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"content": "\u003cp>Upon entering The Box SF, a private event space and speakeasy in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> with its own antique shop, visitors are greeted by the sight of more than 15 million vintage knick-knacks on the store’s walls, floors and countertops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These items, dating as far back as the 18th century, range from posters and stationery to furniture and old books. It’s a “museum where everything is for sale,” said Mark Sackett, who opened the space in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For young shoppers interested in old movie posters and antique jewelry, \u003ca href=\"https://theboxsf.com/\">The Box SF\u003c/a> is an oasis of fairy lights and vintage treasures. But if you asked Sackett about his customer base only a few years ago — before several viral TikTok videos made the shop one of the city’s must-visit places — he said he would’ve told you “30 to dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we started doing those TikTok videos, they just took off for us in a big, big way,” Sackett said. “Our demographic is now 18 to dead. It’s everybody. We have all these young girls coming in here, taking selfies and they love it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many local business owners, social media apps such as TikTok have become the go-to platform for marketing and advertising, and many are concerned about losing connections with their customers if TikTok disappears. A bipartisan federal law, signed by President Joe Biden in April 2024, requires ByteDance, TikTok’s Chinese owner, to sell the app or face a ban in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008512\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008512\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks during a press conference announcing a bipartisan coalition of attorney generals filing lawsuits against TikTok for violation of state consumer protection laws on Tuesday, Oct. 8, 2024, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Minh Connors/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many lawmakers are concerned that ByteDance could allow the Chinese government to access Americans’ data to conduct surveillance, spread misinformation, and influence public opinion. The wildly popular app, which has 170 million monthly users in the U.S., will be banned on Sunday without a reprieve from the Supreme Court or legislative action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report on Tuesday by The Information said the app would go dark entirely if the Supreme Court upholds the law rather than allow current users to continue accessing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Straus Family Creamery, a Sonoma County dairy company, has amassed a large following on TikTok. Meryl Marr, vice president of marketing at Straus, said the platform allowed the dairy to build authentic relationships with content creators, which translated into increased business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12020909 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250105-BalajiDeathOpenAI-09-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The creamery went viral last year when a creator, whose account is dedicated to milk, praised its “cream top” whole milk and reusable glass bottles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since going viral, sales have gone up 15 to 20 percent,” Marr said. “What really worked for us is that we were picked up by a local consumer who was not a paid influencer. She just had interest in our product, and we fostered that relationship. We had a genuine connection with her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marr said TikTok is an important way for businesses to reach new audiences and create loyal customers. She said business has been so good that the creamery has struggled to keep up with demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, U.S. Sen. Edward Markey (D-Mass.) introduced legislation that could potentially delay the ban by 270 days. Bay Area Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Fremont) signed onto the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A ban on TikTok violates the free speech of 170 million Americans and hurts the livelihoods of creators and small business owners who use the app,” Khanna said in a Tuesday press release. “We need laws to protect Americans’ data, but banning TikTok is not the answer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sackett, who attributed his store’s increased revenue to TikTok, said he understands concerns over possible security breaches. If there is a danger, Sackett said people should take that into serious consideration before opposing the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979201\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979201\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-1470268269-7a6372c4fda9273f0b2f2aaa02596f8cdf146f92-scaled-e1737049856737.jpg\" alt='A hand holds a smartphone with a large logo that reads \"Tik Tok.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1498\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many local business owners depend on TikTok as a key platform for marketing and advertising, expressing concerns about losing customer connections if the app is banned or disappears. \u003ccite>(Dan Kitwood/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, while there may be allegations of China using TikTok to steal information, David Evan Harris, a Chancellor’s Public Scholar at UC Berkeley, said other social media platforms have faced similar accusations without reprimand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at the hearings that were held in Congress where TikTok’s leadership was questioned, there seemed to be very thinly veiled cases of highly xenophobic, anti-China sentiment that were not presented as objective national security issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when local journalism is on the decline, according to Harris, TikTok provides local businesses with an important tool for attracting customers. If more resources were dedicated to uplifting local reporting, businesses wouldn’t have to rely on social media to get the word out, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Box SF already has accounts on Instagram, Pinterest and other social media platforms, and Sackett said that businesses should diversify their social media presence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If TikTok ends up going away, if we’re not able to update it, how will we reach out to Gen Z and this entire community that we’ve built? We have to decide,” Marr said. “We’re waiting to see what will happen in legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we started doing those TikTok videos, they just took off for us in a big, big way,” Sackett said. “Our demographic is now 18 to dead. It’s everybody. We have all these young girls coming in here, taking selfies and they love it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many local business owners, social media apps such as TikTok have become the go-to platform for marketing and advertising, and many are concerned about losing connections with their customers if TikTok disappears. A bipartisan federal law, signed by President Joe Biden in April 2024, requires ByteDance, TikTok’s Chinese owner, to sell the app or face a ban in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008512\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008512\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/CATikTokLawsuitAP1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks during a press conference announcing a bipartisan coalition of attorney generals filing lawsuits against TikTok for violation of state consumer protection laws on Tuesday, Oct. 8, 2024, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Minh Connors/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many lawmakers are concerned that ByteDance could allow the Chinese government to access Americans’ data to conduct surveillance, spread misinformation, and influence public opinion. The wildly popular app, which has 170 million monthly users in the U.S., will be banned on Sunday without a reprieve from the Supreme Court or legislative action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report on Tuesday by The Information said the app would go dark entirely if the Supreme Court upholds the law rather than allow current users to continue accessing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Straus Family Creamery, a Sonoma County dairy company, has amassed a large following on TikTok. Meryl Marr, vice president of marketing at Straus, said the platform allowed the dairy to build authentic relationships with content creators, which translated into increased business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The creamery went viral last year when a creator, whose account is dedicated to milk, praised its “cream top” whole milk and reusable glass bottles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since going viral, sales have gone up 15 to 20 percent,” Marr said. “What really worked for us is that we were picked up by a local consumer who was not a paid influencer. She just had interest in our product, and we fostered that relationship. We had a genuine connection with her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marr said TikTok is an important way for businesses to reach new audiences and create loyal customers. She said business has been so good that the creamery has struggled to keep up with demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, U.S. Sen. Edward Markey (D-Mass.) introduced legislation that could potentially delay the ban by 270 days. Bay Area Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Fremont) signed onto the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A ban on TikTok violates the free speech of 170 million Americans and hurts the livelihoods of creators and small business owners who use the app,” Khanna said in a Tuesday press release. “We need laws to protect Americans’ data, but banning TikTok is not the answer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sackett, who attributed his store’s increased revenue to TikTok, said he understands concerns over possible security breaches. If there is a danger, Sackett said people should take that into serious consideration before opposing the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979201\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979201\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-1470268269-7a6372c4fda9273f0b2f2aaa02596f8cdf146f92-scaled-e1737049856737.jpg\" alt='A hand holds a smartphone with a large logo that reads \"Tik Tok.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1498\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many local business owners depend on TikTok as a key platform for marketing and advertising, expressing concerns about losing customer connections if the app is banned or disappears. \u003ccite>(Dan Kitwood/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, while there may be allegations of China using TikTok to steal information, David Evan Harris, a Chancellor’s Public Scholar at UC Berkeley, said other social media platforms have faced similar accusations without reprimand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at the hearings that were held in Congress where TikTok’s leadership was questioned, there seemed to be very thinly veiled cases of highly xenophobic, anti-China sentiment that were not presented as objective national security issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when local journalism is on the decline, according to Harris, TikTok provides local businesses with an important tool for attracting customers. If more resources were dedicated to uplifting local reporting, businesses wouldn’t have to rely on social media to get the word out, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Box SF already has accounts on Instagram, Pinterest and other social media platforms, and Sackett said that businesses should diversify their social media presence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If TikTok ends up going away, if we’re not able to update it, how will we reach out to Gen Z and this entire community that we’ve built? We have to decide,” Marr said. “We’re waiting to see what will happen in legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California has decided to abandon its groundbreaking regulations phasing out diesel trucks and requiring cleaner locomotives because the incoming Trump administration is unlikely to allow the state to implement them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials have long considered the rules regulating diesel vehicles essential to cleaning up California’s severe air pollution and combating climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The withdrawal comes after the Biden administration recently approved the California Air Resources Board’s \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/news/california-moves-accelerate-100-new-zero-emission-vehicle-sales-2035\">mandate phasing out new gas-powered cars\u003c/a> by 2035 but had not yet approved other waivers for four diesel vehicle standards that the state has adopted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President-elect Donald J. Trump has threatened to revoke or challenge all zero-emission vehicle rules and California’s other clean-air standards. By withdrawing its requests for U.S. Environmental Protection Agency approval, the Newsom administration is signaling a dramatic step back as the state recalibrates in anticipation of the new Trump era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has withdrawn its pending waiver and authorization requests that U.S. EPA has not yet acted on,” Air Resources Board Chair Liane Randolph said in a statement. “While we are disappointed that U.S. EPA was unable to act on all the requests in time, the withdrawal is an important step given the uncertainty presented by the incoming administration that previously attacked California’s programs to protect public health and the climate and has said will continue to oppose those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmentalists were distressed, saying it puts communities at risk and dismantles key programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To meet basic standards for healthy air, California has to shift to zero-emissions trucks and trains in the coming years. Diesel is one of the most dangerous kinds of air pollution for human health, and California’s diesel problem is big enough to cast its own shadow,” Paul Cort, director of the group Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a statement. The group called on “Governor (Gavin) Newsom, state legislators, and our air quality regulators to join us — to clean up our freight system and fix the mess EPA’s inaction has created.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/advanced-clean-fleets\">Advanced Clean Fleet\u003c/a> rule, which phases out diesel trucks, was one of the most far-reaching and controversial rules that California has enacted in recent years to reduce air pollution and greenhouse gases. It would have ended the sale of new fossil-fuel trucks in 2036 and required large trucking companies to convert their medium and heavy-duty fleets to electric or hydrogen models by 2042.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The truck fleet rule was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/08/electric-cars-california-to-phase-out-gas-cars/#:~:text=This%20regulation%20will%20essentially%20end,and%20100%25%20for%202035%20models.\">approved in 2022\u003c/a> after years of analysis, public hearings and discussions with industries and experts. It would have ended diesel’s stronghold on goods movement in the state, with potentially profound effects on the state’s environment and economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trucking companies had already sued the state to stop the measure, saying electric and hydrogen big rigs are not practical for long-haul uses and that it would destroy the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Trucking Association has consistently stated the Advanced Clean Fleets Rule was unachievable,” Eric Sauer, chief executive of the association, said in a statement. He said the industry would work with the state air board and EPA “to further reduce emissions in a technologically feasible and\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>cost-effective manner that preserves our State and the Nation’s critical supply chain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diesel exhaust has been linked to cancer and contains fine particles that can trigger asthma and heart attacks, as well as gases that form smog. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2024/12/california-diesel-truck-ban-zero-emission/\">Lower-income, disadvantaged communities of color near ports, freeways and \u003c/a>warehouses, especially in the Los Angeles and Long Beach area, have long complained about noxious and dangerous diesel exhaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state withdrew three other measures regulating emissions from diesel-powered \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/reducing-rail-emissions-california\">locomotives\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/news/carb-passes-amendments-commercial-harbor-craft-regulation\">commercial harbor craft\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/transport-refrigeration-unit\">refrigeration unit engines\u003c/a> that are hauled by trucks and rail cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the railroad rule, only locomotives less than 23 years old would have been allowed in California beginning in 2030, unless they were zero emissions. The rule also limited how long they could idle. People living in communities with trains and rail yards have long complained that the emissions are making them sick. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aar.org/news/chorus-of-diverse-voices-railroads-urge-epa-denial-of-california-locomotive-authorization/\">Railroads said\u003c/a> no zero-emission locomotive technology exists yet, so the rule’s “timeline is impossible” and that it would prematurely retire viable equipment and disrupt goods movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Clean Air Act, Congress more than a half-century ago granted California the unique ability to set its own aggressive emission standards for cars, trucks and other vehicles because of its severe smog. However, the federal EPA must grant California a waiver to implement them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the EPA has granted California the waivers. Only one waiver was initially denied — a 2008 rule setting greenhouse gas emission standards for cars — and that decision \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2019-09/California-Waiver-Background-Legal-091719A.pdf\">was quickly reversed and the waiver granted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when Trump was last in office, his administration took aim at the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-auto-emissions-standards-fight-with-donald-trump-explained/\">special status\u003c/a> to enact stricter rules — one of the more significant environmental clashes of the first Trump era. The Biden administration in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/regulations-emissions-vehicles-and-engines/notice-decision-reconsideration-previous-withdrawal\">reversed\u003c/a> those efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California air-quality officials have been waiting for years for the Biden administration’s EPA to approve the last four rules, hoping that time wouldn’t run out. However, the EPA failed to act in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randolph told CalMatters that Biden’s EPA had informed California that it did not have time to complete the four waivers, prompting the air board to withdraw them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once we knew that, we realized that we needed to deploy an offensive strategy to make sure that we maintained control of the waivers, and so we pulled them back,” Randolph said. “The Trump administration has not indicated a lot of support for our clean air and climate strategy, right? So our concern was that if we leave them hanging out there, we don’t know what they’re going to do with them. So we thought it would be better to maintain control.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12016258,news_12017428,news_12017611\"]What’s more, Randolph said litigation will be increasingly likely under the incoming Trump administration, so it was time to “protect and defend the work that we’ve already done.” Some business groups have already sued to try to block the mandate banning sales of gas-powered cars in 2035.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there’s going to be a lot of litigation in the offing, whether it’s entities suing us or us going on the offense and trying to protect our ability to move forward to address both air quality and climate change,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California may have to suspend any future rule-making for vehicles over the next four years of the Trump administration and rely instead on voluntary agreements with engine manufacturers, trucking companies, railroads and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Air Resources Board is assessing its option to continue its progress as part of its commitment to move forward the important work of improving the state’s air quality and reducing harmful pollutants that contribute to poor health outcomes and worsen climate change,” Randolph said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that the public health, air quality, and climate challenges that California faces require urgent action. We are ready and committed to continuing the important work of building a clean-air future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The truck fleet rule would have affected about 1.8 million medium and heavy-duty trucks on California roads, including delivery trucks used by FedEx, UPS and Amazon. The trucking industry had cited the high costs of zero-emission vehicles, limited charging and fueling infrastructure, and the financial burden on small operators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some provisions, for drayage trucks that serve ports, were supposed to be implemented already, but the air board put them on hold pending the outcome of the Biden administration’s approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some companies, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.pepsico.com/our-stories/press-release/pepsico-beverage-s-sacramento-based-electric-fleet-is-driving-progress-toward-pepsico-s-net-zero-emissions-goal-in-nacfe-run-on-less-trucking-event\">Pepsi\u003c/a>, have already rolled out electric and hydrogen fleets. Amazon has deployed 50 heavy-duty electric trucks in Southern California as well as hundreds of \u003ca href=\"https://www.aboutamazon.com/news/transportation/everything-you-need-to-know-about-amazons-electric-delivery-vans-from-rivian\">electric vans\u003c/a> nationally. Sales of zero-emissions trucks have increased despite no deadlines having kicked in. In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/fact-sheets/ACT-Credits-Summary%202023\">one out of every six trucks sold in the state\u003c/a> — more than 18,000 — were zero emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Because Trump is unlikely to approve them, California has no choice but to abandon its groundbreaking rules for zero-emission trucks and cleaner locomotives.",
