expensive rental market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m concerned about the big arm of government telling private property owners what they have to do,” said Asm. Diane Dixon, R-Newport Beach. “Because at some point they say, ‘The heck with it, we’ll go to Arizona and build apartment units and housing units there for a lot less money.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Committee members also took issue with the bill’s lowered rent cap. Existing law allows property owners to annually increase rent by 5% plus the cost of living, or up to 10%. As inflation has increased in the years since the law was passed, the amount landlords can raise rents has \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/all-cpi-figures-for-2024-ab-1482-rent-increases-now-available/\">crept closer to that 10%\u003c/a> threshold. AB 1157 would have cut that in half, limiting landlords to a 5% annual increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement ahead of the hearing, Adam Pearce, president of the California Rental Housing Association, said the bill could push “mom-and-pop owners out of the market, ultimately shrinking housing supply and hurting the very renters it intends to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069650\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069650\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250325-ApartmentsonWestside-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250325-ApartmentsonWestside-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250325-ApartmentsonWestside-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250325-ApartmentsonWestside-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the Sunset District from the Sunset Reservoir in San Francisco on March 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008424/prop-33-rent-control-is-on-the-ballot-again-election-2024-california\">Research on this topic is mixed\u003c/a>. Traditionally, economists have largely agreed with that sentiment, saying that rent-control policies are \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-does-economic-evidence-tell-us-about-the-effects-of-rent-control/\">inefficient, create scarcity and drive up rents in non-regulated units\u003c/a>. But economists have also given credence to supporters’ claims that rent control is \u003ca href=\"https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/aer.20181289\">effective at stemming displacement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists have argued that strict rent control could discourage new apartment construction — though other research shows \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/publications/rent-matters/\">more moderate policies\u003c/a> tend to have little impact. And one recent anecdotal example seemed to support that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, St. Paul, Minnesota, enacted one of the strictest rent-control policies in the country. Minneapolis, on the other hand, passed a series of land-use laws two years prior, boosting apartment construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/real-estate/minnesota-rent-control-regulation-prices-34221bd4?mod=hp_lead_pos9#comments_sector\">\u003cem>Wall\u003c/em> \u003cem>Street\u003c/em> \u003cem>Journal\u003c/em> analysis\u003c/a>, permits to build apartments in St. Paul fell by nearly 80% in early 2022, after the city passed its rent-control ordinance. Conversely, housing permits in Minneapolis saw a fourfold increase during that same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069652\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069652\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/001_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/001_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/001_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/001_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings in Nob Hill in San Francisco on July 29, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But support for rent stabilization has grown among tenants and lawmakers in recent years, including from a coalition of 32 economists who wrote to the Federal Housing Finance Agency in 2023, urging the nationwide use of rental control. And last year, New York City voters elected Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who campaigned on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.zohranfornyc.com/platform\">multi-year rent freeze\u003c/a> for the city’s rent-stabilized apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s vote is nothing short of betrayal,” Christina Livingston, executive director of Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this moment, when Californians desperately need housing stability, our legislators chose to side with corporate landlords instead. When given the opportunity to solidify basic tenant protections, they failed, and we are outraged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "tengo-diabetes-precio-insulina-california-2026",
"title": "Tengo diabetes: ¿Cómo cambiará el precio de la insulina en 2026?",
