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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent hot day, in the cool of the San Quentin Rehabilitation Center library, Hugo Campos tells a group of about 10 other incarcerated people the story of his best friend’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Motivational posters cover the walls, and three circles of chairs have been set up around tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos reads slowly from a written reflection, telling the circle that when he was a teenager, his close friend — the local ‘weed guy’ — was shot during a drug deal gone bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a big impact in my life,” Campos said. “I didn’t realize that until I came to prison or until I got to this prompt, honestly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the men nod along and shake their heads when he blames himself. The story is familiar. When he finishes, the facilitator, who is also incarcerated, thanks him for his vulnerability and opens up the conversation for comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This type of peer counseling session is relatively common at San Quentin these days, where hundreds of volunteers come in every week to help people heal and prepare to reenter society. The prison is so well-known for its rehabilitative culture that Gov. Gavin Newsom last year \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/17/san-quentin-transformation/\">formally renamed it a “rehabilitation center.”\u003c/a> The governor also uses it as the centerpiece for his “California Model,” which focuses on humanizing incarcerated people and normalizing positive interactions between them and the guards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991734\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991734 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A group of incarcerated people in blue jumpsuits sit in chairs in a circle.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Spanish-speaking group of incarcerated people participate in a Back to the Start program session in the library at San Quentin Rehabilitation Center on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Where this program is different from other peer-to-peer counseling groups is what will happen with these written reflections. They’ll be typed up and cataloged. Some will be brought to Sacramento to influence state policies pertaining to childhood social welfare issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We actually then work with the participants to leverage their stories for change, for systems change,” said Dr. Jenny Espinoza, co-founder of the program called \u003ca href=\"https://www.backtothestart.org/\">Back to the Start\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Espinoza and other advocates have identified a need for narratives about child welfare, school discipline, juvenile justice, gun safety — issues that are hard for people in the thick of it to comment on. And they have ready storytellers: men who have been through it all with a lot of free time and a sense of debt to society.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trying to dismantle the ‘cradle-to-prison pipeline’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For nearly a decade, Espinoza was a primary care doctor at San Quentin before becoming the chief physician and surgeon of California’s prison health care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she vividly remembers, early in her tenure at the prison, meeting a patient who had Hepatitis C and asking how long he’d had it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He just told me very matter-of-factly that when he was 11, his mother stabbed him with a butter knife in the chest,” Espinoza said. He told her that his aunt then injected him with heroin to numb the pain, and he was treated at the hospital with a blood transfusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991731\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991731\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessie Milo reacts as someone reads a story they wrote during the Back to the Start program at San Quentin Rehabilitation Center on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She quickly learned about many more incidents of early trauma among her patients at the prison, including failed foster care placements, abuse and abandonment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was the juncture where I wish I could have made a difference,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside her exam room at the prison hospital, she saw other effects of adverse childhood experiences — \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/aces/about/index.html\">referred to clinically as “ACES,”\u003c/a> which include experiences like abuse, neglect and seeing family members with substance-use issues, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The more ACES someone has, the greater the likelihood they will experience toxic or prolonged stress during childhood, which can influence brain development, CDC research has shown. ACES are also linked to heart disease, diabetes and mental health issues later in life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991741\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991741\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An outside view of a large prison facility (San Quentin).\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San Quentin Rehabilitation Center, formerly known as San Quentin State Prison, on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Espinoza said she started the program to influence statewide policies impacting early childhood experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants in the program review bills under consideration in the state Legislature, select the policies they believe in and write personal letters to advocate for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Close to 30 participants and facilitators meet every Monday in the library to respond in writing to specific prompts about childhood experiences, read their reflections aloud and process them together as a group. Espinoza and another former prison doctor often sit in on the sessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991732\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991732\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hugo Campos (left) speaks to the group after reading a story he wrote during the Back to the Start program at San Quentin Rehabilitation Center on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Espinoza said by advocating for criminal justice reform, child welfare, violence prevention and education, Back to the Start is trying to dismantle the “cradle-to-prison pipeline” whereby childhood circumstances, poverty and an entrenched school discipline system often set up certain vulnerable people for incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group has already had one successful lobbying effort. This summer, facilitator Donald Thompson wrote \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/2024/05/08/i-am-serving-a-life-sentence-at-san-quentin-i-know-budget-cuts-will-hurt-foster-youth/\">an op-ed for the \u003cem>San Diego Union-Tribune\u003c/em>\u003c/a> imploring legislators to preserve funding for foster youth. Espinoza believes this and other narratives were part of the reason the funding was restored in the final budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Human, too\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before the sessions start, as men mill around and sign in, 48-year-old facilitator Edwin Chavez introduces himself to outside visitors. Chavez is tall, with salt-and-pepper hair and a ‘San Quentin News’ badge around his neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been to the worst of the worst, and to me, San Quentin is not prison,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez has been incarcerated for about 30 years and leads the Spanish-speaking group. He said the culture in San Quentin is different from other California prison facilities. Here, he said, guards call him by his name, not his number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991735\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991735\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A grey-haired man in a blue prison jumpsuit speaks to other incarcerated people who are sitting next to him on chairs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Edwin E. Chavez (center) speaks during the Back to the Start program at San Quentin Rehabilitation Center on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chavez was a member of Back to the Start’s first cohort last year. He said he grew up in El Salvador during that country’s bloody civil war and understands the trauma that many in the Spanish-speaking group have experienced. Still, he said he learns more from the other men than he ever expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the stories told here never make it out of the library and into the halls of the Capitol, Chavez said, they still make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t even know about the word empathy within myself. Self-empathy, self-love, self-compassion,” he said. “That’s what this group has done for me.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This type of peer counseling session is relatively common at San Quentin these days, where hundreds of volunteers come in every week to help people heal and prepare to reenter society. The prison is so well-known for its rehabilitative culture that Gov. Gavin Newsom last year \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/17/san-quentin-transformation/\">formally renamed it a “rehabilitation center.”\u003c/a> The governor also uses it as the centerpiece for his “California Model,” which focuses on humanizing incarcerated people and normalizing positive interactions between them and the guards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991734\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991734 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A group of incarcerated people in blue jumpsuits sit in chairs in a circle.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-59-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Spanish-speaking group of incarcerated people participate in a Back to the Start program session in the library at San Quentin Rehabilitation Center on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Where this program is different from other peer-to-peer counseling groups is what will happen with these written reflections. They’ll be typed up and cataloged. Some will be brought to Sacramento to influence state policies pertaining to childhood social welfare issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We actually then work with the participants to leverage their stories for change, for systems change,” said Dr. Jenny Espinoza, co-founder of the program called \u003ca href=\"https://www.backtothestart.org/\">Back to the Start\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Espinoza and other advocates have identified a need for narratives about child welfare, school discipline, juvenile justice, gun safety — issues that are hard for people in the thick of it to comment on. And they have ready storytellers: men who have been through it all with a lot of free time and a sense of debt to society.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trying to dismantle the ‘cradle-to-prison pipeline’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For nearly a decade, Espinoza was a primary care doctor at San Quentin before becoming the chief physician and surgeon of California’s prison health care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she vividly remembers, early in her tenure at the prison, meeting a patient who had Hepatitis C and asking how long he’d had it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He just told me very matter-of-factly that when he was 11, his mother stabbed him with a butter knife in the chest,” Espinoza said. He told her that his aunt then injected him with heroin to numb the pain, and he was treated at the hospital with a blood transfusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991731\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991731\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessie Milo reacts as someone reads a story they wrote during the Back to the Start program at San Quentin Rehabilitation Center on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She quickly learned about many more incidents of early trauma among her patients at the prison, including failed foster care placements, abuse and abandonment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was the juncture where I wish I could have made a difference,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside her exam room at the prison hospital, she saw other effects of adverse childhood experiences — \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/aces/about/index.html\">referred to clinically as “ACES,”\u003c/a> which include experiences like abuse, neglect and seeing family members with substance-use issues, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The more ACES someone has, the greater the likelihood they will experience toxic or prolonged stress during childhood, which can influence brain development, CDC research has shown. ACES are also linked to heart disease, diabetes and mental health issues later in life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991741\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991741\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An outside view of a large prison facility (San Quentin).\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-176-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San Quentin Rehabilitation Center, formerly known as San Quentin State Prison, on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Espinoza said she started the program to influence statewide policies impacting early childhood experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants in the program review bills under consideration in the state Legislature, select the policies they believe in and write personal letters to advocate for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Close to 30 participants and facilitators meet every Monday in the library to respond in writing to specific prompts about childhood experiences, read their reflections aloud and process them together as a group. Espinoza and another former prison doctor often sit in on the sessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991732\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991732\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-34-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hugo Campos (left) speaks to the group after reading a story he wrote during the Back to the Start program at San Quentin Rehabilitation Center on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Espinoza said by advocating for criminal justice reform, child welfare, violence prevention and education, Back to the Start is trying to dismantle the “cradle-to-prison pipeline” whereby childhood circumstances, poverty and an entrenched school discipline system often set up certain vulnerable people for incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group has already had one successful lobbying effort. This summer, facilitator Donald Thompson wrote \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/2024/05/08/i-am-serving-a-life-sentence-at-san-quentin-i-know-budget-cuts-will-hurt-foster-youth/\">an op-ed for the \u003cem>San Diego Union-Tribune\u003c/em>\u003c/a> imploring legislators to preserve funding for foster youth. Espinoza believes this and other narratives were part of the reason the funding was restored in the final budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Human, too\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before the sessions start, as men mill around and sign in, 48-year-old facilitator Edwin Chavez introduces himself to outside visitors. Chavez is tall, with salt-and-pepper hair and a ‘San Quentin News’ badge around his neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been to the worst of the worst, and to me, San Quentin is not prison,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez has been incarcerated for about 30 years and leads the Spanish-speaking group. He said the culture in San Quentin is different from other California prison facilities. Here, he said, guards call him by his name, not his number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991735\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991735\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A grey-haired man in a blue prison jumpsuit speaks to other incarcerated people who are sitting next to him on chairs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240603-SANQUENTINACES-94-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Edwin E. Chavez (center) speaks during the Back to the Start program at San Quentin Rehabilitation Center on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chavez was a member of Back to the Start’s first cohort last year. He said he grew up in El Salvador during that country’s bloody civil war and understands the trauma that many in the Spanish-speaking group have experienced. Still, he said he learns more from the other men than he ever expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the stories told here never make it out of the library and into the halls of the Capitol, Chavez said, they still make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t even know about the word empathy within myself. Self-empathy, self-love, self-compassion,” he said. “That’s what this group has done for me.