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"title": "California Abandons Diesel Truck Ban and 3 Other Clean-Air Rules Before Trump Is Sworn In | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/alejandro-lazo/\">Alejandro Lazo\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California has decided to abandon its groundbreaking regulations phasing out diesel trucks and requiring cleaner locomotives because the incoming Trump administration is unlikely to allow the state to implement them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials have long considered the rules regulating diesel vehicles essential to cleaning up California’s severe air pollution and combating climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The withdrawal comes after the Biden administration recently approved the California Air Resources Board’s \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/news/california-moves-accelerate-100-new-zero-emission-vehicle-sales-2035\">mandate phasing out new gas-powered cars\u003c/a> by 2035 but had not yet approved other waivers for four diesel vehicle standards that the state has adopted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President-elect Donald J. Trump has threatened to revoke or challenge all zero-emission vehicle rules and California’s other clean-air standards. By withdrawing its requests for U.S. Environmental Protection Agency approval, the Newsom administration is signaling a dramatic step back as the state recalibrates in anticipation of the new Trump era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has withdrawn its pending waiver and authorization requests that U.S. EPA has not yet acted on,” Air Resources Board Chair Liane Randolph said in a statement. “While we are disappointed that U.S. EPA was unable to act on all the requests in time, the withdrawal is an important step given the uncertainty presented by the incoming administration that previously attacked California’s programs to protect public health and the climate and has said will continue to oppose those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmentalists were distressed, saying it puts communities at risk and dismantles key programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To meet basic standards for healthy air, California has to shift to zero-emissions trucks and trains in the coming years. Diesel is one of the most dangerous kinds of air pollution for human health, and California’s diesel problem is big enough to cast its own shadow,” Paul Cort, director of the group Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a statement. The group called on “Governor (Gavin) Newsom, state legislators, and our air quality regulators to join us — to clean up our freight system and fix the mess EPA’s inaction has created.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/advanced-clean-fleets\">Advanced Clean Fleet\u003c/a> rule, which phases out diesel trucks, was one of the most far-reaching and controversial rules that California has enacted in recent years to reduce air pollution and greenhouse gases. It would have ended the sale of new fossil-fuel trucks in 2036 and required large trucking companies to convert their medium and heavy-duty fleets to electric or hydrogen models by 2042.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The truck fleet rule was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/08/electric-cars-california-to-phase-out-gas-cars/#:~:text=This%20regulation%20will%20essentially%20end,and%20100%25%20for%202035%20models.\">approved in 2022\u003c/a> after years of analysis, public hearings and discussions with industries and experts. It would have ended diesel’s stronghold on goods movement in the state, with potentially profound effects on the state’s environment and economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trucking companies had already sued the state to stop the measure, saying electric and hydrogen big rigs are not practical for long-haul uses and that it would destroy the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Trucking Association has consistently stated the Advanced Clean Fleets Rule was unachievable,” Eric Sauer, chief executive of the association, said in a statement. He said the industry would work with the state air board and EPA “to further reduce emissions in a technologically feasible and\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>cost-effective manner that preserves our State and the Nation’s critical supply chain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diesel exhaust has been linked to cancer and contains fine particles that can trigger asthma and heart attacks, as well as gases that form smog. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2024/12/california-diesel-truck-ban-zero-emission/\">Lower-income, disadvantaged communities of color near ports, freeways and \u003c/a>warehouses, especially in the Los Angeles and Long Beach area, have long complained about noxious and dangerous diesel exhaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state withdrew three other measures regulating emissions from diesel-powered \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/reducing-rail-emissions-california\">locomotives\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/news/carb-passes-amendments-commercial-harbor-craft-regulation\">commercial harbor craft\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/transport-refrigeration-unit\">refrigeration unit engines\u003c/a> that are hauled by trucks and rail cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the railroad rule, only locomotives less than 23 years old would have been allowed in California beginning in 2030, unless they were zero emissions. The rule also limited how long they could idle. People living in communities with trains and rail yards have long complained that the emissions are making them sick. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aar.org/news/chorus-of-diverse-voices-railroads-urge-epa-denial-of-california-locomotive-authorization/\">Railroads said\u003c/a> no zero-emission locomotive technology exists yet, so the rule’s “timeline is impossible” and that it would prematurely retire viable equipment and disrupt goods movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Clean Air Act, Congress more than a half-century ago granted California the unique ability to set its own aggressive emission standards for cars, trucks and other vehicles because of its severe smog. However, the federal EPA must grant California a waiver to implement them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the EPA has granted California the waivers. Only one waiver was initially denied — a 2008 rule setting greenhouse gas emission standards for cars — and that decision \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2019-09/California-Waiver-Background-Legal-091719A.pdf\">was quickly reversed and the waiver granted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when Trump was last in office, his administration took aim at the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-auto-emissions-standards-fight-with-donald-trump-explained/\">special status\u003c/a> to enact stricter rules — one of the more significant environmental clashes of the first Trump era. The Biden administration in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/regulations-emissions-vehicles-and-engines/notice-decision-reconsideration-previous-withdrawal\">reversed\u003c/a> those efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California air-quality officials have been waiting for years for the Biden administration’s EPA to approve the last four rules, hoping that time wouldn’t run out. However, the EPA failed to act in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randolph told CalMatters that Biden’s EPA had informed California that it did not have time to complete the four waivers, prompting the air board to withdraw them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once we knew that, we realized that we needed to deploy an offensive strategy to make sure that we maintained control of the waivers, and so we pulled them back,” Randolph said. “The Trump administration has not indicated a lot of support for our clean air and climate strategy, right? So our concern was that if we leave them hanging out there, we don’t know what they’re going to do with them. So we thought it would be better to maintain control.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What’s more, Randolph said litigation will be increasingly likely under the incoming Trump administration, so it was time to “protect and defend the work that we’ve already done.” Some business groups have already sued to try to block the mandate banning sales of gas-powered cars in 2035.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there’s going to be a lot of litigation in the offing, whether it’s entities suing us or us going on the offense and trying to protect our ability to move forward to address both air quality and climate change,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California may have to suspend any future rule-making for vehicles over the next four years of the Trump administration and rely instead on voluntary agreements with engine manufacturers, trucking companies, railroads and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Air Resources Board is assessing its option to continue its progress as part of its commitment to move forward the important work of improving the state’s air quality and reducing harmful pollutants that contribute to poor health outcomes and worsen climate change,” Randolph said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that the public health, air quality, and climate challenges that California faces require urgent action. We are ready and committed to continuing the important work of building a clean-air future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The truck fleet rule would have affected about 1.8 million medium and heavy-duty trucks on California roads, including delivery trucks used by FedEx, UPS and Amazon. The trucking industry had cited the high costs of zero-emission vehicles, limited charging and fueling infrastructure, and the financial burden on small operators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some provisions, for drayage trucks that serve ports, were supposed to be implemented already, but the air board put them on hold pending the outcome of the Biden administration’s approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some companies, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.pepsico.com/our-stories/press-release/pepsico-beverage-s-sacramento-based-electric-fleet-is-driving-progress-toward-pepsico-s-net-zero-emissions-goal-in-nacfe-run-on-less-trucking-event\">Pepsi\u003c/a>, have already rolled out electric and hydrogen fleets. Amazon has deployed 50 heavy-duty electric trucks in Southern California as well as hundreds of \u003ca href=\"https://www.aboutamazon.com/news/transportation/everything-you-need-to-know-about-amazons-electric-delivery-vans-from-rivian\">electric vans\u003c/a> nationally. Sales of zero-emissions trucks have increased despite no deadlines having kicked in. In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/fact-sheets/ACT-Credits-Summary%202023\">one out of every six trucks sold in the state\u003c/a> — more than 18,000 — were zero emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "npr-shopped-for-96-items-at-walmart-to-track-how-prices-are-really-changing",
"title": "NPR Shopped for 96 Items at Walmart to Track How Prices Are Really Changing",
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"headTitle": "NPR Shopped for 96 Items at Walmart to Track How Prices Are Really Changing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>LIBERTY COUNTY, Georgia — Ask almost any shopper outside this sprawling Walmart southeast of Savannah, and they’ll tell you about rising prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The meat is going up. Milk, eggs, everything is going up,” says Cicely Gardner, rolling a cart with some doughnuts in the parking lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But wait. The rate of inflation has cooled for two years, and not everything is going up in price. So why does paying at checkout still cause such heartburn? What gives?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR set off to answer that question at the most popular retailer in the United States. For six years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/tags/755496161/npr-shopping-cart\">we have tracked\u003c/a> the prices of dozens of items at this very Walmart superstore. And here’s what we learned on our latest visit, in December. \u003cem>(Or \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/14/nx-s1-5241014/walmart-prices-npr-shopping-cart-2024/#resnx-s1-5241014-105\">\u003cem>skip the analysis\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> to see the full details of NPR’s shopping cart.)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On average, prices ticked up 0.7% last year\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>NPR’s list includes 96 items from virtually every Walmart aisle: chips and veggies, shampoo and T-shirts, dog food and paper towels. To account for changes in package sizes, we focus on the price per unit, typically per ounce, whether it’s toothpaste in a tube or soup in a can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the course of 2024, the tracked prices on average increased just 0.7%\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>— far less than overall annual inflation, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/news.release/cpi.nr0.htm\">2.7% in November\u003c/a>. (December’s inflation data will be released on Wednesday.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because exactly half of our tracked prices stayed the same from December 2023 to December 2024 — a notable relief after the COVID-19 pandemic, when most prices jumped year to year because of turmoil in supply chains and labor markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/walmart-shopping-cart-20241212/?initialWidth=910&childId=responsive-embed-walmart-shopping-cart-20241212&parentTitle=NPR%20shopped%20at%20Walmart%20to%20track%20how%20inflation%20is%20changing%20prices%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2025%2F01%2F14%2Fnx-s1-5241014%2Fwalmart-prices-npr-shopping-cart-2024\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-one items in NPR’s shopping cart actually got cheaper during the year, including garlic, bananas and salmon. Another 27 products got more expensive, including eggs, ground beef and laundry detergent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/datawrapper/uDESu/33/?initialWidth=910&childId=responsive-embed-uDESu&parentTitle=NPR%20shopped%20at%20Walmart%20to%20track%20how%20inflation%20is%20changing%20prices%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2025%2F01%2F14%2Fnx-s1-5241014%2Fwalmart-prices-npr-shopping-cart-2024\" width=\"800\" height=\"1150\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The 5-year view is much more painful\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Items in NPR’s shopping cart are much pricier since mid-2019, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/16/753712449/npr-shopping-cart-economics-how-prices-changed-at-a-walmart-in-1-year\">our last check\u003c/a> before the pandemic. On average, those tracked prices have increased around 25%. And that’s not far from federal inflation data: Cumulatively, U.S. prices are up 23% since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a 4-pound bag of Domino sugar now costs $4.46. That’s 74% more compared with NPR’s visit to Walmart in 2019. A dozen eggs cost $4.90, or 83% more than they cost five years ago. Tide liquid laundry detergent now comes in a smaller container — 84 ounces instead of 100 ounces — but costs $1 more, in a classic case of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/08/1236921674/biden-state-of-the-union-shrinkflation-prices\">shrinkflation\u003c/a>. Regular family grocery runs add up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/walmart-shopping-cart-20241212/index2019.html?initialWidth=910&childId=responsive-embed-walmart-shopping-cart-20241212-index2019&parentTitle=NPR%20shopped%20at%20Walmart%20to%20track%20how%20inflation%20is%20changing%20prices%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2025%2F01%2F14%2Fnx-s1-5241014%2Fwalmart-prices-npr-shopping-cart-2024\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 2019, NPR’s visit to this suburban Walmart, near a large Army base, focused on the impact of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/16/753712449/npr-shopping-cart-economics-how-prices-changed-at-a-walmart-in-1-year\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">then-President Donald Trump’s trade war with China\u003c/a>. Our shopping cart was smaller, filled with many products either imported or made with imported parts. Only a few of those items have now gotten cheaper, including frozen shrimp, swai fish and — most dramatically — screwdrivers. (Walmart has switched brands, and the price is now 60% lower than it was.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">2019 prices will stay in the past\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big price increases are rarely followed by equally big price decreases, historically. That’s because seismic shifts in the global economy cannot simply be undone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, it still costs more than it did in 2019 to ship things across the world. It costs more to fertilize soil where our food grows, because \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/10/1093066817/ukraine-war-gas-prices-refugees\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Russia is one of the biggest exporters\u003c/a> of fertilizer. Prices have grown for paper and corrugated cardboard used in packaging. President Biden has largely kept Trump’s tariffs on Chinese imports, which means U.S. companies are paying higher import fees — and passing some of that cost on to shoppers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stores, factories, farms and warehouses are paying more for utilities and insurance. Gas prices affect the cost of trucking. American wages, on average, have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/10/nx-s1-5254674/jobs-labor-market-unemployment-trump-biden\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">outpaced inflation\u003c/a> for more than a year and a half, with some wage increases affecting the cost of making, packing, selling and delivering our purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some items — like eggs, beef, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/02/12/1230120289/valentines-day-chocolate-cocoa-prices\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">chocolate\u003c/a> and coffee — have faced specific troubles. Cases of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/tags/140039925/avian-flu\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">avian flu have continued\u003c/a> in chickens and cows. Dairy and cattle farmers also point to droughts increasing the cost of feed. Extreme weather has damaged harvests of coffee and cocoa, leading to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/17/nx-s1-5228008/coffee-prices-brazil-drought-weather\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">record wholesale prices\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">Here’s what Walmart and manufacturers had to say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>NPR asked the companies that make the items in our shopping cart to explain their price increases. Some didn’t respond, including PepsiCo’s Frito-Lay, Eggland’s Best and Unilever, which makes Dove, Degree and Vaseline. And from those that did reply, we heard a common refrain: It simply costs more to make stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The maker of Domino sugar, ASR Group, sent a detailed list of price increases it has faced since the start of the pandemic: general freight trucking costs up 19%, deep-sea shipping up 45%, rail-freight shipping 17%, wages 15%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>General Mills, whose Yoplait yogurt cup is 17 cents (or 28%) pricier than it was in mid-2019, said \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/APU0000709112\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dairy inflation is worse\u003c/a> than general inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 16-ounce jar of Jif peanut butter is 90 cents (or 41%) more than it was in mid-2019; its maker, J.M. Smucker, said shelled peanut prices rose about 44%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welch’s, whose grape jelly went up almost 68% since mid-2019, said many farmers in its cooperative went into the pandemic already financially struggling, prompting the company to “increase returns to growers” to sustain those family farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many brands also said Walmart is the final arbiter of prices on its shelves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walmart does have the power to sell some popular items at break-even prices or even below cost, making up for the lost profits by charging a bit more for other products. But overall, supermarket prices are a complex amalgam of both the expenses and markups of manufacturers, wholesalers and the retailer as they respond to a myriad of factors, including harvests, seasons and shoppers’ loyalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walmart, as the largest U.S. retailer, tends to extract lowest-priced deals from suppliers. In November, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fool.com/earnings/call-transcripts/2024/11/19/walmart-wmt-q3-2025-earnings-call-transcript/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Walmart’s CEO said\u003c/a> the chain had lowered prices on 6,000 items, half of which were groceries. Walmart’s scale also enables it to keep prices as stable as possible, which was a key reason NPR chose the chain for this project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are committed to providing an Every Day Low Price experience both in stores and online,” a Walmart representative said in a written statement to NPR, “with the goal of having the lowest price on a basket of goods over time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/datawrapper/3FGqu/41/?initialWidth=910&childId=responsive-embed-3FGqu&parentTitle=NPR%20shopped%20at%20Walmart%20to%20track%20how%20inflation%20is%20changing%20prices%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2025%2F01%2F14%2Fnx-s1-5241014%2Fwalmart-prices-npr-shopping-cart-2024\" width=\"800\" height=\"1300\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Research and analysis by Alina Selyukh/NPR. Graphics by Juweek Adolphe/NPR.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>LIBERTY COUNTY, Georgia — Ask almost any shopper outside this sprawling Walmart southeast of Savannah, and they’ll tell you about rising prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The meat is going up. Milk, eggs, everything is going up,” says Cicely Gardner, rolling a cart with some doughnuts in the parking lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But wait. The rate of inflation has cooled for two years, and not everything is going up in price. So why does paying at checkout still cause such heartburn? What gives?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR set off to answer that question at the most popular retailer in the United States. For six years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/tags/755496161/npr-shopping-cart\">we have tracked\u003c/a> the prices of dozens of items at this very Walmart superstore. And here’s what we learned on our latest visit, in December. \u003cem>(Or \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/14/nx-s1-5241014/walmart-prices-npr-shopping-cart-2024/#resnx-s1-5241014-105\">\u003cem>skip the analysis\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> to see the full details of NPR’s shopping cart.)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On average, prices ticked up 0.7% last year\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>NPR’s list includes 96 items from virtually every Walmart aisle: chips and veggies, shampoo and T-shirts, dog food and paper towels. To account for changes in package sizes, we focus on the price per unit, typically per ounce, whether it’s toothpaste in a tube or soup in a can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the course of 2024, the tracked prices on average increased just 0.7%\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>— far less than overall annual inflation, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/news.release/cpi.nr0.htm\">2.7% in November\u003c/a>. (December’s inflation data will be released on Wednesday.