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"headTitle": "Tengo diabetes: ¿Cómo cambiará el precio de la insulina en 2026? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068555/im-diabetic-what-should-i-know-about-insulin-price-changes-in-2026\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California es el primer estado del país en asociarse con una organización sin fines de lucro para desarrollar, producir y vender \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1998855/california-will-offer-deeply-discounted-insulin-in-january\">su propia insulina\u003c/a> como solución a los altos precios de esta \u003ca href=\"https://diabetes.org/es/herramientas-recursos/insulina-asequible\">hormona vital\u003c/a>, que ayuda al organismo a \u003ca href=\"https://diabetes.org/es/salud-bienestar/medicamentos/conceptos-b%C3%A1sicos-sobre-insulina\">procesar o almacenar\u003c/a> el azúcar procedente de los alimentos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La organización sin fines de lucro, Civica, actualmente va desarrollando una inyección subcutánea bajo la marca CalRx y que proveerá “insulina biosimilar”, lo que hace referencia a la insulina comercial que ya ha sido aprobada por la Administración de Alimentos y Medicamentos (FDA por sus siglas en inglés) y no presenta “\u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/biosimilar-insulin-initiative/\">diferencias clínicamente significativas\u003c/a> con respecto a su producto de referencia en términos de seguridad, pureza y potencia”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La inyección CalRx puede sustituir a Lantus y otras insulinas glarginas de marca, según un portavoz del Departamento de Acceso e Información Sanitaria (HCAI por sus siglas en inglés) del estado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California no esperó a que la industria farmacéutica hiciera lo correcto, nosotros tomamos cartas en el asunto”, declaró el gobernador Gavin Newsom en un \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/10/16/governor-newsom-announces-affordable-calrx-insulin-11-a-pen-will-soon-be-available-for-purchase/\">comunicado de prensa de octubre\u003c/a> sobre la insulina CalRx.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ningún californiano debería tener que racionar la insulina o endeudarse para seguir con vida, y no voy a parar hasta que se reduzcan los costes sanitarios para todos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La iniciativa podría suponer un importante alivio financiero para \u003ca href=\"https://healthpolicy.ucla.edu/our-work/diabetes\">casi 3.5 millones de californianos\u003c/a> a los que se les ha diagnosticado diabetes, la mayoría de los cuales padecen diabetes tipo 2, en la que el cuerpo no puede utilizar la insulina correctamente. El tipo 1 se da cuando el cuerpo produce poca o ninguna insulina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://diabetes.org/health-wellness/medication/insulin-basics\">La diabetes tipo 1 o tipo 2\u003c/a> puede afectar a los \u003ca href=\"https://www.uvahealth.com/conditions/diabetes-types#googtrans/en/es/\">niveles de energía y al funcionamiento de los órganos\u003c/a>. Las inyecciones de insulina, o en algunos casos, las pastillas para la diabetes ayudan a las funciones principales del cuerpo. El \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/diabetes/php/data-research/index.html\">Informe Nacional de Estadísticas sobre la Diabetes\u003c/a> reveló que 38.4 millones de personas tienen diabetes, casi el 12% de la población del país.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siga leyendo para obtener más información sobre los cambios en el precio de la insulina en California, cómo funcionarán las recetas y dónde encontrar más recursos.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>¿Cuál es el precio previsto de la insulina CalRx?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>La dificultad para conseguir la insulina en EE.UU. es \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/brucelee/2022/11/12/fake-eli-lilly-twitter-account-claims-insulin-is-free-stock-falls-43/\">un problema \u003c/a>ya bien documentado debido a un mercado \u003ca href=\"https://medicine.yale.edu/news-article/the-price-of-insulin-a-qanda-with-kasia-lipska/\">dominado por tres grandes empresas\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La insulina es entre \u003ca href=\"https://medicine.yale.edu/news-article/the-price-of-insulin-a-qanda-with-kasia-lipska/\">siete y diez veces más cara en EE.UU. que en otros países\u003c/a>, a pesar de que su producción es de bajo costo, según un artículo de 2023 de la facultad de medicina de la Universidad de Yale. De hecho, esta investigación explica que “el mismo vial de insulina que costaba 21 dólares en Estados Unidos en 1996 ahora cuesta más de 250 dólares”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalRx pretende ser otro competidor en el mercado y presenta una alternativa más económica, con uno de los motivos de esta iniciativa pública siendo que otros fabricantes “\u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/biosimilar-insulin-initiative/\">bajen sus precios también\u003c/a>“.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según el estado y Civica, el \u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/biosimilar-insulin-initiative/\">precio de venta\u003c/a> al público sugerido es:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>No más de 30 dólares por un vial de insulina de 10 ml.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>No más de 55 dólares por un paquete de 5 inyecciones de 3 ml.