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"content": "\u003cp>It’s not just recreational marijuana. Hundreds of new laws are set to take effect in California in January. Here are some of the most important measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Fee to fund affordable housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: California homeowners will pay a new $75 fee on each document of a real estate transaction, such as a mortgage refinance or the redemption of a foreclosed home. The total fee is capped at $225 and does not include home purchases. In 2018, half of the funds (estimated at $200 to $300 million annually) will be used to address homelessness, with the other half going to local governments for the purpose of updating zoning and environmental reviews to streamline housing production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Rules to boost housing construction\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Developments in cities that have not kept up with their benchmarks for approving new housing will be able to bypass certain local reviews. Other measures require cities to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB166\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">replace lost housing units\u003c/a>, and punish municipalities if they deny certain projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Criminal Justice\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB190\">\u003cstrong>No more juvenile fees\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Counties are barred from collecting administrative fees from families with kids in the juvenile justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB395\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Miranda rights protections for youth\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Kids 15 and younger must consult with legal counsel before they choose to waive their right to silence during interrogation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB180\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Reduction of drug sentence enhancements\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Eliminates a three-year sentencing enhancement that was previously tacked onto nonviolent drug crimes for repeat offenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1312\">\u003cstrong>Preserving rape kits\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Prohibits law enforcement agencies from destroying rape kits or other evidence from unsolved sexual assault cases for at least 20 years. If the victim was under 18 at the time of the crime, the evidence must be preserved until the victim’s 40th birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Immigration\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>‘Sanctuary State’\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> : Local law enforcement will be limited in its ability to cooperate with federal immigration. Sheriffs can’t hold immigrants past their release date on behalf of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and can communicate with ICE only regarding certain criminals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Local detention of immigrants\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Local governments will be blocked from entering into or expanding existing contracts with the federal government to hold immigrant detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Guns\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB424\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">No guns on campus\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Bars public or private K-12 schools from allowing visitors to bring a gun into a school zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_63,_Background_Checks_for_Ammunition_Purchases_and_Large-Capacity_Ammunition_Magazine_Ban_(2016)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Gun relinquishment procedures\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: A result of the passage of Proposition 63 in 2016, a system taking effect Jan. 1 establishes a timeline for certain criminals to give up their weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Labor\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB63\">\u003cstrong>Expanded job-protected maternity and paternity\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>leave\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>:\u003c/strong> Companies with 20 to 49 employees must now provide 12 weeks of unpaid job-protected leave for new parents. Previously the law applied only to companies with 50 or more employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB168\">\u003cstrong>Limits use of previous salary information\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Prohibits all employers from seeking a salary history for job applicants and requires employers to provide applicants with the position’s pay scale if they ask for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1008\">\u003cstrong>Ban the box\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Bans most companies from asking about a prospective employee’s criminal history on their initial application. The measure has an exemption for small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Health\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB17\">\u003cstrong>Providing information on prescription drug costs\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: This bill takes effect in several stages. Beginning Jan. 1, 2018, pharmaceutical companies are required to give advance notice before raising the price of drugs more than 16 percent. Drug companies have filed a lawsuit over the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB10\">\u003cstrong>Providing free tampons and pads to school students\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Middle and high schools with low-income student populations must provide free tampons and menstrual pads in their restrooms.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s not just recreational marijuana. Hundreds of new laws are set to take effect in California in January. Here are some of the most important measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Fee to fund affordable housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: California homeowners will pay a new $75 fee on each document of a real estate transaction, such as a mortgage refinance or the redemption of a foreclosed home. The total fee is capped at $225 and does not include home purchases. In 2018, half of the funds (estimated at $200 to $300 million annually) will be used to address homelessness, with the other half going to local governments for the purpose of updating zoning and environmental reviews to streamline housing production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Rules to boost housing construction\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Developments in cities that have not kept up with their benchmarks for approving new housing will be able to bypass certain local reviews. Other measures require cities to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB166\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">replace lost housing units\u003c/a>, and punish municipalities if they deny certain projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Criminal Justice\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB190\">\u003cstrong>No more juvenile fees\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Counties are barred from collecting administrative fees from families with kids in the juvenile justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB395\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Miranda rights protections for youth\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Kids 15 and younger must consult with legal counsel before they choose to waive their right to silence during interrogation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB180\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Reduction of drug sentence enhancements\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Eliminates a three-year sentencing enhancement that was previously tacked onto nonviolent drug crimes for repeat offenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1312\">\u003cstrong>Preserving rape kits\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Prohibits law enforcement agencies from destroying rape kits or other evidence from unsolved sexual assault cases for at least 20 years. If the victim was under 18 at the time of the crime, the evidence must be preserved until the victim’s 40th birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Immigration\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>‘Sanctuary State’\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> : Local law enforcement will be limited in its ability to cooperate with federal immigration. Sheriffs can’t hold immigrants past their release date on behalf of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and can communicate with ICE only regarding certain criminals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Local detention of immigrants\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Local governments will be blocked from entering into or expanding existing contracts with the federal government to hold immigrant detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Guns\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB424\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">No guns on campus\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Bars public or private K-12 schools from allowing visitors to bring a gun into a school zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_63,_Background_Checks_for_Ammunition_Purchases_and_Large-Capacity_Ammunition_Magazine_Ban_(2016)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cstrong>Gun relinquishment procedures\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: A result of the passage of Proposition 63 in 2016, a system taking effect Jan. 1 establishes a timeline for certain criminals to give up their weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Labor\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB63\">\u003cstrong>Expanded job-protected maternity and paternity\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>leave\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>:\u003c/strong> Companies with 20 to 49 employees must now provide 12 weeks of unpaid job-protected leave for new parents. Previously the law applied only to companies with 50 or more employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB168\">\u003cstrong>Limits use of previous salary information\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Prohibits all employers from seeking a salary history for job applicants and requires employers to provide applicants with the position’s pay scale if they ask for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1008\">\u003cstrong>Ban the box\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Bans most companies from asking about a prospective employee’s criminal history on their initial application. The measure has an exemption for small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Health\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB17\">\u003cstrong>Providing information on prescription drug costs\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: This bill takes effect in several stages. Beginning Jan. 1, 2018, pharmaceutical companies are required to give advance notice before raising the price of drugs more than 16 percent. Drug companies have filed a lawsuit over the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB10\">\u003cstrong>Providing free tampons and pads to school students\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Middle and high schools with low-income student populations must provide free tampons and menstrual pads in their restrooms.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "from-the-gold-rush-to-humboldt-fog-california-entrepreneurs-dream-of-cheese",
"title": "From the Gold Rush to Humboldt Fog, California Entrepreneurs Dream of Cheese",
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"headTitle": "From the Gold Rush to Humboldt Fog, California Entrepreneurs Dream of Cheese | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/profiles/heather-paxson-384090\">Heather Paxson\u003c/a> is professor of anthropology at the \u003ca href=\"http://theconversation.com/institutions/massachusetts-institute-of-technology-1193\">Massachusetts Institute of Technology\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea for Humboldt Fog goat’s milk cheese first came to Mary Keehn in a dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She fell asleep on an airplane and awoke with a vivid picture in her mind of how the cheese looked. And then she set out to realize her vision — in the process, she helped launch a late-20th-century American renaissance in artisan cheese-making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the dream didn’t come from nowhere. In Keehn’s telling, the revelation occurred on a transatlantic flight home from France, where she’d gone in 1992 as a young cheese-maker looking for new inspiration by tasting traditional French cheeses and visiting their makers. Indeed, a wheel of Humboldt Fog melds elements of two iconic French cheeses, with a Morbier-like ribbon of ash running through chalky paste more reminiscent of a soft-ripened Valançay. The result is thoroughly distinct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.cypressgrovecheese.com/about-us/our-story.html\">story of Keehn’s Cypress Grove Cheese\u003c/a> is a quintessential telling of the California dream. Not merely an entrepreneurial success story, it is a narrative of self-reinvention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California dream\u003c/a> is about moving west (or, as in Keehn’s case, farther north, to Humboldt County from Sonoma) to start anew, seeking not so much to get rich quick as to envision and inhabit a new identity. Cypress Grove’s heroine embodies characteristics that could describe the American artisan cheese industry as a whole: scrappy, innovative and unapologetically indebted to European tastes and know-how — condensing themes that emerged through anthropological research I conducted across the United States for my book, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ucpress.edu/book.php?isbn=9780520270183\">The Life of Cheese\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vWqH0SXhEEM\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Back to the Land, Making Cheese\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mary Keehn acquired her first goats in 1970, wanting to feed fresh goat’s milk to her first daughter, whom she was herself then weaning. For years, Keehn and her family lived as self-sufficiently as possible. Overwhelmed with more goat’s milk than her human companions could or were willing to drink, she began experimenting in her kitchen and learned to make fresh cheese, or chèvre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A friend who was opening a restaurant told Keehn, now a divorced mother of four, “If you start a [licensed] cheese factory, I’ll buy your cheese.” And in 1983 – without any official training, apprenticeship or business experience beyond selling her goats’ breed stock – Keehn launched \u003ca href=\"http://www.cypressgrovecheese.com/cheese/\">Cypress Grove\u003c/a>. For nine years, prior to the trip to France and subsequent introduction of Humboldt Fog, Cypress Grove sold fresh chèvre and fromage blanc, cheeses more wholesome than gourmet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11636911\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11636911\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-800x1205.jpg\" alt=\"Cheesemaker Mary Keehn with displays a new wheel of Humboldt Fog\" width=\"800\" height=\"1205\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-800x1205.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-160x241.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-960x1446.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-240x361.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-375x565.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-520x783.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mary Keehn with a new wheel of Humboldt Fog. \u003ccite>(\u003ca class=\"source\" href=\"http://www.cypressgrovecheese.com/resources/press-kit.html\">Cyprus Grove\u003c/a>, \u003ca class=\"license\" href=\"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/\">CC BY-ND\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Keehn was one of a number of Americans involved in the back-to-the-land movement who, in the early ‘80s, began making cheese by hand for commercial sale. Located in the Northern California coastal town of Arcata, Keehn grew Cypress Grove into a successful business with national distribution and name recognition that employs over 40 workers — a far cry from its modest origins. In 2010, Keehn sold the company to the Swiss corporation Emmi, although her daily involvement continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s cheese lovers can drive (or internet browse) along the \u003ca href=\"http://cheesetrail.org/trail-map/\">California Cheese Trail\u003c/a>, stretching from Crescent City near the Oregon border south to Los Angeles. It leads to artisan micro-dairies as well as Kraft Foods subsidiaries. Created in 2010 by a Marin County dairy farmer’s daughter on the model of wine-tasting maps, the California Cheese Trail today features 72 cheese-making operations. Nationwide, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cheesesociety.org/events-education/state-of-the-industry/\">American Cheese Society\u003c/a> counts more than 900 artisan and specialty cheese operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflective of the state’s cultural diversity, the variety in California cheese-making is neither new nor unique to the state. But it is indicative of how \u003ca href=\"https://www.crcpress.com/Edible-Identities-Food-as-Cultural-Heritage/Brulotte-Giovine/p/book/9781138634947\">food-making traditions\u003c/a> in the United States are often animated by personal narratives of innovation rather than, as in Europe, adherence to customary tradition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2000, the number of California’s artisan cheese producers has grown exponentially. But while hippie goat ladies have been celebrated as cheese-making pioneers, they are not without precedent. The California dream of a century earlier saw a similar flourishing of cheese-making activity in port cities up and down the Pacific Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11636909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11636909\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-800x537.jpg\" alt=\"Wooden ships in Yerba Buena Cove during the Gold Rush\" width=\"800\" height=\"537\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-800x537.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-960x644.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-240x161.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-375x252.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-520x349.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco harbor at Yerba Buena Cove was so busy during the Gold Rush that ships could wait days to unload. \u003ccite>(\u003ca class=\"source\" href=\"http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004664511/\">Sterling C. McIntyre, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division\u003c/a>, \u003ca class=\"license\" href=\"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/\">CC BY\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Gold Rush Roots for New Cheese Markets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.marinfrenchcheese.com/\">Marin French Cheese Company\u003c/a>, in Petaluma, claims to be the oldest continuously operating cheese factory in the United States. In 1865, with Lincoln in the White House and the Civil War coming to an end, Marin French (originally Thompson Brothers Cheese Co.) got its start when Jefferson Thompson, a dairy farmer, recognized an emergent market niche in the nearby port town of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The now late Jim Boyce, who purchased Marin French in 1998 from Thompson’s descendants, related the company’s history to me in the course of my \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucpress.edu/book.php?isbn=9780520270183\">own research\u003c/a>. During the California Gold Rush between 1849 and 1855, European stevedores who sailed into what’s now called San Francisco Bay delivering goods to support the mining enterprises got “caught up in the fever” themselves. Many abandoned ship to seek their own fortunes mining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”pLoLFtwm5fsrIYlBEcX55QktUsEQitJ7″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the gold rush went bust, workers returned to the bay to make a living at the dockyards. As Boyce said to me, “Now, in any workman’s bar or inn… the beer gives them hydration and carbohydrate but no protein,” so “typically in a workman’s bar there’s a jar of pickled eggs or something like that – pig knuckles, sausage.” But in the Bay Area at that time agriculture had yet to be fully developed. “There weren’t any eggs,” Boyce explained, as there were no commercial hen farms. So according to Boyce, enterprising dairy farmer Jefferson Thompson said to himself:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>In a moment of marketing brilliance, ‘I wonder if they’d eat cheese, instead?’ So he starts making these little cheeses, three-ounce cheeses, more or less. And he hauls them off to the docks, and they put them on the table in a bowl, and they were an immediate hit! Why? Because these are European stevedores: They knew cheese! They ate it breakfast, lunch and dinner. And that was the origin of the company.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>https://www.instagram.com/p/_Te1OHOtLk\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>With New Migrants Come New Tastes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If Mary Keehn’s Humboldt Fog exemplifies personal insight and passion, Jefferson Thompson’s Breakfast Cheese (now Marin French’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.marinfrenchcheese.com/history/petite-breakfast/\">Petite Breakfast\u003c/a>) celebrates the generation of new markets. It’s a reminder that the California dream of entrepreneurial reinvention requires not only creative genius but also the appreciative taste of willing consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Gold Rush brought European deckhands eager to eat soft-ripened cheeses. Marin French was at the ready, hand-ladling Camembert. In the late-20th century, hippie eaters of “health foods” gave way to American Europhiles who valued a diversity of distinctive tastes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here it is worth remembering that California, nearly all the up way to present-day Arcata, was until 1848 part of Mexico. Cross-cutting immigrant histories have long underwritten the California dream – and they still do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”d3blJDeOmYFfOdRITs15FBp2XS67fV77″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Cheese Trail declares \u003ca href=\"http://ariza-cheese.com/\">Ariza Cheese\u003c/a>, established in 1970, to be “the oldest artisan Mexican cheese-maker in Southern California.” It specializes in Salvadoran cheeses in addition to crumbly Mexican Cotija. You will find Ariza just off Alondra Blvd. in the city of Paramont, east of Compton in L.A. County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, four of the company’s long-term employees — immigrants from Mexico and El Salvador — \u003ca href=\"https://laopinion.com/2015/02/01/ariza-la-adquisicion-de-un-sueno/\">purchased\u003c/a> the company with the aid of \u003ca href=\"http://www.concernedcapital.org/\">Concerned Capital\u003c/a>, a social benefit corporation that invests in low- to moderate-income communities by helping to transfer business ownership to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://counter.theconversation.com/content/79469/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic\" alt=\"The Conversation\" width=\"1\" height=\"1\">In 21st-century narratives of new beginnings are echoes of earlier immigrant worlds. Dreams upon dreams – while consumers continue to savor California cheeses with wide-ranging inspirations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article originally appeared in \u003ca href=\"http://theconversation.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Conversation\u003c/a>, an online publication that features academics writing about their research and ideas for the public. KQED and The Conversation are partners in the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Dream\u003c/a> project, a collaboration looking at the Golden State’s promise, whether we are achieving it, and the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "From the Gold Rush to Humboldt Fog, California Entrepreneurs Dream of Cheese | KQED",
"description": "The story of the invention of Humboldt Fog is a quintessential telling of the California dream -- it's a narrative of self-reinvention.",
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"headline": "From the Gold Rush to Humboldt Fog, California Entrepreneurs Dream of Cheese",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/profiles/heather-paxson-384090\">Heather Paxson\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr />\u003cem>MIT, for \u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com\">The Conversation\u003c/a>\u003c/em>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/profiles/heather-paxson-384090\">Heather Paxson\u003c/a> is professor of anthropology at the \u003ca href=\"http://theconversation.com/institutions/massachusetts-institute-of-technology-1193\">Massachusetts Institute of Technology\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea for Humboldt Fog goat’s milk cheese first came to Mary Keehn in a dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She fell asleep on an airplane and awoke with a vivid picture in her mind of how the cheese looked. And then she set out to realize her vision — in the process, she helped launch a late-20th-century American renaissance in artisan cheese-making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the dream didn’t come from nowhere. In Keehn’s telling, the revelation occurred on a transatlantic flight home from France, where she’d gone in 1992 as a young cheese-maker looking for new inspiration by tasting traditional French cheeses and visiting their makers. Indeed, a wheel of Humboldt Fog melds elements of two iconic French cheeses, with a Morbier-like ribbon of ash running through chalky paste more reminiscent of a soft-ripened Valançay. The result is thoroughly distinct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.cypressgrovecheese.com/about-us/our-story.html\">story of Keehn’s Cypress Grove Cheese\u003c/a> is a quintessential telling of the California dream. Not merely an entrepreneurial success story, it is a narrative of self-reinvention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California dream\u003c/a> is about moving west (or, as in Keehn’s case, farther north, to Humboldt County from Sonoma) to start anew, seeking not so much to get rich quick as to envision and inhabit a new identity. Cypress Grove’s heroine embodies characteristics that could describe the American artisan cheese industry as a whole: scrappy, innovative and unapologetically indebted to European tastes and know-how — condensing themes that emerged through anthropological research I conducted across the United States for my book, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ucpress.edu/book.php?isbn=9780520270183\">The Life of Cheese\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/vWqH0SXhEEM'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/vWqH0SXhEEM'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch2>Back to the Land, Making Cheese\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mary Keehn acquired her first goats in 1970, wanting to feed fresh goat’s milk to her first daughter, whom she was herself then weaning. For years, Keehn and her family lived as self-sufficiently as possible. Overwhelmed with more goat’s milk than her human companions could or were willing to drink, she began experimenting in her kitchen and learned to make fresh cheese, or chèvre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A friend who was opening a restaurant told Keehn, now a divorced mother of four, “If you start a [licensed] cheese factory, I’ll buy your cheese.” And in 1983 – without any official training, apprenticeship or business experience beyond selling her goats’ breed stock – Keehn launched \u003ca href=\"http://www.cypressgrovecheese.com/cheese/\">Cypress Grove\u003c/a>. For nine years, prior to the trip to France and subsequent introduction of Humboldt Fog, Cypress Grove sold fresh chèvre and fromage blanc, cheeses more wholesome than gourmet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11636911\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11636911\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-800x1205.jpg\" alt=\"Cheesemaker Mary Keehn with displays a new wheel of Humboldt Fog\" width=\"800\" height=\"1205\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-800x1205.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-160x241.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-960x1446.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-240x361.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-375x565.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh-520x783.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-lady-file-20171211-9383-5vvabh.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mary Keehn with a new wheel of Humboldt Fog. \u003ccite>(\u003ca class=\"source\" href=\"http://www.cypressgrovecheese.com/resources/press-kit.html\">Cyprus Grove\u003c/a>, \u003ca class=\"license\" href=\"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/\">CC BY-ND\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Keehn was one of a number of Americans involved in the back-to-the-land movement who, in the early ‘80s, began making cheese by hand for commercial sale. Located in the Northern California coastal town of Arcata, Keehn grew Cypress Grove into a successful business with national distribution and name recognition that employs over 40 workers — a far cry from its modest origins. In 2010, Keehn sold the company to the Swiss corporation Emmi, although her daily involvement continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s cheese lovers can drive (or internet browse) along the \u003ca href=\"http://cheesetrail.org/trail-map/\">California Cheese Trail\u003c/a>, stretching from Crescent City near the Oregon border south to Los Angeles. It leads to artisan micro-dairies as well as Kraft Foods subsidiaries. Created in 2010 by a Marin County dairy farmer’s daughter on the model of wine-tasting maps, the California Cheese Trail today features 72 cheese-making operations. Nationwide, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cheesesociety.org/events-education/state-of-the-industry/\">American Cheese Society\u003c/a> counts more than 900 artisan and specialty cheese operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflective of the state’s cultural diversity, the variety in California cheese-making is neither new nor unique to the state. But it is indicative of how \u003ca href=\"https://www.crcpress.com/Edible-Identities-Food-as-Cultural-Heritage/Brulotte-Giovine/p/book/9781138634947\">food-making traditions\u003c/a> in the United States are often animated by personal narratives of innovation rather than, as in Europe, adherence to customary tradition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2000, the number of California’s artisan cheese producers has grown exponentially. But while hippie goat ladies have been celebrated as cheese-making pioneers, they are not without precedent. The California dream of a century earlier saw a similar flourishing of cheese-making activity in port cities up and down the Pacific Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11636909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11636909\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-800x537.jpg\" alt=\"Wooden ships in Yerba Buena Cove during the Gold Rush\" width=\"800\" height=\"537\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-800x537.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-960x644.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-240x161.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-375x252.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj-520x349.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/cheese-harbor-file-20171211-9451-okw1jj.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco harbor at Yerba Buena Cove was so busy during the Gold Rush that ships could wait days to unload. \u003ccite>(\u003ca class=\"source\" href=\"http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004664511/\">Sterling C. McIntyre, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division\u003c/a>, \u003ca class=\"license\" href=\"http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/\">CC BY\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Gold Rush Roots for New Cheese Markets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.marinfrenchcheese.com/\">Marin French Cheese Company\u003c/a>, in Petaluma, claims to be the oldest continuously operating cheese factory in the United States. In 1865, with Lincoln in the White House and the Civil War coming to an end, Marin French (originally Thompson Brothers Cheese Co.) got its start when Jefferson Thompson, a dairy farmer, recognized an emergent market niche in the nearby port town of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The now late Jim Boyce, who purchased Marin French in 1998 from Thompson’s descendants, related the company’s history to me in the course of my \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucpress.edu/book.php?isbn=9780520270183\">own research\u003c/a>. During the California Gold Rush between 1849 and 1855, European stevedores who sailed into what’s now called San Francisco Bay delivering goods to support the mining enterprises got “caught up in the fever” themselves. Many abandoned ship to seek their own fortunes mining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the gold rush went bust, workers returned to the bay to make a living at the dockyards. As Boyce said to me, “Now, in any workman’s bar or inn… the beer gives them hydration and carbohydrate but no protein,” so “typically in a workman’s bar there’s a jar of pickled eggs or something like that – pig knuckles, sausage.” But in the Bay Area at that time agriculture had yet to be fully developed. “There weren’t any eggs,” Boyce explained, as there were no commercial hen farms. So according to Boyce, enterprising dairy farmer Jefferson Thompson said to himself:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>In a moment of marketing brilliance, ‘I wonder if they’d eat cheese, instead?’ So he starts making these little cheeses, three-ounce cheeses, more or less. And he hauls them off to the docks, and they put them on the table in a bowl, and they were an immediate hit! Why? Because these are European stevedores: They knew cheese! They ate it breakfast, lunch and dinner. And that was the origin of the company.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>With New Migrants Come New Tastes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If Mary Keehn’s Humboldt Fog exemplifies personal insight and passion, Jefferson Thompson’s Breakfast Cheese (now Marin French’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.marinfrenchcheese.com/history/petite-breakfast/\">Petite Breakfast\u003c/a>) celebrates the generation of new markets. It’s a reminder that the California dream of entrepreneurial reinvention requires not only creative genius but also the appreciative taste of willing consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Gold Rush brought European deckhands eager to eat soft-ripened cheeses. Marin French was at the ready, hand-ladling Camembert. In the late-20th century, hippie eaters of “health foods” gave way to American Europhiles who valued a diversity of distinctive tastes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here it is worth remembering that California, nearly all the up way to present-day Arcata, was until 1848 part of Mexico. Cross-cutting immigrant histories have long underwritten the California dream – and they still do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Cheese Trail declares \u003ca href=\"http://ariza-cheese.com/\">Ariza Cheese\u003c/a>, established in 1970, to be “the oldest artisan Mexican cheese-maker in Southern California.” It specializes in Salvadoran cheeses in addition to crumbly Mexican Cotija. You will find Ariza just off Alondra Blvd. in the city of Paramont, east of Compton in L.A. County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, four of the company’s long-term employees — immigrants from Mexico and El Salvador — \u003ca href=\"https://laopinion.com/2015/02/01/ariza-la-adquisicion-de-un-sueno/\">purchased\u003c/a> the company with the aid of \u003ca href=\"http://www.concernedcapital.org/\">Concerned Capital\u003c/a>, a social benefit corporation that invests in low- to moderate-income communities by helping to transfer business ownership to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://counter.theconversation.com/content/79469/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic\" alt=\"The Conversation\" width=\"1\" height=\"1\">In 21st-century narratives of new beginnings are echoes of earlier immigrant worlds. Dreams upon dreams – while consumers continue to savor California cheeses with wide-ranging inspirations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article originally appeared in \u003ca href=\"http://theconversation.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Conversation\u003c/a>, an online publication that features academics writing about their research and ideas for the public. KQED and The Conversation are partners in the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Dream\u003c/a> project, a collaboration looking at the Golden State’s promise, whether we are achieving it, and the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Tesla Troubles: Can California Impose Its Blue Values on the Green Economy?",
"title": "Tesla Troubles: Can California Impose Its Blue Values on the Green Economy?",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>In the waning hours of the legislative session, Democrats pushed through new labor \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB134\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">requirements\u003c/a> widely viewed as retaliation against \u003ca href=\"https://www.tesla.com/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Tesla\u003c/a>, the electric car maker embroiled in a union-organizing campaign at its Fremont plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions got lawmakers to insert two sentences into a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/cap-and-trade-in-two-and-half-minutes-video/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">cap-and-trade\u003c/a> funding \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB134\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">bill\u003c/a> requiring automakers to be certified “as fair and responsible in the the treatment of their workers” before their customers can obtain up to $2,500 from California’s clean vehicle rebate program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Democrats openly wrestled with the concern that the United Automobile Workers, which is trying to maintain its role as the auto industry makes big bets on electric vehicles -- was expanding its unionization campaign from the factory floor to the Senate floor. Sen. Steve Glazer of Orinda said the state should not “hold our environmental projects hostage to a fight with one progressive employer.” Sen. Connie Leyva of Chino countered that California shouldn’t want companies to succeed at the expense of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with regulators starting to draft the new rules, a lingering question remains. How far will California -- the first state in the nation to approve $15 minimum wage and a state that has set an ambitious goal to put 1.5 million zero emissions vehicles on the road by 2025 -- go in order to graft its blue values onto the green sector?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In politics, your oldest friends are your best friends,” said Dan Schnur, former head of California’s campaign watchdog agency and now a professor at the University of Southern California. “The tech people may have come to Sacramento with a lot of money and with an agenda that dovetails with the governor and legislators’ policy priorities, but they’re still the new guys on the block. Labor’s been there for a long, long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now state regulators -- at both the state Air Resources Board and the Labor & Workforce Development Agency -- will hold public hearings and draft rules for certifying automakers who want their vehicles to qualify for California rebates. The Legislature will then need to approve those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the points of contention:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>What is “fair and responsible” to auto workers?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How will the state weigh wage and benefit standards, or training and safety requirements, against manufacturing costs?