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because exactly half of our tracked prices stayed the same from December 2023 to December 2024 — a notable relief after the COVID-19 pandemic, when most prices jumped year to year because of turmoil in supply chains and labor markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/walmart-shopping-cart-20241212/?initialWidth=910&childId=responsive-embed-walmart-shopping-cart-20241212&parentTitle=NPR%20shopped%20at%20Walmart%20to%20track%20how%20inflation%20is%20changing%20prices%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2025%2F01%2F14%2Fnx-s1-5241014%2Fwalmart-prices-npr-shopping-cart-2024\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-one items in NPR’s shopping cart actually got cheaper during the year, including garlic, bananas and salmon. Another 27 products got more expensive, including eggs, ground beef and laundry detergent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/datawrapper/uDESu/33/?initialWidth=910&childId=responsive-embed-uDESu&parentTitle=NPR%20shopped%20at%20Walmart%20to%20track%20how%20inflation%20is%20changing%20prices%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2025%2F01%2F14%2Fnx-s1-5241014%2Fwalmart-prices-npr-shopping-cart-2024\" width=\"800\" height=\"1150\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The 5-year view is much more painful\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Items in NPR’s shopping cart are much pricier since mid-2019, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/16/753712449/npr-shopping-cart-economics-how-prices-changed-at-a-walmart-in-1-year\">our last check\u003c/a> before the pandemic. On average, those tracked prices have increased around 25%. And that’s not far from federal inflation data: Cumulatively, U.S. prices are up 23% since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a 4-pound bag of Domino sugar now costs $4.46. That’s 74% more compared with NPR’s visit to Walmart in 2019. A dozen eggs cost $4.90, or 83% more than they cost five years ago. Tide liquid laundry detergent now comes in a smaller container — 84 ounces instead of 100 ounces — but costs $1 more, in a classic case of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/08/1236921674/biden-state-of-the-union-shrinkflation-prices\">shrinkflation\u003c/a>. Regular family grocery runs add up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/walmart-shopping-cart-20241212/index2019.html?initialWidth=910&childId=responsive-embed-walmart-shopping-cart-20241212-index2019&parentTitle=NPR%20shopped%20at%20Walmart%20to%20track%20how%20inflation%20is%20changing%20prices%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2025%2F01%2F14%2Fnx-s1-5241014%2Fwalmart-prices-npr-shopping-cart-2024\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 2019, NPR’s visit to this suburban Walmart, near a large Army base, focused on the impact of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/16/753712449/npr-shopping-cart-economics-how-prices-changed-at-a-walmart-in-1-year\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">then-President Donald Trump’s trade war with China\u003c/a>. Our shopping cart was smaller, filled with many products either imported or made with imported parts. Only a few of those items have now gotten cheaper, including frozen shrimp, swai fish and — most dramatically — screwdrivers. (Walmart has switched brands, and the price is now 60% lower than it was.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">2019 prices will stay in the past\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big price increases are rarely followed by equally big price decreases, historically. That’s because seismic shifts in the global economy cannot simply be undone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, it still costs more than it did in 2019 to ship things across the world. It costs more to fertilize soil where our food grows, because \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/10/1093066817/ukraine-war-gas-prices-refugees\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Russia is one of the biggest exporters\u003c/a> of fertilizer. Prices have grown for paper and corrugated cardboard used in packaging. President Biden has largely kept Trump’s tariffs on Chinese imports, which means U.S. companies are paying higher import fees — and passing some of that cost on to shoppers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stores, factories, farms and warehouses are paying more for utilities and insurance. Gas prices affect the cost of trucking. American wages, on average, have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/10/nx-s1-5254674/jobs-labor-market-unemployment-trump-biden\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">outpaced inflation\u003c/a> for more than a year and a half, with some wage increases affecting the cost of making, packing, selling and delivering our purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some items — like eggs, beef, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/02/12/1230120289/valentines-day-chocolate-cocoa-prices\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">chocolate\u003c/a> and coffee — have faced specific troubles. Cases of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/tags/140039925/avian-flu\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">avian flu have continued\u003c/a> in chickens and cows. Dairy and cattle farmers also point to droughts increasing the cost of feed. Extreme weather has damaged harvests of coffee and cocoa, leading to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/17/nx-s1-5228008/coffee-prices-brazil-drought-weather\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">record wholesale prices\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">Here’s what Walmart and manufacturers had to say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>NPR asked the companies that make the items in our shopping cart to explain their price increases. Some didn’t respond, including PepsiCo’s Frito-Lay, Eggland’s Best and Unilever, which makes Dove, Degree and Vaseline. And from those that did reply, we heard a common refrain: It simply costs more to make stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The maker of Domino sugar, ASR Group, sent a detailed list of price increases it has faced since the start of the pandemic: general freight trucking costs up 19%, deep-sea shipping up 45%, rail-freight shipping 17%, wages 15%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>General Mills, whose Yoplait yogurt cup is 17 cents (or 28%) pricier than it was in mid-2019, said \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/APU0000709112\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dairy inflation is worse\u003c/a> than general inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 16-ounce jar of Jif peanut butter is 90 cents (or 41%) more than it was in mid-2019; its maker, J.M. Smucker, said shelled peanut prices rose about 44%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welch’s, whose grape jelly went up almost 68% since mid-2019, said many farmers in its cooperative went into the pandemic already financially struggling, prompting the company to “increase returns to growers” to sustain those family farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many brands also said Walmart is the final arbiter of prices on its shelves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walmart does have the power to sell some popular items at break-even prices or even below cost, making up for the lost profits by charging a bit more for other products. But overall, supermarket prices are a complex amalgam of both the expenses and markups of manufacturers, wholesalers and the retailer as they respond to a myriad of factors, including harvests, seasons and shoppers’ loyalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walmart, as the largest U.S. retailer, tends to extract lowest-priced deals from suppliers. In November, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fool.com/earnings/call-transcripts/2024/11/19/walmart-wmt-q3-2025-earnings-call-transcript/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Walmart’s CEO said\u003c/a> the chain had lowered prices on 6,000 items, half of which were groceries. Walmart’s scale also enables it to keep prices as stable as possible, which was a key reason NPR chose the chain for this project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are committed to providing an Every Day Low Price experience both in stores and online,” a Walmart representative said in a written statement to NPR, “with the goal of having the lowest price on a basket of goods over time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/datawrapper/3FGqu/41/?initialWidth=910&childId=responsive-embed-3FGqu&parentTitle=NPR%20shopped%20at%20Walmart%20to%20track%20how%20inflation%20is%20changing%20prices%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2025%2F01%2F14%2Fnx-s1-5241014%2Fwalmart-prices-npr-shopping-cart-2024\" width=\"800\" height=\"1300\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Research and analysis by Alina Selyukh/NPR. Graphics by Juweek Adolphe/NPR.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>No deficits. A “modest” surplus of $363 million. Almost $17 billion more in revenue than planned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/2023/03/CHART-B.pdf\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s office laid out its vision today for how California should spend its considerable bounty, a total budget of $322 billion — projected to be the \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/2023/03/CHART-B.pdf\">second largest\u003c/a> state spending plan ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It released the proposal — on the date required by law — at a moment of deep uncertainty with devastating fires continuing to burn in Los Angeles County and President-elect Donald Trump preparing to take office this month. Those developments could require significant changes to Newsom’s plan before he finalizes the state budget in late June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economic impact of the ongoing Los Angeles-area fires alone is estimated to be at least $135 billion. That’s based on damage caused to homes, cars, businesses and lost economic activity, said Dan DePodwin, senior director of forecasting operations at AccuWeather. A spokesperson for the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services said it’s too soon to calculate the cost of the fires to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/wildfires/2025/01/california-fires-donald-trump-money/\">Trump, meanwhile, has repeatedly threatened\u003c/a> to withhold federal disaster aid from California, which is facing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-wildfire-season-worsening-explained/\">one of its most destructive wildfires this week\u003c/a>. While outgoing President Joe Biden has approved Newsom’s request for a major disaster declaration — allowing the state to tap into \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/01/08/governor-newsom-quickly-secures-major-disaster-declaration-from-president-biden-for-los-angeles-fires/\">federal funding and assistance programs\u003c/a> — the state could still need more federal disaster funding under Trump’s administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom could completely fall out,” Newsom said in a preview of his budget proposal earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, the fiscal outlook is far rosier than the pall that hung over California last year when lawmakers and the governor scrambled to plug a more than $46 billion budget hole. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">In June\u003c/a>, they struck a deal to cut $16 billion in spending, delay another $3 billion in funding for various services and draw a total $12 billion from the state’s rainy day fund for two fiscal years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the administration projects the state budget’s main tranche of cash, the general fund, will rise to $229 billion in 2025-26. That’s about \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/reference/MultiYearProjection.pdf\">$10 billion more\u003c/a> than what his office and lawmakers predicted last June and roughly $17 billion more than what’s in this year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s also sticking to last year’s deal with the Legislature to \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2024-25/pdf/Enacted/BudgetSummary/Introduction.pdf#page=2\">pull $7.1 billion\u003c/a> from the state’s main reserve account — even though his office projected on Monday that revenues are up by $16.5 billion more than planned across a three-year budget window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/roger-niello-165442\">Roger Niello\u003c/a>, a Republican representing Roseville, criticized Newsom’s plan to continue drawing from reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about increased revenues and a relatively strong economy, and yet we have to pull from reserves, which doesn’t make sense to a lot of people,” said Niello, the top Republican on the Senate budget committee. “And it also kind of doesn’t make sense that you’re talking about actually having a surplus when you had to pull from the reserves to create that surplus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>New homeless agency, free diapers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Those conditions allowed Newsom to make several new proposals, including creating a state agency to better coordinate homelessness and housing policies. The administration did not propose new spending on homelessness, and it did not release details on how it would reorganize existing departments under the agency Newsom envisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finance Director Joe Stepenshaw said the spending plan proposes just $1.2 billion in new funding. “There is very limited new commitments in this budget,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Most state revenue comes from personal income tax\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The personal income Californians pay accounts for about 60% of money that goes toward the state’s general fund. Corporate taxes as well as sales and use taxes make up another third. \u003cem>General fund revenue by source for the past three budget years\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Owxvx/4/\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n In a small item that could make a meaningful difference to new parents, Newsom wants to spend $7.4 million to provide a three month supply of diapers for newborns. He also seeks to \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2025-26/pdf/BudgetSummary/TK-12Education.pdf#page=7\">add $40 million in funds\u003c/a> for schools to screen students for reading difficulties, including dyslexia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to add 700 firefighters next fiscal year, bringing the total number of firefighters almost 10,000. \u003ca href=\"https://eservices.calhr.ca.gov/enterprisehrblazorpublic/public/api/MOU/GetPublicDocumentContentByID?DocumentIdentifier=8926a1bc-88b3-40e9-9585-fa00c065083f\">Cal Fire had about 5,800 firefighters\u003c/a> just seven years ago. The state has been increasing their headcount because of the growing intensity of California wildfires to accommodate contract changes that are meant to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/wildfires/2022/12/cal-fire-labor-contract/\">give firefighters better schedules\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, voters gave Newsom more flexibility last year when they approved three substantial bonds, which allow the state to borrow money and repay it over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the budget includes $2.7 billion in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/11/california-election-news-proposition-4-environment/\">new climate spending\u003c/a> stemming from Proposition 4; $8.5 billion for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/11/california-election-result-prop-2/\">school facilities\u003c/a> thanks to Proposition 2; and $6.4 billion for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2024/05/mental-health-housing-proposition-1/\">mental health housing\u003c/a> from Proposition 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11971855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11971855\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A prison guard in uniform stands in front of a gate with a building in the background.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The entry gate at San Quentin State Prison on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Lower spending on prisons, tight budgets for UC and Cal State\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Still, the balanced budget rests on proceeding with cuts to many state programs that Newsom and the Legislature agreed to last June, including a 7.95% cut in operational budget to nearly all state agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said earlier this week that his administration has been tightening spending, including by eliminating 6,500 vacant positions. By eliminating those positions, the state saves $1.2 billion, Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration also projects lower spending in state prisons even though it expects California’s incarcerated population to increase in the short term because of the sentencing changes voters approved when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/11/retail-theft-proposition-36-election/\">they passed Proposition 36\u003c/a> in November. Newsom’s budget would cut corrections spending by $400 million, bringing it down to $13.6 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the cuts took hold last summer, but Newsom is going forward with slashing state support to the University of California and California State University by nearly 8% in 2025–26 — a combined hit of $772 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Larger class sizes, fewer course offerings and a reduced workforce will hinder students’ ability to graduate on time,” said Cal State’s chancellor, Mildred Garcia, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For UC, the cuts and delays mean that the system will end up with $400 million more in state support in 2027–28 than it got in 2023–24. Ongoing increases to tuition also will bring in more money. But, with growing labor and academic costs to teach its students of roughly half a billion dollars annually, the UC told CalMatters that it expects to see a revenue shortfall of more than $700 million in 2027–28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='education' label='More Education Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am disappointed reductions have been proposed in both the University of California and California State University budgets. We will explore ways to restore these cuts, particularly to the CSUs,” said John Sen. Laird, the Santa Cruz Democrat who is the chairperson the budget committee that oversees education spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student financial aid remains mostly untouched in the budget plan. The state’s flagship tuition waiver program, the Cal Grant, remains unscathed — a $2.6 billion behemoth benefiting more than 400,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public K–12 education and community colleges would be fully funded under Newsom’s proposal. Newsom intends to proceed with fully funding the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/07/transitional-kindergarten/\">expanded early education programming\u003c/a>, transitional kindergarten, to all eligible 4-year-olds. His budget would mean the \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2025-26/pdf/BudgetSummary/TK-12Education.pdf#page=4\">second largest amount of state support\u003c/a> for K–12 and community colleges. About half of the state’s general fund \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/2025-26/#/BudgetDetail\">supports education\u003c/a>, and most of that flows to public K–12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed budget includes \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2025-26/pdf/BudgetSummary/HigherEducation.pdf#page=3\">$100 million in new money\u003c/a> to help community colleges provide students with course credit for prior work experience. The end goal in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/12/job-training/\">his master plan for career education\u003c/a> is to overhaul the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/trade-schools-job-training-california/\">convoluted job training programs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Asking voters to put more money in reserves\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s budget proposal includes $17 billion in reserves. But, he cautioned, the state may decide to set aside more money because of the economic uncertainty his administration anticipates from Trump’s trade and immigration policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly why his office wants to raise the cap on how much money the state can deposit to its rainy day fund. As a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article5369607.html\">result of Proposition 2\u003c/a> — a ballot measure approved by voters in 2014 — the state is required to make deposits until the balance reaches 10% of the state’s general fund tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the budget presentation, Stephenshaw said Newsom wants to up the limit to 20%. That change would require voters to pass a ballot measure allowing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will enable us to save a lot more during the upswings and be able to provide a more stable management of our funds going forward to protect the programs and services that the Californians rely upon,” Stephenshaw said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>No deficits. A “modest” surplus of $363 million. Almost $17 billion more in revenue than planned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/2023/03/CHART-B.pdf\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s office laid out its vision today for how California should spend its considerable bounty, a total budget of $322 billion — projected to be the \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/2023/03/CHART-B.pdf\">second largest\u003c/a> state spending plan ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It released the proposal — on the date required by law — at a moment of deep uncertainty with devastating fires continuing to burn in Los Angeles County and President-elect Donald Trump preparing to take office this month. Those developments could require significant changes to Newsom’s plan before he finalizes the state budget in late June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economic impact of the ongoing Los Angeles-area fires alone is estimated to be at least $135 billion. That’s based on damage caused to homes, cars, businesses and lost economic activity, said Dan DePodwin, senior director of forecasting operations at AccuWeather. A spokesperson for the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services said it’s too soon to calculate the cost of the fires to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/wildfires/2025/01/california-fires-donald-trump-money/\">Trump, meanwhile, has repeatedly threatened\u003c/a> to withhold federal disaster aid from California, which is facing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-wildfire-season-worsening-explained/\">one of its most destructive wildfires this week\u003c/a>. While outgoing President Joe Biden has approved Newsom’s request for a major disaster declaration — allowing the state to tap into \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/01/08/governor-newsom-quickly-secures-major-disaster-declaration-from-president-biden-for-los-angeles-fires/\">federal funding and assistance programs\u003c/a> — the state could still need more federal disaster funding under Trump’s administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom could completely fall out,” Newsom said in a preview of his budget proposal earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, the fiscal outlook is far rosier than the pall that hung over California last year when lawmakers and the governor scrambled to plug a more than $46 billion budget hole. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">In June\u003c/a>, they struck a deal to cut $16 billion in spending, delay another $3 billion in funding for various services and draw a total $12 billion from the state’s rainy day fund for two fiscal years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the administration projects the state budget’s main tranche of cash, the general fund, will rise to $229 billion in 2025-26. That’s about \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/reference/MultiYearProjection.pdf\">$10 billion more\u003c/a> than what his office and lawmakers predicted last June and roughly $17 billion more than what’s in this year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s also sticking to last year’s deal with the Legislature to \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2024-25/pdf/Enacted/BudgetSummary/Introduction.pdf#page=2\">pull $7.1 billion\u003c/a> from the state’s main reserve account — even though his office projected on Monday that revenues are up by $16.5 billion more than planned across a three-year budget window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/roger-niello-165442\">Roger Niello\u003c/a>, a Republican representing Roseville, criticized Newsom’s plan to continue drawing from reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about increased revenues and a relatively strong economy, and yet we have to pull from reserves, which doesn’t make sense to a lot of people,” said Niello, the top Republican on the Senate budget committee. “And it also kind of doesn’t make sense that you’re talking about actually having a surplus when you had to pull from the reserves to create that surplus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>New homeless agency, free diapers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Those conditions allowed Newsom to make several new proposals, including creating a state agency to better coordinate homelessness and housing policies. The administration did not propose new spending on homelessness, and it did not release details on how it would reorganize existing departments under the agency Newsom envisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finance Director Joe Stepenshaw said the spending plan proposes just $1.2 billion in new funding. “There is very limited new commitments in this budget,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Most state revenue comes from personal income tax\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The personal income Californians pay accounts for about 60% of money that goes toward the state’s general fund. Corporate taxes as well as sales and use taxes make up another third. \u003cem>General fund revenue by source for the past three budget years\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Owxvx/4/\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n In a small item that could make a meaningful difference to new parents, Newsom wants to spend $7.4 million to provide a three month supply of diapers for newborns. He also seeks to \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2025-26/pdf/BudgetSummary/TK-12Education.pdf#page=7\">add $40 million in funds\u003c/a> for schools to screen students for reading difficulties, including dyslexia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to add 700 firefighters next fiscal year, bringing the total number of firefighters almost 10,000. \u003ca href=\"https://eservices.calhr.ca.gov/enterprisehrblazorpublic/public/api/MOU/GetPublicDocumentContentByID?DocumentIdentifier=8926a1bc-88b3-40e9-9585-fa00c065083f\">Cal Fire had about 5,800 firefighters\u003c/a> just seven years ago. The state has been increasing their headcount because of the growing intensity of California wildfires to accommodate contract changes that are meant to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/wildfires/2022/12/cal-fire-labor-contract/\">give firefighters better schedules\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, voters gave Newsom more flexibility last year when they approved three substantial bonds, which allow the state to borrow money and repay it over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, the budget includes $2.7 billion in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/11/california-election-news-proposition-4-environment/\">new climate spending\u003c/a> stemming from Proposition 4; $8.5 billion for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/11/california-election-result-prop-2/\">school facilities\u003c/a> thanks to Proposition 2; and $6.4 billion for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2024/05/mental-health-housing-proposition-1/\">mental health housing\u003c/a> from Proposition 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11971855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11971855\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A prison guard in uniform stands in front of a gate with a building in the background.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-24-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The entry gate at San Quentin State Prison on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Lower spending on prisons, tight budgets for UC and Cal State\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Still, the balanced budget rests on proceeding with cuts to many state programs that Newsom and the Legislature agreed to last June, including a 7.95% cut in operational budget to nearly all state agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said earlier this week that his administration has been tightening spending, including by eliminating 6,500 vacant positions. By eliminating those positions, the state saves $1.2 billion, Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration also projects lower spending in state prisons even though it expects California’s incarcerated population to increase in the short term because of the sentencing changes voters approved when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/11/retail-theft-proposition-36-election/\">they passed Proposition 36\u003c/a> in November. Newsom’s budget would cut corrections spending by $400 million, bringing it down to $13.6 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the cuts took hold last summer, but Newsom is going forward with slashing state support to the University of California and California State University by nearly 8% in 2025–26 — a combined hit of $772 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Larger class sizes, fewer course offerings and a reduced workforce will hinder students’ ability to graduate on time,” said Cal State’s chancellor, Mildred Garcia, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For UC, the cuts and delays mean that the system will end up with $400 million more in state support in 2027–28 than it got in 2023–24. Ongoing increases to tuition also will bring in more money. But, with growing labor and academic costs to teach its students of roughly half a billion dollars annually, the UC told CalMatters that it expects to see a revenue shortfall of more than $700 million in 2027–28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am disappointed reductions have been proposed in both the University of California and California State University budgets. We will explore ways to restore these cuts, particularly to the CSUs,” said John Sen. Laird, the Santa Cruz Democrat who is the chairperson the budget committee that oversees education spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student financial aid remains mostly untouched in the budget plan. The state’s flagship tuition waiver program, the Cal Grant, remains unscathed — a $2.6 billion behemoth benefiting more than 400,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public K–12 education and community colleges would be fully funded under Newsom’s proposal. Newsom intends to proceed with fully funding the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/07/transitional-kindergarten/\">expanded early education programming\u003c/a>, transitional kindergarten, to all eligible 4-year-olds. His budget would mean the \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2025-26/pdf/BudgetSummary/TK-12Education.pdf#page=4\">second largest amount of state support\u003c/a> for K–12 and community colleges. About half of the state’s general fund \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/2025-26/#/BudgetDetail\">supports education\u003c/a>, and most of that flows to public K–12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed budget includes \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2025-26/pdf/BudgetSummary/HigherEducation.pdf#page=3\">$100 million in new money\u003c/a> to help community colleges provide students with course credit for prior work experience. The end goal in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/12/job-training/\">his master plan for career education\u003c/a> is to overhaul the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/trade-schools-job-training-california/\">convoluted job training programs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Asking voters to put more money in reserves\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s budget proposal includes $17 billion in reserves. But, he cautioned, the state may decide to set aside more money because of the economic uncertainty his administration anticipates from Trump’s trade and immigration policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly why his office wants to raise the cap on how much money the state can deposit to its rainy day fund. As a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article5369607.html\">result of Proposition 2\u003c/a> — a ballot measure approved by voters in 2014 — the state is required to make deposits until the balance reaches 10% of the state’s general fund tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the budget presentation, Stephenshaw said Newsom wants to up the limit to 20%. That change would require voters to pass a ballot measure allowing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will enable us to save a lot more during the upswings and be able to provide a more stable management of our funds going forward to protect the programs and services that the Californians rely upon,” Stephenshaw said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "an-immigration-raid-in-kern-county-foreshadows-what-awaits-farmworkers-and-the-economy",
"title": "An Immigration Raid in Kern County Foreshadows What Awaits Farmworkers and the Economy",
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"headTitle": "An Immigration Raid in Kern County Foreshadows What Awaits Farmworkers and the Economy | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Acres of orange fields sat unpicked in Kern County this week as word of Border Patrol raids circulated through Messenger chats and images of federal agents detaining laborers spread on local Facebook groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Border Patrol conducted unannounced raids throughout Bakersfield on Tuesday, descending on businesses where day laborers and field workers gather. Agents in unmarked SUVs rounded up people in vans outside a Home Depot and gas station that serves a breakfast popular with field workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This appears to be the first large-scale Border Patrol raid in California since the election of Donald Trump, coming just a day after Congress certified the election on Jan. 6, in the final days of Joe Biden’s presidency. The panic and confusion, for both immigrants and local businesses that rely on their labor, foreshadow what awaits communities across California if Trump follows through on his promise to conduct mass deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was profiling, it was purely field workers,” said Sara Fuentes, store manager of the local gas station. Fuentes said that at 9 a.m., when the store typically gets a rush of workers on their way to pick oranges, two men in civilian clothes and unmarked Suburbans started detaining people outside the store. “They didn’t stop people with FedEx uniforms, they were stopping people who looked like they worked in the fields.” Fuentes says one customer pulled in just to pump gas and agents approached him and detained him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuentes has lived in Bakersfield all her life and says she’s never seen anything like it. In one instance, she said a man and woman drove up to the store together, and the man went inside. Border Patrol detained the man as he walked out, Fuentes said, and then demanded the woman get out of the vehicle. When she refused, another agent parked his vehicle behind the woman, blocking her car. Fuentes said it wasn’t until the local Univision station showed up that Border Patrol agents backed up their car and allowed the woman to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-group\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-group__inner-container is-layout-constrained wp-block-group-is-layout-constrained\">\n\u003cp>Fuentes says none of the regular farm workers showed up to buy breakfast on Wednesday morning. “No field workers at all,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growers and agricultural leaders in California and across the nation have warned that Trump’s promised mass deportations will disrupt the nation’s food supply, leading to shortages and higher prices. In Kern County this week, just the word of the deportations inspired workers to stay away from the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are freaked out, people are worried, people are planning on staying home the next couple of days,” said Antonio De Loera-Brust, director of communication for the United Farm Workers. De Loera-Brust said the Border Patrol detained at least one UFW member in Kern County as they “traveled between home and work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Videos shared in local Facebook groups and Instagram pages show Border Patrol agents pulling over vehicles along Highway 99 on Tuesday and Wednesday in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>“They were stopping cars at random, asking people for papers. They were going to gas stations and Home Depot where day laborers gather,” said Antonio De Loera-Brust. “It’s provoking intense anxiety and a lot of fear in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Customs and Border Protection did not respond to a request for comment. On social media, Gregory K. Bovino, the Border Patrol chief in El Centro, called the sweeps “Operation Return to Sender.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are taking it to the bad people and bad things in Bakersfield,” the El Centro Border Patrol said in response to a comment on its Facebook page. “We are planning operations for other locals (sic) such as Fresno and especially Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021488\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12021488\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A US Customs and Border Protection patch on the uniform of an agent in the Jacumba mountains in Imperial County on Oct. 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Allison Dinner/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many people have been detained by Border Patrol or how long the operation would last.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in the middle of our citrus harvesting. This sent shockwaves through the entire community,” said Casey Creamer, president of the industry group California Citrus Mutual, on Thursday. “People aren’t going to work and kids aren’t going to school. Yesterday, about 25% of the workforce, today 75% didn’t show up.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"forum_2010101908347,news_12016440,news_12016488\"]He pushed back on the Border Patrol’s claims they’re targeting bad people. He said they appeared to be general sweeps of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this is the new normal, this is absolute economic devastation,” said Richard S. Gearhart, an associate professor of economics at Cal State, Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the short term, he predicted farms and dairies could make up the losses, but that homebuilders, restaurants and small businesses would be most hurt financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s worried about the long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are talking about a recession-level event if this is the new long-term norm,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture comprises about 10% of Kern County’s gross domestic product and undocumented workers may comprise half of the workforce, he said. And the Central Valley provides about a quarter of the United States’ food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, you WILL see, in the long run, food inflation and food shortages,” he wrote in a text message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He predicted immigrants, even ones with documents, would stop shopping, going to school and seeking health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, this could have some serious deleterious long run impacts beyond lost farm productivity. Losses in education and health would be catastrophic,” he said. “Basically, you know how Kern County complains about oil? This event would be analogous to shutting down oil production. Economic catastrophe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "'If this is the new normal, this is absolute economic devastation,' says one local economist after the Border Patrol conducted large-scale unannounced raids throughout Bakersfield on Tuesday.",
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"title": "An Immigration Raid in Kern County Foreshadows What Awaits Farmworkers and the Economy | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Acres of orange fields sat unpicked in Kern County this week as word of Border Patrol raids circulated through Messenger chats and images of federal agents detaining laborers spread on local Facebook groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Border Patrol conducted unannounced raids throughout Bakersfield on Tuesday, descending on businesses where day laborers and field workers gather. Agents in unmarked SUVs rounded up people in vans outside a Home Depot and gas station that serves a breakfast popular with field workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This appears to be the first large-scale Border Patrol raid in California since the election of Donald Trump, coming just a day after Congress certified the election on Jan. 6, in the final days of Joe Biden’s presidency. The panic and confusion, for both immigrants and local businesses that rely on their labor, foreshadow what awaits communities across California if Trump follows through on his promise to conduct mass deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was profiling, it was purely field workers,” said Sara Fuentes, store manager of the local gas station. Fuentes said that at 9 a.m., when the store typically gets a rush of workers on their way to pick oranges, two men in civilian clothes and unmarked Suburbans started detaining people outside the store. “They didn’t stop people with FedEx uniforms, they were stopping people who looked like they worked in the fields.” Fuentes says one customer pulled in just to pump gas and agents approached him and detained him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuentes has lived in Bakersfield all her life and says she’s never seen anything like it. In one instance, she said a man and woman drove up to the store together, and the man went inside. Border Patrol detained the man as he walked out, Fuentes said, and then demanded the woman get out of the vehicle. When she refused, another agent parked his vehicle behind the woman, blocking her car. Fuentes said it wasn’t until the local Univision station showed up that Border Patrol agents backed up their car and allowed the woman to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-group\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-group__inner-container is-layout-constrained wp-block-group-is-layout-constrained\">\n\u003cp>Fuentes says none of the regular farm workers showed up to buy breakfast on Wednesday morning. “No field workers at all,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growers and agricultural leaders in California and across the nation have warned that Trump’s promised mass deportations will disrupt the nation’s food supply, leading to shortages and higher prices. In Kern County this week, just the word of the deportations inspired workers to stay away from the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are freaked out, people are worried, people are planning on staying home the next couple of days,” said Antonio De Loera-Brust, director of communication for the United Farm Workers. De Loera-Brust said the Border Patrol detained at least one UFW member in Kern County as they “traveled between home and work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Videos shared in local Facebook groups and Instagram pages show Border Patrol agents pulling over vehicles along Highway 99 on Tuesday and Wednesday in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>“They were stopping cars at random, asking people for papers. They were going to gas stations and Home Depot where day laborers gather,” said Antonio De Loera-Brust. “It’s provoking intense anxiety and a lot of fear in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Customs and Border Protection did not respond to a request for comment. On social media, Gregory K. Bovino, the Border Patrol chief in El Centro, called the sweeps “Operation Return to Sender.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are taking it to the bad people and bad things in Bakersfield,” the El Centro Border Patrol said in response to a comment on its Facebook page. “We are planning operations for other locals (sic) such as Fresno and especially Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021488\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12021488\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/100622_Border-Patrol-Seal_GETTY_CM_01-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A US Customs and Border Protection patch on the uniform of an agent in the Jacumba mountains in Imperial County on Oct. 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Allison Dinner/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many people have been detained by Border Patrol or how long the operation would last.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in the middle of our citrus harvesting. This sent shockwaves through the entire community,” said Casey Creamer, president of the industry group California Citrus Mutual, on Thursday. “People aren’t going to work and kids aren’t going to school. Yesterday, about 25% of the workforce, today 75% didn’t show up.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He pushed back on the Border Patrol’s claims they’re targeting bad people. He said they appeared to be general sweeps of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this is the new normal, this is absolute economic devastation,” said Richard S. Gearhart, an associate professor of economics at Cal State, Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the short term, he predicted farms and dairies could make up the losses, but that homebuilders, restaurants and small businesses would be most hurt financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s worried about the long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are talking about a recession-level event if this is the new long-term norm,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture comprises about 10% of Kern County’s gross domestic product and undocumented workers may comprise half of the workforce, he said. And the Central Valley provides about a quarter of the United States’ food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, you WILL see, in the long run, food inflation and food shortages,” he wrote in a text message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He predicted immigrants, even ones with documents, would stop shopping, going to school and seeking health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, this could have some serious deleterious long run impacts beyond lost farm productivity. Losses in education and health would be catastrophic,” he said. “Basically, you know how Kern County complains about oil? This event would be analogous to shutting down oil production. Economic catastrophe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "wildfire-los-angeles-price-gouging-palisades-eaton-hurst-lidia-sunset-fires",
"title": "Yes, Price Gouging During LA Fires Is Illegal — and Here's How You Can Report It",