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según el portavoz de la HCAI en un correo electrónico enviado a KQED, “el precio que paga el consumidor podría ser incluso menor., dependiendo de la cobertura de su seguro médico”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varios grupos que defienden las necesidades de las personas con diabetes consideran el lanzamiento de este producto una victoria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esperamos con interés el lanzamiento de la insulina CalRx® en enero”, escribió Christine Fallabel, directora de asuntos gubernamentales estatales de la Asociación Americana de Diabetes, en un correo electrónico enviado a KQED. “Cualquier medida significativa para mejorar la asequibilidad de la insulina y ofrecer opciones adicionales es una victoria para las personas con diabetes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fallabel también señaló la reciente aprobación del \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB40/id/3030089\">proyecto de ley 40 del Senado\u003c/a>, que prohíbe los copagos elevados por el suministro mensual de insulina, como otra decisión estatal que contribuye a la accesibilidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069465\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069465\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomInsulinAP-1536x1024-1.jpg\" alt=\"Gavin Newsom hace una presentación en una pequeña farmacia.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomInsulinAP-1536x1024-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomInsulinAP-1536x1024-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">El gobernador de California, Gavin Newsom, presenta las inyecciones de insulina glargina de la marca CalRx en una conferencia de prensa el 16 de octubre de 2025 en una farmacia en Los Ángeles. \u003ccite>(AP Photo/Damian Dovarganes)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>¿Qué debo hacer si estoy pagando más de 55 dólares?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según el portavoz de la HCAI, “CalRx y Civica no pueden imponer el precio final al consumidor, ya que esto entraría en conflicto con la ley antimonopolio y de competencia”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, el portavoz afirmó en un correo electrónico a KQED que Civica tiene previsto incluir un código QR en el lateral de las cajas del producto, para que los consumidores puedan informar si gastaron más de 55 dólares en su compra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En ese momento, Civica se pondría en contacto con la farmacia para solucionar el problema”, dijo el portavoz.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>¿Dónde puedo conseguir la insulina CalRx? ¿Necesito receta médica?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No es necesario completar una solicitud para acceder a la nueva insulina y no hay requisitos de elegibilidad. \u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/biosimilar-insulin-initiative/\">No es necesario tener seguro médico\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La amplia distribución al por mayor permitirá a cualquier farmacia de California pedir insulina glargina CalRx”, explicaron funcionarios del estado por correo electrónico. Un sistema de entrega a domicilio todavía sigue en desarrollo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las personas interesadas en la insulina CalRx pueden “preguntar a su farmacéutico o médico si pueden cambiar su receta por insulina glargina CalRx”, informó a KQED el portavoz de la HCAI. Pero cabe agregar que la insulina CalRx es intercambiable con otras marcas y por esa razón, \u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/biosimilar-insulin-initiative/\">no se necesita una nueva receta médica\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los planes de salud se encargarán de comunicar la insulina glargina CalRx a sus proveedores y redes de pacientes”, afirmó la HCAI.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>¿Pueden acceder a ella personas de otros estados?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>El portavoz de la HCAI confirmó con KQED que “sí, la insulina glargina de Civica Rx estará disponible en otros estados bajo la etiqueta de Civica Rx”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>¿Dónde puedo obtener más información?\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/\">Sitio web de CalRx\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://calrx.ca.gov/uploads/2025/10/CalRx_Fact-Sheet.pdf\">Hoja informativa de CalRx\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://diabetes.org/es/sobre-nosotros/informacion-del-centro\">Centro de información de la Asociación Americana de Diabetes\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://diabetes.org/es/sobre-nosotros/informacion-del-centro\">Conceptos básicos sobre la insulina para la diabetes\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://civicainsulin.org/\">Insulina Civica\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://www.t1international.com/media/assets/file/Sept_2022_Update_-_T1International_Affordability_Resources.pdf\">T1International\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adembosky\">April Dembosky\u003c/a>, de KQED, ha contribuido a este artículo, el cual fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California será el primer estado del país en producir y vender su propia insulina. El precio de venta al público que se sugiere por un vial de insulina de 10 ml. de la marca CalRX es de 30 dólares o menos.",
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"title": "Tengo diabetes: ¿Cómo cambiará el precio de la insulina en 2026? | KQED",