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge overturned the death penalty conviction of an incarcerated person after the California Attorney General found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> prosecutors had barred Black residents from the jury box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1986, Curtis Lee Ervin was allegedly hired by Robert McDonald to kill his ex-wife, Carlene McDonald. Ervin, 71, was convicted and sentenced to death in 1991. He is incarcerated at California Health Care Facility, a prison for incarcerated people with long-term health needs in Stockton. McDonald, who was also convicted for the death of Carlene McDonald, died in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Wednesday, Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price said her office has until the end of September to decide whether to refile charges or dismiss the case against Ervin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is clear that the prosecution of this case was very problematic,” Price said. “There is evidence of serious prosecutorial misconduct, of misrepresentations to the court and a lack of accountability in this office at that time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to court filings, prosecutors in Ervin’s trial removed nine out of 11 prospective jurors who identified as Black. The jury included only one Black person, with another selected as an alternate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price is in the process of reviewing all of the county’s death penalty convictions with a living defendant. Judge Vince Chhabria of the U.S. District Court of Northern California ordered the review following allegations that the Alameda County District Attorney’s office had a practice of unlawfully excluding Black and Jewish jurors from death penalty trials. Federal law prohibits the use of race or ethnicity in jury selection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_11996494 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240717-NEWSOM-PRICE-DIPTYCH-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to misconduct in jury selection, the DA’s initial review found that former Alameda County prosecutor James Anderson used racist imagery and stereotypes in an opening statement to Thomas’ trial. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975584/californias-groundbreaking-racial-justice-act-cuts-its-teeth-in-contra-costa\">California passed the Racial Justice for All Act in 2021\u003c/a>, which retroactively made racism by prosecutors and other justice system actors illegal. Anderson \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2004/10/07/a-passionate-foe-of-killers-cedes-stage-after-34-years/\">retired\u003c/a> in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Price announced that she had asked the Alameda County Superior Court to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995937/alameda-county-da-seeks-new-sentences-for-3-people-on-death-row-amid-misconduct-record-destruction-claims\">resentence three men on death row in California\u003c/a>. In two of the cases, prosecutorial misconduct is alleged. Her office filed motions requesting the resentencing hearings, and the first was on July 17. The other two were scheduled for August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said the lead attorney involved in Ervin’s trial, James Anderson, retired in 2016. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2004/10/07/a-passionate-foe-of-killers-cedes-stage-after-34-years/\">reporting by the \u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Anderson sent 10 people tried in the county to death row. Price said she is still in the process of determining whether other staff who worked on the case remain in the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said Ervin would not be immediately released from prison. Before being released, Price said he would be evaluated by prison officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our experience is that it’s generally nine to 10 months before that happens,” Price said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The judge overturned the death penalty of an incarcerated individual due to racial jury bias, as District Attorney Pamela Price reviews all death penalty cases following findings of unlawful exclusion of Black jurors.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge overturned the death penalty conviction of an incarcerated person after the California Attorney General found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> prosecutors had barred Black residents from the jury box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1986, Curtis Lee Ervin was allegedly hired by Robert McDonald to kill his ex-wife, Carlene McDonald. Ervin, 71, was convicted and sentenced to death in 1991. He is incarcerated at California Health Care Facility, a prison for incarcerated people with long-term health needs in Stockton. McDonald, who was also convicted for the death of Carlene McDonald, died in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Wednesday, Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price said her office has until the end of September to decide whether to refile charges or dismiss the case against Ervin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is clear that the prosecution of this case was very problematic,” Price said. “There is evidence of serious prosecutorial misconduct, of misrepresentations to the court and a lack of accountability in this office at that time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to court filings, prosecutors in Ervin’s trial removed nine out of 11 prospective jurors who identified as Black. The jury included only one Black person, with another selected as an alternate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price is in the process of reviewing all of the county’s death penalty convictions with a living defendant. Judge Vince Chhabria of the U.S. District Court of Northern California ordered the review following allegations that the Alameda County District Attorney’s office had a practice of unlawfully excluding Black and Jewish jurors from death penalty trials. Federal law prohibits the use of race or ethnicity in jury selection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to misconduct in jury selection, the DA’s initial review found that former Alameda County prosecutor James Anderson used racist imagery and stereotypes in an opening statement to Thomas’ trial. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975584/californias-groundbreaking-racial-justice-act-cuts-its-teeth-in-contra-costa\">California passed the Racial Justice for All Act in 2021\u003c/a>, which retroactively made racism by prosecutors and other justice system actors illegal. Anderson \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2004/10/07/a-passionate-foe-of-killers-cedes-stage-after-34-years/\">retired\u003c/a> in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Price announced that she had asked the Alameda County Superior Court to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995937/alameda-county-da-seeks-new-sentences-for-3-people-on-death-row-amid-misconduct-record-destruction-claims\">resentence three men on death row in California\u003c/a>. In two of the cases, prosecutorial misconduct is alleged. Her office filed motions requesting the resentencing hearings, and the first was on July 17. The other two were scheduled for August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said the lead attorney involved in Ervin’s trial, James Anderson, retired in 2016. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2004/10/07/a-passionate-foe-of-killers-cedes-stage-after-34-years/\">reporting by the \u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Anderson sent 10 people tried in the county to death row. Price said she is still in the process of determining whether other staff who worked on the case remain in the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said Ervin would not be immediately released from prison. Before being released, Price said he would be evaluated by prison officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our experience is that it’s generally nine to 10 months before that happens,” Price said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom is taking back state resources from local jurisdictions that don’t act on his priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve days ago, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993611/newsom-to-quadruple-chp-deployment-in-oakland-ramping-up-states-policing-role\">rescinded an offer\u003c/a> to send a state attorney to the Alameda County District Attorney’s Office to assist with drug prosecutions, saying the offer had not been “enthusiastically embraced” by District Attorney Pamela Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, last week, he revoked a $10 million grant for San Diego County to build tiny homes for people experiencing homelessness because, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/07/16/newsom-withdraws-10m-tiny-homes-grant-for-san-diego-00168514\">reporting\u003c/a> by Politico, officials didn’t act fast enough to build the homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who has faced criticism from conservatives on the state’s handling of homelessness and public safety, has ratcheted up his focus on these issues in recent months. He proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">a plan to reform Proposition 47\u003c/a>, which decreased penalties for property crimes; deployed California Highway Patrol officers across the state to aid local law enforcement; and \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/04/18/newsom-tougher-stance-cities-combating-homelessness-00152983#:~:text=California%20Gov.,ahead%20of%20an%20announcement%20Thursday.\">announced a plan\u003c/a> to hold cities accountable if they fail to build low-income housing, among other actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of us have to step up and be accountable. It’s a serious moment, a crisis for members of the community,” Newsom said at a press conference in Oakland on July 11, adding that Alameda County wasn’t responding with urgency to address public safety challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/exploration/crime-statistics/crimes-clearances\">data\u003c/a> from the state Department of Justice, violent crime has been on the rise in the county since 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than lament about it and just spend all my time pointing fingers, we’re now working around this,” Newsom said, announcing the state attorney he’d planned to send to Price’s office is now being rerouted to work with the state Attorney General’s office on cases that originate in the county.[aside postID=news_11993611 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-NEWSOM-CARS-AF-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Price, who faces a recall election in November, immediately swung back. She accused Newsom of acting rashly and said he disregarded how the negotiations played out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope the governor will get the facts and call us,” Price said at her own press conference on July 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom first announced his plan to provide the Alameda DA’s office with extra state attorneys \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975161/newsom-to-send-state-prosecutors-to-oakland-to-help-crack-down-on-rising-crime\">in February.\u003c/a> The plan was modeled after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/newsom-fentanyl-drug-crisis-sf-breed-tenderloin-17911401.php\">similar partnership\u003c/a> agreement made with San Francisco’s District Attorney in 2023. The February announcement was timed to coincide with a deployment of California Highway Patrol officers to assist East Bay law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan was seemingly simple: The three California National Guard working in San Francisco would transition to Alameda County as they finished their assignments, according to Price. Because of limits on what military personnel can work on, the attorneys would only be able to assist in drug prosecutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Price said she welcomed the assistance, but details remained hazy about who the attorneys were, when they would arrive and how long they would stay in Alameda County. Price said she was notified of Newsom’s February plan one day before the public announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said there was initially confusion about how her office handles drug cases. The vast majority of drug cases follow what is called a horizontal prosecution model, which means attorneys are assigned to different parts of the court process. As a criminal case progresses, it moves from one attorney to the next. In any given case, for example, one attorney decides what charges to apply, another handles the arraignment of the defendant, another files preliminary motions and yet another manages the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some serious drug cases are handled by a coalition of law enforcement officers and prosecutors known as the Alameda County Narcotics Task Force. Assistant District Attorney Michael Nieto represents the DA’s office on the task force. He works in a vertical prosecution model, which means he handles cases from charging to disposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said Col. Mark Inaba, the Cal Guard attorney coordinating with her office, wanted the attorneys to work on serious drug cases and trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t operate like that,” Price recalled telling Inaba in an interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, alleged drug crimes made up 4% of felony arrests in Alameda County, compared to nearly 18% in San Francisco, according to data from the state Department of Justice. Price said the vast majority of the county’s drug cases are misdemeanors that often get resolved in the county’s diversion courts, not through criminal trials. Price said Inaba provided her office with a draft agreement regarding the attorneys’ work in the office and the attorneys’ resumes in early