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How will the state certify vehicles made outside of California or even out of the country, such as in Mexico and China, where wages are lower and labor regulations are less stringent? Or will automakers self-police by adhering to a code of conduct?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Dean Florez, a former Democratic state lawmaker and a member of the air board, said California can have both labor protections and environmental leadership as the state charts new territory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t be using public money to fund or support companies that do not meet basic worker protections,” Florez said. “We shouldn’t undercut the labor protections that we have fought for, for so many years. And I think that there is a danger in doing so; I think we would lose the confidence of the public for environmental leadership in the end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s new requirement will apply to all automakers, but it couldn’t have come at a worse time for Tesla, a company that prides itself on innovation and disrupting the status quo. When plant workers went public with complaints about \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@moran2017j/time-for-tesla-to-listen-ab5c6259fc88\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">low pay, long hours and unsafe conditions\u003c/a>, Tesla co-founder and CEO Elon Musk labeled labor’s tactics “\u003ca href=\"https://electrek.co/2017/02/24/tesla-union-elon-musk-addresses-employees/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">disingenuous or outright false\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While making $17 to $21 an hour is above minimum wage, Tesla employee Jose Moran noted that a living wage in the San Francisco Bay Area is a lot higher -- around $28. Musk responded that Tesla’s compensation package is higher than General Motors, Ford and Fiat when including Tesla’s employee stock program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company wouldn’t comment now, beyond referring back to what its policy director Sanjay Ranchod told lawmakers at a September hearing: “The company is committed to protecting the health and safety of its workers, and we are committed to continue and to make progress towards our goal of becoming the safest auto factory in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the nation’s newest automaker, Tesla is also on track to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-11-02/evs-from-tesla-and-gm-may-start-losing-their-tax-credits\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">the first\u003c/a> to max out on a federal tax credit of up to $7,500 per vehicle. And with its Model 3 sedans pitched as its affordable electric car at $35,000, Tesla will need California’s rebate more than ever to compete against other electric cars such as the Nissan Leaf or Chevrolet Bolt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business boosters wonder why the state would single out clean-energy vehicles over gasoline cars for greater scrutiny when \u003ca href=\"https://www.arb.ca.gov/msprog/zevprog/zevprog.htm\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">40 percent\u003c/a> of the state’s greenhouse gases come from tailpipe emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They worry Sacramento’s pro-labor stance will dissuade companies from locating or expanding in California. Already, Tesla located its first battery factory just outside the state line in Sparks, Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians say they want good-paying jobs, and to grow manufacturing and reduce greenhouse gas emissions, “and yet, we’re in the ironic place where Tesla is being attacked by some elected officials relative to whether or not their workers are unionized,” said Carl Guardino, head of the Silicon Valley Leadership Group, a trade association representing nearly 400 Silicon Valley employers, including Tesla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to about 10,000 auto industry workers, virtually all from Tesla. That’s compared to 38,000 in Michigan, 24,000 in Kentucky and 20,000 in Ohio, according to the U.S. Labor Department’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/iag/tgs/iagauto.htm\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Bureau of Labor Statistics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union representatives say the goal is not to slow the production of clean energy vehicles. Rather, they maintain, if taxpayer money is being used to help sell cars, then it’s up to the state to make sure it results in good-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is all part of our work at the labor movement to make sure there’s accountability for public investments,” said Angie Wei, an influential lobbyist for the California Labor Federation, the umbrella group for unions including the UAW. “If we’re going to put taxpayer money into it, then we’d sure better be getting something out of it for jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union also is trying to maintain its role as the auto industry makes big bets on electric vehicles. Just this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/05/business/energy-environment/volvo-hybrid-electric-car.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Volvo\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/innovations/wp/2017/10/02/death-of-diesel-begins-as-gm-announces-plans-for-all-electric-future/?utm_term=.89c8dd93f339\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">GM\u003c/a> announced plans to phase out conventional engines. The union can also use a win in labor-friendly California after losing an organizing effort at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/05/business/nissan-united-auto-workers-union-mississippi.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Nissan plant in Mississippi\u003c/a>, a right-to-work state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s worth noting the Nummi plant that Tesla took over in Fremont was represented by the union before the joint venture between GM and Toyota closed in 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is about Tesla and it isn’t about Tesla,” Wei said. “We had a gas-and-combustion industry that for decades created good middle-class jobs. They’re now being replaced by electric vehicles. This is our new economy, and with major public investment. The question is are we going to allow the auto industry to create and maintain middle class jobs? Or are they going to become the next Walmartization of the economy?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento has placed itself at the forefront of cleaning up the environment. Gov. Jerry Brown and fellow Democratic lawmakers have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/leaving-europe-brown-says-hes-talked-enough-wants-get-something-done/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">pitched California as a model to the world\u003c/a> for reducing air pollution and greenhouse gases that contribute to climate change in direct response to the Trump administration’s anti-regulatory philosophy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California has also had a longstanding relationship with labor unions, stepping up the minimum wage and offering access to paid sick and family leave. In recent years, the California Labor Federation has successfully pushed legislation to protect immigrant workers from threats of deportation and expanded authority for the state to go after employers who skirt overtime or minimum-wage laws. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying reports show Tesla spent $189,237 on lobbying in the 3-month cycle during which the bill was debated, compared to $103,351 for the labor federation. But labor’s might comes also from being able to mobilize its members on issues and during elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers who struggled to prioritize the interests of two political allies will have more to soul-searching to do next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11638714\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/TESLA_Catura_004-400x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11638714\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/TESLA_Catura_004-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/TESLA_Catura_004-400x600-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/TESLA_Catura_004-400x600-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/TESLA_Catura_004-400x600-375x563.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Catura, 33, a battery pack line worker at Tesla. \u003ccite>(Penni Gladstone for CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic Sen. Scott Weiner of San Francisco, who has a record of advancing the green economy and supporting prevailing wage to maintain union pay on public works projects, said he was unhappy that the so called “Tesla rule” had been inserted at the last minute. “This is significant and important enough that it should be vetted through a normal legislative process with public scrutiny. That to me is the best way to come to the right solution,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His fellow Democratic lawmaker and San Franciscan Phil Ting, who chairs the Assembly Budget Committee and authored the measure, insisted it strikes “a good middle ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We could have said you’re not going to get any money unless your workforce is unionized. That could have been something we inserted. We didn’t,” Ting said in an interview. “Having said that, we also could have done nothing. So if you look at the two extremes where we could done nothing or we could have dictated the type of workforce, I think this is the middle of those extremes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the decision to unionize remains up to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Catura, 33, a battery pack line worker who has been at Tesla for nearly four years, said he supports joining the union because it would mean a higher wage and seniority for him. As the son of a postal worker, Catura said he has been disappointed that he has been passed over for promotions because supervisors can play favorites. He said he started at $17 an hour and now makes $21 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Catura has one message for Elon Musk: “I would tell him, ‘Hey man, scratch my back and I’ll scratch yours. Give us more than just a bone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "With regulators drafting new rules on electric car makers, a lingering question remains. How far will California -- the first state in the nation to approve $15 minimum wage and a state that has set an ambitious goal to put 1.5 million zero emissions vehicles on the road by 2025 -- go in order to graft its blue values onto the green sector?",
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"description": "With regulators drafting new rules on electric car makers, a lingering question remains. How far will California -- the first state in the nation to approve $15 minimum wage and a state that has set an ambitious goal to put 1.5 million zero emissions vehicles on the road by 2025 -- go in order to graft its blue values onto the green sector?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the waning hours of the legislative session, Democrats pushed through new labor \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB134\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">requirements\u003c/a> widely viewed as retaliation against \u003ca href=\"https://www.tesla.com/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Tesla\u003c/a>, the electric car maker embroiled in a union-organizing campaign at its Fremont plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions got lawmakers to insert two sentences into a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/cap-and-trade-in-two-and-half-minutes-video/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">cap-and-trade\u003c/a> funding \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB134\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">bill\u003c/a> requiring automakers to be certified “as fair and responsible in the the treatment of their workers” before their customers can obtain up to $2,500 from California’s clean vehicle rebate program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Democrats openly wrestled with the concern that the United Automobile Workers, which is trying to maintain its role as the auto industry makes big bets on electric vehicles -- was expanding its unionization campaign from the factory floor to the Senate floor. Sen. Steve Glazer of Orinda said the state should not “hold our environmental projects hostage to a fight with one progressive employer.” Sen. Connie Leyva of Chino countered that California shouldn’t want companies to succeed at the expense of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with regulators starting to draft the new rules, a lingering question remains. How far will California -- the first state in the nation to approve $15 minimum wage and a state that has set an ambitious goal to put 1.5 million zero emissions vehicles on the road by 2025 -- go in order to graft its blue values onto the green sector?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In politics, your oldest friends are your best friends,” said Dan Schnur, former head of California’s campaign watchdog agency and now a professor at the University of Southern California. “The tech people may have come to Sacramento with a lot of money and with an agenda that dovetails with the governor and legislators’ policy priorities, but they’re still the new guys on the block. Labor’s been there for a long, long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now state regulators -- at both the state Air Resources Board and the Labor & Workforce Development Agency -- will hold public hearings and draft rules for certifying automakers who want their vehicles to qualify for California rebates. The Legislature will then need to approve those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the points of contention:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>What is “fair and responsible” to auto workers?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How will the state weigh wage and benefit standards, or training and safety requirements, against manufacturing costs?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How will the state certify vehicles made outside of California or even out of the country, such as in Mexico and China, where wages are lower and labor regulations are less stringent? Or will automakers self-police by adhering to a code of conduct?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Dean Florez, a former Democratic state lawmaker and a member of the air board, said California can have both labor protections and environmental leadership as the state charts new territory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t be using public money to fund or support companies that do not meet basic worker protections,” Florez said. “We shouldn’t undercut the labor protections that we have fought for, for so many years. And I think that there is a danger in doing so; I think we would lose the confidence of the public for environmental leadership in the end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s new requirement will apply to all automakers, but it couldn’t have come at a worse time for Tesla, a company that prides itself on innovation and disrupting the status quo. When plant workers went public with complaints about \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@moran2017j/time-for-tesla-to-listen-ab5c6259fc88\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">low pay, long hours and unsafe conditions\u003c/a>, Tesla co-founder and CEO Elon Musk labeled labor’s tactics “\u003ca href=\"https://electrek.co/2017/02/24/tesla-union-elon-musk-addresses-employees/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">disingenuous or outright false\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While making $17 to $21 an hour is above minimum wage, Tesla employee Jose Moran noted that a living wage in the San Francisco Bay Area is a lot higher -- around $28. Musk responded that Tesla’s compensation package is higher than General Motors, Ford and Fiat when including Tesla’s employee stock program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company wouldn’t comment now, beyond referring back to what its policy director Sanjay Ranchod told lawmakers at a September hearing: “The company is committed to protecting the health and safety of its workers, and we are committed to continue and to make progress towards our goal of becoming the safest auto factory in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the nation’s newest automaker, Tesla is also on track to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-11-02/evs-from-tesla-and-gm-may-start-losing-their-tax-credits\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">the first\u003c/a> to max out on a federal tax credit of up to $7,500 per vehicle. And with its Model 3 sedans pitched as its affordable electric car at $35,000, Tesla will need California’s rebate more than ever to compete against other electric cars such as the Nissan Leaf or Chevrolet Bolt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business boosters wonder why the state would single out clean-energy vehicles over gasoline cars for greater scrutiny when \u003ca href=\"https://www.arb.ca.gov/msprog/zevprog/zevprog.htm\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">40 percent\u003c/a> of the state’s greenhouse gases come from tailpipe emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They worry Sacramento’s pro-labor stance will dissuade companies from locating or expanding in California. Already, Tesla located its first battery factory just outside the state line in Sparks, Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians say they want good-paying jobs, and to grow manufacturing and reduce greenhouse gas emissions, “and yet, we’re in the ironic place where Tesla is being attacked by some elected officials relative to whether or not their workers are unionized,” said Carl Guardino, head of the Silicon Valley Leadership Group, a trade association representing nearly 400 Silicon Valley employers, including Tesla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to about 10,000 auto industry workers, virtually all from Tesla. That’s compared to 38,000 in Michigan, 24,000 in Kentucky and 20,000 in Ohio, according to the U.S. Labor Department’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/iag/tgs/iagauto.htm\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Bureau of Labor Statistics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union representatives say the goal is not to slow the production of clean energy vehicles. Rather, they maintain, if taxpayer money is being used to help sell cars, then it’s up to the state to make sure it results in good-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is all part of our work at the labor movement to make sure there’s accountability for public investments,” said Angie Wei, an influential lobbyist for the California Labor Federation, the umbrella group for unions including the UAW. “If we’re going to put taxpayer money into it, then we’d sure better be getting something out of it for jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union also is trying to maintain its role as the auto industry makes big bets on electric vehicles. Just this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/05/business/energy-environment/volvo-hybrid-electric-car.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Volvo\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/innovations/wp/2017/10/02/death-of-diesel-begins-as-gm-announces-plans-for-all-electric-future/?utm_term=.89c8dd93f339\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">GM\u003c/a> announced plans to phase out conventional engines. The union can also use a win in labor-friendly California after losing an organizing effort at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/05/business/nissan-united-auto-workers-union-mississippi.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Nissan plant in Mississippi\u003c/a>, a right-to-work state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s worth noting the Nummi plant that Tesla took over in Fremont was represented by the union before the joint venture between GM and Toyota closed in 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is about Tesla and it isn’t about Tesla,” Wei said. “We had a gas-and-combustion industry that for decades created good middle-class jobs. They’re now being replaced by electric vehicles. This is our new economy, and with major public investment. The question is are we going to allow the auto industry to create and maintain middle class jobs? Or are they going to become the next Walmartization of the economy?