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"headTitle": "Yes, Price Gouging During LA Fires Is Illegal — and Here’s How You Can Report It | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:20 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021150/where-to-donate-help-los-angeles-wildfire-eaton-fire-palisades-pasadena\">The devastating wildfires\u003c/a> continuing to rage through Los Angeles County have claimed at least 10 lives so far according to officials, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/live/pacific-palisades-fire-updates-los-angeles\">destroyed over 9,000 buildings\u003c/a> and forced around 180,000 people to flee their homes under mandatory \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834901/fire-evacuation-what-actually-happens-and-how-can-you-plan\">evacuation orders\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as a huge number of people displaced by the Palisades, Eaton, Hurst, Lidia and Sunset fires now try to meet their basic needs — including shelter, food and water, medical supplies and gasoline — California Attorney General Rob Bonta has issued a reminder that price gouging during disasters like this remains illegal in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#price-gouging-definition\">What counts as price gouging?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-report-price-gouging\">How can I report price gouging during the L.A. fires?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>California defines price gouging as \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/pricegougingduringdisasters#1C\">when sellers try “to take unfair advantage of consumers\u003c/a> during an emergency or disaster by greatly increasing prices for essential consumer goods and services.” During the L.A. wildfires, this might look like hotels charging more than their usual rates for evacuees seeking a room or a grocery market, hugely increasing the price of bottled water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Department of Justice is now urging people to report any examples of price gouging they see and warns that sellers found to be violating this law can be prosecuted, fined and imprisoned. So if you’re an L.A. County resident who’s been forced to evacuate their home right now — or you have loved ones in the region you want to ensure aren’t being taken advantage of — keep reading for what you need to know about spotting price gouging, and how to report it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>When do price gouging laws come into effect?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s law against price gouging under Penal Code Section 396 kicks in when a statewide or local state of emergency is declared — \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/01/07/governor-newsom-proclaims-state-of-emergency-meets-with-first-responders-in-pacific-palisades-amid-dangerous-fire-weather/\">which happened on Tuesday\u003c/a>, as announced by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These protections can last well beyond the initial outbreak of a disaster situation: The Office of the Attorney General says that they \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/pricegougingduringdisasters#3C\">“generally apply for 30 days after a declaration of emergency\u003c/a>, although for reconstruction services and emergency cleanup services,\u003ca href=\"https://www.caloes.ca.gov/office-of-the-director/policy-administration/legal-affairs/price-gouging/\"> protections apply for 180 days after a declaration of emergency.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://dcba.lacounty.gov/newsroom/during-emergency-report-suspected-price-gouging/\">L.A. County also has its own laws against price gouging\u003c/a>, which similarly remain in effect for 30 days until after an emergency declaration (in this case, Feb. 6) and 180 days for contractor-related services.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"price-gouging-definition\">\u003c/a>What kind of price rise is considered ‘gouging’ under the law?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a nutshell, sellers don’t have to be outright doubling their prices to be regarded as participating in price gouging. In fact, “California law generally prohibits charging a price that exceeds, by more than 10%, the price a seller charged for an item before a state or local declaration of emergency,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021342\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12021342\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2189976029-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2189976029-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2189976029-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2189976029-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2189976029.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks to the press at the offices of Asian Americans Advancing Justice in Los Angeles on Dec. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That means if a local store owner was selling a case of bottled water for $10 before Jan. 7 but hiked the price to $13 on Jan. 8, that 30% price rise would generally be regarded as gouging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if a seller only began selling an item \u003cem>after \u003c/em>an emergency declaration, “the law generally prohibits charging a price that exceeds the seller’s cost of the item by more than 50%,” the Department of Justice said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can \u003ca href=\"http://percentagecalculator.net\">use an online tool like PercentageCalculator.net\u003c/a> to calculate the percentage rise in the cost of an item.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Do price gouging laws only apply to L.A. County right now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Actually, no — despite the state’s price gouging law being brought into effect by \u003ca href=\"https://www.caloes.ca.gov/office-of-the-director/policy-administration/legal-affairs/price-gouging/\">specific emergency declarations for individual disasters around California\u003c/a>, these protections aren’t restricted to the city or county where that emergency is taking place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As well as applying to L.A. County, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/pricegougingduringdisasters#7C\">the law “is intended to prevent price gouging elsewhere\u003c/a> in the state where there is increased consumer demand as a result of the declared emergency,” the Office of the Attorney General said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The specific example it gives: “If a fire in San Diego County causes residents to evacuate to neighboring Imperial County, hotels in Imperial County may not raise rates by more than 10% to take advantage of the increase in demand for lodging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What kinds of purchases do the price gouging laws apply to?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Justice, the price gouging law applies to people who sell food, emergency supplies, medical supplies, building materials, gasoline and hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it also applies to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Repair or reconstruction services.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Emergency cleanup services.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Transportation.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Freight and storage services.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/pricegougingduringdisasters#5C\">see more examples of goods that are subject to the price gouging law\u003c/a>. There \u003cem>are \u003c/em>exceptions to the law, the Department of Justice said: “For example, [if] the price of labor, goods, or materials has increased for the business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Do price gouging laws cover rental properties?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, and there are also \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/pricegougingduringdisasters#8C1\">specific protections around price gouging for rental housing\u003c/a>, which apply to services like Airbnb and VRBO. For example, the law also prohibits a landlord from evicting a tenant and “then re-renting the property at a rate that the landlord would have been prohibited from charging the evicted tenant under the price gouging statute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb is currently partnering with 211 LA to offer\u003ca href=\"https://news.airbnb.com/airbnb-org-offers-temporary-housing-to-people-impacted-by-the-los-angeles-wildfires/\"> free accommodation to people displaced by the fires in L.A\u003c/a>., although 211 LA warns that due to high demand, you could be waiting a while to get a response. \u003ca href=\"https://211la.org/LA-Wildfires\">Apply for free accommodation through Airbnb and 211 LA here.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-report-price-gouging\">\u003c/a>If I think I’ve been a victim of price gouging during the L.A. wildfires — or if I spot it in the wild — what can I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First, make sure you keep all your records and receipts — which may also include taking time-stamped photos of price labels if necessary. The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs also recommends comparing those prices to pre-emergency declaration prices “and in areas not affected by the disaster.” You could \u003ca href=\"http://percentagecalculator.net\">use an online tool like PercentageCalculator.net\u003c/a> to calculate the percentage rise in the cost of an item to see if you may indeed have been a victim of price gouging.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12021150,news_12021107,news_12021203\"]Then, Bonta urged anyone who spots or experiences price gouging to “immediately” file a complaint with the Office of the Attorney General at \u003ca href=\"http://oag.ca.gov/report\">oag.ca.gov/report\u003c/a> or by calling 800-952-5225. The online form requires giving your full contact details. You can also contact your local police department or sheriff’s office, Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sellers who are found to be violating California’s price gouging statute can be subject to criminal prosecution and could be imprisoned for one year in county jail — and/or a fine of up to $10,000. “Violators are also subject to civil enforcement actions, including civil penalties of up to $2,500 per violation, injunctive relief, and mandatory restitution,” the Department of Justice said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also \u003ca href=\"https://dcba.lacounty.gov/newsroom/during-emergency-report-suspected-price-gouging/\">file a complaint to the Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs (DCBA)\u003c/a> using their online complaint form or by phone at 800-593-8222.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bear in mind that the attorney general’s office said it \u003cem>can’t \u003c/em>give you legal advice or represent individuals, although it may “on behalf of the public” investigate or prosecute a person who’s been price gouging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general’s office said that “if you believe that you might have a claim for price gouging, you might consider contacting an attorney to explore your options.” You can \u003ca href=\"http://www.calbar.ca.gov\">find a referral to a lawyer through the State Bar\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"http://www.lsc.gov\">find a free legal aid office near you\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Bonta’s office could not comment on whether the Department of Justice had already received any complaints from the public about price gouging during the L.A. fires due to the possibility of eventual investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:20 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021150/where-to-donate-help-los-angeles-wildfire-eaton-fire-palisades-pasadena\">The devastating wildfires\u003c/a> continuing to rage through Los Angeles County have claimed at least 10 lives so far according to officials, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/live/pacific-palisades-fire-updates-los-angeles\">destroyed over 9,000 buildings\u003c/a> and forced around 180,000 people to flee their homes under mandatory \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11834901/fire-evacuation-what-actually-happens-and-how-can-you-plan\">evacuation orders\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as a huge number of people displaced by the Palisades, Eaton, Hurst, Lidia and Sunset fires now try to meet their basic needs — including shelter, food and water, medical supplies and gasoline — California Attorney General Rob Bonta has issued a reminder that price gouging during disasters like this remains illegal in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#price-gouging-definition\">What counts as price gouging?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-report-price-gouging\">How can I report price gouging during the L.A. fires?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>California defines price gouging as \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/pricegougingduringdisasters#1C\">when sellers try “to take unfair advantage of consumers\u003c/a> during an emergency or disaster by greatly increasing prices for essential consumer goods and services.” During the L.A. wildfires, this might look like hotels charging more than their usual rates for evacuees seeking a room or a grocery market, hugely increasing the price of bottled water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Department of Justice is now urging people to report any examples of price gouging they see and warns that sellers found to be violating this law can be prosecuted, fined and imprisoned. So if you’re an L.A. County resident who’s been forced to evacuate their home right now — or you have loved ones in the region you want to ensure aren’t being taken advantage of — keep reading for what you need to know about spotting price gouging, and how to report it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>When do price gouging laws come into effect?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s law against price gouging under Penal Code Section 396 kicks in when a statewide or local state of emergency is declared — \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/01/07/governor-newsom-proclaims-state-of-emergency-meets-with-first-responders-in-pacific-palisades-amid-dangerous-fire-weather/\">which happened on Tuesday\u003c/a>, as announced by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These protections can last well beyond the initial outbreak of a disaster situation: The Office of the Attorney General says that they \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/pricegougingduringdisasters#3C\">“generally apply for 30 days after a declaration of emergency\u003c/a>, although for reconstruction services and emergency cleanup services,\u003ca href=\"https://www.caloes.ca.gov/office-of-the-director/policy-administration/legal-affairs/price-gouging/\"> protections apply for 180 days after a declaration of emergency.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://dcba.lacounty.gov/newsroom/during-emergency-report-suspected-price-gouging/\">L.A. County also has its own laws against price gouging\u003c/a>, which similarly remain in effect for 30 days until after an emergency declaration (in this case, Feb. 6) and 180 days for contractor-related services.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"price-gouging-definition\">\u003c/a>What kind of price rise is considered ‘gouging’ under the law?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a nutshell, sellers don’t have to be outright doubling their prices to be regarded as participating in price gouging. In fact, “California law generally prohibits charging a price that exceeds, by more than 10%, the price a seller charged for an item before a state or local declaration of emergency,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021342\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12021342\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2189976029-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2189976029-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2189976029-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2189976029-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2189976029.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks to the press at the offices of Asian Americans Advancing Justice in Los Angeles on Dec. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That means if a local store owner was selling a case of bottled water for $10 before Jan. 7 but hiked the price to $13 on Jan. 8, that 30% price rise would generally be regarded as gouging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if a seller only began selling an item \u003cem>after \u003c/em>an emergency declaration, “the law generally prohibits charging a price that exceeds the seller’s cost of the item by more than 50%,” the Department of Justice said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can \u003ca href=\"http://percentagecalculator.net\">use an online tool like PercentageCalculator.net\u003c/a> to calculate the percentage rise in the cost of an item.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Do price gouging laws only apply to L.A. County right now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Actually, no — despite the state’s price gouging law being brought into effect by \u003ca href=\"https://www.caloes.ca.gov/office-of-the-director/policy-administration/legal-affairs/price-gouging/\">specific emergency declarations for individual disasters around California\u003c/a>, these protections aren’t restricted to the city or county where that emergency is taking place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As well as applying to L.A. County, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/pricegougingduringdisasters#7C\">the law “is intended to prevent price gouging elsewhere\u003c/a> in the state where there is increased consumer demand as a result of the declared emergency,” the Office of the Attorney General said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The specific example it gives: “If a fire in San Diego County causes residents to evacuate to neighboring Imperial County, hotels in Imperial County may not raise rates by more than 10% to take advantage of the increase in demand for lodging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What kinds of purchases do the price gouging laws apply to?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Justice, the price gouging law applies to people who sell food, emergency supplies, medical supplies, building materials, gasoline and hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it also applies to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Repair or reconstruction services.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Emergency cleanup services.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Transportation.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Freight and storage services.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/pricegougingduringdisasters#5C\">see more examples of goods that are subject to the price gouging law\u003c/a>. There \u003cem>are \u003c/em>exceptions to the law, the Department of Justice said: “For example, [if] the price of labor, goods, or materials has increased for the business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Do price gouging laws cover rental properties?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, and there are also \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/pricegougingduringdisasters#8C1\">specific protections around price gouging for rental housing\u003c/a>, which apply to services like Airbnb and VRBO. For example, the law also prohibits a landlord from evicting a tenant and “then re-renting the property at a rate that the landlord would have been prohibited from charging the evicted tenant under the price gouging statute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Airbnb is currently partnering with 211 LA to offer\u003ca href=\"https://news.airbnb.com/airbnb-org-offers-temporary-housing-to-people-impacted-by-the-los-angeles-wildfires/\"> free accommodation to people displaced by the fires in L.A\u003c/a>., although 211 LA warns that due to high demand, you could be waiting a while to get a response. \u003ca href=\"https://211la.org/LA-Wildfires\">Apply for free accommodation through Airbnb and 211 LA here.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-report-price-gouging\">\u003c/a>If I think I’ve been a victim of price gouging during the L.A. wildfires — or if I spot it in the wild — what can I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First, make sure you keep all your records and receipts — which may also include taking time-stamped photos of price labels if necessary. The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs also recommends comparing those prices to pre-emergency declaration prices “and in areas not affected by the disaster.” You could \u003ca href=\"http://percentagecalculator.net\">use an online tool like PercentageCalculator.net\u003c/a> to calculate the percentage rise in the cost of an item to see if you may indeed have been a victim of price gouging.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Then, Bonta urged anyone who spots or experiences price gouging to “immediately” file a complaint with the Office of the Attorney General at \u003ca href=\"http://oag.ca.gov/report\">oag.ca.gov/report\u003c/a> or by calling 800-952-5225. The online form requires giving your full contact details. You can also contact your local police department or sheriff’s office, Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sellers who are found to be violating California’s price gouging statute can be subject to criminal prosecution and could be imprisoned for one year in county jail — and/or a fine of up to $10,000. “Violators are also subject to civil enforcement actions, including civil penalties of up to $2,500 per violation, injunctive relief, and mandatory restitution,” the Department of Justice said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also \u003ca href=\"https://dcba.lacounty.gov/newsroom/during-emergency-report-suspected-price-gouging/\">file a complaint to the Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs (DCBA)\u003c/a> using their online complaint form or by phone at 800-593-8222.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bear in mind that the attorney general’s office said it \u003cem>can’t \u003c/em>give you legal advice or represent individuals, although it may “on behalf of the public” investigate or prosecute a person who’s been price gouging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general’s office said that “if you believe that you might have a claim for price gouging, you might consider contacting an attorney to explore your options.” You can \u003ca href=\"http://www.calbar.ca.gov\">find a referral to a lawyer through the State Bar\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"http://www.lsc.gov\">find a free legal aid office near you\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Bonta’s office could not comment on whether the Department of Justice had already received any complaints from the public about price gouging during the L.A. fires due to the possibility of eventual investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California businesses are suing to halt a new state law that bars them from requiring employees to attend anti-union meetings at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Chamber of Commerce and California Restaurant Association \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Captive-audience-lawsuit.pdf\">filed the suit in federal court\u003c/a> on New Year’s Eve, a day before the new law was to go into effect, seeking to block it from being enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/12/california-labor-new-laws-2025/\">prohibits employers from disciplining workers\u003c/a> who refuse to attend workplace meetings to hear about their bosses’ “opinion about religious or political matters” — including whether or not employees should unionize. Businesses could be fined $500 a day for violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor groups said these so-called captive audience meetings intimidate workers out of exercising their right to unionize; business groups argued it interferes with employers’ right to free speech, including discussing how political or policy developments affect their workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, authored by Hayward Democratic Sen. Aisha Wahab, was one of organized labor’s few victories in the 2024 legislative session. California joined about 10 other mostly Democratic states in enacting similar laws \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/09/california-labor-workplace-meetings/\">amid a surge of labor organizing\u003c/a> in recent years. Expecting the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/12/worker-organizing-california-labor-trump-nlrb/\">to be less favorable to them\u003c/a>, unions have been counting on the state law to help preserve the more organizing-friendly environment of the past four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, the National Labor Relations Board, which has for decades generally allowed employers to hold so-called captive audience meetings, in November \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/news-outreach/news-story/board-rules-captive-audience-meetings-unlawful\">issued a ruling\u003c/a> calling them illegal. However, Amazon, the employer in that case, is contesting the ruling, and labor experts expect the board to reverse its position under Trump. In that case, the California ban on the meetings would still apply.