"description": "California será el primer estado del país en producir y vender su propia insulina. El precio de venta al público que se sugiere por un vial de insulina de 10 ml. de la marca CalRX es de 30 dólares o menos.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068555/im-diabetic-what-should-i-know-about-insulin-price-changes-in-2026\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California es el primer estado del país en asociarse con una organización sin fines de lucro para desarrollar, producir y vender \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1998855/california-will-offer-deeply-discounted-insulin-in-january\">su propia insulina\u003c/a> como solución a los altos precios de esta \u003ca href=\"https://diabetes.org/es/herramientas-recursos/insulina-asequible\">hormona vital\u003c/a>, que ayuda al organismo a \u003ca href=\"https://diabetes.org/es/salud-bienestar/medicamentos/conceptos-b%C3%A1sicos-sobre-insulina\">procesar o almacenar\u003c/a> el azúcar procedente de los alimentos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La organización sin fines de lucro, Civica, actualmente va desarrollando una inyección subcutánea bajo la marca CalRx y que proveerá “insulina biosimilar”, lo que hace referencia a la insulina comercial que ya ha sido aprobada por la Administración de Alimentos y Medicamentos (FDA por sus siglas en inglés) y no presenta “\u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/biosimilar-insulin-initiative/\">diferencias clínicamente significativas\u003c/a> con respecto a su producto de referencia en términos de seguridad, pureza y potencia”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La inyección CalRx puede sustituir a Lantus y otras insulinas glarginas de marca, según un portavoz del Departamento de Acceso e Información Sanitaria (HCAI por sus siglas en inglés) del estado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California no esperó a que la industria farmacéutica hiciera lo correcto, nosotros tomamos cartas en el asunto”, declaró el gobernador Gavin Newsom en un \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/10/16/governor-newsom-announces-affordable-calrx-insulin-11-a-pen-will-soon-be-available-for-purchase/\">comunicado de prensa de octubre\u003c/a> sobre la insulina CalRx.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ningún californiano debería tener que racionar la insulina o endeudarse para seguir con vida, y no voy a parar hasta que se reduzcan los costes sanitarios para todos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La iniciativa podría suponer un importante alivio financiero para \u003ca href=\"https://healthpolicy.ucla.edu/our-work/diabetes\">casi 3.5 millones de californianos\u003c/a> a los que se les ha diagnosticado diabetes, la mayoría de los cuales padecen diabetes tipo 2, en la que el cuerpo no puede utilizar la insulina correctamente. El tipo 1 se da cuando el cuerpo produce poca o ninguna insulina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://diabetes.org/health-wellness/medication/insulin-basics\">La diabetes tipo 1 o tipo 2\u003c/a> puede afectar a los \u003ca href=\"https://www.uvahealth.com/conditions/diabetes-types#googtrans/en/es/\">niveles de energía y al funcionamiento de los órganos\u003c/a>. Las inyecciones de insulina, o en algunos casos, las pastillas para la diabetes ayudan a las funciones principales del cuerpo. El \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/diabetes/php/data-research/index.html\">Informe Nacional de Estadísticas sobre la Diabetes\u003c/a> reveló que 38.4 millones de personas tienen diabetes, casi el 12% de la población del país.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siga leyendo para obtener más información sobre los cambios en el precio de la insulina en California, cómo funcionarán las recetas y dónde encontrar más recursos.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>¿Cuál es el precio previsto de la insulina CalRx?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>La dificultad para conseguir la insulina en EE.UU. es \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/brucelee/2022/11/12/fake-eli-lilly-twitter-account-claims-insulin-is-free-stock-falls-43/\">un problema \u003c/a>ya bien documentado debido a un mercado \u003ca href=\"https://medicine.yale.edu/news-article/the-price-of-insulin-a-qanda-with-kasia-lipska/\">dominado por tres grandes empresas\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La insulina es entre \u003ca href=\"https://medicine.yale.edu/news-article/the-price-of-insulin-a-qanda-with-kasia-lipska/\">siete y diez veces más cara en EE.UU. que en otros países\u003c/a>, a pesar de que su producción es de bajo costo, según un artículo de 2023 de la facultad de medicina de la Universidad de Yale. De hecho, esta investigación explica que “el mismo vial de insulina que costaba 21 dólares en Estados Unidos en 1996 ahora cuesta más de 250 dólares”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalRx pretende ser otro competidor en el mercado y presenta una alternativa más económica, con uno de los motivos de esta iniciativa pública siendo que otros fabricantes “\u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/biosimilar-insulin-initiative/\">bajen sus precios también\u003c/a>“.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según el estado y Civica, el \u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/biosimilar-insulin-initiative/\">precio de venta\u003c/a> al público sugerido es:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>No más de 30 dólares por un vial de insulina de 10 ml.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>No más de 55 dólares por un paquete de 5 inyecciones de 3 ml.