April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991916\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991916\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price speaks at a press conference on June 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office sent \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/10yZPFwURVv0Qx4seEL4KnhQT6557Wmnu/view?pli=1\">a letter\u003c/a> to Price, dated the day before, announcing the decision to rescind his offer and outlining their efforts to facilitate the state attorney’s onboarding in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the letter, Cal Guard offered Price a legal advisor and judge advocate, both attorneys, who would work to support “the single person in your office assigned to handle narcotics cases.” Price said this referred to Nieto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price and Lt. Col. Brandon Hill, a spokesperson for Cal Guard, said the offer was for one attorney. Hill said the idea was to get that attorney in place in the office and then assess the need to scale up or down. Price said that the first attorney was supposed to be Maj. Frank Noey, who is serving with Cal Guard while on temporary leave from the Placer County District Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s office interviewed Noey in May, according to Hill. That month, Price said Noey went on vacation, delaying the process. Hill said Cal Guard’s main point of contact in the DA’s office was Otis Bruce Jr., Price’s then-chief assistant district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce stopped responding and Cal Guard didn’t hear from Price’s office again, Hill said. At the end of June, Price announced Bruce had resigned. At a press conference on June 25, Price declined to say why Bruce, who was previously \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2023/07/10/marin-files-detail-misconduct-allegations-against-senior-prosecutor/\">accused of misconduct\u003c/a> in the Marin District Attorney’s Office, resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce and Noey did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time Newsom announced he was rescinding the offer to the DA’s office on July 10, five months had passed since the announcement of the plan. It took two weeks for the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office to onboard Cal Guard attorneys, Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Would I have wanted it to go faster? Of course. I want everything to go fast,” Price told KQED on Wednesday, adding that it regularly takes the county months to onboard new employees. “I think that there was not enough understanding about how our office works or how the county functions. We’re not the city and County of San Francisco, and that was their expectation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exactly how long Noey would have been in the office is a point of disagreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said her understanding was that Noey was available from June 1 to Aug. 12 at the latest — 48 business days. According to Cal Guard, Noey would have been available for 60 days with the possibility of extending to 90. In his work email auto-response from the Placer County DA’s office, Noey said he expects to return to the county by July 29.[aside postID=news_11995937 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1322370857-1020x680.jpg']“If we’re going to bring someone on and train them and embed them in the office, I would want them to be here longer,” Price said at her July 11 press conference. “I thought that it would be more effective to have a lawyer who is actually trained and able to continue the case beyond a short period of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price also said there was a mismatch between the governor’s priorities and her own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has a focus on working with CHP to address drug cases. We’re doing that already,” Price said. “Our office is focused on prosecuting serious homicides and prosecuting organized retail theft and prosecuting home invasions, burglaries and carjackings. These are the things that the residents of Alameda County, unfortunately, are experiencing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom made one comment that particularly irked Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The head of the narcotics unit actually has left,” Newsom said on July 11, referring to Nieto, who Newsom recently appointed to become a Superior Court Judge in Contra Costa County. “So now the unit has no supervisor and actually no personnel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said the statement was misleading. The DA’s office doesn’t have a specific narcotics unit, and Nieto hasn’t left yet because his appointment has not been confirmed. Price said the statement created the impression that her office isn’t prosecuting drug crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize that we have a substance abuse and an addiction problem in Alameda County, and we’re using all of our tools to address it, not just one lawyer,” Price said Wednesday. “That was ridiculous to say that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said missing out on potentially two to three months of support from a Cal Guard attorney “is not particularly significant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have our priorities, as does the governor,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">\u003cem>Alex Hall \u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>contributed to the reporting\u003c/em>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom is taking back state resources from local jurisdictions that don’t act on his priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve days ago, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993611/newsom-to-quadruple-chp-deployment-in-oakland-ramping-up-states-policing-role\">rescinded an offer\u003c/a> to send a state attorney to the Alameda County District Attorney’s Office to assist with drug prosecutions, saying the offer had not been “enthusiastically embraced” by District Attorney Pamela Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, last week, he revoked a $10 million grant for San Diego County to build tiny homes for people experiencing homelessness because, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/07/16/newsom-withdraws-10m-tiny-homes-grant-for-san-diego-00168514\">reporting\u003c/a> by Politico, officials didn’t act fast enough to build the homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who has faced criticism from conservatives on the state’s handling of homelessness and public safety, has ratcheted up his focus on these issues in recent months. He proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">a plan to reform Proposition 47\u003c/a>, which decreased penalties for property crimes; deployed California Highway Patrol officers across the state to aid local law enforcement; and \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/04/18/newsom-tougher-stance-cities-combating-homelessness-00152983#:~:text=California%20Gov.,ahead%20of%20an%20announcement%20Thursday.\">announced a plan\u003c/a> to hold cities accountable if they fail to build low-income housing, among other actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of us have to step up and be accountable. It’s a serious moment, a crisis for members of the community,” Newsom said at a press conference in Oakland on July 11, adding that Alameda County wasn’t responding with urgency to address public safety challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/exploration/crime-statistics/crimes-clearances\">data\u003c/a> from the state Department of Justice, violent crime has been on the rise in the county since 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than lament about it and just spend all my time pointing fingers, we’re now working around this,” Newsom said, announcing the state attorney he’d planned to send to Price’s office is now being rerouted to work with the state Attorney General’s office on cases that originate in the county.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Price, who faces a recall election in November, immediately swung back. She accused Newsom of acting rashly and said he disregarded how the negotiations played out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope the governor will get the facts and call us,” Price said at her own press conference on July 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom first announced his plan to provide the Alameda DA’s office with extra state attorneys \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975161/newsom-to-send-state-prosecutors-to-oakland-to-help-crack-down-on-rising-crime\">in February.\u003c/a> The plan was modeled after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/newsom-fentanyl-drug-crisis-sf-breed-tenderloin-17911401.php\">similar partnership\u003c/a> agreement made with San Francisco’s District Attorney in 2023. The February announcement was timed to coincide with a deployment of California Highway Patrol officers to assist East Bay law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan was seemingly simple: The three California National Guard working in San Francisco would transition to Alameda County as they finished their assignments, according to Price. Because of limits on what military personnel can work on, the attorneys would only be able to assist in drug prosecutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Price said she welcomed the assistance, but details remained hazy about who the attorneys were, when they would arrive and how long they would stay in Alameda County. Price said she was notified of Newsom’s February plan one day before the public announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said there was initially confusion about how her office handles drug cases. The vast majority of drug cases follow what is called a horizontal prosecution model, which means attorneys are assigned to different parts of the court process. As a criminal case progresses, it moves from one attorney to the next. In any given case, for example, one attorney decides what charges to apply, another handles the arraignment of the defendant, another files preliminary motions and yet another manages the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some serious drug cases are handled by a coalition of law enforcement officers and prosecutors known as the Alameda County Narcotics Task Force. Assistant District Attorney Michael Nieto represents the DA’s office on the task force. He works in a vertical prosecution model, which means he handles cases from charging to disposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said Col. Mark Inaba, the Cal Guard attorney coordinating with her office, wanted the attorneys to work on serious drug cases and trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t operate like that,” Price recalled telling Inaba in an interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, alleged drug crimes made up 4% of felony arrests in Alameda County, compared to nearly 18% in San Francisco, according to data from the state Department of Justice. Price said the vast majority of the county’s drug cases are misdemeanors that often get resolved in the county’s diversion courts, not through criminal trials. Price said Inaba provided her office with a draft agreement regarding the attorneys’ work in the office and the attorneys’ resumes in early April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991916\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991916\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PamelaPrice0624-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price speaks at a press conference on June 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office sent \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/10yZPFwURVv0Qx4seEL4KnhQT6557Wmnu/view?pli=1\">a letter\u003c/a> to Price, dated the day before, announcing the decision to rescind his offer and outlining their efforts to facilitate the state attorney’s onboarding in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the letter, Cal Guard offered Price a legal advisor and judge advocate, both attorneys, who would work to support “the single person in your office assigned to handle narcotics cases.” Price said this referred to Nieto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price and Lt. Col. Brandon Hill, a spokesperson for Cal Guard, said the offer was for one attorney. Hill said the idea was to get that attorney in place in the office and then assess the need to scale up or down. Price said that the first attorney was supposed to be Maj. Frank Noey, who is serving with Cal Guard while on temporary leave from the Placer County District Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s office interviewed Noey in May, according to Hill. That month, Price said Noey went on vacation, delaying the process. Hill said Cal Guard’s main point of contact in the DA’s office was Otis Bruce Jr., Price’s then-chief assistant district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce stopped responding and Cal Guard didn’t hear from Price’s office again, Hill said. At the end of June, Price announced Bruce had resigned. At a press conference on June 25, Price declined to say why Bruce, who was previously \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2023/07/10/marin-files-detail-misconduct-allegations-against-senior-prosecutor/\">accused of misconduct\u003c/a> in the Marin District Attorney’s Office, resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce and Noey did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time Newsom announced he was rescinding the offer to the DA’s office on July 10, five months had passed since the announcement of the plan. It took two weeks for the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office to onboard Cal Guard attorneys, Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Would I have wanted it to go faster? Of course. I want everything to go fast,” Price told KQED on Wednesday, adding that it regularly takes the county months to onboard new employees. “I think that there was not enough understanding about how our office works or how the county functions. We’re not the city and County of San Francisco, and that was their expectation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exactly how long Noey would have been in the office is a point of disagreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said her understanding was that Noey was available from June 1 to Aug. 12 at the latest — 48 business days. According to Cal Guard, Noey would have been available for 60 days with the possibility of extending to 90. In his work email auto-response from the Placer County DA’s office, Noey said he expects to return to the county by July 29.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If we’re going to bring someone on and train them and embed them in the office, I would want them to be here longer,” Price said at her July 11 press conference. “I thought that it would be more effective to have a lawyer who is actually trained and able to continue the case beyond a short period of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price also said there was a mismatch between the governor’s priorities and her own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has a focus on working with CHP to address drug cases. We’re doing that already,” Price said. “Our office is focused on prosecuting serious homicides and prosecuting organized retail theft and prosecuting home invasions, burglaries and carjackings. These are the things that the residents of Alameda County, unfortunately, are experiencing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom made one comment that particularly irked Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The head of the narcotics unit actually has left,” Newsom said on July 11, referring to Nieto, who Newsom recently appointed to become a Superior Court Judge in Contra Costa County. “So now the unit has no supervisor and actually no personnel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said the statement was misleading. The DA’s office doesn’t have a specific narcotics unit, and Nieto hasn’t left yet because his appointment has not been confirmed. Price said the statement created the impression that her office isn’t prosecuting drug crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize that we have a substance abuse and an addiction problem in Alameda County, and we’re using all of our tools to address it, not just one lawyer,” Price said Wednesday. “That was ridiculous to say that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said missing out on potentially two to three months of support from a Cal Guard attorney “is not particularly significant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have our priorities, as does the governor,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">\u003cem>Alex Hall \u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>contributed to the reporting\u003c/em>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "in-a-california-gold-rush-town-black-families-fight-for-land-taken-from-their-ancestors",