[aside tag='labor' label='More Labor News']But the suit challenging the law is no surprise. Businesses have already sued over similar laws in other states. Wisconsin in 2009 was one of the first states to ban such meetings; when employers filed suit the following year, arguing it conflicted with federal law, the state backed down and agreed not to enforce it. In Oregon, however, a court \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/daily-labor-report/labor-board-decision-adds-twist-to-state-captive-audience-cases\">dismissed a similar challenge\u003c/a> brought by the last Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their lawsuit, the California business groups said the law violates the First Amendment and conflicts with the federal National Labor Relations Act. They said it prevents employers from “sharing true facts” with workers, including the cost of union dues, “unions’ interference with employer-employee relationships, unions’ prioritization of the collective over the individual employees, and the financial impacts on employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employers have the right to express their views and opinions on many issues,” Jot Condie, president and CEO of the state Restaurant Association, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab could not immediately be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California businesses are suing to halt a new state law that bars them from requiring employees to attend anti-union meetings at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Chamber of Commerce and California Restaurant Association \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Captive-audience-lawsuit.pdf\">filed the suit in federal court\u003c/a> on New Year’s Eve, a day before the new law was to go into effect, seeking to block it from being enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/12/california-labor-new-laws-2025/\">prohibits employers from disciplining workers\u003c/a> who refuse to attend workplace meetings to hear about their bosses’ “opinion about religious or political matters” — including whether or not employees should unionize. Businesses could be fined $500 a day for violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor groups said these so-called captive audience meetings intimidate workers out of exercising their right to unionize; business groups argued it interferes with employers’ right to free speech, including discussing how political or policy developments affect their workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, authored by Hayward Democratic Sen. Aisha Wahab, was one of organized labor’s few victories in the 2024 legislative session. California joined about 10 other mostly Democratic states in enacting similar laws \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/09/california-labor-workplace-meetings/\">amid a surge of labor organizing\u003c/a> in recent years. Expecting the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/12/worker-organizing-california-labor-trump-nlrb/\">to be less favorable to them\u003c/a>, unions have been counting on the state law to help preserve the more organizing-friendly environment of the past four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, the National Labor Relations Board, which has for decades generally allowed employers to hold so-called captive audience meetings, in November \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/news-outreach/news-story/board-rules-captive-audience-meetings-unlawful\">issued a ruling\u003c/a> calling them illegal. However, Amazon, the employer in that case, is contesting the ruling, and labor experts expect the board to reverse its position under Trump. In that case, the California ban on the meetings would still apply.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the suit challenging the law is no surprise. Businesses have already sued over similar laws in other states. Wisconsin in 2009 was one of the first states to ban such meetings; when employers filed suit the following year, arguing it conflicted with federal law, the state backed down and agreed not to enforce it. In Oregon, however, a court \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/daily-labor-report/labor-board-decision-adds-twist-to-state-captive-audience-cases\">dismissed a similar challenge\u003c/a> brought by the last Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their lawsuit, the California business groups said the law violates the First Amendment and conflicts with the federal National Labor Relations Act. They said it prevents employers from “sharing true facts” with workers, including the cost of union dues, “unions’ interference with employer-employee relationships, unions’ prioritization of the collective over the individual employees, and the financial impacts on employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employers have the right to express their views and opinions on many issues,” Jot Condie, president and CEO of the state Restaurant Association, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab could not immediately be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "As California's Tribes Sue Their Gambling Rivals, Cities Could Be Dealt the Losing Hand",
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"content": "\u003cp>On their first opportunity since a new law took effect Jan. 1, seven casino-owning Native American tribes filed suit in Sacramento County Thursday against dozens of California card rooms, opening a new front in one of last year’s most expensive political battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, millions of dollars of tax revenues that pay for city services such as police and road repairs could be in jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tribes’ suit alleges that the gambling halls scattered across California are illegally offering card games such as blackjack and pai gow poker that cut into the tribes’ gambling revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Defendants brazenly profit from illegal gambling,” the tribes said in the opening line of their lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a card room industry representative said the card rooms are “in full compliance with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This attempt by tribal casinos to shut down lawful competition by tax-paying California businesses will fail,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit would not have been possible if Gov. Gavin Newsom hadn’t \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/digital-democracy/2024/09/california-casinos-gambling-cities-newsom/\">signed Senate Bill 549 in September\u003c/a>. Tribes say California voters years ago gave them the exclusive rights to host the disputed table games, which they use to benefit historically disenfranchised tribal communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, because the tribes are sovereign governments, they lacked legal standing to sue the state’s 80 or so privately owned gambling halls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill gave tribes a three-month window to sue card rooms starting Jan. 1. They filed the lawsuit on the first day California courts opened for business in the new year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, tribes cannot receive any money or attorneys’ fees from the lawsuit. Instead, judges will only decide whether card rooms can continue to offer the disputed games.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high since some cities receive nearly half of their budgets from taxes on card rooms, meaning a tribal victory in court could jeopardize money for police, firefighters and other local services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, nearly two-thirds of the budget for the small city of Hawaiian Gardens and almost half for the city of Commerce, both in Los Angeles County, come from local card rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose City Councilmember Sergio Jimenez told lawmakers in July that the city receives $30 million each year from card rooms, enough to fund 150 police officers or 133 firefighters. Jimenez said that money’s in jeopardy if the tribes end up prevailing in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The card room industry claims the games are legal and that the attorney general’s office has approved each of them over the years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='tribes' label='More Tribal News']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit comes after tribes persuaded lawmakers last year to pass \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb549?slug=CA_202320240SB549&_gl=1*1jz7mmg*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzEzMzQuNTcuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.\">SB 549\u003c/a> in what was one of the most costly political fights of the two-year legislative session that concluded last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bipartisan coalition of lawmakers, many of them with large tribal casinos in their districts, pushed for the gambling measure, while a smaller group of lawmakers with card rooms in their districts opposed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It followed a failed 2022 sports betting initiative that the tribes spent millions of dollars to sponsor and that included a similar provision that would have let the tribes sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opposing gambling interests donated at least $4.3 million to the 120 members of the Legislature since January 2023, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/?_gl=1*1jz7mmg*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzEzMzQuNTcuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.\">Digital Democracy database\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing what they saw as an existential threat, card rooms responded to SB 549’s introduction with a massive lobbying blitz. In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/02/california-lobbying-state-government/\">Hawaiian Gardens Casino\u003c/a> alone spent $9.1 million on lobbying, the second-highest amount reported to state regulators. Only the international oil giant, Chevron Corp., spent more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, despite losing the battle over SB 549, the card room industry \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/12/california-election-gambling-card-rooms/\">spent more than $3 million\u003c/a> in the lead-up to the November election in retaliation against four lawmakers who played key roles in the bill’s passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three of the candidates targeted by the card rooms ended up losing, including the bill’s author, Democratic Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/people/100941?_gl=1*13zha4a*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzEzMzQuNTcuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.\">Josh Newman\u003c/a> of Fullerton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After winning a costly legislative battle last year, California’s casino-owning tribes have sued their rivals in the gambling business. Cities could lose money if the tribes prevail in court.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On their first opportunity since a new law took effect Jan. 1, seven casino-owning Native American tribes filed suit in Sacramento County Thursday against dozens of California card rooms, opening a new front in one of last year’s most expensive political battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, millions of dollars of tax revenues that pay for city services such as police and road repairs could be in jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tribes’ suit alleges that the gambling halls scattered across California are illegally offering card games such as blackjack and pai gow poker that cut into the tribes’ gambling revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Defendants brazenly profit from illegal gambling,” the tribes said in the opening line of their lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a card room industry representative said the card rooms are “in full compliance with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This attempt by tribal casinos to shut down lawful competition by tax-paying California businesses will fail,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit would not have been possible if Gov. Gavin Newsom hadn’t \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/digital-democracy/2024/09/california-casinos-gambling-cities-newsom/\">signed Senate Bill 549 in September\u003c/a>. Tribes say California voters years ago gave them the exclusive rights to host the disputed table games, which they use to benefit historically disenfranchised tribal communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, because the tribes are sovereign governments, they lacked legal standing to sue the state’s 80 or so privately owned gambling halls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill gave tribes a three-month window to sue card rooms starting Jan. 1. They filed the lawsuit on the first day California courts opened for business in the new year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, tribes cannot receive any money or attorneys’ fees from the lawsuit. Instead, judges will only decide whether card rooms can continue to offer the disputed games.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high since some cities receive nearly half of their budgets from taxes on card rooms, meaning a tribal victory in court could jeopardize money for police, firefighters and other local services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, nearly two-thirds of the budget for the small city of Hawaiian Gardens and almost half for the city of Commerce, both in Los Angeles County, come from local card rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose City Councilmember Sergio Jimenez told lawmakers in July that the city receives $30 million each year from card rooms, enough to fund 150 police officers or 133 firefighters. Jimenez said that money’s in jeopardy if the tribes end up prevailing in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The card room industry claims the games are legal and that the attorney general’s office has approved each of them over the years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit comes after tribes persuaded lawmakers last year to pass \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb549?slug=CA_202320240SB549&_gl=1*1jz7mmg*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzEzMzQuNTcuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.\">SB 549\u003c/a> in what was one of the most costly political fights of the two-year legislative session that concluded last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bipartisan coalition of lawmakers, many of them with large tribal casinos in their districts, pushed for the gambling measure, while a smaller group of lawmakers with card rooms in their districts opposed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It followed a failed 2022 sports betting initiative that the tribes spent millions of dollars to sponsor and that included a similar provision that would have let the tribes sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opposing gambling interests donated at least $4.3 million to the 120 members of the Legislature since January 2023, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/?_gl=1*1jz7mmg*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzEzMzQuNTcuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.\">Digital Democracy database\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing what they saw as an existential threat, card rooms responded to SB 549’s introduction with a massive lobbying blitz. In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/02/california-lobbying-state-government/\">Hawaiian Gardens Casino\u003c/a> alone spent $9.1 million on lobbying, the second-highest amount reported to state regulators. Only the international oil giant, Chevron Corp., spent more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, despite losing the battle over SB 549, the card room industry \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/12/california-election-gambling-card-rooms/\">spent more than $3 million\u003c/a> in the lead-up to the November election in retaliation against four lawmakers who played key roles in the bill’s passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three of the candidates targeted by the card rooms ended up losing, including the bill’s author, Democratic Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/people/100941?_gl=1*13zha4a*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzEzMzQuNTcuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczNTkyOTQ4My4zNS4xLjE3MzU5MzA2NDkuMC4wLjA.\">Josh Newman\u003c/a> of Fullerton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "the-holiday-rush-in-photos-every-day-is-christmas-at-this-oakland-postal-service-center",
"title": "The Holiday Rush in Photos: ‘Every Day Is Christmas’ at This Oakland Postal Service Center",
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"content": "\u003cp>At the Oakland United States Postal Service Processing and Distribution Center workers have been celebrating Christmas every day since December 1st. Different units within the processing plant hold potlucks during their breaks, so they have a chance to celebrate and share food with each other. The facility feels like it’s Christmas time throughout the year, because of the number of mail that whirs through the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"844\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-800x264.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-1020x336.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-1536x506.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-2048x675.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-1920x633.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Rejected letters and cards are stamped with a ‘Happy Holidays’ after processing at the USPS Processing and Distribution Center in Oakland. Mail can be rejected for a variety of reasons, but most commonly due to incorrect address or insufficient postage. Right: USPS clerk Muoi Tang processes letters and holiday cards during the holiday rush. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Christmas for us, is basically every day,” said senior manager Nancy Canales-Nelson. The sheer volume of mail coming in and being processed is what makes each day feel like Christmas time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike a typical post office, this facility runs 24/7. Over a thousand employees process packages and letters every day of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019743\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019743\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">USPS workers process packages and letters during the holiday rush. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019744\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"660\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB-800x264.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB-1536x507.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB-1920x634.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: USPS clerk Maria Maldonado processes packages at her station during the holiday rush at the Processing and Distribution Center in Oakland, Calif., on Monday, December 23, 2024. Right: Packages and cards stream through the facility 365 days a year. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In December, the facility typically processes hundreds of thousands of parcels every day with three loud, industrial size processing machines on each floor. Bay Area Communications Specialist Kristina Uppal attributes the craze to the continuous rise of online shopping and early Black Friday sales. Three shifts per day of USPS workers keep things running, and ensure presents arrive in time for Christmas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We connect every piece to every door,” Uppal said. “We definitely give Santa a little extra lift.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019731\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019731\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">USPS supervisor Rhonda Blackwood, center, serves food to her colleagues at a holiday potluck during their break. Each unit inside the processing facility has been having potlucks this holiday season during their breaks this month. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019732\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019732\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"660\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo-800x264.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo-1536x507.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo-1920x634.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">USPS workers process packages and letters during the holiday rush at the Processing and Distribution Center. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019730\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019730\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A USPS worker walks out of the Processing and Distribution Center in Oakland, on Monday, Dec. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "‘We connect every piece to every door,’ Kristina Uppal said. ‘We definitely give Santa a little extra lift.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At the Oakland United States Postal Service Processing and Distribution Center workers have been celebrating Christmas every day since December 1st. Different units within the processing plant hold potlucks during their breaks, so they have a chance to celebrate and share food with each other. The facility feels like it’s Christmas time throughout the year, because of the number of mail that whirs through the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"844\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-800x264.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-1020x336.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-1536x506.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-2048x675.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-338_duo-1920x633.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Rejected letters and cards are stamped with a ‘Happy Holidays’ after processing at the USPS Processing and Distribution Center in Oakland. Mail can be rejected for a variety of reasons, but most commonly due to incorrect address or insufficient postage. Right: USPS clerk Muoi Tang processes letters and holiday cards during the holiday rush. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Christmas for us, is basically every day,” said senior manager Nancy Canales-Nelson. The sheer volume of mail coming in and being processed is what makes each day feel like Christmas time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike a typical post office, this facility runs 24/7. Over a thousand employees process packages and letters every day of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019743\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019743\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-163-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">USPS workers process packages and letters during the holiday rush. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019744\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"660\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB-800x264.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB-1536x507.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-183_duoB-1920x634.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: USPS clerk Maria Maldonado processes packages at her station during the holiday rush at the Processing and Distribution Center in Oakland, Calif., on Monday, December 23, 2024. Right: Packages and cards stream through the facility 365 days a year. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In December, the facility typically processes hundreds of thousands of parcels every day with three loud, industrial size processing machines on each floor. Bay Area Communications Specialist Kristina Uppal attributes the craze to the continuous rise of online shopping and early Black Friday sales. Three shifts per day of USPS workers keep things running, and ensure presents arrive in time for Christmas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We connect every piece to every door,” Uppal said. “We definitely give Santa a little extra lift.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019731\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019731\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-426-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">USPS supervisor Rhonda Blackwood, center, serves food to her colleagues at a holiday potluck during their break. Each unit inside the processing facility has been having potlucks this holiday season during their breaks this month. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019732\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019732\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"660\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo-800x264.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo-1536x507.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-587_duo-1920x634.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">USPS workers process packages and letters during the holiday rush at the Processing and Distribution Center. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019730\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019730\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241223-USPSHoliday-JY-605-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A USPS worker walks out of the Processing and Distribution Center in Oakland, on Monday, Dec. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "why-trumps-tariffs-on-mexico-would-raise-the-price-of-avocados",
"title": "Why Trump's Tariffs on Mexico Would Raise the Price of Avocados",