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento has placed itself at the forefront of cleaning up the environment. Gov. Jerry Brown and fellow Democratic lawmakers have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/leaving-europe-brown-says-hes-talked-enough-wants-get-something-done/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">pitched California as a model to the world\u003c/a> for reducing air pollution and greenhouse gases that contribute to climate change in direct response to the Trump administration’s anti-regulatory philosophy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California has also had a longstanding relationship with labor unions, stepping up the minimum wage and offering access to paid sick and family leave. In recent years, the California Labor Federation has successfully pushed legislation to protect immigrant workers from threats of deportation and expanded authority for the state to go after employers who skirt overtime or minimum-wage laws. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying reports show Tesla spent $189,237 on lobbying in the 3-month cycle during which the bill was debated, compared to $103,351 for the labor federation. But labor’s might comes also from being able to mobilize its members on issues and during elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers who struggled to prioritize the interests of two political allies will have more to soul-searching to do next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11638714\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/TESLA_Catura_004-400x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11638714\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/TESLA_Catura_004-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/TESLA_Catura_004-400x600-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/TESLA_Catura_004-400x600-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/TESLA_Catura_004-400x600-375x563.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Catura, 33, a battery pack line worker at Tesla. \u003ccite>(Penni Gladstone for CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic Sen. Scott Weiner of San Francisco, who has a record of advancing the green economy and supporting prevailing wage to maintain union pay on public works projects, said he was unhappy that the so called “Tesla rule” had been inserted at the last minute. “This is significant and important enough that it should be vetted through a normal legislative process with public scrutiny. That to me is the best way to come to the right solution,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His fellow Democratic lawmaker and San Franciscan Phil Ting, who chairs the Assembly Budget Committee and authored the measure, insisted it strikes “a good middle ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We could have said you’re not going to get any money unless your workforce is unionized. That could have been something we inserted. We didn’t,” Ting said in an interview. “Having said that, we also could have done nothing. So if you look at the two extremes where we could done nothing or we could have dictated the type of workforce, I think this is the middle of those extremes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the decision to unionize remains up to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Catura, 33, a battery pack line worker who has been at Tesla for nearly four years, said he supports joining the union because it would mean a higher wage and seniority for him. As the son of a postal worker, Catura said he has been disappointed that he has been passed over for promotions because supervisors can play favorites. He said he started at $17 an hour and now makes $21 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Catura has one message for Elon Musk: “I would tell him, ‘Hey man, scratch my back and I’ll scratch yours. Give us more than just a bone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Why This L.A. City Could Be the Next ‘Mecca’ for Pot Businesses",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent Saturday morning, about 200 people walked among rows of folding tables on an indoor basketball court in the South L.A. city of Lynwood. They shook hands with business owners wearing company-branded shirts. They asked about open positions, took brochures and wrote down contact information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all looked like a pretty normal job fair, but this one was hosted by the Lynwood Cannabis Association. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The purpose of the event was to introduce ourselves as the licensed cannabis operators in the city,\" Cannabis Association Chairman Tony Torres said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"M7il9M8K4RImwVGWhnACRZcGvsp5ih52\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 1, it will be legal to buy recreational marijuana in California. While many local governments are nowhere near ready for retail sales to begin and some are resisting the legal pot industry, a handful of Southern California cities decided early on to embrace it. Lynwood has been one of the most aggressive in courting cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eleven cannabis companies are currently setting up shop in Lynwood. The city has licensed them to grow marijuana, turn it into oils for vaping or ingredients for edibles and distribute it all to dispensaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres said with legal sales just around the corner, now is the right time for Lynwood residents to meet the people behind the businesses moving into their community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are committed to owning who we are, to being public about who we are, and promoting the benefits of the industry we represent,\" he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11638697\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-800x482.jpg\" alt=\"A representative of the cannabis company Moxie prepares to meet Lynwood residents at a job fair.\" width=\"800\" height=\"482\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11638697\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-800x482.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-160x96.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-1020x615.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-1180x711.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-960x579.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-240x145.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-375x226.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-520x313.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A representative of the cannabis company Moxie prepares to meet Lynwood residents at a job fair. \u003ccite>(David Wagner/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hector Rivera is the co-owner of Calimed, a company licensed to cultivate, manufacture and distribute cannabis in Lynwood. He sees a lot of his competitors still waiting for other cities to pass their pot regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At this point we're way ahead of everybody,\" Rivera said. \"If you want to get in early, this is the time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calimed's owners initially considered basing their operations in Needles, one of the small desert towns trying to attract the cannabis industry. But Rivera said they chose Lynwood because it puts Calimed right in the middle of one of Southern California's biggest markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'It’s actually a good opportunity for a lot of young people that didn’t go to college, where they can make a decent amount of money and take care of their families.'\u003ccite>Lynwood resident Marvin Criner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"We're right in the center of the 105, the 710, the 110, the 5. So it's easy access throughout the whole city,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their development agreements with Lynwood, Calimed and other marijuana businesses have committed to hiring locals and starting them at 150 percent of the minimum wage. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynwood resident Marvin Criner works as an armed security guard at medical dispensaries in the L.A. area. He came to the job fair hoping to drum up more contract work for his company. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's actually a good opportunity for a lot of young people that didn't go to college, where they can make a decent amount of money and take care of their families,\" Criner said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Lynwood City Council members showed up to the job fair. One of them, Aide Castro, led the push to pass the city's pro-cannabis ordinance in late 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want to make sure that you guys are successful,\" Castro told the crowd. \"I want to make sure that Lynwood is looked at as the Mecca of how to do it right.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"MfVQtkTULuVWJQVRb55NRD5O1utftaTS\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in her office at City Hall, Castro said the working-class city has been financially struggling for most of her 10 years on the Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wanted to attract businesses that could create a range of jobs -- from delivery drivers to plant scientists -- and significantly boost local tax revenue. The city estimates that once all the local business are up and running, cannabis taxes will add at least $3 million to the city's $33 million annual budget each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By announcing early on that Lynwood was open for business, Castro said the city got to pick companies with a track record of success in other states. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For me it was an opportunity to bring economic development into the community, and take a business that unfortunately has already been thriving in the black market in our communities and bring it out into the light,\" Castro said. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Real Estate Gets a Boost\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lynwood’s move to welcome legal pot has also spurred a rush on old, neglected industrial real estate. Auto shops and tile stores in the city's manufacturing zone will soon have a cluster of marijuana-growing neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Aaron Herzberg, who has been involved in a number of property deals in Lynwood, said, \"It's really one of the first cities in which real marijuana businesses are being built.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herzberg's firm, the Puzzle Group, works with entrepreneurs trying to make it in L.A.'s competitive legal cannabis industry. He says those who passed on Lynwood now wish they hadn't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I told them all that they should've gotten into Lynwood,\" Herzberg said. \"They kind of thought I was crazy. I acquired real estate for a $103 per square foot, and now you can't acquire it for $300 a [square] foot.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11638701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Lynwood Urban Gardens owner Arthur Shvartsman stands in the warehouse where he plans to grow 240 pounds of marijuana per month.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11638701\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lynwood Urban Gardens owner Arthur Shvartsman stands in the warehouse where he plans to grow 240 pounds of marijuana per month. \u003ccite>(David Wagner/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the entrepreneurs who did manage to buy space is Arthur Shvartsman, owner of Lynwood Urban Gardens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opening the creaky door of his 12,300 square-foot warehouse on Martin Luther King Jr Blvd., he said the property had been empty for some time. \"Over a year, I think,\" said Shvartsman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Where we're standing right now, what you're looking at is going to be all grow facility, all blooming rooms,\" he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the first floor will be dedicated to climate-controlled indoor farming, Shvartsman plans to add two more stories to make space for offices and extraction rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"FVkINK1VwVEAJp756kA4k3JzYCAGkF5i\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he's excited about his venture, he's disappointed that — at least so far — Lynwood is not licensing dispensaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That would be awesome,\" said Shvartsman. \"If we were fully integrated in one building, we [would] have cultivation ... manufacturing and dispensing. Ideally, that's what you want.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilwoman Castro said it was a strategic decision to welcome most types of cannabis businesses, but not dispensaries. She wanted to emphasize blue-collar job creation while easing concerns about a proliferation of dispensaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro said the goal with cannabis was to \"have the brewery and the distillery, just not the liquor store on every corner.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shvartsman thinks the city may come around on allowing dispensaries. He's leaving space at the front of his building for retail sales, should Lynwood ever give him the green light. \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Many local governments in California are nowhere near ready for retail sales of recreational marijuana. Lynwood isn’t one of them.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent Saturday morning, about 200 people walked among rows of folding tables on an indoor basketball court in the South L.A. city of Lynwood. They shook hands with business owners wearing company-branded shirts. They asked about open positions, took brochures and wrote down contact information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all looked like a pretty normal job fair, but this one was hosted by the Lynwood Cannabis Association. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The purpose of the event was to introduce ourselves as the licensed cannabis operators in the city,\" Cannabis Association Chairman Tony Torres said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 1, it will be legal to buy recreational marijuana in California. While many local governments are nowhere near ready for retail sales to begin and some are resisting the legal pot industry, a handful of Southern California cities decided early on to embrace it. Lynwood has been one of the most aggressive in courting cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eleven cannabis companies are currently setting up shop in Lynwood. The city has licensed them to grow marijuana, turn it into oils for vaping or ingredients for edibles and distribute it all to dispensaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres said with legal sales just around the corner, now is the right time for Lynwood residents to meet the people behind the businesses moving into their community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are committed to owning who we are, to being public about who we are, and promoting the benefits of the industry we represent,\" he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11638697\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-800x482.jpg\" alt=\"A representative of the cannabis company Moxie prepares to meet Lynwood residents at a job fair.\" width=\"800\" height=\"482\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11638697\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-800x482.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-160x96.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-1020x615.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-1180x711.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-960x579.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-240x145.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-375x226.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/MoxieLynwood-520x313.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A representative of the cannabis company Moxie prepares to meet Lynwood residents at a job fair. \u003ccite>(David Wagner/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hector Rivera is the co-owner of Calimed, a company licensed to cultivate, manufacture and distribute cannabis in Lynwood. He sees a lot of his competitors still waiting for other cities to pass their pot regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At this point we're way ahead of everybody,\" Rivera said. \"If you want to get in early, this is the time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calimed's owners initially considered basing their operations in Needles, one of the small desert towns trying to attract the cannabis industry. But Rivera said they chose Lynwood because it puts Calimed right in the middle of one of Southern California's biggest markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'It’s actually a good opportunity for a lot of young people that didn’t go to college, where they can make a decent amount of money and take care of their families.'\u003ccite>Lynwood resident Marvin Criner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"We're right in the center of the 105, the 710, the 110, the 5. So it's easy access throughout the whole city,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their development agreements with Lynwood, Calimed and other marijuana businesses have committed to hiring locals and starting them at 150 percent of the minimum wage. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynwood resident Marvin Criner works as an armed security guard at medical dispensaries in the L.A. area. He came to the job fair hoping to drum up more contract work for his company. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's actually a good opportunity for a lot of young people that didn't go to college, where they can make a decent amount of money and take care of their families,\" Criner said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Lynwood City Council members showed up to the job fair. One of them, Aide Castro, led the push to pass the city's pro-cannabis ordinance in late 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want to make sure that you guys are successful,\" Castro told the crowd. \"I want to make sure that Lynwood is looked at as the Mecca of how to do it right.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in her office at City Hall, Castro said the working-class city has been financially struggling for most of her 10 years on the Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wanted to attract businesses that could create a range of jobs -- from delivery drivers to plant scientists -- and significantly boost local tax revenue. The city estimates that once all the local business are up and running, cannabis taxes will add at least $3 million to the city's $33 million annual budget each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By announcing early on that Lynwood was open for business, Castro said the city got to pick companies with a track record of success in other states. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For me it was an opportunity to bring economic development into the community, and take a business that unfortunately has already been thriving in the black market in our communities and bring it out into the light,\" Castro said. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Real Estate Gets a Boost\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lynwood’s move to welcome legal pot has also spurred a rush on old, neglected industrial real estate. Auto shops and tile stores in the city's manufacturing zone will soon have a cluster of marijuana-growing neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Aaron Herzberg, who has been involved in a number of property deals in Lynwood, said, \"It's really one of the first cities in which real marijuana businesses are being built.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herzberg's firm, the Puzzle Group, works with entrepreneurs trying to make it in L.A.'s competitive legal cannabis industry. He says those who passed on Lynwood now wish they hadn't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I told them all that they should've gotten into Lynwood,\" Herzberg said. \"They kind of thought I was crazy. I acquired real estate for a $103 per square foot, and now you can't acquire it for $300 a [square] foot.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11638701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Lynwood Urban Gardens owner Arthur Shvartsman stands in the warehouse where he plans to grow 240 pounds of marijuana per month.