"title": "In a California Gold Rush Town, Black Families Fight for Land Taken From Their Ancestors",
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"headTitle": "In a California Gold Rush Town, Black Families Fight for Land Taken From Their Ancestors | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a tiny town where the California gold rush began, Black families are seeking restitution for land that was taken from their ancestors to make way for a state park now frequented by fourth graders learning about the state’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their efforts in Coloma, a town of around 300 people that’s located about 36 miles northeast of Sacramento, are one of the latest examples of Black Americans urging the government to atone for practices that have kept them from thriving long after chattel slavery was abolished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debates over reparations for African Americans often come back to land. That was at the center of a promise originally made — and later broken — by the U.S. government to formerly enslaved Black people in the mid-1800s: Give them up to 40 acres of land as restitution for their time enslaved. For some, the promise of reparations has been nothing more than fool’s gold, epitomized by a bill in Congress that’s stalled since it was first introduced in the 1980s, even though it’s aimed at studying reparations and named after the original promise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fight in Coloma is taking place in a state where the governor signed a first-in-the-nation law to study reparations. But advocates are pushing for the state to go further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gold was found near Coloma in 1848 by James W. Marshall, a white carpenter, setting off the California gold rush that saw hundreds of thousands of people from across the nation and outside of the U.S. come — or be brought — to the state. Those who migrated included white, Asian, and free and enslaved Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996590\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996590\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Descendants of Nelson Bell, brothers Milford Fonza (front left) and Elmer Fonza (front right) surrounded by extended family members, show their ancestors’ pictures in Glendora, Los Angeles County, on Sept. 8, 2023. Family members standing from left: Trent Mure, with son Armani Mure, and his wife Tami Mure, William Woolery, Louie Hobbs and Carolyn Fonza. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Decades later, Black and white families had their land taken by the government in the town before it was turned into the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park, which opened in 1942. The park today is home to a museum, churches and cemeteries where residents were buried. A nearly 42-foot monument of Marshall stands on its grounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the history of Black families who settled in Coloma only recently started getting increased recognition. California State Parks launched an initiative in 2020 to reexamine its past and to tell “a more thorough, inclusive, and complete history” of California, department spokesperson Adeline Yee said in an email to The Associated Press. The department created a webpage with information about properties owned by Black families at the park in Coloma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996591\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"663\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-1020x660.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marshall Gold Discovery State Park where gold was first discovered in 1885, in Coloma, on Dec. 4, 2015. \u003ccite>(Education Images/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Elmer Fonza, a retiree who worked at a brewery in California before eventually relocating to Nevada, said he is the third-great grandson of Nelson Bell, a formerly enslaved Black man from Virginia who became a property owner in Coloma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Bell’s death in 1869, a judge determined he had no heirs in the state, and his estate was sold at an auction, according to a probate document shared by the El Dorado County Historical Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996593\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996593\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the South Fork of the American River at Coloma in El Dorado County. \u003ccite>(Carol M. Highsmith/Buyenlarge/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It is unclear what happened to Bell’s property in the years that followed, Fonza said, adding that the land should be returned to his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We rightfully believe that we have been denied the generational wealth that our family may have been entitled to if given our rightful inheritance — the land once owned by Nelson Bell,” he said at the final meeting of a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-apology-0108745176cc1fd60eb036fba112f72b#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%2C%20Calif.,compensate%20the%20descendants%20of%20slavery.\">first-in-the-nation state reparations task force\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Gooch, a Black woman, was brought to Coloma from the South in 1849 by a white man who enslaved her and her husband. Gooch was soon freed when California became a state and worked as a cook and cleaned laundry for miners. She later brought her son, Andrew Monroe, from Missouri to join them in the town. The Monroe-Gooch family would become one of the most prosperous Black landowners in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996594\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People cross Mt. Murphy Road Bridge into the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park on Oct. 10, 2023, in Coloma. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have to bring forth the truth, because that’s reconciliation,” said Jonathan Burgess, a Sacramento resident who co-owns a barbecue catering business, and who also is claiming land in Coloma was that of his descendants. “And then once we bring forth the truth, which I’ve been doing in speaking the whole time, we’ve got to make it right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making it right would mean compensating families for land that can’t be returned or returning property where possible, Burgess said in an interview at the park. He said he is descended from Rufus Morgan Burgess, a Black writer who was brought to Coloma with his father, who was enslaved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jonathan Burgess also said his family is descended from Bell, but the Fonza and Burgess families say they are not related to each other. The discrepancy highlights the difficult work that could be ahead for Black residents if California ever passes reparations legislation requiring families to document their lineage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996595\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996595\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family heirlooms are seen inside Matthew Burgess’ home, Oct. 9, 2023, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cheryl Austin, a retiree living in Sacramento, said she is an heir of John A. Wilson and Phoebe Wilson, a free, married Black couple who came to Coloma during the late 1850s. After John and Phoebe Wilson died, their property was sold through probate, Austin said. The state must somehow repair harm done to families whose property was seized, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restitution fight in California comes as lawmakers are weighing reparations proposals in the state Legislature. That includes a bill to create the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency, which would help Black residents research their family lineage. Another proposal would make any families whose land was seized unjustly by the government due to racially discriminatory motives entitled to the return of the property or compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, which is expected to be voted on this summer, reflects a growing push for restitution by Black families targeting the misuse of a practice known as eminent domain, where the government must pay people fairly for property it plans to make available for public use. The issue garnered attention across the state when local officials in Los Angeles County \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-climate-and-environment-government-politics-a5bebc8ede6fad0e11dacce9350c6b2d\">returned a beachfront property\u003c/a> in 2022 to a Black couple, nearly a century after it was taken by the government from their ancestors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tombstone for ancestors of the Burgess family is seen at the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park cemetery, Oct. 10, 2023, in Coloma. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California marked a milestone when Democratic Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> included $12 million in the state’s 2024 budget to spend on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-apology-0108745176cc1fd60eb036fba112f72b\">reparations legislation\u003c/a>. But the budget does not specify what the money would be used for, and estimates from the state say the bills could cost millions of dollars annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a Los Angeles-area Democrat who authored \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-discrimination-ec3e2ee7b80e4da23c25a7e9490acc0c\">the proposals\u003c/a>, said they will help the state atone for taken land, adding that land ownership is critical to building general wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations was never about a check,” Bradford said. “It was about land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Austin is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Associated Press photographer Godofredo A. Vásquez contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a tiny town where the California gold rush began, Black families are seeking restitution for land that was taken from their ancestors to make way for a state park now frequented by fourth graders learning about the state’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their efforts in Coloma, a town of around 300 people that’s located about 36 miles northeast of Sacramento, are one of the latest examples of Black Americans urging the government to atone for practices that have kept them from thriving long after chattel slavery was abolished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debates over reparations for African Americans often come back to land. That was at the center of a promise originally made — and later broken — by the U.S. government to formerly enslaved Black people in the mid-1800s: Give them up to 40 acres of land as restitution for their time enslaved. For some, the promise of reparations has been nothing more than fool’s gold, epitomized by a bill in Congress that’s stalled since it was first introduced in the 1980s, even though it’s aimed at studying reparations and named after the original promise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fight in Coloma is taking place in a state where the governor signed a first-in-the-nation law to study reparations. But advocates are pushing for the state to go further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gold was found near Coloma in 1848 by James W. Marshall, a white carpenter, setting off the California gold rush that saw hundreds of thousands of people from across the nation and outside of the U.S. come — or be brought — to the state. Those who migrated included white, Asian, and free and enslaved Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996590\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996590\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194574152404-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Descendants of Nelson Bell, brothers Milford Fonza (front left) and Elmer Fonza (front right) surrounded by extended family members, show their ancestors’ pictures in Glendora, Los Angeles County, on Sept. 8, 2023. Family members standing from left: Trent Mure, with son Armani Mure, and his wife Tami Mure, William Woolery, Louie Hobbs and Carolyn Fonza. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Decades later, Black and white families had their land taken by the government in the town before it was turned into the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park, which opened in 1942. The park today is home to a museum, churches and cemeteries where residents were buried. A nearly 42-foot monument of Marshall stands on its grounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the history of Black families who settled in Coloma only recently started getting increased recognition. California State Parks launched an initiative in 2020 to reexamine its past and to tell “a more thorough, inclusive, and complete history” of California, department spokesperson Adeline Yee said in an email to The Associated Press. The department created a webpage with information about properties owned by Black families at the park in Coloma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996591\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"663\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-1020x660.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-614276824-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marshall Gold Discovery State Park where gold was first discovered in 1885, in Coloma, on Dec. 4, 2015. \u003ccite>(Education Images/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Elmer Fonza, a retiree who worked at a brewery in California before eventually relocating to Nevada, said he is the third-great grandson of Nelson Bell, a formerly enslaved Black man from Virginia who became a property owner in Coloma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Bell’s death in 1869, a judge determined he had no heirs in the state, and his estate was sold at an auction, according to a probate document shared by the El Dorado County Historical Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996593\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996593\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-564090425-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the South Fork of the American River at Coloma in El Dorado County. \u003ccite>(Carol M. Highsmith/Buyenlarge/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It is unclear what happened to Bell’s property in the years that followed, Fonza said, adding that the land should be returned to his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We rightfully believe that we have been denied the generational wealth that our family may have been entitled to if given our rightful inheritance — the land once owned by Nelson Bell,” he said at the final meeting of a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-apology-0108745176cc1fd60eb036fba112f72b#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%2C%20Calif.,compensate%20the%20descendants%20of%20slavery.