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"headTitle": "Why Trump’s Tariffs on Mexico Would Raise the Price of Avocados | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Of all the products that would be affected by President-elect Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/26/nx-s1-5206441/trumps-tariffs-china-canada-mexico\">proposed tariffs on Mexico\u003c/a>, avocados stand out: 90% of avocados consumed in the U.S. are imported. And almost all of those imports come from Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has said he plans to impose a blanket tariff of 25% on imports from Mexico and Canada, along with an additional 10% tax on goods from China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether the tariffs will be implemented or if they will serve merely as a negotiating tactic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If enacted, they could have multiple effects on the avocado industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Broad tariffs, like what’s being proposed, is not something that we’ve seen” before, says David Ortega, a food economist and professor at Michigan State University. “We had the trade war with China back in 2018 that affected steel and aluminum, but when it comes to food, these types of policy proposals are not something that are very common or that we’ve seen recently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With one of the biggest guacamole-eating events of the year — the Super Bowl — approaching in February, here’s what to know about avocados, tariffs, and why so many avocados are grown in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">Prices will rise\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019617\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Avocados are displayed in a grocery store in Washington, DC, on June 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Stefani Reynolds/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>First, a 25% tariff on imports from Mexico would lead to higher avocado prices at the grocery store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But estimating just how much higher is hard to say. It’s possible that producers and importers will absorb some of the costs to keep prices down and stay more competitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortega says there could be “pretty significant increases in the price of avocados. Maybe not the full 25%, but pretty close, given that there’s very little substitute ability with regards to where we would source avocados.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he cautions that because the tariffs apply only to the product’s value at the border, and not to other costs like transportation and distribution within the U.S., prices may not go up by the full 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of these potential price increases, however, people in the U.S. love their avocados and they’re willing to pay more. Avocado consumption tripled in the U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/chart-gallery/gallery/chart-detail/?chartId=103810\">between 2000 and 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that avocado is a staple of our consumption here, I would say that the elasticity is not very high, meaning that even with a big increase in price, consumption is not going to change that much,” says Luis Ribera, a professor and extension economist in the agricultural economics department at Texas A&M University.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why Mexico\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019619\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019619\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmer works at an avocado plantation at the Los Cerritos avocado group ranch in Ciudad Guzman, state of Jalisco, Mexico, on Feb. 10, 2023. Most of the avocados consumed in the US are grown in Mexico. \u003ccite>(Ulises Ruiz/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mexico is the biggest \u003ca href=\"https://apps.fas.usda.gov/newgainapi/api/Report/DownloadReportByFileName?fileName=Avocado%20Annual_Mexico%20City_Mexico_MX2024-0018.pdf\">producer of avocados\u003c/a> in the world and exported $3.3 billion worth of avocados in 2023. A \u003ca href=\"https://avocadoinstitute.org/avo-economics/avo-economics-fact-sheet/\">study funded by the industry\u003c/a> estimated that avocado production supports 78,000 permanent jobs and 310,000 seasonal jobs in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very important business in Mexico, very lucrative,” Ribera says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico emerged as the largest foreign supplier of fruits and vegetables to the U.S. for a few reasons, he says. One: Its proximity to the U.S. market. With a perishable product, closer is better. Peru is the second-largest source of foreign avocados in the U.S., but its greater distance means avocados need to be shipped farther.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other reasons for Mexico are favorable weather that allows for year-round production of avocados and access to cheap labor, according to Ribera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avocados are grown in the U.S. too, \u003ca href=\"https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/publication/FE1150\">mostly in California\u003c/a> and to a lesser extent Florida and Hawaii, but U.S. growers can’t meet Americans’ big appetite. Avocado production in the U.S. has declined, even as Americans grew fonder of the green fruit, according to the USDA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California avocado growers have faced droughts and wildfires in recent years, making it difficult to offer the year-round availability that American consumers crave, Ortega says. In addition, \u003ca href=\"https://www.producebluebook.com/2024/08/30/mexican-avocado-exports-to-u-s-expected-to-total-2-7b-in-2024/\">land is expensive\u003c/a> and water is limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the goal of implementing tariffs is to force avocado production to move somewhere besides Mexico, that isn’t easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It takes about eight years for avocado trees to produce fruit, according to the USDA. “This is not a product that you can just simply plant more of this season and you get more of in a few months,” Ortega says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other countries where the U.S. sources avocados — Peru, the Dominican Republic and Chile — “just simply don’t have the production capacity to replace Mexico’s supply,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tariffs could impact the organic avocado market\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tariffs could also alter the market dynamic when it comes to organic vs. conventional foods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If prices rise across the board, consumers who typically buy organic avocados might switch to conventional ones to save money. Organic produce makes up about 15% of total fruit and vegetable sales in the U.S., according to the Organic Trade Association, which represents hundreds of organic businesses and thousands of farmers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hypothesis is that the price of conventional products would increase more than the premium organic product,” Ortega says. He reasons that because people who are used to buying organic avocados would move to buy conventional ones, “that in turn increases the demand and would make prices rise more for that category.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Dillon, co-CEO of the Organic Trade Association, says those in the organic food industry are looking at diversifying their supply chains away from Mexico, but there’s a three-year transition period required for farmers to switch from producing conventional to organic produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supply chains are not incredibly elastic in organic. It takes more time to pivot and change when there’s a supply chain disruption. And tariffs are in some ways a form of supply chain disruption for a company, because it creates unpredictable pricing,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together with grocery prices that have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5223469\">gone up more than 26%\u003c/a> since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Trump’s plans for tariffs on Mexico, along with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/19/g-s1-34736/trumps-threats-of-mass-deportations-lead-to-hard-discussions-for-families\">mass deportations\u003c/a>, could create “a perfect storm of high inflationary pressure on the organic sector,” Dillon says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, retaliatory tariffs from Mexico could have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/27/nx-s1-5206854/officials-in-mexico-are-monitoring-trumps-comments-on-proposed-tariffs\">their own impacts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Avocado producers face uncertainty as Trump’s return looms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019620\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Picture of avocados in boxes at a packing plant in the municipality of Ario de Rosales, Michoacan State, Mexico, on Sept. 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Alfredo Estrella/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Aside from the threat of tariffs, the avocado industry has other challenges to deal with: climate change \u003ca href=\"https://openknowledge.fao.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/c1062d72-ae62-43b1-97ae-aab32c75cadf/content\">presents several problems\u003c/a>, and avocados \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2019/04/05/health/everyday-foods-water-drought-climate-intl/index.html\">require a large amount of water\u003c/a> to grow. Meanwhile, \u003ca>environmentalists say\u003c/a> some avocado growers are \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mexico-government-plants-caribbean-canada-6270df8d94e295da9cab759825b1bd28\">cutting down forests\u003c/a> to plant avocados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Producers also face extortion from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/08/06/1192413115/the-violent-underbelly-of-the-avocado-industry\">criminal gangs in Mexico\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now with Trump’s tariff threats, producers are left to wonder about their next steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Producers, they react to market fundamentals,” Ribera says. For example, people can foresee how bad weather in Mexico would affect avocado prices. Producers and retailers will adjust to higher and lower demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue with a tariff is it’s not a market fundamental — it’s a policy. It’s a political move,” he says. “It could happen or it could not happen, or it could be increased or it could be decreased, you know. So it’s hard for the whole supply chain to adjust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Trump has said he plans to impose a blanket tariff of 25% on imports from Mexico. If enacted, this could have multiple effects on the avocado industry.",
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"title": "Why Trump's Tariffs on Mexico Would Raise the Price of Avocados | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Of all the products that would be affected by President-elect Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/26/nx-s1-5206441/trumps-tariffs-china-canada-mexico\">proposed tariffs on Mexico\u003c/a>, avocados stand out: 90% of avocados consumed in the U.S. are imported. And almost all of those imports come from Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has said he plans to impose a blanket tariff of 25% on imports from Mexico and Canada, along with an additional 10% tax on goods from China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether the tariffs will be implemented or if they will serve merely as a negotiating tactic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If enacted, they could have multiple effects on the avocado industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Broad tariffs, like what’s being proposed, is not something that we’ve seen” before, says David Ortega, a food economist and professor at Michigan State University. “We had the trade war with China back in 2018 that affected steel and aluminum, but when it comes to food, these types of policy proposals are not something that are very common or that we’ve seen recently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With one of the biggest guacamole-eating events of the year — the Super Bowl — approaching in February, here’s what to know about avocados, tariffs, and why so many avocados are grown in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">Prices will rise\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019617\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Avocados are displayed in a grocery store in Washington, DC, on June 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Stefani Reynolds/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>First, a 25% tariff on imports from Mexico would lead to higher avocado prices at the grocery store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But estimating just how much higher is hard to say. It’s possible that producers and importers will absorb some of the costs to keep prices down and stay more competitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortega says there could be “pretty significant increases in the price of avocados. Maybe not the full 25%, but pretty close, given that there’s very little substitute ability with regards to where we would source avocados.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he cautions that because the tariffs apply only to the product’s value at the border, and not to other costs like transportation and distribution within the U.S., prices may not go up by the full 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of these potential price increases, however, people in the U.S. love their avocados and they’re willing to pay more. Avocado consumption tripled in the U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/chart-gallery/gallery/chart-detail/?chartId=103810\">between 2000 and 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that avocado is a staple of our consumption here, I would say that the elasticity is not very high, meaning that even with a big increase in price, consumption is not going to change that much,” says Luis Ribera, a professor and extension economist in the agricultural economics department at Texas A&M University.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why Mexico\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019619\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019619\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmer works at an avocado plantation at the Los Cerritos avocado group ranch in Ciudad Guzman, state of Jalisco, Mexico, on Feb. 10, 2023. Most of the avocados consumed in the US are grown in Mexico. \u003ccite>(Ulises Ruiz/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mexico is the biggest \u003ca href=\"https://apps.fas.usda.gov/newgainapi/api/Report/DownloadReportByFileName?fileName=Avocado%20Annual_Mexico%20City_Mexico_MX2024-0018.pdf\">producer of avocados\u003c/a> in the world and exported $3.3 billion worth of avocados in 2023. A \u003ca href=\"https://avocadoinstitute.org/avo-economics/avo-economics-fact-sheet/\">study funded by the industry\u003c/a> estimated that avocado production supports 78,000 permanent jobs and 310,000 seasonal jobs in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very important business in Mexico, very lucrative,” Ribera says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico emerged as the largest foreign supplier of fruits and vegetables to the U.S. for a few reasons, he says. One: Its proximity to the U.S. market. With a perishable product, closer is better. Peru is the second-largest source of foreign avocados in the U.S., but its greater distance means avocados need to be shipped farther.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other reasons for Mexico are favorable weather that allows for year-round production of avocados and access to cheap labor, according to Ribera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avocados are grown in the U.S. too, \u003ca href=\"https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/publication/FE1150\">mostly in California\u003c/a> and to a lesser extent Florida and Hawaii, but U.S. growers can’t meet Americans’ big appetite. Avocado production in the U.S. has declined, even as Americans grew fonder of the green fruit, according to the USDA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California avocado growers have faced droughts and wildfires in recent years, making it difficult to offer the year-round availability that American consumers crave, Ortega says. In addition, \u003ca href=\"https://www.producebluebook.com/2024/08/30/mexican-avocado-exports-to-u-s-expected-to-total-2-7b-in-2024/\">land is expensive\u003c/a> and water is limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the goal of implementing tariffs is to force avocado production to move somewhere besides Mexico, that isn’t easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It takes about eight years for avocado trees to produce fruit, according to the USDA. “This is not a product that you can just simply plant more of this season and you get more of in a few months,” Ortega says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other countries where the U.S. sources avocados — Peru, the Dominican Republic and Chile — “just simply don’t have the production capacity to replace Mexico’s supply,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tariffs could impact the organic avocado market\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tariffs could also alter the market dynamic when it comes to organic vs. conventional foods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If prices rise across the board, consumers who typically buy organic avocados might switch to conventional ones to save money. Organic produce makes up about 15% of total fruit and vegetable sales in the U.S., according to the Organic Trade Association, which represents hundreds of organic businesses and thousands of farmers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hypothesis is that the price of conventional products would increase more than the premium organic product,” Ortega says. He reasons that because people who are used to buying organic avocados would move to buy conventional ones, “that in turn increases the demand and would make prices rise more for that category.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Dillon, co-CEO of the Organic Trade Association, says those in the organic food industry are looking at diversifying their supply chains away from Mexico, but there’s a three-year transition period required for farmers to switch from producing conventional to organic produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supply chains are not incredibly elastic in organic. It takes more time to pivot and change when there’s a supply chain disruption. And tariffs are in some ways a form of supply chain disruption for a company, because it creates unpredictable pricing,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together with grocery prices that have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5223469\">gone up more than 26%\u003c/a> since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Trump’s plans for tariffs on Mexico, along with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/19/g-s1-34736/trumps-threats-of-mass-deportations-lead-to-hard-discussions-for-families\">mass deportations\u003c/a>, could create “a perfect storm of high inflationary pressure on the organic sector,” Dillon says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, retaliatory tariffs from Mexico could have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/27/nx-s1-5206854/officials-in-mexico-are-monitoring-trumps-comments-on-proposed-tariffs\">their own impacts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Avocado producers face uncertainty as Trump’s return looms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019620\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Picture of avocados in boxes at a packing plant in the municipality of Ario de Rosales, Michoacan State, Mexico, on Sept. 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Alfredo Estrella/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Aside from the threat of tariffs, the avocado industry has other challenges to deal with: climate change \u003ca href=\"https://openknowledge.fao.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/c1062d72-ae62-43b1-97ae-aab32c75cadf/content\">presents several problems\u003c/a>, and avocados \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2019/04/05/health/everyday-foods-water-drought-climate-intl/index.html\">require a large amount of water\u003c/a> to grow. Meanwhile, \u003ca>environmentalists say\u003c/a> some avocado growers are \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mexico-government-plants-caribbean-canada-6270df8d94e295da9cab759825b1bd28\">cutting down forests\u003c/a> to plant avocados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Producers also face extortion from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/08/06/1192413115/the-violent-underbelly-of-the-avocado-industry\">criminal gangs in Mexico\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now with Trump’s tariff threats, producers are left to wonder about their next steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Producers, they react to market fundamentals,” Ribera says. For example, people can foresee how bad weather in Mexico would affect avocado prices. Producers and retailers will adjust to higher and lower demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue with a tariff is it’s not a market fundamental — it’s a policy. It’s a political move,” he says. “It could happen or it could not happen, or it could be increased or it could be decreased, you know. So it’s hard for the whole supply chain to adjust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Is San Francisco a Bellwether for Cryptocurrency Influence on Local Elections?",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at noon Dec. 13\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has emerged as a microcosm of how tech and cryptocurrency leaders are expanding their growing political influence from local to national elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2024 election saw the city’s most expensive political action committee (PAC), created and funded by billionaire investors, successfully defeat incumbent Supervisor Dean Preston. But other campaigns with big tech money behind them, like efforts to elect a more right-leaning mayor or to unseat progressive Supervisor Connie Chan, fell flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mixed outcomes show the limits of campaign spending in local politics, but political analysts and campaign finance experts say that won’t stop billionaires from trying in San Francisco and, increasingly, in other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They realize that they have skin in the game even at the local level, and it behooves them to try and have candidates on these city councils or county board of supervisors that are friendly to their policy views,” said Sean McMorris, who leads the transparency, ethics and accountability program at California Common Cause. “You will see it, I believe, in bigger cities where there are more opportunities for special interests to increase their bottom lines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley power players have poured money into local elections for decades. But political analysts and grassroots organizers say tech and cryptocurrency billionaires’ spending went even further this past election cycle, which brought in more than $62 million in total donations. Mayor-elect Daniel Lurie raised about $16 million — about half of which was self-funded — making his campaign the most expensive in the city’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Larsen, an early donor for Mayor London Breed who co-founded the cryptocurrency company Ripple Labs, donated more than $1 million to San Francisco races this year, largely into a PAC supporting the mayor created by the Abundance Network, a YIMBY (Yes In My Backyard) political organizing group. Started in San Francisco in 2022, the Abundance Network has expanded to Oakland, Santa Monica and has plans to grow into New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed lost her bid for a second term to philanthropist Daniel Lurie, but Larsen’s investments paid off in the local supervisor race for