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11638701\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Arthur-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lynwood Urban Gardens owner Arthur Shvartsman stands in the warehouse where he plans to grow 240 pounds of marijuana per month. \u003ccite>(David Wagner/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the entrepreneurs who did manage to buy space is Arthur Shvartsman, owner of Lynwood Urban Gardens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opening the creaky door of his 12,300 square-foot warehouse on Martin Luther King Jr Blvd., he said the property had been empty for some time. \"Over a year, I think,\" said Shvartsman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Where we're standing right now, what you're looking at is going to be all grow facility, all blooming rooms,\" he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the first floor will be dedicated to climate-controlled indoor farming, Shvartsman plans to add two more stories to make space for offices and extraction rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he's excited about his venture, he's disappointed that — at least so far — Lynwood is not licensing dispensaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That would be awesome,\" said Shvartsman. \"If we were fully integrated in one building, we [would] have cultivation ... manufacturing and dispensing. Ideally, that's what you want.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilwoman Castro said it was a strategic decision to welcome most types of cannabis businesses, but not dispensaries. She wanted to emphasize blue-collar job creation while easing concerns about a proliferation of dispensaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro said the goal with cannabis was to \"have the brewery and the distillery, just not the liquor store on every corner.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shvartsman thinks the city may come around on allowing dispensaries. He's leaving space at the front of his building for retail sales, should Lynwood ever give him the green light. \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "European Court Says Uber Is a Transport Company, in Win for Taxi Drivers",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Court of Justice of the European Union has ruled that Uber is a transport service, not merely a tech platform, citing the \"indispensable\" link the company creates between drivers and passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siding with taxi drivers in Spain, the court said Uber should be regulated in the EU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A taxi drivers association in Barcelona had complained that Uber was guilty of unfair competition and misleading business practices, seeking to overturn the status quo that has allowed Uber to avoid licensing and regulation under transportation service laws. Wednesday's ruling resolves much of that years-old case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With \u003ca href=\"https://g8fip1kplyr33r3krz5b97d1-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/uber-ecj-press-release.pdf\">the ruling by Europe's highest court\u003c/a>, Uber can now be regulated as a transport service at the national level within the EU's member states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"XxdaETr3NNvnz6mDG05ZESLWvfTOERMN\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While acknowledging Uber's status as an intermediary service between drivers and riders, the court ruled that because Uber's purpose \"is to connect, by means of a smartphone application and for remuneration, non-professional drivers using their own vehicle with persons who wish to make urban journeys, [Uber] must be regarded as being inherently linked to a transport service and, accordingly, must be classified as 'a service in the field of transport' within the meaning of EU law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has maintained that in Europe and beyond, it merely provides an e-commerce platform that facilitates rides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Wednesday, the European court ruled: \"The Court notes in that regard that the application provided by Uber is indispensable for both the drivers and the persons who wish to make an urban journey. It also points out that Uber exercises decisive influence over the conditions under which the drivers provide their service.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling comes one month after tax drivers in Spain held the latest in a series of strikes and large protests against Uber and Cabify, a rival service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based in San Francisco, Uber has grown rapidly since its founding in 2009 to operate in 77 countries and more than 600 cities around the world. It has major offices in both London and Amsterdam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=European+Court+Says+Uber+Is+A+Transport+Company%2C+In+A+Win+For+Taxi+Drivers&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Court of Justice of the European Union has ruled that Uber is a transport service, not merely a tech platform, citing the \"indispensable\" link the company creates between drivers and passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siding with taxi drivers in Spain, the court said Uber should be regulated in the EU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A taxi drivers association in Barcelona had complained that Uber was guilty of unfair competition and misleading business practices, seeking to overturn the status quo that has allowed Uber to avoid licensing and regulation under transportation service laws. Wednesday's ruling resolves much of that years-old case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With \u003ca href=\"https://g8fip1kplyr33r3krz5b97d1-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/uber-ecj-press-release.pdf\">the ruling by Europe's highest court\u003c/a>, Uber can now be regulated as a transport service at the national level within the EU's member states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While acknowledging Uber's status as an intermediary service between drivers and riders, the court ruled that because Uber's purpose \"is to connect, by means of a smartphone application and for remuneration, non-professional drivers using their own vehicle with persons who wish to make urban journeys, [Uber] must be regarded as being inherently linked to a transport service and, accordingly, must be classified as 'a service in the field of transport' within the meaning of EU law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber has maintained that in Europe and beyond, it merely provides an e-commerce platform that facilitates rides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Wednesday, the European court ruled: \"The Court notes in that regard that the application provided by Uber is indispensable for both the drivers and the persons who wish to make an urban journey. It also points out that Uber exercises decisive influence over the conditions under which the drivers provide their service.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling comes one month after tax drivers in Spain held the latest in a series of strikes and large protests against Uber and Cabify, a rival service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based in San Francisco, Uber has grown rapidly since its founding in 2009 to operate in 77 countries and more than 600 cities around the world. It has major offices in both London and Amsterdam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=European+Court+Says+Uber+Is+A+Transport+Company%2C+In+A+Win+For+Taxi+Drivers&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "congress-passes-1-5-trillion-tax-cut-bill-a-legislative-win-for-trump",
"title": "Congress Passes $1.5 Trillion Tax Cut Bill, a Legislative Win for Trump",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 3:37 p.m. ET \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressional Republicans delivered on their first major legislative accomplishment of the Trump era on Wednesday, when the House voted 224-201 to pass a $1.5 trillion tax package. The bill cuts individual rates for eight years and slashes the top corporate tax rate to 21 percent permanently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill now goes to Trump for his signature, though it’s not clear when he will sign it. The president, Vice President Mike Pence and lawmakers hailed the victory and thanked each other for their work on the bill’s passage at the White House Wednesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"600\" height=\"338\" src=\"https://www.npr.org/templates/event/embeddedVideo.php?storyId=572157392&mediaId=572315226\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican lawmakers hoped to put the bill over the goal line a day earlier, after the House claimed victory in a 227-203 vote Tuesday afternoon, but hit a procedural hurdle. The Senate passed the bill with some slight tweaks in the early hours of Wednesday morning on a party-line vote, 51-48.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a historic night,” Senate Finance Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, said after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill has been in the works for months. Republican leaders put a marker down at the beginning of the year to pass a tax bill by the end of the summer, though that had depended on passing a repeal and replacement of the Affordable Care Act in the spring, an effort that dragged out but ultimately did not materialize. The tax bill accomplishes part of that goal by eliminating the penalty for individuals who don’t get health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”v9DQefAMRsG5xkhtP23jK9ClTMhwzlNC”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans say that public opinion of the bill, which has been very low, will turn around as people start to feel the effect of tax cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people see their withholding improving, when they see the jobs occurring, when they see bigger paychecks, a fairer tax system, a simpler tax code, that’s what’s going to produce the results,” House Speaker Paul Ryan said Tuesday. “Results are going to make this popular.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/943489378462130176\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/12/19/571754894/charts-see-how-much-of-gop-tax-cuts-will-go-to-the-middle-class\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> across income levels will see a tax cut of some sort\u003c/a> under the bill, though most of the benefits will go to top earners. By February, federal income tax withholding is expected to be adjusted in paychecks, but for most people the changes may not be apparent until April 2019, when 2018 taxes will be due for annual filers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GOP has long sought a big overhaul of the tax code to simplify it by eliminating complex tax breaks and lowering rates, but in the end, the tax bill did not do much to actually simplify the code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/ZHs4WiaKDFc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individual tax rates are cut for eight years, though a future Congress could choose to extend them instead of allowing an effective tax increase to take place at the end of 2025. “We have no intention of allowing that to happen,” Ryan, R-Wis., said to \u003cem>CBS This Morning \u003c/em>on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projection that the bill would add $1.5 trillion to the deficit over 10 years grows to $2 trillion if those individual tax cuts are made permanent, according to the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., referred in a floor speech to “the ludicrous Republican insistence — their claim — that these giveaways to the wealthiest will pay for themselves.” GOP leaders have insisted that reducing taxes on the corporate side of the ledger will result in higher wages and more money being brought back to the U.S. from overseas business operations, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/11/23/566034204/poll-economists-unanimous-that-debt-would-balloon-under-gop-tax-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">many economists doubt \u003c/a>that the bill will spur significant economic growth or avoid adding to the national debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”6zgTXlR1RhCSpzooWcxvt8OjC3SH9kxF”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican leaders have spoken of reducing entitlement spending as a priority for next year. “We need to keep focused on the spending side of the ledger as well,” Ryan told ABC’s \u003cem>Good Morning America\u003c/em>, when he mentioned revisiting health care spending and welfare reform, which President Trump has also focused on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats have been unable to break GOP unity to stop the tax bill as they were able to over health care, though they have said they look forward to how it will play in the 2018 midterm elections as they argue it’s a boon for the wealthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer predicted that Republicans will “rue the day” they voted for the tax bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SenSchumer/status/943359148447715333\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That day was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/12/19/571982251/republicans-set-to-pass-tax-overhaul-as-early-as-tuesday-night\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">delayed because of Senate rules\u003c/a>, which prevent the bill from including any measures considered “extraneous” to budget matters. After the House passed what was believed to be the final version of the bill on Tuesday, Democratic senators challenged provisions relating to education and a technical issue over the naming of the bill. The Senate parliamentarian ruled that they did not fit inside the budget rules that the bill is being passed under, which allow it to be approved by a simple 51-vote majority, bypassing any risk of a Democratic filibuster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 3:37 p.m. ET \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressional Republicans delivered on their first major legislative accomplishment of the Trump era on Wednesday, when the House voted 224-201 to pass a $1.5 trillion tax package. The bill cuts individual rates for eight years and slashes the top corporate tax rate to 21 percent permanently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill now goes to Trump for his signature, though it’s not clear when he will sign it. The president, Vice President Mike Pence and lawmakers hailed the victory and thanked each other for their work on the bill’s passage at the White House Wednesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"600\" height=\"338\" src=\"https://www.npr.org/templates/event/embeddedVideo.php?storyId=572157392&mediaId=572315226\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican lawmakers hoped to put the bill over the goal line a day earlier, after the House claimed victory in a 227-203 vote Tuesday afternoon, but hit a procedural hurdle. The Senate passed the bill with some slight tweaks in the early hours of Wednesday morning on a party-line vote, 51-48.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a historic night,” Senate Finance Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, said after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill has been in the works for months. Republican leaders put a marker down at the beginning of the year to pass a tax bill by the end of the summer, though that had depended on passing a repeal and replacement of the Affordable Care Act in the spring, an effort that dragged out but ultimately did not materialize. The tax bill accomplishes part of that goal by eliminating the penalty for individuals who don’t get health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans say that public opinion of the bill, which has been very low, will turn around as people start to feel the effect of tax cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people see their withholding improving, when they see the jobs occurring, when they see bigger paychecks, a fairer tax system, a simpler tax code, that’s what’s going to produce the results,” House Speaker Paul Ryan said Tuesday. “Results are going to make this popular.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>People\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/12/19/571754894/charts-see-how-much-of-gop-tax-cuts-will-go-to-the-middle-class\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> across income levels will see a tax cut of some sort\u003c/a> under the bill, though most of the benefits will go to top earners. By February, federal income tax withholding is expected to be adjusted in paychecks, but for most people the changes may not be apparent until April 2019, when 2018 taxes will be due for annual filers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GOP has long sought a big overhaul of the tax code to simplify it by eliminating complex tax breaks and lowering rates, but in the end, the tax bill did not do much to actually simplify the code.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/ZHs4WiaKDFc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/ZHs4WiaKDFc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Individual tax rates are cut for eight years, though a future Congress could choose to extend them instead of allowing an effective tax increase to take place at the end of 2025. “We have no intention of allowing that to happen,” Ryan, R-Wis., said to \u003cem>CBS This Morning \u003c/em>on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projection that the bill would add $1.5 trillion to the deficit over 10 years grows to $2 trillion if those individual tax cuts are made permanent, according to the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., referred in a floor speech to “the ludicrous Republican insistence — their claim — that these giveaways to the wealthiest will pay for themselves.” GOP leaders have insisted that reducing taxes on the corporate side of the ledger will result in higher wages and more money being brought back to the U.S. from overseas business operations, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/11/23/566034204/poll-economists-unanimous-that-debt-would-balloon-under-gop-tax-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">many economists doubt \u003c/a>that the bill will spur significant economic growth or avoid adding to the national debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican leaders have spoken of reducing entitlement spending as a priority for next year. “We need to keep focused on the spending side of the ledger as well,” Ryan told ABC’s \u003cem>Good Morning America\u003c/em>, when he mentioned revisiting health care spending and welfare reform, which President Trump has also focused on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats have been unable to break GOP unity to stop the tax bill as they were able to over health care, though they have said they look forward to how it will play in the 2018 midterm elections as they argue it’s a boon for the wealthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer predicted that Republicans will “rue the day” they voted for the tax bill.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>At the Hugs Alternative Care dispensary, there is far more for sale than regular old smokeable marijuana. The Sacramento shop has cannabis butter, barbecue sauce, lollipops — the list goes on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brittany Dyke is one of the “budtenders” at the shop who helps customers choose between all these products. “It’s like walking into a candy shop for adults,” Dyke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Jan. 1, adults in California will be able to walk into a shop like Hugs and buy marijuana products for recreational use, a development that is going to cause the industry to boom. As investors and owners get ready to cash in, an effort is underway to unionize marijuana workers like Dyke. The hope is to give them more protections and a say in the rapidly expanding industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2017/12/HarnettCannabisWorkersUnion.mp3\" title=\"As Marijuana Industry Grows, Workers Begin to Unionize\" program=\"KQED News\" image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/Alex-Hagar-e1513707823293.