\">first-in-the-nation state reparations task force\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Gooch, a Black woman, was brought to Coloma from the South in 1849 by a white man who enslaved her and her husband. Gooch was soon freed when California became a state and worked as a cook and cleaned laundry for miners. She later brought her son, Andrew Monroe, from Missouri to join them in the town. The Monroe-Gooch family would become one of the most prosperous Black landowners in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996594\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803735590-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People cross Mt. Murphy Road Bridge into the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park on Oct. 10, 2023, in Coloma. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have to bring forth the truth, because that’s reconciliation,” said Jonathan Burgess, a Sacramento resident who co-owns a barbecue catering business, and who also is claiming land in Coloma was that of his descendants. “And then once we bring forth the truth, which I’ve been doing in speaking the whole time, we’ve got to make it right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making it right would mean compensating families for land that can’t be returned or returning property where possible, Burgess said in an interview at the park. He said he is descended from Rufus Morgan Burgess, a Black writer who was brought to Coloma with his father, who was enslaved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jonathan Burgess also said his family is descended from Bell, but the Fonza and Burgess families say they are not related to each other. The discrepancy highlights the difficult work that could be ahead for Black residents if California ever passes reparations legislation requiring families to document their lineage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996595\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996595\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803713301-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family heirlooms are seen inside Matthew Burgess’ home, Oct. 9, 2023, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cheryl Austin, a retiree living in Sacramento, said she is an heir of John A. Wilson and Phoebe Wilson, a free, married Black couple who came to Coloma during the late 1850s. After John and Phoebe Wilson died, their property was sold through probate, Austin said. The state must somehow repair harm done to families whose property was seized, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restitution fight in California comes as lawmakers are weighing reparations proposals in the state Legislature. That includes a bill to create the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency, which would help Black residents research their family lineage. Another proposal would make any families whose land was seized unjustly by the government due to racially discriminatory motives entitled to the return of the property or compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, which is expected to be voted on this summer, reflects a growing push for restitution by Black families targeting the misuse of a practice known as eminent domain, where the government must pay people fairly for property it plans to make available for public use. The issue garnered attention across the state when local officials in Los Angeles County \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-climate-and-environment-government-politics-a5bebc8ede6fad0e11dacce9350c6b2d\">returned a beachfront property\u003c/a> in 2022 to a Black couple, nearly a century after it was taken by the government from their ancestors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/AP24194803736387-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tombstone for ancestors of the Burgess family is seen at the Marshall Gold Discovery State Historic Park cemetery, Oct. 10, 2023, in Coloma. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California marked a milestone when Democratic Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> included $12 million in the state’s 2024 budget to spend on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-apology-0108745176cc1fd60eb036fba112f72b\">reparations legislation\u003c/a>. But the budget does not specify what the money would be used for, and estimates from the state say the bills could cost millions of dollars annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a Los Angeles-area Democrat who authored \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-discrimination-ec3e2ee7b80e4da23c25a7e9490acc0c\">the proposals\u003c/a>, said they will help the state atone for taken land, adding that land ownership is critical to building general wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations was never about a check,” Bradford said. “It was about land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Austin is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Associated Press photographer Godofredo A. Vásquez contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "alameda-county-da-seeks-new-sentences-for-3-people-on-death-row-amid-misconduct-record-destruction-claims",
"title": "Alameda County DA Seeks New Sentences for 3 People on Death Row Amid Misconduct, Record Destruction Claims",
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"headTitle": "Alameda County DA Seeks New Sentences for 3 People on Death Row Amid Misconduct, Record Destruction Claims | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price is asking the Alameda County Superior Court to resentence three men on death row in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her office filed motions requesting the resentencing hearings, and the first one is Wednesday. The other two are scheduled for August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resentencing motions are the first results of an ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983705/allegations-of-prosecutorial-bias-spark-review-of-death-penalty-convictions-in-alameda-county\">review of death penalty cases\u003c/a> Price’s office announced in April. Judge Vince Chhabria of the U.S. District Court of Northern California ordered the review following allegations that the Alameda County District Attorney’s office had a practice of unlawfully excluding Black and Jewish jurors from death penalty trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations were first \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/16/us/case-stirs-fight-on-jews-juries-and-execution.html\">raised\u003c/a> in 2005. In June, \u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/article/2024/jun/18/california-prosecutors-homophobic-slurs-jurors\">reported\u003c/a> that some defense attorneys had received files that led to the discovery of homophobic notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are now following the law,” Price said at a press conference on Tuesday. “We will not have an office where people are not held accountable for violating their ethics or engaging in prosecutorial misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ernest Dykes, whose appeal of his sentence sparked the review, would be released in June 2025 and serve two years on parole if the motion is granted by the court, Price said. Dykes, 51, was convicted of killing his Oakland landlord’s 9-year-old grandson and attempting to kill the landlord during a robbery. He was sentenced to death in 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has requested Keith Thomas, 51, to be resentenced to 23 years to life. He would become eligible for parole. Thomas was convicted of participating in the 1992 kidnapping, rape and murder of Francia Young, 25, as she walked home from the MacArthur BART Station in Oakland. Price said Thomas was 19 when he committed the crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to misconduct in jury selection, the DA’s initial review found that former Alameda County prosecutor James Anderson used racist imagery and stereotypes in an opening statement to Thomas’ trial. California passed the Racial Justice for All Act in 2021, which retroactively made racism by prosecutors and other justice system actors illegal. Anderson \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2004/10/07/a-passionate-foe-of-killers-cedes-stage-after-34-years/\">retired\u003c/a> in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When prosecutors or courts discriminate in jury selection, it is well settled in our laws that not only are you violating the rights of the defendants, but you are violating the rights of victims to a fair trial,” Price said. “You are violating the rights of jurors and community members to participate in our jury system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price struck a somber note when acknowledging the impact resentencing may have on the families of victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to take this moment on behalf of the Alameda County District Attorney’s office to apologize to the surviving family members of Miss Francia Young,” Price said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said her deputies did not find misconduct in jury selection in the 1993 death penalty trial of Gregory Tate, who was convicted of killing Sarah LaChapelle. But because of the “sentencing structure” of Tate’s case, she is asking for him to be resentenced to life in prison without parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said the review revealed several missing files. Of the 56 Alameda trials that led to death sentences since 1978, Price said 40 are missing jury selection documents. Nancy O’Malley served as the Alameda County DA from 2009–23. Tom Orloff preceded her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This indicates once the practice was exposed of excluding Blacks and Jewish members of our community from the jurors, that there may well have been an effort to sanitize the files,” Price said. “We intend to look into that, hopefully with the assistance of the California Attorney General’s office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Prosecutors Alliance of California, a nonprofit organization that advocates for sentencing reform, applauded the requests for resentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When prosecutors commit misconduct, they violate their obligation to victims and survivors and undermine the integrity of cases, which puts public safety at risk and erodes trust in the criminal legal system,” Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the Prosecutors Alliance, said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Pamela Price is seeking to resentence two men after finding evidence prosecutors excluded Black and Jewish jurors from their trials. A third man is being resentenced for other reasons.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price is asking the Alameda County Superior Court to resentence three men on death row in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her office filed motions requesting the resentencing hearings, and the first one is Wednesday. The other two are scheduled for August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resentencing motions are the first results of an ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983705/allegations-of-prosecutorial-bias-spark-review-of-death-penalty-convictions-in-alameda-county\">review of death penalty cases\u003c/a> Price’s office announced in April. Judge Vince Chhabria of the U.S. District Court of Northern California ordered the review following allegations that the Alameda County District Attorney’s office had a practice of unlawfully excluding Black and Jewish jurors from death penalty trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations were first \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/16/us/case-stirs-fight-on-jews-juries-and-execution.html\">raised\u003c/a> in 2005. In June, \u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/article/2024/jun/18/california-prosecutors-homophobic-slurs-jurors\">reported\u003c/a> that some defense attorneys had received files that led to the discovery of homophobic notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are now following the law,” Price said at a press conference on Tuesday. “We will not have an office where people are not held accountable for violating their ethics or engaging in prosecutorial misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ernest Dykes, whose appeal of his sentence sparked the review, would be released in June 2025 and serve two years on parole if the motion is granted by the court, Price said. Dykes, 51, was convicted of killing his Oakland landlord’s 9-year-old grandson and attempting to kill the landlord during a robbery. He was sentenced to death in 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has requested Keith Thomas, 51, to be resentenced to 23 years to life. He would become eligible for parole. Thomas was convicted of participating in the 1992 kidnapping, rape and murder of Francia Young, 25, as she walked home from the MacArthur BART Station in Oakland. Price said Thomas was 19 when he committed the crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to misconduct in jury selection, the DA’s initial review found that former Alameda County prosecutor James Anderson used racist imagery and stereotypes in an opening statement to Thomas’ trial. California passed the Racial Justice for All Act in 2021, which retroactively made racism by prosecutors and other justice system actors illegal. Anderson \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2004/10/07/a-passionate-foe-of-killers-cedes-stage-after-34-years/\">retired\u003c/a> in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When prosecutors or courts discriminate in jury selection, it is well settled in our laws that not only are you violating the rights of the defendants, but you are violating the rights of victims to a fair trial,” Price said. “You are violating the rights of jurors and community members to participate in our jury system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price struck a somber note when acknowledging the impact resentencing may have on the families of victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to take this moment on behalf of the Alameda County District Attorney’s office to apologize to the surviving family members of Miss Francia Young,” Price said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said her deputies did not find misconduct in jury selection in the 1993 death penalty trial of Gregory Tate, who was convicted of killing Sarah LaChapelle. But because of the “sentencing structure” of Tate’s case, she is asking for him to be resentenced to life in prison without parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said the review revealed several missing files. Of the 56 Alameda trials that led to death sentences since 1978, Price said 40 are missing jury selection documents. Nancy O’Malley served as the Alameda County DA from 2009–23. Tom Orloff preceded her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This indicates once the practice was exposed of excluding Blacks and Jewish members of our community from the jurors, that there may well have been an effort to sanitize the files,” Price said. “We intend to look into that, hopefully with the assistance of the California Attorney General’s office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Prosecutors Alliance of California, a nonprofit organization that advocates for sentencing reform, applauded the requests for resentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When prosecutors commit misconduct, they violate their obligation to victims and survivors and undermine the integrity of cases, which puts public safety at risk and erodes trust in the criminal legal system,” Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the Prosecutors Alliance, said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "is-a-california-prison-union-losing-ground-in-the-face-of-changing-prison-dynamics",