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según el portavoz de la HCAI en un correo electrónico enviado a KQED, “el precio que paga el consumidor podría ser incluso menor., dependiendo de la cobertura de su seguro médico”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varios grupos que defienden las necesidades de las personas con diabetes consideran el lanzamiento de este producto una victoria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esperamos con interés el lanzamiento de la insulina CalRx® en enero”, escribió Christine Fallabel, directora de asuntos gubernamentales estatales de la Asociación Americana de Diabetes, en un correo electrónico enviado a KQED. “Cualquier medida significativa para mejorar la asequibilidad de la insulina y ofrecer opciones adicionales es una victoria para las personas con diabetes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fallabel también señaló la reciente aprobación del \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB40/id/3030089\">proyecto de ley 40 del Senado\u003c/a>, que prohíbe los copagos elevados por el suministro mensual de insulina, como otra decisión estatal que contribuye a la accesibilidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069465\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069465\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomInsulinAP-1536x1024-1.jpg\" alt=\"Gavin Newsom hace una presentación en una pequeña farmacia.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomInsulinAP-1536x1024-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomInsulinAP-1536x1024-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">El gobernador de California, Gavin Newsom, presenta las inyecciones de insulina glargina de la marca CalRx en una conferencia de prensa el 16 de octubre de 2025 en una farmacia en Los Ángeles. \u003ccite>(AP Photo/Damian Dovarganes)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>¿Qué debo hacer si estoy pagando más de 55 dólares?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según el portavoz de la HCAI, “CalRx y Civica no pueden imponer el precio final al consumidor, ya que esto entraría en conflicto con la ley antimonopolio y de competencia”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, el portavoz afirmó en un correo electrónico a KQED que Civica tiene previsto incluir un código QR en el lateral de las cajas del producto, para que los consumidores puedan informar si gastaron más de 55 dólares en su compra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En ese momento, Civica se pondría en contacto con la farmacia para solucionar el problema”, dijo el portavoz.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>¿Dónde puedo conseguir la insulina CalRx? ¿Necesito receta médica?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No es necesario completar una solicitud para acceder a la nueva insulina y no hay requisitos de elegibilidad. \u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/biosimilar-insulin-initiative/\">No es necesario tener seguro médico\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La amplia distribución al por mayor permitirá a cualquier farmacia de California pedir insulina glargina CalRx”, explicaron funcionarios del estado por correo electrónico. Un sistema de entrega a domicilio todavía sigue en desarrollo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las personas interesadas en la insulina CalRx pueden “preguntar a su farmacéutico o médico si pueden cambiar su receta por insulina glargina CalRx”, informó a KQED el portavoz de la HCAI. Pero cabe agregar que la insulina CalRx es intercambiable con otras marcas y por esa razón, \u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/biosimilar-insulin-initiative/\">no se necesita una nueva receta médica\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los planes de salud se encargarán de comunicar la insulina glargina CalRx a sus proveedores y redes de pacientes”, afirmó la HCAI.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>¿Pueden acceder a ella personas de otros estados?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>El portavoz de la HCAI confirmó con KQED que “sí, la insulina glargina de Civica Rx estará disponible en otros estados bajo la etiqueta de Civica Rx”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>¿Dónde puedo obtener más información?\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calrx.ca.gov/\">Sitio web de CalRx\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://calrx.ca.gov/uploads/2025/10/CalRx_Fact-Sheet.pdf\">Hoja informativa de CalRx\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://diabetes.org/es/sobre-nosotros/informacion-del-centro\">Centro de información de la Asociación Americana de Diabetes\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://diabetes.org/es/sobre-nosotros/informacion-del-centro\">Conceptos básicos sobre la insulina para la diabetes\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://civicainsulin.org/\">Insulina Civica\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://www.t1international.com/media/assets/file/Sept_2022_Update_-_T1International_Affordability_Resources.pdf\">T1International\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adembosky\">April Dembosky\u003c/a>, de KQED, ha contribuido a este artículo, el cual fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Palisadian-Post, the community paper that’s been covering the Pacific Palisades for nearly 100 years, printed its final issue on Christmas Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After January’s fires, subscriptions basically fell to zero, as did advertisers, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.palipost.com/a-note-of-grief-and-of-hope/\">memo\u003c/a> announcing the paper’s closure from owner Alan Smolinisky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But its end brings with it nearly a century of memories.