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dyke and every other employee at Hugs is in United Food and Commercial Workers International Union Local 8. The dispensary is one of a handful in the state that is unionized. Because Hugs is a union shop, workers have performance reviews, scheduled wage increases and benefits like health care. Unionization wasn’t actually the workers’ idea. It came from their boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2011, Hugs CEO David Spradlin brought in the UFCW union. “I come from construction,” Spradlin said. “I come from the working class. I know how it feels to have your job and your livelihood in someone else’s hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘My hope has always been that the cannabis industry doesn’t turn into 7-Eleven.’ \u003ccite>David Spradlin, CEO of Hugs Alternative Care\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“My hope has always been that the cannabis industry doesn’t turn into 7-Eleven,” Spradlin said. “I want the cannabis industry to turn into something that people want to get into and have a career in, something that a person right out of high school can go into and get a good job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spradlin said the union has taught him a lot about managing workers in an industry that does not have many established business practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having protocols in place and just having it all systemized and making sure everyone gets a fair deal is hugely valuable,” Spradlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelica Sanchez is a floor supervisor at the dispensary. She said the union saved her job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was fired, filed a grievance with the union, and got in the same room with the guy who owned the dispensary and got my job back,” Sanchez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guy she met with was David Spradlin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We terminated her,” Spradlin said. “But protocol wasn’t followed and it turns out we were wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Araby is executive director of the UFCW Western States Council, and he said that generally in the marijuana business there’s a lot of worker abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve found in this industry that many workers were paid in cash or product or not paid at all, that many of their rights were violated, and that some might not know that they even have rights,” Araby said. “They can be working 12-hour days and not be getting paid overtime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As marijuana becomes increasingly commercialized, there is a worry that big corporations will come in and push down wages. The “Walmartization of weed” is a phrase that is thrown around a lot these days by workers and growers in the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘There are very few times in history when a labor union can be at the beginning of the dawn of a new multibillion-dollar industry.’ \u003ccite>James Araby, Head of UFCW Union\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Araby said there is an opportunity right now for the union to carve out protections for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are very few times in history when a labor union can be at the beginning of the dawn of a new multibillion-dollar industry and play a direct role in helping shape it,” Araby said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only a handful of dispensaries in California are unionized, but Araby said the UFCW is reaching out now to get other cannabis operations on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UFCW is definitely interested in organizing workers from seed to sale,” Araby said. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2011, Hugs CEO David Spradlin brought in the UFCW union. “I come from construction,” Spradlin said. “I come from the working class. I know how it feels to have your job and your livelihood in someone else’s hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘My hope has always been that the cannabis industry doesn’t turn into 7-Eleven.’ \u003ccite>David Spradlin, CEO of Hugs Alternative Care\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“My hope has always been that the cannabis industry doesn’t turn into 7-Eleven,” Spradlin said. “I want the cannabis industry to turn into something that people want to get into and have a career in, something that a person right out of high school can go into and get a good job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spradlin said the union has taught him a lot about managing workers in an industry that does not have many established business practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having protocols in place and just having it all systemized and making sure everyone gets a fair deal is hugely valuable,” Spradlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelica Sanchez is a floor supervisor at the dispensary. She said the union saved her job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was fired, filed a grievance with the union, and got in the same room with the guy who owned the dispensary and got my job back,” Sanchez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The guy she met with was David Spradlin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We terminated her,” Spradlin said. “But protocol wasn’t followed and it turns out we were wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Araby is executive director of the UFCW Western States Council, and he said that generally in the marijuana business there’s a lot of worker abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve found in this industry that many workers were paid in cash or product or not paid at all, that many of their rights were violated, and that some might not know that they even have rights,” Araby said. “They can be working 12-hour days and not be getting paid overtime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As marijuana becomes increasingly commercialized, there is a worry that big corporations will come in and push down wages. The “Walmartization of weed” is a phrase that is thrown around a lot these days by workers and growers in the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘There are very few times in history when a labor union can be at the beginning of the dawn of a new multibillion-dollar industry.’ \u003ccite>James Araby, Head of UFCW Union\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Araby said there is an opportunity right now for the union to carve out protections for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are very few times in history when a labor union can be at the beginning of the dawn of a new multibillion-dollar industry and play a direct role in helping shape it,” Araby said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only a handful of dispensaries in California are unionized, but Araby said the UFCW is reaching out now to get other cannabis operations on board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UFCW is definitely interested in organizing workers from seed to sale,” Araby said. That includes everyone from trimmers up in Humboldt County to “budtenders” like Gloria Santos, who works at the Hugs dispensary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santos, 27, comes from a long line of unionized longshoremen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ten years ago my parents kicked me out,” Santos said. “They told my whole family to stop talking to me and that I was just going to sell weed for my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santos said becoming part of the union legitimized her work in the eyes of her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My great-grandmother knows what I do, and she’s a little wary of it,” Santos said. “But the fact that I have the union back is everything to her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santos said she is excited to work in an industry that is growing so rapidly and where she can have the protection of a union. Unlike other retail jobs, Santos said she thinks cannabis could be a career that supports her long term.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s midmorning at the headquarters of a medical marijuana delivery service in south Orange County, and employees are gearing up for orders to start flowing in. A skinny, clean-cut millennial named Ben packs a smell-proof duffel bag with plastic medicine vials full of dried marijuana buds, packages of cannabis-laced sweets and other products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other delivery drivers do the same, while a phone operator sets up to start taking orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justin, 40, runs this 6-year-old business out of a converted bedroom in his two-story suburban home just off Interstate 5. He serves medical marijuana patients from Huntington Beach to San Clemente. His client list includes around 5,000 names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justin pays California taxes and has a seller’s permit from the state. But his business operates in a legal gray area or, some believe, fully in the illegal black market, which is why he asked us not to print his full name or that of his company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"NgWpA4w9AwclMF8nRCN7ddi5fH5hHXD8\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marijuana is still illegal under the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.dea.gov/druginfo/csa.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Controlled Substances Act\u003c/a>. Plus, almost every city in Orange County — including the one from which Justin runs his company — prohibits marijuana businesses, including delivery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California prepares to open the doors to the recreational cannabis industry in 2018, only one of Orange County’s 34 cities, Santa Ana, plans to allow for retail cannabis shops. And no marijuana-related businesses are allowed on unincorporated county land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may seem to fit OC's conservative reputation, but it’s typical of cities and counties across the state, experts say. Jacqueline McGowan, a consultant who has been tracking local cannabis regulations, said 73 percent of cities and counties in California currently ban commercial cannabis businesses. But McGowan said she expects more jurisdictions to approve regulations allowing for them in the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637936\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637936\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-800x540.jpg\" alt=\"Bags of cannabis await packaging for retail sale through a medical marijuana delivery service in Orange County on Nov. 29, 2018. Advocates for pot regulation say a black market will likely continue to flourish if California cities and counties refuse to provide local business permits.\" width=\"800\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-800x540.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-1020x689.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-1180x797.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-960x648.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-240x162.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-375x253.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-520x351.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bags of cannabis await packaging for retail sale through a medical marijuana delivery service in Orange County on Nov. 29, 2018. Advocates for pot regulation say a black market will likely continue to flourish if California cities and counties refuse to provide local business permits. \u003ccite>(Jill Replogle/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dustin McDonald, vice president of government relations for Irvine-based \u003ca href=\"https://weedmaps.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Weedmaps\u003c/a>, considered the Yelp of the marijuana industry, said many city and county leaders are adopting a “wait and see approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They've been reluctant to move forward aggressively with organizing any kind of policy reforms out of concerns about how they might impact public health and public safety and what political ramifications there might be for them as elected officials,” McDonald said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Enforcement itself is not an effective tool, ultimately, in combating the illegal market,” McDonald said. \"You really need policy solutions, which is why the state went down this road to begin with.” Still, he thinks local governments should ultimately follow the state’s lead and embrace legal, regulated marijuana. Otherwise, businesses like Justin’s delivery service might just go farther underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County Sheriff Sandra Hutchens disagrees. She was against legalizing marijuana in California, and she has advised OC cities not to open themselves up to the legal cannabis industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our biggest concerns are two things: the youth using marijuana more and people getting injured in traffic collisions,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"yv7RLTASHDAZoq72IO7RZAdtRRS7exeG\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than one-third of OC cities pay the sheriff’s department to provide local policing. And Hutchens has warned some of those cities that their law enforcement costs could rise if more marijuana is legally available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that’s because, for one thing, sheriff’s deputies might have to spend time going to court to testify in DUI cases since there’s no simple DUI test for marijuana. And the department may need to hire more crime analysts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't actively go out and go to the city and say, 'I think you should not allow it,’ ” Hutchens said. \"I think it's their decision to make, but when asked, I will tell them the reasons why I don't think they should.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.rutan.com/Patrick-Munoz\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Patrick Muñoz\u003c/a>, a partner at the law firm Rutan & Tucker who represents various Orange County cities on marijuana and other issues, said most of his clients don’t seem interested in permitting marijuana businesses, despite the potential tax income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're worried that it's a gateway drug,\" he said. \"They're worried about, you know, what's the reality of being able to regulate it, how do you really keep it out of kids’ hands.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muñoz has prosecuted about a dozen cases against rogue marijuana businesses in California. He anticipates that enforcing local laws will continue to be difficult once recreational cannabis is fully legal next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he hopes the state’s new, more \u003ca href=\"https://cannabis.ca.gov/regulations-legislation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">robust regulations\u003c/a> on cannabis will help. “Come January, presumably we can go to the state and say, ‘Hey, we've got someone illegally operating here, and we want the state to help us.' Whether they will or not will be a whole new question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637923\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Vials of medical marijuana line a desk at the headquarters of a delivery service in south Orange County on Nov. 29, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vials of medical marijuana line a desk at the headquarters of a delivery service in south Orange County on Nov. 29, 2017. \u003ccite>(Jill Replogle/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, the gray and black markets for cannabis appear to be thriving, despite years of attempts to shut down illegal operators in OC. Weedmaps currently lists 186 delivery services in the county, the vast majority of them operating in violation of local municipal codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justin’s delivery business fills 30 to 40 orders a day, with a minimum order of $50, and he’s open almost every day of the year. He’s baffled by what he sees as a disconnect between the obvious demand for marijuana and people’s willingness to have an open marketplace for the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifty-two percent of OC voters cast their ballot in favor of Proposition 64 to tax and regulate pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, it's strange that people want to use it, they want other people to have the freedom to use it, but they don't want anybody to see it,” the pot entrepreneur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also frustrated that the era of legalized marijuana in California doesn’t seem to have a place for his Orange County business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you're a city council member or you're an official and you're elected, I think it would be in your best interest to listen to [the voters],” he said. \"You know, I think that's the way the system's supposed to work.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, most Orange County residents and cannabis consumers have stayed quiet on the issue. City councils across OC have passed moratoriums with little public input, either for or against, and none of Justin’s customers on the morning I visited would consent to an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justin said he plans to continue to operate his delivery business for the foreseeable future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We've all gotten very comfortable with the risks you have to take in this business,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Only one of Orange County's 34 cities plans to allow retail cannabis shops. That may fit OC’s conservative reputation, but it’s typical across the state, experts say.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s midmorning at the headquarters of a medical marijuana delivery service in south Orange County, and employees are gearing up for orders to start flowing in. A skinny, clean-cut millennial named Ben packs a smell-proof duffel bag with plastic medicine vials full of dried marijuana buds, packages of cannabis-laced sweets and other products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other delivery drivers do the same, while a phone operator sets up to start taking orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justin, 40, runs this 6-year-old business out of a converted bedroom in his two-story suburban home just off Interstate 5. He serves medical marijuana patients from Huntington Beach to San Clemente. His client list includes around 5,000 names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justin pays California taxes and has a seller’s permit from the state. But his business operates in a legal gray area or, some believe, fully in the illegal black market, which is why he asked us not to print his full name or that of his company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marijuana is still illegal under the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.dea.gov/druginfo/csa.shtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Controlled Substances Act\u003c/a>. Plus, almost every city in Orange County — including the one from which Justin runs his company — prohibits marijuana businesses, including delivery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California prepares to open the doors to the recreational cannabis industry in 2018, only one of Orange County’s 34 cities, Santa Ana, plans to allow for retail cannabis shops. And no marijuana-related businesses are allowed on unincorporated county land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may seem to fit OC's conservative reputation, but it’s typical of cities and counties across the state, experts say. Jacqueline McGowan, a consultant who has been tracking local cannabis regulations, said 73 percent of cities and counties in California currently ban commercial cannabis businesses. But McGowan said she expects more jurisdictions to approve regulations allowing for them in the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637936\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637936\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-800x540.jpg\" alt=\"Bags of cannabis await packaging for retail sale through a medical marijuana delivery service in Orange County on Nov. 29, 2018. Advocates for pot regulation say a black market will likely continue to flourish if California cities and counties refuse to provide local business permits.\" width=\"800\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-800x540.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-1020x689.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-1180x797.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-960x648.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-240x162.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-375x253.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/BagsOfWeed-520x351.