"title": "Is a California Prison Union Losing Ground in the Face of Changing Prison Dynamics?",
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"headTitle": "Is a California Prison Union Losing Ground in the Face of Changing Prison Dynamics? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A year after he took the top job in 2019, the president of one of California’s largest and most powerful unions \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article246020620.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">said in a newsletter\u003c/a> that he wanted to be “the 800-pound gorilla” in Sacramento politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the union known as CCPOA representing 26,000 state prison guards, has spent and spent in a way it never did before. Its biggest recipient is Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, who has taken $2.9 million from the union since he was elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s 31% of all political spending by the union since 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union, under \u003ca href=\"http://www.ccpoa.org/\">President Glen Stailey,\u003c/a> gave $1.75 million to Newsom’s anti-recall campaign in 2021 — the largest single contribution to that effort — and another $1 million to support Proposition 1, Newsom’s treatment and housing plan for people experiencing serious mental illness, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/03/election-result-proposition-1/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">passed by the narrowest of margins this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a noted contrast to the union’s relationship with the three governors who preceded Newsom, especially former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Prison-guards-union-chief-in-leadership-fight-3195334.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">who fought the union’s proposed raises \u003c/a>and was the target of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2008/10/17/guards-give-up-effort-to-recall-gov-arnold-schwarzenegger/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">aborted recall campaign\u003c/a> launched by the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.datawrapper.de/_/r3OSp/\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the Newsom administration, the prison union’s biggest political expense came in 2005, when it joined other labor organizations in fighting a package of ballot measures sponsored by Schwarzenegger that would have curbed state spending and weakened public employee unions. The unions won, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-nov-09-me-election9-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">dealing Schwarzenegger a major defeat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign finance records show the union largely stayed out of political fights during former Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration. It avoided the ballot measures that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">lowered criminal sentences\u003c/a> for nonviolent crimes and gave inmates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11081078/gov-brown-sees-prop-57-as-key-to-ending-court-prison-oversight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">more opportunities for parole\u003c/a> — propositions that voters passed and that contributed to declining headcounts in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then Newsom took office, and the union’s pocketbook opened wide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two ways to look at that spending, according to interviews with legislators, labor leaders, former prison officials and budget watchdogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one, it’s a naked display of power: one of the richest unions in a labor-friendly state reminding its top politicians that it can spend with them — or against them. That’s primarily the view from outside the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the other view, from inside the Capitol, it’s a reflection of the union’s anxiety in the face of waning influence as California’s future almost certainly includes fewer prisons and fewer union-represented prison guards to staff them. The numbers don’t lie: \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/realignment-incarceration-and-crime-trends-in-california/#:~:text=In%20September%202011%2C%20the%20month,355%20inmates%20per%20100%2C000%20residents).\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">California is housing 70,000 fewer inmates\u003c/a> in state prisons than it did in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the outset of his first term, Newsom floated the idea of closing a single-state prison. He’s since closed three and canceled a contract on another private prison, collectively saving hundreds of millions of dollars. However, facing a budget deficit and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2024/01/Fall-2023-Population-Projections-Publication.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">4,000 fewer inmates\u003c/a> projected to be in prison by the end of his term in 2026, Newsom demurred this year from shutting down another institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a year of budget scarcity, when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/01/california-prison-cost-per-inmate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">each inmate costs about $132,000\u003c/a> to house annually and the Legislative Analyst’s Office has said the state has space to close five more prisons, Newsom has been stubborn about keeping prisons open. He has said he wants to keep some additional capacity in the system and that he wants to build up \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/17/san-quentin-transformation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">rehabilitative programs\u003c/a> that can help inmates reintegrate into society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Izzy Gardon, a spokesperson for Newsom, in a written statement said that the governor has tried to balance potential budget savings with public safety needs inside prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Saving taxpayers billions of dollars without impacting public safety, Gov. Newsom has closed more prisons than any of his predecessors,” he wrote. “The governor’s decisions have been based exclusively on meeting the evolving needs of our criminal justice system in a manner that maximizes public safety and the judicious use of taxpayer dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Ballard, an adviser to the union and a longtime Newsom ally, said in written responses to questions from CalMatters that the union and the governor had “respectful and substantive” discussions about potential prison closures this budget cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Union leaders clearly aired their views and listened very carefully to the administration’s priorities,” Ballard said. “The governor made it known that he valued the union’s input. Ultimately, Gov. Newsom’s process is his own, and it would be irresponsible to speculate about how he arrives at any particular decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The millions of dollars the union shoveled into Newsom’s most significant projects were a reflection of the union’s priorities, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the union and the governor are in alignment policy-wise, as they were during Proposition 1, the CCPOA does not hesitate to fight hard for the governor’s initiatives,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even while grappling with policy areas where they are less aligned, there is a strong commitment to finding areas of agreement and progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>CCPOA’s big contracts in Newsom years\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Spending lots of money to support the most powerful executive in the state is perhaps not surprising. So what happens to the politicians who cross the prison guard union?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the union wanted to get rid of John Moorlach, a Republican state senator who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article146516764.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">questioning pension benefits\u003c/a> for California public employees, it spent more than $1 million against him in his Orange County race. Then, the flyers started popping up, sponsored by the union, tying the Never Trumper senator to the policies and personal predilections of Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was cartoonish,” said Lance Christensen, Moorloch’s campaign manager in that 2020 race. “You would think that the public safety unions whose job it is to serve and defend and protect Californians would want a guy like John Moorlach, who was law and order and supportive generally of public safety programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11994026\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11994026\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a business suit sits down with a name marker in front of him with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1300\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1020x663.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1536x998.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1920x1248.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. John Moorlach poses a question to State Auditor Elaine Howle during a Joint Committee on Legislative Audit hearing on workers’ compensation on January 7, 2020. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The prison guard union has spent $3.8 million across 32 state legislative races in this century — $1.2 million of that was spent to defeat Moorlach. He lost to Democrat Dave Min, 51%–49%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They decided that it was time to go hammer and tong after him and take him out,” Christensen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union, which represents about 10% of all state workers, has undoubtedly gotten good deals for its members, arguably none more so than last year, when it negotiated \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/labor-relations/Documents/Summary%20of%20Agreement%20with%20Unit%206%20July%203,%202023%20through%20July%202,%202025.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">a $1 billion raise\u003c/a> over three years. Correctional officers also got a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/08/ccpoa-contract-2023-california-prisons/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">new state-funded retirement perk\u003c/a> out of the deal, in addition to their California Public Employees’ Retirement System pensions. And when the state mandated COVID-19 vaccinations for state employees, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/08/ccpoa-contract-2023-california-prisons/\">prison guards were permitted to skip them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spending has consistently come under fire from the Legislative Analyst’s Office, which found in 2019 and 2021 that the Newsom administration offered \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4078\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">“no evidence to justify (a) pay increase”\u003c/a> in an unusually harsh analysis of proposed prison guard raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis found that California prison guards have neither a recruitment nor a retention problem and that their salaries were already in line with the salaries in the counties where they work — if not more than 5% higher than comparable job classifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4800\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">excoriated Newsom’s administration\u003c/a> for repeatedly refusing to make public a 2018 compensation study on prison guard salaries and benefits. The administration regularly publishes compensation studies regarding its \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Pages/salary-surveys-main.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">18 other employee bargaining units\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the administration provided a 2022 compensation study, which the Legislative Analyst’s Office called “flawed” for its failure to account for overtime pay and its selection of large, metropolitan counties as pay comparison points rather than the rural areas where most prison guards work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The study is flawed to the point that it is not helpful in meeting its stated objective and we recommend policymakers not use it to assess whether the state’s compensation package for correctional officers is appropriate to attract and retain qualified workers,” according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those raises, said Brian Kaneda, deputy director for Californians United for a Responsible Budget, put the state’s budget crisis in sharper relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The CCPOA has a stranglehold on Sacramento politics,” Kaneda said. “Everyone’s struggling right now, but prison guards are getting a $1 billion raise. Explain how this could possibly be the right move for California as we tussle with this historic budget deficit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to gauge the union’s influence in Sacramento and the diverging views on its power, Ballard said union leadership concentrates on its members more than its lobby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The union’s leaders are focused on matters of character, not reputation,” he said. “The CCPOA’s leaders are street-smart correctional officers who have worked in very tough conditions for decades, and as a group, they are not terribly concerned with perceived status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is CCPOA a factor in Newsom’s prison closures?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom began identifying prisons to close in 2020. More followed in 2022. Then, Newsom stopped naming additional prisons to close even though they have thousands of empty beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What changed? For one, people’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/solid-majorities-of-californians-view-crime-as-a-problem/\">perception of crime\u003c/a> spiked in the pandemic — though the kind of crimes that would merit prison time mostly went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a governor who perhaps has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/07/gavin-newsom-for-president-assets-liabilities/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">ambitions beyond Sacramento\u003c/a>, that’s important, said one Democratic legislator who did not want their name used for fear of retaliation by both the governor’s office and the prison guard union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the CCPOA is the reason we’ve stalled on prison closures,” the legislator said. “I think it’s the governor himself or someone in the governor’s office protecting (the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My presumption is the governor is moderating his views on public safety because of where he wants to go nationally. And so he’s super careful about any perception of being soft on crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11994027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11994027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg\" alt='A white man wearing a business suit stand in front of a podium and microphone with a sign that reads \"San Quentin Rehabilitation Center.