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Post remembered\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The seaside community of Pacific Palisades was founded by members of the Methodist church in 1922. Six years later, the first issue of what would become the Pali-Post was published to document town life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ A little 12-point, 12-page tabloid, they called the Palisadian” said\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Bill Bruns, a former editor of the Palisadian-Post from 1993 to 2013, and member of the Pacific Palisades Historical Society. Before he was editor, Bruns was a loyal reader of the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/2nd-photo.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068749\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/2nd-photo.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/2nd-photo.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/2nd-photo-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/2nd-photo-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bill Bruns (back right) poses for a picture with the rest of the “Palisadian-Post” staff in 2013. \u003ccite>(Bill Bruns/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1934, the paper was purchased by Clifford Clearwater, one of the first settlers of the Palisades. Bruns said Clearwater had been an ambulance driver in World War I, and was the Palisades’s original postal carrier where he would deliver mail by horseback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wasn’t trained as a journalist, but his life experiences gave him the confidence to keep publishing the paper, serving as its photographer and editor until his death in 1956.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had a friend who had a little plane and he would take Cliff up and Cliff would shoot these great aerial pictures of the town growing, hanging out of this little plane,” Bruns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Clearwater took about 3,000 aerial photos of the community as it developed and grew. All of those pictures survived the Palisades Fire and are stored at the Santa Monica Library for the public to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1950, a rival paper — the Pacific Palisades Post — came on the scene and by the end of the next decade, the two papers would merge to become the Pali-Post that most people think of today.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘heyday’ for community news\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The paper changed hands again in 1981 and a little over a decade later, Bruns began as editor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an average of about 30 pages to fill every week, he said what readers appreciated most was the focus on local news. Reporters went in person to cover stories and were often seen at local meetings, sports events and businesses.[aside postID=news_12068252 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/IMG_3022-2000x1500.jpg']“So they knew that they were getting firsthand coverage of what was happening in the town,” Bruns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Readers like Sue Kohl who lived in the Palisades for 32 years, respected the breadth of its coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Post covered school sports her children participated in. She said it featured plenty of advertisements from neighborhood businesses, including her own real estate agency. She especially liked the small town bulletin feel of the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They talked about local issues. They talked about local residents, whether they were famous or not famous,” Kohl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of her favorite sections to read was the “Two Cents” column, stray thoughts and opinions from Palisadians. She also appreciated the in-depth obituaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruns said the obit section was always appreciated by the families since the paper didn’t charge for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ Because we didn’t charge, people would write nice obituaries because they weren’t worried about the cost and they would give us a picture and we ran those,” Bruns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068751\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/newsroom.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068751\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/newsroom.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/newsroom.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/newsroom-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/newsroom-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The old “Pacific-Palisades Post” newsroom from Bruns’ time as editor. After 2013, it was converted into a real estate office by the new owner, which was subsequently lost to the fire. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Patricia Williams/ Bill Bruns)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The paper was known for its responsiveness to the community. The staff took pitches from readers, Bruns said, and put the spotlight on Palisadians themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was a “golden couples” column for anybody married for 50 years or more; a “young Palisadians” column for enterprising youngsters and a “people on the move” column for the movers and shakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The paper also announced the first birth in the community each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of a cool thing to be the first baby in the Palisades. They gave them prizes like baby gifts and things. Very local, community driven, small town emphasis,” Kohl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More than a paper\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That small town emphasis remained a constant.