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bags of cannabis await packaging for retail sale through a medical marijuana delivery service in Orange County on Nov. 29, 2018. Advocates for pot regulation say a black market will likely continue to flourish if California cities and counties refuse to provide local business permits. \u003ccite>(Jill Replogle/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dustin McDonald, vice president of government relations for Irvine-based \u003ca href=\"https://weedmaps.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Weedmaps\u003c/a>, considered the Yelp of the marijuana industry, said many city and county leaders are adopting a “wait and see approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They've been reluctant to move forward aggressively with organizing any kind of policy reforms out of concerns about how they might impact public health and public safety and what political ramifications there might be for them as elected officials,” McDonald said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Enforcement itself is not an effective tool, ultimately, in combating the illegal market,” McDonald said. \"You really need policy solutions, which is why the state went down this road to begin with.” Still, he thinks local governments should ultimately follow the state’s lead and embrace legal, regulated marijuana. Otherwise, businesses like Justin’s delivery service might just go farther underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County Sheriff Sandra Hutchens disagrees. She was against legalizing marijuana in California, and she has advised OC cities not to open themselves up to the legal cannabis industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our biggest concerns are two things: the youth using marijuana more and people getting injured in traffic collisions,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than one-third of OC cities pay the sheriff’s department to provide local policing. And Hutchens has warned some of those cities that their law enforcement costs could rise if more marijuana is legally available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that’s because, for one thing, sheriff’s deputies might have to spend time going to court to testify in DUI cases since there’s no simple DUI test for marijuana. And the department may need to hire more crime analysts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't actively go out and go to the city and say, 'I think you should not allow it,’ ” Hutchens said. \"I think it's their decision to make, but when asked, I will tell them the reasons why I don't think they should.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.rutan.com/Patrick-Munoz\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Patrick Muñoz\u003c/a>, a partner at the law firm Rutan & Tucker who represents various Orange County cities on marijuana and other issues, said most of his clients don’t seem interested in permitting marijuana businesses, despite the potential tax income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're worried that it's a gateway drug,\" he said. \"They're worried about, you know, what's the reality of being able to regulate it, how do you really keep it out of kids’ hands.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muñoz has prosecuted about a dozen cases against rogue marijuana businesses in California. He anticipates that enforcing local laws will continue to be difficult once recreational cannabis is fully legal next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he hopes the state’s new, more \u003ca href=\"https://cannabis.ca.gov/regulations-legislation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">robust regulations\u003c/a> on cannabis will help. “Come January, presumably we can go to the state and say, ‘Hey, we've got someone illegally operating here, and we want the state to help us.' Whether they will or not will be a whole new question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637923\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Vials of medical marijuana line a desk at the headquarters of a delivery service in south Orange County on Nov. 29, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/ReplogleWeed.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vials of medical marijuana line a desk at the headquarters of a delivery service in south Orange County on Nov. 29, 2017. \u003ccite>(Jill Replogle/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, the gray and black markets for cannabis appear to be thriving, despite years of attempts to shut down illegal operators in OC. Weedmaps currently lists 186 delivery services in the county, the vast majority of them operating in violation of local municipal codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justin’s delivery business fills 30 to 40 orders a day, with a minimum order of $50, and he’s open almost every day of the year. He’s baffled by what he sees as a disconnect between the obvious demand for marijuana and people’s willingness to have an open marketplace for the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifty-two percent of OC voters cast their ballot in favor of Proposition 64 to tax and regulate pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, it's strange that people want to use it, they want other people to have the freedom to use it, but they don't want anybody to see it,” the pot entrepreneur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also frustrated that the era of legalized marijuana in California doesn’t seem to have a place for his Orange County business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you're a city council member or you're an official and you're elected, I think it would be in your best interest to listen to [the voters],” he said. \"You know, I think that's the way the system's supposed to work.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, most Orange County residents and cannabis consumers have stayed quiet on the issue. City councils across OC have passed moratoriums with little public input, either for or against, and none of Justin’s customers on the morning I visited would consent to an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justin said he plans to continue to operate his delivery business for the foreseeable future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Central Valley Family Creates Legacy Through Frozen Food Factory",
"title": "Central Valley Family Creates Legacy Through Frozen Food Factory",
"headTitle": "California Foodways | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Recently I visited the Central Valley town of Dinuba and went into a factory, a kind of factory I’d never seen. Before the big wigs let me in, they suited me up in safety gear. I was with company chair Kim Ruiz Beck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are putting gloves on because we have fingernail polish on our nails, and I have a wedding ring I can’t get off my finger,” she explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a hair net to cover your hair. Everything has to be totally tucked in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re so strict about the hair net that even George W. Bush wasn’t let into the factory without one. Ruiz Beck said her father, company co-founder Fred Ruiz, told her the president would be making a visit to the plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But he won’t wear a hairnet. We’re like, ‘Are you kidding? All our customers will watch the president on TV at our plant!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what happened?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He didn’t tour the plant, because we couldn’t make an exception,” said Ruiz Beck. Instead, the company built a glass wall, so the president could see the factory in operation, but not risk the bad optics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All these measures are to protect the product the factory turns out: frozen burritos, the product you see in every convenience store, college dorms, hundreds of school cafeterias, and thousands of family freezers around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637159\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637159\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-1180x784.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-960x638.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A label machine in the Ruiz Foods factory. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Dinuba facility I visited is just one of the plants owned by \u003ca href=\"http://www.ruizfoodservice.com/\">Ruiz Foods\u003c/a>, the largest manufacturers of frozen burritos -- in fact all frozen Mexican food -- in the country. And this factory, it’s like the Willy Wonka of Mexican food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company won’t let me say much about what goes on in the factory -- it’s all a proprietary process -- but what I can say is that I saw thousands of burritos, quesadillas, and taquitos, most of which will be sold under the El Monterey brand. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 1,600 people work here, and many fold or roll products by hand. Still other products are folded, incredibly, by machine before heading obediently down what look like miles of conveyor belts moving toward a spiral freezer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637157\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637157\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-1180x784.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-960x638.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Breakfast burritos exit a chiller. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After lunch with a handful of family members, company co-founder Fred Ruiz told me that the family is originally from Chihuahua, Mexico, but fled during the Mexican Revolution, when his father was just a boy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pancho Villa was basically taking over farms and businesses,” and the Ruiz family had land. “It wasn’t safe to live,” he said. “My dad remembers everybody being piled into this car in the middle of the night and there was lots of guns and bombs going off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They settled in Los Angeles. Fred Ruiz says his dad Louis was a born entrepreneur, selling feather dusters, then clothing door to door. In the 1950s, the family moved to Tulare County, where Louis Ruiz and his brothers started a tortilla business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I think what my Dad realized at the time is there were opportunities to sell Mexican food in the San Joaquin Valley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637156\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637156\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-800x711.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"711\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-800x711.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-160x142.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-240x213.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-375x333.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-520x462.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut.jpg 864w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Louis and Fred Ruiz with some early products. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To get some historical context, I decided to talk to author Gustavo Arellano who wrote the book Taco USA: How Mexican Food Conquered America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said, the flour tortilla that defines a burrito is a northern Mexican staple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The urban legend is that the first people who created the dish that we now called 'burritos' were miners,” he explained, people who worked in copper mines between Sonora, Mexico and Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They would would wrap all their food in big flour tortillas, and ride donkeys or burros down into the mines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So they called these ‘burritos,’ little burros,” said Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arellano explained, burritos really entered the U.S. in the 1940s during the bracero program, when the U.S. and Mexico agreed to bring tens of thousands of Mexican agricultural workers into the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As part of the agreement, the American farmers who participated in this program had to give workers Mexican food. Of course they weren’t going to give them moles and complicated dishes,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. farmers knew beans, rice, and the northern Mexican flour tortillas, but most of the braceros came from central and southern Mexico, where they ate corn tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"uYebybR7gfc02szvtAnglwdaBbUChBux\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You see some of these oral histories, these braceros said they hated burritos,\" said Arellano. \"They’re already far from home, and now they get this approximation of Mexican food?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the burrito entered the mainstream, starting with Taco Bell and Del Taco in the 60s, and Chipotle in the 90s. But Mexican food has been in American grocery stores much longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You started getting canned tamales in the late 1890s,” Arellano said, followed by canned rice, beans, and chili sauce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arellano continues, “Starting in the 1930s you have a man named George Ashley who starts putting tortillas in a can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all, but most of these food producers were white, and most of their customers were white people who lived near Mexican Americans, and their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once Americans taste Mexican food they need it, and it becomes a part of their life and they’re going to try to replicate it at home one way or another,” said Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the environment in which Louis and Fred Ruiz started their business in the 1960s. They had a primed customer base in the racially diverse Central Valley, and the perfect muse: mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I loved her cheese enchiladas,” said Fred Ruiz. “I loved her tostadas, her tamales. Our flavor profiles are modeled after the way my Mom made Mexican food at home when I was growing up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"Hu1PEukUDEy3ismfpxSZ552bn9UvzW6P\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Fred and his dad developed recipes for their first products, his mom worked at a shoe store in downtown Tulare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would be working on some sauce and it just didn’t taste right,” remembered Ruiz. “So I would put it in a little dish, and I’d drive over to the store. I’m there, I’ve got sauce all over my t-shirt, I smelled like an enchilada, and I’d say, ‘Mom, taste this.’ And then she would tell me, it just needed a little more oregano, a little more garlic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the test kitchen is still called Rosie’s Culinary Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim Ruiz Beck explained that her grandfather Louis served as both delivery man and sales guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d drive the truck, pull in, deliver all the product in the back of the grocery store. And then he would drive around the front, and he would change into a suit,” she said, and meet with the manager to try to make more sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Foods grew to be a top Latino-owned business, but Fred Ruiz and his dad started in 1964, before major advances in civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some challenges, just growing up as a kid being Mexican,” Ruiz remembered. “I asked this girl if she’d go on a date one time and she said no she couldn’t, her Dad wouldn’t let her date Mexicans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in business? Ruiz didn’t want to belabor the point, but he admitted, “There were some challenges we had to overcome. Some people didn’t believe that we were going to grow our business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kim Ruiz Beck said by the 1980s, a new piece of technology transformed the business: the microwave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every home has a microwave. That really is the key to our product success,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Foods started growing into the multi-million-dollar-a-year business it is today. The company, and the family, have a lot of influence. Fred Ruiz showed me a photograph taken at the White House Rose Garden, when he and his father received the United States Small Business Persons of the Year Award, presented by President Ronald Reagan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"f0H0kM7W7hIePOsoQglhLgX2qK62bvuJ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fred served a 12-year stint on the UC Board of Regents. Among other philanthropy, the company recently pledged $1 million to the Fresno State Craig School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the company to stay on top, the family told me they’ve had to innovate, adding breakfast items, fusion foods, and something called Tornados. They’re like flautas or taquitos, developed specifically to fit on convenience store roller grills, the ones that usually hold hot dogs. Despite all those new products, the company told me their top retail product is still a bag of eight frozen burritos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim Ruiz Beck started working at her family’s company 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My whole life, this is all I know,” she joked. “All I know is burritos!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I asked why she joined the family business, she got emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is all I ever wanted. I’m so proud of my Dad and my grandpa. I just wanted to be a part of this business,” she said, choking back tears. “I love this business. I love what they’ve created, I love what we created in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, she said, she loves knowing the company’s reaching so many people through food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town park a mile away, I asked a group of teenagers on skateboards about Ruiz Foods. They’ve got friends and family who work at the factory, and said, though they prefer homemade Mexican food, they eat El Monterey burritos for convenience and the low price tag. An eight-pack of bean and cheese burritos costs under $4. Compare that to other convenience store fare, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A bag of chips is $1.69 and a soda’s a dollar, so it’s like $3.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One boy said, “I never ate Ruiz Foods,” but his friend quickly corrected him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes you have, bro, they package the blue burritos, El Monte burritos.” They all agree their favorite is the chile verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was clear, talking to these guys basically in the shadow of the Ruiz Foods factory, is that their products are in a lot of our lives, whether we know it or not.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Recently I visited the Central Valley town of Dinuba and went into a factory, a kind of factory I’d never seen. Before the big wigs let me in, they suited me up in safety gear. I was with company chair Kim Ruiz Beck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are putting gloves on because we have fingernail polish on our nails, and I have a wedding ring I can’t get off my finger,” she explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a hair net to cover your hair. Everything has to be totally tucked in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re so strict about the hair net that even George W. Bush wasn’t let into the factory without one. Ruiz Beck said her father, company co-founder Fred Ruiz, told her the president would be making a visit to the plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But he won’t wear a hairnet. We’re like, ‘Are you kidding? All our customers will watch the president on TV at our plant!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what happened?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He didn’t tour the plant, because we couldn’t make an exception,” said Ruiz Beck. Instead, the company built a glass wall, so the president could see the factory in operation, but not risk the bad optics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All these measures are to protect the product the factory turns out: frozen burritos, the product you see in every convenience store, college dorms, hundreds of school cafeterias, and thousands of family freezers around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637159\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637159\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-1180x784.