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks at San Quentin State Prison, announcing that the facility will be transformed to focus on training and rehabilitation on March 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its heyday during the prison building boom of the 1990s and 2000s, the prison guard union would never have had to account for such calculations, former Corrections Secretary Matt Cate said. Back then, both parties had incentives to make nice with the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the time, the Democrats were more moderate than they are now, and they were doing everything to support labor generally,” said Cate, who was appointed corrections secretary in 2008 by Schwarzenegger and stayed for two years under Brown, leaving the office in 2011. “Meanwhile, Republicans were staunchly in favor of law enforcement and long sentences because they didn’t believe in rehabilitation and reentry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So CCPOA had an open field. It was just a much easier job than what the CCPOA faces today. It’s not as easy today to be an 800-pound gorilla as it would have been 20 years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cate doubts the union is the sole reason, or even the main reason, that Newsom stopped designating prisons for closure. Closing a prison is like closing “a small city,” Cate said, with 3,000 inmates and 800–1,000 employees represented by a dozen or more different unions. The \u003ca href=\"https://cchcs.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">prison system’s health care\u003c/a> is managed by a federal monitor, and another federal monitor oversees \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/dhcs/smhp-coleman/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">the state’s prison mental health care.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.datawrapper.de/_/vMFSK/\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Taking on a Democrat and losing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One legislator who crossed the prison union and whose career survived was Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer, a Los Angeles Democrat, who said the sharp-elbowed tactics employed by the union under Stailey, its president, were reflective of the union’s approach in the 1990s, a time when the union’s power was at its height.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they sneezed,” he said, “people got a cold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, Jones-Sawyer fell into their crosshairs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article245822830.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">literally\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union ran an online ad against Jones-Sawyer that showed Stailey \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article245822830.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">pointing at a wall of photos\u003c/a> of legislators. Over Jones-Sawyer’s photo was a piece of white paper with crosshairs and a red dot. Jones-Sawyer \u003ca href=\"https://a57.asmdc.org/video/20200918-jones-sawyer-calls-investigation-ccpoa-advertisement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">took that as a threat\u003c/a>, and the union pledged to pull the ad down and re-edit it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It became clear that if they wanted to get back the power, they needed to take somebody out to put the fear into everybody,” said Jones-Sawyer, who won reelection that year. “They thought I was an easy target to take out. They learned that was not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones-Sawyer notes that the union didn’t spend much under former Gov. Brown — not until the threat of prison closures became a reality after Newsom’s election in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they started talking about closing prisons, that’s when the fear from the CCPOA came up,” Jones-Sawyer said. “That’s when they started writing double max-out checks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones-Sawyer said he’s frustrated by what he sees as abuses within the prison system, especially guards with multiple infractions keeping their jobs. The Office of the Inspector General earlier this year found that the corrections department had \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/OIG-Special-Review-No-SR-23-01.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">reclassified a backlog of staff misconduct complaints\u003c/a> as “routine grievances” and allowed the statute of limitations to expire in 127 complaints between 2022 and 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Jones-Sawyer said, he’s considering calling for an audit of the prison system’s facilities and spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When (the corrections department) comes back and says this is the best way to do it, we try to see their logic and a lot of times we don’t,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Are those hard-charging tactics isolating the prison union? One bill introduced this year may be an indication. The bill would limit the number of \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2178?slug=CA_202320240AB2178\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">empty beds available in the prison system \u003c/a>to account for the declining inmate population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the bill’s registered supporters are immigration advocates, the California Public Defenders Association and anti-incarceration lobbies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was just one group registered in opposition: the CCPOA.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A year after he took the top job in 2019, the president of one of California’s largest and most powerful unions \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article246020620.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">said in a newsletter\u003c/a> that he wanted to be “the 800-pound gorilla” in Sacramento politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the union known as CCPOA representing 26,000 state prison guards, has spent and spent in a way it never did before. Its biggest recipient is Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, who has taken $2.9 million from the union since he was elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s 31% of all political spending by the union since 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union, under \u003ca href=\"http://www.ccpoa.org/\">President Glen Stailey,\u003c/a> gave $1.75 million to Newsom’s anti-recall campaign in 2021 — the largest single contribution to that effort — and another $1 million to support Proposition 1, Newsom’s treatment and housing plan for people experiencing serious mental illness, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/03/election-result-proposition-1/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">passed by the narrowest of margins this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a noted contrast to the union’s relationship with the three governors who preceded Newsom, especially former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Prison-guards-union-chief-in-leadership-fight-3195334.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">who fought the union’s proposed raises \u003c/a>and was the target of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2008/10/17/guards-give-up-effort-to-recall-gov-arnold-schwarzenegger/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">aborted recall campaign\u003c/a> launched by the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.datawrapper.de/_/r3OSp/\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the Newsom administration, the prison union’s biggest political expense came in 2005, when it joined other labor organizations in fighting a package of ballot measures sponsored by Schwarzenegger that would have curbed state spending and weakened public employee unions. The unions won, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-nov-09-me-election9-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">dealing Schwarzenegger a major defeat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign finance records show the union largely stayed out of political fights during former Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration. It avoided the ballot measures that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">lowered criminal sentences\u003c/a> for nonviolent crimes and gave inmates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11081078/gov-brown-sees-prop-57-as-key-to-ending-court-prison-oversight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">more opportunities for parole\u003c/a> — propositions that voters passed and that contributed to declining headcounts in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then Newsom took office, and the union’s pocketbook opened wide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two ways to look at that spending, according to interviews with legislators, labor leaders, former prison officials and budget watchdogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one, it’s a naked display of power: one of the richest unions in a labor-friendly state reminding its top politicians that it can spend with them — or against them. That’s primarily the view from outside the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the other view, from inside the Capitol, it’s a reflection of the union’s anxiety in the face of waning influence as California’s future almost certainly includes fewer prisons and fewer union-represented prison guards to staff them. The numbers don’t lie: \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/realignment-incarceration-and-crime-trends-in-california/#:~:text=In%20September%202011%2C%20the%20month,355%20inmates%20per%20100%2C000%20residents).\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">California is housing 70,000 fewer inmates\u003c/a> in state prisons than it did in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the outset of his first term, Newsom floated the idea of closing a single-state prison. He’s since closed three and canceled a contract on another private prison, collectively saving hundreds of millions of dollars. However, facing a budget deficit and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2024/01/Fall-2023-Population-Projections-Publication.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">4,000 fewer inmates\u003c/a> projected to be in prison by the end of his term in 2026, Newsom demurred this year from shutting down another institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a year of budget scarcity, when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/01/california-prison-cost-per-inmate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">each inmate costs about $132,000\u003c/a> to house annually and the Legislative Analyst’s Office has said the state has space to close five more prisons, Newsom has been stubborn about keeping prisons open. He has said he wants to keep some additional capacity in the system and that he wants to build up \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/17/san-quentin-transformation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">rehabilitative programs\u003c/a> that can help inmates reintegrate into society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Izzy Gardon, a spokesperson for Newsom, in a written statement said that the governor has tried to balance potential budget savings with public safety needs inside prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Saving taxpayers billions of dollars without impacting public safety, Gov. Newsom has closed more prisons than any of his predecessors,” he wrote. “The governor’s decisions have been based exclusively on meeting the evolving needs of our criminal justice system in a manner that maximizes public safety and the judicious use of taxpayer dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Ballard, an adviser to the union and a longtime Newsom ally, said in written responses to questions from CalMatters that the union and the governor had “respectful and substantive” discussions about potential prison closures this budget cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Union leaders clearly aired their views and listened very carefully to the administration’s priorities,” Ballard said. “The governor made it known that he valued the union’s input. Ultimately, Gov. Newsom’s process is his own, and it would be irresponsible to speculate about how he arrives at any particular decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The millions of dollars the union shoveled into Newsom’s most significant projects were a reflection of the union’s priorities, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the union and the governor are in alignment policy-wise, as they were during Proposition 1, the CCPOA does not hesitate to fight hard for the governor’s initiatives,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even while grappling with policy areas where they are less aligned, there is a strong commitment to finding areas of agreement and progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>CCPOA’s big contracts in Newsom years\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Spending lots of money to support the most powerful executive in the state is perhaps not surprising. So what happens to the politicians who cross the prison guard union?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the union wanted to get rid of John Moorlach, a Republican state senator who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article146516764.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">questioning pension benefits\u003c/a> for California public employees, it spent more than $1 million against him in his Orange County race. Then, the flyers started popping up, sponsored by the union, tying the Never Trumper senator to the policies and personal predilections of Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was cartoonish,” said Lance Christensen, Moorloch’s campaign manager in that 2020 race. “You would think that the public safety unions whose job it is to serve and defend and protect Californians would want a guy like John Moorlach, who was law and order and supportive generally of public safety programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11994026\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11994026\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a business suit sits down with a name marker in front of him with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1300\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1020x663.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1536x998.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1920x1248.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. John Moorlach poses a question to State Auditor Elaine Howle during a Joint Committee on Legislative Audit hearing on workers’ compensation on January 7, 2020. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The prison guard union has spent $3.8 million across 32 state legislative races in this century — $1.2 million of that was spent to defeat Moorlach. He lost to Democrat Dave Min, 51%–49%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They decided that it was time to go hammer and tong after him and take him out,” Christensen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union, which represents about 10% of all state workers, has undoubtedly gotten good deals for its members, arguably none more so than last year, when it negotiated \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/labor-relations/Documents/Summary%20of%20Agreement%20with%20Unit%206%20July%203,%202023%20through%20July%202,%202025.