District 5, where he donated $50,000 to a PAC started by GrowSF, another moderate political organizing group working to unseat the board’s sole Democratic Socialist, Dean Preston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What was absolutely clear was the huge amount of spending in our race by tech millionaires and billionaires against progressive candidates. That was certainly the case in District 5,” Preston told KQED. “It was much more of just a negative attack disinformation campaign on me rather than propping up a different candidate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political watchdogs digesting this year’s election are seeing similar efforts across the Bay and nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coinbase’s Jesse Pollak helped the Abundance Network raise nearly $500,000 to back a moderate slate of candidates for city council in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a Super PAC backed by crypto industry leaders spent nearly $10 million on ads against Katie Porter’s run for Senate. The progressive candidate lost to fellow Democrat Adam Schiff in the March primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, Silicon Valley poured more than $394.1 million into the presidential election this year, according to the \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/dec/07/campaign-spending-crypto-tech-influence\">Guardian\u003c/a>\u003c/em>. While most came from Elon Musk supporting Donald Trump, players like Larsen, who donated about $13 million to Vice President Kamala Harris’ campaign, also made a significant contribution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ripple and Coinbase specifically are two cryptocurrency companies spending on the local level and people connected to them directly are pushing big money behind local politics,” said Jeremy Mack, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/\">Phoenix Project\u003c/a>, a nonprofit tracking money and influence in San Francisco politics. “Those two companies also ended up becoming the two biggest backers of nationwide cryptocurrency PACs that spent huge on elections across the country, largely both to unseat progressives and get the Republicans elected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Abundance Network and GrowSF are just a few of the political organizing groups that have sprung up in San Francisco since the pandemic, tapping into some residents’ frustration over the city’s struggles with homelessness, a drug overdose crisis and crime. Others included TogetherSF, backed by tech billionaire Michael Moritz, and Stop Crime SF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the 2024 election cycle, tech leaders like Garry Tan, CEO of Y-Combinator and a board member of GrowSF, got directly involved with local political action and messaging. Tan became a prominent critic of Preston on social media, along with Musk, who notably called for the supervisor to be \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/elonmusk/status/1709236386841170389?s=20\">“thrown in prison” on social media platform X\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tech money alone didn’t sway voters. Nancy Tung, who was elected chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party this spring as part of the board’s shift to a moderate-majority, points to how Supervisor Chan held her seat with big donations from organized labor, defeating efforts from GrowSF and TogetherSF to replace Chan with a moderate Democrat, Marjan Philhour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is big money on both sides,” Tung told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017320/s-f-democratic-partys-nancy-tung-on-steering-the-party-toward-the-middle\">KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “The misconception is that there is money being spent only on one side. Really what it is, is that voters decide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Bilal Mahmood, who unseated Preston, said the outcome came down to messaging and voters wanting change.[aside tag=\"politics,crypto\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]“Money was not the deciding factor of who won or lost in this race,” Mahmood told KQED. “[Preston] lost because his messaging was out of touch with what the district wanted. There’s now people in tech who are involved at the grassroots level, and that’s on both sides as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big donors themselves did not agree on candidates across the board, another reason why some efforts succeeded and others didn’t in San Francisco, said progressive political consultant Jim Ross.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at that District 5 race, they were able to use their money to back a new candidate and get people to knock on doors and develop strong messaging that was compelling to people in that district,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, the rapid emergence of so many political groups at the local level in San Francisco was unique this election, Ross added. “In the past, we had one or two, but it seems like every day there was a new billionaire-backed political action committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMorris of Common Cause and others say strengthening campaign finance laws could help level the playing field as elections grow expensive and candidates increasingly have to navigate disinformation campaigns from special interest groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, the worst lesson tech billionaires will draw from [this election] is that funding massive disinformation campaigns against progressives works,” Preston said. “Progressives will need to be prepared for that and need to battle more on rebutting disinformation early and making sure that allies and progressive donors step up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: This story has been updated to reflect the total amount of campaign donations this past election cycle.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As tech and crypto investors put money into hyper-local politics in San Francisco, similar efforts are taking root across the state and nation. \r\n",
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"title": "Is San Francisco a Bellwether for Cryptocurrency Influence on Local Elections? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at noon Dec. 13\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has emerged as a microcosm of how tech and cryptocurrency leaders are expanding their growing political influence from local to national elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2024 election saw the city’s most expensive political action committee (PAC), created and funded by billionaire investors, successfully defeat incumbent Supervisor Dean Preston. But other campaigns with big tech money behind them, like efforts to elect a more right-leaning mayor or to unseat progressive Supervisor Connie Chan, fell flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mixed outcomes show the limits of campaign spending in local politics, but political analysts and campaign finance experts say that won’t stop billionaires from trying in San Francisco and, increasingly, in other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They realize that they have skin in the game even at the local level, and it behooves them to try and have candidates on these city councils or county board of supervisors that are friendly to their policy views,” said Sean McMorris, who leads the transparency, ethics and accountability program at California Common Cause. “You will see it, I believe, in bigger cities where there are more opportunities for special interests to increase their bottom lines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley power players have poured money into local elections for decades. But political analysts and grassroots organizers say tech and cryptocurrency billionaires’ spending went even further this past election cycle, which brought in more than $62 million in total donations. Mayor-elect Daniel Lurie raised about $16 million — about half of which was self-funded — making his campaign the most expensive in the city’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Larsen, an early donor for Mayor London Breed who co-founded the cryptocurrency company Ripple Labs, donated more than $1 million to San Francisco races this year, largely into a PAC supporting the mayor created by the Abundance Network, a YIMBY (Yes In My Backyard) political organizing group. Started in San Francisco in 2022, the Abundance Network has expanded to Oakland, Santa Monica and has plans to grow into New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed lost her bid for a second term to philanthropist Daniel Lurie, but Larsen’s investments paid off in the local supervisor race for District 5, where he donated $50,000 to a PAC started by GrowSF, another moderate political organizing group working to unseat the board’s sole Democratic Socialist, Dean Preston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What was absolutely clear was the huge amount of spending in our race by tech millionaires and billionaires against progressive candidates. That was certainly the case in District 5,” Preston told KQED. “It was much more of just a negative attack disinformation campaign on me rather than propping up a different candidate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political watchdogs digesting this year’s election are seeing similar efforts across the Bay and nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coinbase’s Jesse Pollak helped the Abundance Network raise nearly $500,000 to back a moderate slate of candidates for city council in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a Super PAC backed by crypto industry leaders spent nearly $10 million on ads against Katie Porter’s run for Senate. The progressive candidate lost to fellow Democrat Adam Schiff in the March primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, Silicon Valley poured more than $394.1 million into the presidential election this year, according to the \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/dec/07/campaign-spending-crypto-tech-influence\">Guardian\u003c/a>\u003c/em>. While most came from Elon Musk supporting Donald Trump, players like Larsen, who donated about $13 million to Vice President Kamala Harris’ campaign, also made a significant contribution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ripple and Coinbase specifically are two cryptocurrency companies spending on the local level and people connected to them directly are pushing big money behind local politics,” said Jeremy Mack, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/\">Phoenix Project\u003c/a>, a nonprofit tracking money and influence in San Francisco politics. “Those two companies also ended up becoming the two biggest backers of nationwide cryptocurrency PACs that spent huge on elections across the country, largely both to unseat progressives and get the Republicans elected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Abundance Network and GrowSF are just a few of the political organizing groups that have sprung up in San Francisco since the pandemic, tapping into some residents’ frustration over the city’s struggles with homelessness, a drug overdose crisis and crime. Others included TogetherSF, backed by tech billionaire Michael Moritz, and Stop Crime SF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the 2024 election cycle, tech leaders like Garry Tan, CEO of Y-Combinator and a board member of GrowSF, got directly involved with local political action and messaging. Tan became a prominent critic of Preston on social media, along with Musk, who notably called for the supervisor to be \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/elonmusk/status/1709236386841170389?s=20\">“thrown in prison” on social media platform X\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tech money alone didn’t sway voters. Nancy Tung, who was elected chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party this spring as part of the board’s shift to a moderate-majority, points to how Supervisor Chan held her seat with big donations from organized labor, defeating efforts from GrowSF and TogetherSF to replace Chan with a moderate Democrat, Marjan Philhour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is big money on both sides,” Tung told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017320/s-f-democratic-partys-nancy-tung-on-steering-the-party-toward-the-middle\">KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “The misconception is that there is money being spent only on one side. Really what it is, is that voters decide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Bilal Mahmood, who unseated Preston, said the outcome came down to messaging and voters wanting change.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Money was not the deciding factor of who won or lost in this race,” Mahmood told KQED. “[Preston] lost because his messaging was out of touch with what the district wanted. There’s now people in tech who are involved at the grassroots level, and that’s on both sides as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big donors themselves did not agree on candidates across the board, another reason why some efforts succeeded and others didn’t in San Francisco, said progressive political consultant Jim Ross.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at that District 5 race, they were able to use their money to back a new candidate and get people to knock on doors and develop strong messaging that was compelling to people in that district,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, the rapid emergence of so many political groups at the local level in San Francisco was unique this election, Ross added. “In the past, we had one or two, but it seems like every day there was a new billionaire-backed political action committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMorris of Common Cause and others say strengthening campaign finance laws could help level the playing field as elections grow expensive and candidates increasingly have to navigate disinformation campaigns from special interest groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, the worst lesson tech billionaires will draw from [this election] is that funding massive disinformation campaigns against progressives works,” Preston said. “Progressives will need to be prepared for that and need to battle more on rebutting disinformation early and making sure that allies and progressive donors step up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: This story has been updated to reflect the total amount of campaign donations this past election cycle.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Nearly 30% of US Drugstores Closed Over the Last Decade, Study Shows",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly three out of 10 U.S. drugstores that were open during the previous decade had closed by 2021, new research shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino neighborhoods were most vulnerable to the retail pharmacy closures, which can chip away at already-limited care options in those communities, researchers said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2024.00192\">study published Tuesday in Health Affairs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trend has potentially gained momentum since the study’s timeframe because many drugstores are still struggling. In the last three years, the major chains Walgreens and CVS have closed hundreds of additional stores, and Rite Aid shrank as it went through a bankruptcy reorganization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drugstores have been dealing with shrinking reimbursement for prescriptions, rising costs and changing customer shopping habits. The chains have been closing money-losing stores and transferring prescription files to more profitable locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, for example, a Walgreens spokesperson told \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/12/02/2-walgreens-in-east-oakland-will-close-in-january/\">The Oaklandside\u003c/a> it’s closing two locations in East Oakland – at I-580 and High Street and one on Foothill Boulevard and Seminary Avenue – and transferring prescriptions and other employees to nearby stores that generate more business. Another Walgreens location in a low-income section of East Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/07/22/deep-east-oakland-residents-walgreens-pharmacy-closure/\">closed in 2021.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, in 2021, Walgreens said publicly it was closing five stores in San Francisco due to organized crime, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/Is-shoplifting-forcing-Walgreens-to-cut-back-in-16536960.php\">police data didn’t back that up\u003c/a>. The study in Health Affairs did not address crime as a potential contributing factor for store closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study found that more than 29% of the nearly 89,000 retail U.S. pharmacies that operated between 2010 and 2020 had closed by 2021. That amounts to more than 26,000 stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s closure rate was 25.5%. Mississippi experienced the most closures at nearly 41%, while North Dakota experienced the fewest at 17%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nine-county Bay Area, San Francisco, Santa Clara and Contra Costa counties had a net loss in pharmacies, while the other six counties were stable or had more pharmacies open in the study’s timeframe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers using data from the National Council for Prescription Drug Programs found that the number of U.S. pharmacies had actually increased from 2010 to 2017 because of store openings, but the pace of closings picked up starting in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also highlighted which stores were more likely to close. Those include independent pharmacies, which were more likely than chain stores to be in Black, Latino and low-income neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag='walgreens' label='Walgreens Coverage' ]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without safeguarding pharmacies in marginalized neighborhoods, expanding health care services at pharmacies may enhance convenience for more affluent populations while failing to address the health needs of communities disproportionately affected by pharmacy closures, particularly Black and Brown populations in low-income urban areas,” said first author \u003ca href=\"https://publichealth.berkeley.edu/people/jenny-guadamuz\">Jenny Guadamuz\u003c/a>, an Assistant Professor at the UC Berkeley School of Public Health, Division of Health Policy and Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pharmacies in neighborhoods with higher rates of patients on government-funded Medicaid and Medicare also were at greater risk for closing, said Dima Qato, a University of Southern California pharmacy professor who was the study’s lead author. Those programs tend to reimburse less than private health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers also noted that the exclusion of some pharmacies, particularly independent drugstores, from pharmacy benefit manager networks can hurt. That can mean fewer prescriptions and customers visiting those stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retail drugstores can be important sources for vaccinations, contraception, overdose prevention and opioid use disorder treatments, aside from prescriptions, Qato said. She noted that Black and Latino communities often have fewer pharmacies to begin with, so store closings hit residents of those communities particularly hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There aren’t many other options for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Brian Krans contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly three out of 10 U.S. drugstores that were open during the previous decade had closed by 2021, new research shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino neighborhoods were most vulnerable to the retail pharmacy closures, which can chip away at already-limited care options in those communities, researchers said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2024.00192\">study published Tuesday in Health Affairs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trend has potentially gained momentum since the study’s timeframe because many drugstores are still struggling. In the last three years, the major chains Walgreens and CVS have closed hundreds of additional stores, and Rite Aid shrank as it went through a bankruptcy reorganization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drugstores have been dealing with shrinking reimbursement for prescriptions, rising costs and changing customer shopping habits. The chains have been closing money-losing stores and transferring prescription files to more profitable locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, for example, a Walgreens spokesperson told \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/12/02/2-walgreens-in-east-oakland-will-close-in-january/\">The Oaklandside\u003c/a> it’s closing two locations in East Oakland – at I-580 and High Street and one on Foothill Boulevard and Seminary Avenue – and transferring prescriptions and other employees to nearby stores that generate more business. Another Walgreens location in a low-income section of East Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/07/22/deep-east-oakland-residents-walgreens-pharmacy-closure/\">closed in 2021.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, in 2021, Walgreens said publicly it was closing five stores in San Francisco due to organized crime, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/Is-shoplifting-forcing-Walgreens-to-cut-back-in-16536960.php\">police data didn’t back that up\u003c/a>. The study in Health Affairs did not address crime as a potential contributing factor for store closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study found that more than 29% of the nearly 89,000 retail U.S. pharmacies that operated between 2010 and 2020 had closed by 2021. That amounts to more than 26,000 stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s closure rate was 25.5%. Mississippi experienced the most closures at nearly 41%, while North Dakota experienced the fewest at 17%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nine-county Bay Area, San Francisco, Santa Clara and Contra Costa counties had a net loss in pharmacies, while the other six counties were stable or had more pharmacies open in the study’s timeframe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers using data from the National Council for Prescription Drug Programs found that the number of U.S. pharmacies had actually increased from 2010 to 2017 because of store openings, but the pace of closings picked up starting in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also highlighted which stores were more likely to close. Those include independent pharmacies, which were more likely than chain stores to be in Black, Latino and low-income neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without safeguarding pharmacies in marginalized neighborhoods, expanding health care services at pharmacies may enhance convenience for more affluent populations while failing to address the health needs of communities disproportionately affected by pharmacy closures, particularly Black and Brown populations in low-income urban areas,” said first author \u003ca href=\"https://publichealth.berkeley.edu/people/jenny-guadamuz\">Jenny Guadamuz\u003c/a>, an Assistant Professor at the UC Berkeley School of Public Health, Division of Health Policy and Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pharmacies in neighborhoods with higher rates of patients on government-funded Medicaid and Medicare also were at greater risk for closing, said Dima Qato, a University of Southern California pharmacy professor who was the study’s lead author. Those programs tend to reimburse less than private health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers also noted that the exclusion of some pharmacies, particularly independent drugstores, from pharmacy benefit manager networks can hurt. That can mean fewer prescriptions and customers visiting those stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retail drugstores can be important sources for vaccinations, contraception, overdose prevention and opioid use disorder treatments, aside from prescriptions, Qato said. She noted that Black and Latino communities often have fewer pharmacies to begin with, so store closings hit residents of those communities particularly hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There aren’t many other options for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Brian Krans contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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