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Gabriella Bock was a reporter at the Pali-Post from 2016 to 2018. She said it her first real newsroom experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ We were a small, tight-knit news team of myself, a sports reporter and one other staff reporter,” Bock said. “So I was able to be taken under their wing and learn a lot in a short period of time.”[aside postID=news_12068653 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_6335.jpg']But the paper was more than just a place to work. When Bock got married, her fellow reporters wrote a marriage announcement in the paper. When she was pregnant, they threw her a baby shower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she heard about the paper closing its doors, she said it was heartbreaking. To Bock it’s not about being nostalgic or sentimental about a former workplace. She sees the giant hole the disappearance of another local newsroom can leave people with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s how people learn what’s happening on their block, in their schools, in their city, and when that disappears, people oftentimes will lose a reason to stay engaged at all,” said Bock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruns echoes Bock’s sentiment. He saw the paper as a unifier of the community in his two-decade tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just made people feel more like they really liked their town, and the Palisades Post was a crucial element in that whole spirit of community,” Bruns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kohl, whose home is more than halfway rebuilt, hopes that the spirit will return one day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last time she drove through her old neighborhood of The Alphabet Streets she saw several homes in the process of coming back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have faith that we will all come back, and I hope that the newspaper finds that as well,” said Kohl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Palisadian-Post, the community paper that’s been covering the Pacific Palisades for nearly 100 years, printed its final issue on Christmas Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After January’s fires, subscriptions basically fell to zero, as did advertisers, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.palipost.com/a-note-of-grief-and-of-hope/\">memo\u003c/a> announcing the paper’s closure from owner Alan Smolinisky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But its end brings with it nearly a century of memories.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Post remembered\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The seaside community of Pacific Palisades was founded by members of the Methodist church in 1922. Six years later, the first issue of what would become the Pali-Post was published to document town life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ A little 12-point, 12-page tabloid, they called the Palisadian” said\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Bill Bruns, a former editor of the Palisadian-Post from 1993 to 2013, and member of the Pacific Palisades Historical Society. Before he was editor, Bruns was a loyal reader of the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/2nd-photo.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068749\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/2nd-photo.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/2nd-photo.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/2nd-photo-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/2nd-photo-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bill Bruns (back right) poses for a picture with the rest of the “Palisadian-Post” staff in 2013. \u003ccite>(Bill Bruns/LAist)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 1934, the paper was purchased by Clifford Clearwater, one of the first settlers of the Palisades. Bruns said Clearwater had been an ambulance driver in World War I, and was the Palisades’s original postal carrier where he would deliver mail by horseback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wasn’t trained as a journalist, but his life experiences gave him the confidence to keep publishing the paper, serving as its photographer and editor until his death in 1956.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had a friend who had a little plane and he would take Cliff up and Cliff would shoot these great aerial pictures of the town growing, hanging out of this little plane,” Bruns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Clearwater took about 3,000 aerial photos of the community as it developed and grew. All of those pictures survived the Palisades Fire and are stored at the Santa Monica Library for the public to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1950, a rival paper — the Pacific Palisades Post — came on the scene and by the end of the next decade, the two papers would merge to become the Pali-Post that most people think of today.