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-960x638.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28376_label-machine-65_CC-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A label machine in the Ruiz Foods factory. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Dinuba facility I visited is just one of the plants owned by \u003ca href=\"http://www.ruizfoodservice.com/\">Ruiz Foods\u003c/a>, the largest manufacturers of frozen burritos -- in fact all frozen Mexican food -- in the country. And this factory, it’s like the Willy Wonka of Mexican food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company won’t let me say much about what goes on in the factory -- it’s all a proprietary process -- but what I can say is that I saw thousands of burritos, quesadillas, and taquitos, most of which will be sold under the El Monterey brand. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 1,600 people work here, and many fold or roll products by hand. Still other products are folded, incredibly, by machine before heading obediently down what look like miles of conveyor belts moving toward a spiral freezer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637157\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637157\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-800x531.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"531\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-800x531.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-1180x784.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-960x638.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28370_breakfast-burritos-exiting-chiller-49_CC-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Breakfast burritos exit a chiller. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After lunch with a handful of family members, company co-founder Fred Ruiz told me that the family is originally from Chihuahua, Mexico, but fled during the Mexican Revolution, when his father was just a boy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pancho Villa was basically taking over farms and businesses,” and the Ruiz family had land. “It wasn’t safe to live,” he said. “My dad remembers everybody being piled into this car in the middle of the night and there was lots of guns and bombs going off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They settled in Los Angeles. Fred Ruiz says his dad Louis was a born entrepreneur, selling feather dusters, then clothing door to door. In the 1950s, the family moved to Tulare County, where Louis Ruiz and his brothers started a tortilla business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I think what my Dad realized at the time is there were opportunities to sell Mexican food in the San Joaquin Valley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637156\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637156\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-800x711.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"711\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-800x711.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-160x142.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-240x213.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-375x333.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut-520x462.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28372_Louis.Fred-Ruiz-qut.jpg 864w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Louis and Fred Ruiz with some early products. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ruiz Foods)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To get some historical context, I decided to talk to author Gustavo Arellano who wrote the book Taco USA: How Mexican Food Conquered America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said, the flour tortilla that defines a burrito is a northern Mexican staple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The urban legend is that the first people who created the dish that we now called 'burritos' were miners,” he explained, people who worked in copper mines between Sonora, Mexico and Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They would would wrap all their food in big flour tortillas, and ride donkeys or burros down into the mines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So they called these ‘burritos,’ little burros,” said Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arellano explained, burritos really entered the U.S. in the 1940s during the bracero program, when the U.S. and Mexico agreed to bring tens of thousands of Mexican agricultural workers into the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As part of the agreement, the American farmers who participated in this program had to give workers Mexican food. Of course they weren’t going to give them moles and complicated dishes,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. farmers knew beans, rice, and the northern Mexican flour tortillas, but most of the braceros came from central and southern Mexico, where they ate corn tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You see some of these oral histories, these braceros said they hated burritos,\" said Arellano. \"They’re already far from home, and now they get this approximation of Mexican food?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the burrito entered the mainstream, starting with Taco Bell and Del Taco in the 60s, and Chipotle in the 90s. But Mexican food has been in American grocery stores much longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You started getting canned tamales in the late 1890s,” Arellano said, followed by canned rice, beans, and chili sauce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arellano continues, “Starting in the 1930s you have a man named George Ashley who starts putting tortillas in a can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all, but most of these food producers were white, and most of their customers were white people who lived near Mexican Americans, and their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once Americans taste Mexican food they need it, and it becomes a part of their life and they’re going to try to replicate it at home one way or another,” said Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the environment in which Louis and Fred Ruiz started their business in the 1960s. They had a primed customer base in the racially diverse Central Valley, and the perfect muse: mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I loved her cheese enchiladas,” said Fred Ruiz. “I loved her tostadas, her tamales. Our flavor profiles are modeled after the way my Mom made Mexican food at home when I was growing up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Fred and his dad developed recipes for their first products, his mom worked at a shoe store in downtown Tulare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would be working on some sauce and it just didn’t taste right,” remembered Ruiz. “So I would put it in a little dish, and I’d drive over to the store. I’m there, I’ve got sauce all over my t-shirt, I smelled like an enchilada, and I’d say, ‘Mom, taste this.’ And then she would tell me, it just needed a little more oregano, a little more garlic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the test kitchen is still called Rosie’s Culinary Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim Ruiz Beck explained that her grandfather Louis served as both delivery man and sales guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d drive the truck, pull in, deliver all the product in the back of the grocery store. And then he would drive around the front, and he would change into a suit,” she said, and meet with the manager to try to make more sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Foods grew to be a top Latino-owned business, but Fred Ruiz and his dad started in 1964, before major advances in civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some challenges, just growing up as a kid being Mexican,” Ruiz remembered. “I asked this girl if she’d go on a date one time and she said no she couldn’t, her Dad wouldn’t let her date Mexicans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in business? Ruiz didn’t want to belabor the point, but he admitted, “There were some challenges we had to overcome. Some people didn’t believe that we were going to grow our business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kim Ruiz Beck said by the 1980s, a new piece of technology transformed the business: the microwave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every home has a microwave. That really is the key to our product success,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Foods started growing into the multi-million-dollar-a-year business it is today. The company, and the family, have a lot of influence. Fred Ruiz showed me a photograph taken at the White House Rose Garden, when he and his father received the United States Small Business Persons of the Year Award, presented by President Ronald Reagan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fred served a 12-year stint on the UC Board of Regents. Among other philanthropy, the company recently pledged $1 million to the Fresno State Craig School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the company to stay on top, the family told me they’ve had to innovate, adding breakfast items, fusion foods, and something called Tornados. They’re like flautas or taquitos, developed specifically to fit on convenience store roller grills, the ones that usually hold hot dogs. Despite all those new products, the company told me their top retail product is still a bag of eight frozen burritos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim Ruiz Beck started working at her family’s company 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My whole life, this is all I know,” she joked. “All I know is burritos!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I asked why she joined the family business, she got emotional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is all I ever wanted. I’m so proud of my Dad and my grandpa. I just wanted to be a part of this business,” she said, choking back tears. “I love this business. I love what they’ve created, I love what we created in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, she said, she loves knowing the company’s reaching so many people through food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town park a mile away, I asked a group of teenagers on skateboards about Ruiz Foods. They’ve got friends and family who work at the factory, and said, though they prefer homemade Mexican food, they eat El Monterey burritos for convenience and the low price tag. An eight-pack of bean and cheese burritos costs under $4. Compare that to other convenience store fare, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A bag of chips is $1.69 and a soda’s a dollar, so it’s like $3.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One boy said, “I never ate Ruiz Foods,” but his friend quickly corrected him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes you have, bro, they package the blue burritos, El Monte burritos.” They all agree their favorite is the chile verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was clear, talking to these guys basically in the shadow of the Ruiz Foods factory, is that their products are in a lot of our lives, whether we know it or not.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Without Tourists and Customers, Ojai Businesses Face a Tough Holiday",
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"content": "\u003cp>Noso Vita Social Cafe was among the first businesses to reopen in downtown Ojai this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coffee shop is popular among locals and tourists, and co-owner Sean Mason says it felt good to get back behind the counter, even though the pastry shelf was empty of the usual muffins and the computerized payment machine was on the fritz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It almost feels like opening for the very first time three years ago,” Mason said. “These uncertain things and not knowing how things are going to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"zpudHJo1a9vGavpMwqzW3zVEkxlp2Fwm\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mason is among the business owners in this picturesque tourist town now bracing for a tough holiday season. Smoky skies from the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/12/14/cal-fire-crew-member-killed-as-thomas-fire-continues-to-spread/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">still-raging Thomas Fire\u003c/a> have forced the closure of local hotels, and many businesses in town fear it could wreak havoc on holiday tourism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mason said while it felt great to connect with some of the locals he hasn’t seen for a week, he remains concerned about the coffee shop. Sales were down by at least 75 percent, thanks in large part to extremely poor air quality that’s keeping many here indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most residents who do venture out sport surgical-style face masks to protect against the thick smoke pouring in from the Thomas Fire, burning in Santa Barbara and Ventura counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the smoke will eventually clear, the image is exactly the wrong kind of PR for a tourist town approaching the holiday season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637411\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-800x500.jpg\" alt=\"The Thomas Fire burns on a hillside as seen from downtown Ojai.\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-800x500.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-160x100.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-1020x637.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-1180x737.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-960x600.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-240x150.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-375x234.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-520x325.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Thomas Fire burns on a hillside as seen from downtown Ojai. \u003ccite>(Stephanie O'Neill)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Ojai Valley has been a tourist-driven economy since Charlie Chaplin told his friends they should come here and take a dip in a hot spring,” said business owner Jeremy Haffner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haffner co-owns the Ojai Valley Brewery, which has been closed since his family evacuated twice from their home that ultimately withstood the fast-moving and erratic fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a massive impact on every single business in this town -- especially around Christmas, especially among people selling homemade wares and restaurants and hospitality,” Haffner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of hotels are shutting down through the holidays. Among them, the 300-room Ojai Valley Inn & Spa. A call to the luxury resort is answered by a recording.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Ojai Valley Inn is currently closed for the safety of our associates and guests with a planned reopening of Thursday, Jan. 11.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oaks at Ojai, a health resort for women, has also shut its doors for a while. Manager Kyle Griffith said it could take until February before the spa is ready again for visitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have to get everything cleaned,\" Griffith said. \"I mean I can’t have guests coming to stay in a hotel that reeks of smoke or the air quality isn’t sufficient and healthy, especially given we are a health retreat.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week about 80 business owners gathered at a local restaurant to discuss the economic fallout from the fire and how best to support the shops and restaurants that are likely to suffer a big hit this holiday season.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Noso Vita Social Cafe was among the first businesses to reopen in downtown Ojai this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coffee shop is popular among locals and tourists, and co-owner Sean Mason says it felt good to get back behind the counter, even though the pastry shelf was empty of the usual muffins and the computerized payment machine was on the fritz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It almost feels like opening for the very first time three years ago,” Mason said. “These uncertain things and not knowing how things are going to work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mason is among the business owners in this picturesque tourist town now bracing for a tough holiday season. Smoky skies from the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/12/14/cal-fire-crew-member-killed-as-thomas-fire-continues-to-spread/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">still-raging Thomas Fire\u003c/a> have forced the closure of local hotels, and many businesses in town fear it could wreak havoc on holiday tourism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mason said while it felt great to connect with some of the locals he hasn’t seen for a week, he remains concerned about the coffee shop. Sales were down by at least 75 percent, thanks in large part to extremely poor air quality that’s keeping many here indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most residents who do venture out sport surgical-style face masks to protect against the thick smoke pouring in from the Thomas Fire, burning in Santa Barbara and Ventura counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the smoke will eventually clear, the image is exactly the wrong kind of PR for a tourist town approaching the holiday season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11637411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11637411\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-800x500.jpg\" alt=\"The Thomas Fire burns on a hillside as seen from downtown Ojai.\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-800x500.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-160x100.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-1020x637.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-1180x737.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-960x600.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-240x150.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-375x234.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/OjaiFireDowntown-1-520x325.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Thomas Fire burns on a hillside as seen from downtown Ojai. \u003ccite>(Stephanie O'Neill)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Ojai Valley has been a tourist-driven economy since Charlie Chaplin told his friends they should come here and take a dip in a hot spring,” said business owner Jeremy Haffner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haffner co-owns the Ojai Valley Brewery, which has been closed since his family evacuated twice from their home that ultimately withstood the fast-moving and erratic fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a massive impact on every single business in this town -- especially around Christmas, especially among people selling homemade wares and restaurants and hospitality,” Haffner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of hotels are shutting down through the holidays. Among them, the 300-room Ojai Valley Inn & Spa. A call to the luxury resort is answered by a recording.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Ojai Valley Inn is currently closed for the safety of our associates and guests with a planned reopening of Thursday, Jan. 11.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oaks at Ojai, a health resort for women, has also shut its doors for a while. Manager Kyle Griffith said it could take until February before the spa is ready again for visitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have to get everything cleaned,\" Griffith said. \"I mean I can’t have guests coming to stay in a hotel that reeks of smoke or the air quality isn’t sufficient and healthy, especially given we are a health retreat.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week about 80 business owners gathered at a local restaurant to discuss the economic fallout from the fire and how best to support the shops and restaurants that are likely to suffer a big hit this holiday season.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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