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘heyday’ for community news\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The paper changed hands again in 1981 and a little over a decade later, Bruns began as editor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With an average of about 30 pages to fill every week, he said what readers appreciated most was the focus on local news. Reporters went in person to cover stories and were often seen at local meetings, sports events and businesses.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“So they knew that they were getting firsthand coverage of what was happening in the town,” Bruns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Readers like Sue Kohl who lived in the Palisades for 32 years, respected the breadth of its coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Post covered school sports her children participated in. She said it featured plenty of advertisements from neighborhood businesses, including her own real estate agency. She especially liked the small town bulletin feel of the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They talked about local issues. They talked about local residents, whether they were famous or not famous,” Kohl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of her favorite sections to read was the “Two Cents” column, stray thoughts and opinions from Palisadians. She also appreciated the in-depth obituaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruns said the obit section was always appreciated by the families since the paper didn’t charge for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ Because we didn’t charge, people would write nice obituaries because they weren’t worried about the cost and they would give us a picture and we ran those,” Bruns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068751\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/newsroom.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068751\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/newsroom.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/newsroom.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/newsroom-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/newsroom-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The old “Pacific-Palisades Post” newsroom from Bruns’ time as editor. After 2013, it was converted into a real estate office by the new owner, which was subsequently lost to the fire. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Patricia Williams/ Bill Bruns)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The paper was known for its responsiveness to the community. The staff took pitches from readers, Bruns said, and put the spotlight on Palisadians themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was a “golden couples” column for anybody married for 50 years or more; a “young Palisadians” column for enterprising youngsters and a “people on the move” column for the movers and shakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The paper also announced the first birth in the community each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of a cool thing to be the first baby in the Palisades. They gave them prizes like baby gifts and things. Very local, community driven, small town emphasis,” Kohl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More than a paper\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That small town emphasis remained a constant.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Gabriella Bock was a reporter at the Pali-Post from 2016 to 2018. She said it her first real newsroom experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ We were a small, tight-knit news team of myself, a sports reporter and one other staff reporter,” Bock said. “So I was able to be taken under their wing and learn a lot in a short period of time.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the paper was more than just a place to work. When Bock got married, her fellow reporters wrote a marriage announcement in the paper. When she was pregnant, they threw her a baby shower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she heard about the paper closing its doors, she said it was heartbreaking. To Bock it’s not about being nostalgic or sentimental about a former workplace. She sees the giant hole the disappearance of another local newsroom can leave people with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s how people learn what’s happening on their block, in their schools, in their city, and when that disappears, people oftentimes will lose a reason to stay engaged at all,” said Bock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruns echoes Bock’s sentiment. He saw the paper as a unifier of the community in his two-decade tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just made people feel more like they really liked their town, and the Palisades Post was a crucial element in that whole spirit of community,” Bruns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kohl, whose home is more than halfway rebuilt, hopes that the spirit will return one day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last time she drove through her old neighborhood of The Alphabet Streets she saw several homes in the process of coming back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have faith that we will all come back, and I hope that the newspaper finds that as well,” said Kohl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
},
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},
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
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