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">a $1 billion raise\u003c/a> over three years. Correctional officers also got a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/08/ccpoa-contract-2023-california-prisons/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">new state-funded retirement perk\u003c/a> out of the deal, in addition to their California Public Employees’ Retirement System pensions. And when the state mandated COVID-19 vaccinations for state employees, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/08/ccpoa-contract-2023-california-prisons/\">prison guards were permitted to skip them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spending has consistently come under fire from the Legislative Analyst’s Office, which found in 2019 and 2021 that the Newsom administration offered \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4078\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">“no evidence to justify (a) pay increase”\u003c/a> in an unusually harsh analysis of proposed prison guard raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis found that California prison guards have neither a recruitment nor a retention problem and that their salaries were already in line with the salaries in the counties where they work — if not more than 5% higher than comparable job classifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4800\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">excoriated Newsom’s administration\u003c/a> for repeatedly refusing to make public a 2018 compensation study on prison guard salaries and benefits. The administration regularly publishes compensation studies regarding its \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Pages/salary-surveys-main.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">18 other employee bargaining units\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the administration provided a 2022 compensation study, which the Legislative Analyst’s Office called “flawed” for its failure to account for overtime pay and its selection of large, metropolitan counties as pay comparison points rather than the rural areas where most prison guards work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The study is flawed to the point that it is not helpful in meeting its stated objective and we recommend policymakers not use it to assess whether the state’s compensation package for correctional officers is appropriate to attract and retain qualified workers,” according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those raises, said Brian Kaneda, deputy director for Californians United for a Responsible Budget, put the state’s budget crisis in sharper relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The CCPOA has a stranglehold on Sacramento politics,” Kaneda said. “Everyone’s struggling right now, but prison guards are getting a $1 billion raise. Explain how this could possibly be the right move for California as we tussle with this historic budget deficit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to gauge the union’s influence in Sacramento and the diverging views on its power, Ballard said union leadership concentrates on its members more than its lobby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The union’s leaders are focused on matters of character, not reputation,” he said. “The CCPOA’s leaders are street-smart correctional officers who have worked in very tough conditions for decades, and as a group, they are not terribly concerned with perceived status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is CCPOA a factor in Newsom’s prison closures?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom began identifying prisons to close in 2020. More followed in 2022. Then, Newsom stopped naming additional prisons to close even though they have thousands of empty beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What changed? For one, people’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/solid-majorities-of-californians-view-crime-as-a-problem/\">perception of crime\u003c/a> spiked in the pandemic — though the kind of crimes that would merit prison time mostly went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a governor who perhaps has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/07/gavin-newsom-for-president-assets-liabilities/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">ambitions beyond Sacramento\u003c/a>, that’s important, said one Democratic legislator who did not want their name used for fear of retaliation by both the governor’s office and the prison guard union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the CCPOA is the reason we’ve stalled on prison closures,” the legislator said. “I think it’s the governor himself or someone in the governor’s office protecting (the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My presumption is the governor is moderating his views on public safety because of where he wants to go nationally. And so he’s super careful about any perception of being soft on crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11994027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11994027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg\" alt='A white man wearing a business suit stand in front of a podium and microphone with a sign that reads \"San Quentin Rehabilitation Center.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks at San Quentin State Prison, announcing that the facility will be transformed to focus on training and rehabilitation on March 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its heyday during the prison building boom of the 1990s and 2000s, the prison guard union would never have had to account for such calculations, former Corrections Secretary Matt Cate said. Back then, both parties had incentives to make nice with the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the time, the Democrats were more moderate than they are now, and they were doing everything to support labor generally,” said Cate, who was appointed corrections secretary in 2008 by Schwarzenegger and stayed for two years under Brown, leaving the office in 2011. “Meanwhile, Republicans were staunchly in favor of law enforcement and long sentences because they didn’t believe in rehabilitation and reentry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So CCPOA had an open field. It was just a much easier job than what the CCPOA faces today. It’s not as easy today to be an 800-pound gorilla as it would have been 20 years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cate doubts the union is the sole reason, or even the main reason, that Newsom stopped designating prisons for closure. Closing a prison is like closing “a small city,” Cate said, with 3,000 inmates and 800–1,000 employees represented by a dozen or more different unions. The \u003ca href=\"https://cchcs.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">prison system’s health care\u003c/a> is managed by a federal monitor, and another federal monitor oversees \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/dhcs/smhp-coleman/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">the state’s prison mental health care.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.datawrapper.de/_/vMFSK/\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Taking on a Democrat and losing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One legislator who crossed the prison union and whose career survived was Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer, a Los Angeles Democrat, who said the sharp-elbowed tactics employed by the union under Stailey, its president, were reflective of the union’s approach in the 1990s, a time when the union’s power was at its height.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they sneezed,” he said, “people got a cold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, Jones-Sawyer fell into their crosshairs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article245822830.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">literally\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union ran an online ad against Jones-Sawyer that showed Stailey \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article245822830.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">pointing at a wall of photos\u003c/a> of legislators. Over Jones-Sawyer’s photo was a piece of white paper with crosshairs and a red dot. Jones-Sawyer \u003ca href=\"https://a57.asmdc.org/video/20200918-jones-sawyer-calls-investigation-ccpoa-advertisement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">took that as a threat\u003c/a>, and the union pledged to pull the ad down and re-edit it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It became clear that if they wanted to get back the power, they needed to take somebody out to put the fear into everybody,” said Jones-Sawyer, who won reelection that year. “They thought I was an easy target to take out. They learned that was not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones-Sawyer notes that the union didn’t spend much under former Gov. Brown — not until the threat of prison closures became a reality after Newsom’s election in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they started talking about closing prisons, that’s when the fear from the CCPOA came up,” Jones-Sawyer said. “That’s when they started writing double max-out checks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones-Sawyer said he’s frustrated by what he sees as abuses within the prison system, especially guards with multiple infractions keeping their jobs. The Office of the Inspector General earlier this year found that the corrections department had \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/OIG-Special-Review-No-SR-23-01.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">reclassified a backlog of staff misconduct complaints\u003c/a> as “routine grievances” and allowed the statute of limitations to expire in 127 complaints between 2022 and 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Jones-Sawyer said, he’s considering calling for an audit of the prison system’s facilities and spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When (the corrections department) comes back and says this is the best way to do it, we try to see their logic and a lot of times we don’t,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Are those hard-charging tactics isolating the prison union? One bill introduced this year may be an indication. The bill would limit the number of \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2178?slug=CA_202320240AB2178\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">empty beds available in the prison system \u003c/a>to account for the declining inmate population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the bill’s registered supporters are immigration advocates, the California Public Defenders Association and anti-incarceration lobbies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Madera County coroner’s office is investigating the death of a woman imprisoned at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla over the weekend as temperatures continue to reach into the triple digits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Coalition for Women Prisoners, an advocacy group for incarcerated women, said the woman suffered from heat-related illness after she had become incoherent and collapsed in a shower while trying to cool off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was heat exhaustion,” CCWP said in a statement, quoting a fellow inmate who wished to remain anonymous out of fear of reprisal. “She dropped to the ground and her legs started shaking and wouldn’t stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, however, said the cause of the unnamed woman’s death appears not to be related to heat but rather an ongoing medical condition. CDCR provided no other details other than the woman was transported to an outside medical facility on July 4, and she died on July 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are paying special attention to medically vulnerable incarcerated people, and will be providing additional water, ice, cooling areas, and information to our staff and incarcerated population on ways to prevent heat-related illnesses throughout this heat wave,” CDCR spokesperson Mary Xjimenez said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR declined KQED’s request for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said its heat protocols include monitoring temperatures every hour when indoor temperatures exceed 90 degrees. People vulnerable to heat are “moved to air-conditioned spaces, fans are used to provide additional cooling capacity, and the incarcerated population is given more access to more frequent showers, water and ice,” Xjimenez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kelly Savage-Rodriguez, a program coordinator with the CCWP, said the group has received dozens of calls from inmates who say CDCR isn’t following that protocol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re at high risk or a heat-alert patient, they’re supposed to be monitoring you, which means that every hour they physically check in on you. None of those things are happening,” she said. “You can be compassionate and still have safety and security.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the incarcerated women who reached out to CCWP about the health effects she’s been feeling during the heat wave is Trancita Ponce. “I have a huge migraine and I feel sick and other girls are throwing up,” she said in CCWP’s statement. “Please help us, they’re not doing anything for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, state workplace safety regulators at the California Division of Occupational Health and Safety \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983396/prison-workers-excluded-from-indoor-heat-protections-by-california-regulators\">cut out state prisons and other correctional facilities\u003c/a> from protections for indoor workers during excessive heat events. That includes the tens of thousands of guards, nurses, janitors and other positions, and the nearly 39,000 incarcerated people who have jobs in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Central Valley \u003ca href=\"https://forecast.weather.gov/showsigwx.php?warnzone=CAZ302&warncounty=CAC039&firewxzone=CAZ580&local_place1=Chowchilla%20CA&product1=Excessive+Heat+Warning&lat=37.123&lon=-120.2602\">remains under an excessive heat warning\u003c/a> through Saturday morning.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Madera County coroner’s office is investigating the death of a woman imprisoned at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla over the weekend as temperatures continue to reach into the triple digits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Coalition for Women Prisoners, an advocacy group for incarcerated women, said the woman suffered from heat-related illness after she had become incoherent and collapsed in a shower while trying to cool off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was heat exhaustion,” CCWP said in a statement, quoting a fellow inmate who wished to remain anonymous out of fear of reprisal. “She dropped to the ground and her legs started shaking and wouldn’t stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, however, said the cause of the unnamed woman’s death appears not to be related to heat but rather an ongoing medical condition. CDCR provided no other details other than the woman was transported to an outside medical facility on July 4, and she died on July 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are paying special attention to medically vulnerable incarcerated people, and will be providing additional water, ice, cooling areas, and information to our staff and incarcerated population on ways to prevent heat-related illnesses throughout this heat wave,” CDCR spokesperson Mary Xjimenez said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The man accused of killing a woman by pushing her into a BART train last week did not appear at his arraignment Monday morning because he was in the hospital, according to the San Francisco public defender’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arraignment is set to continue Tuesday, but a spokesperson for the public defender’s office said Monday that he likely won’t be well enough to go to court. He is in the hospital for a mental health issue, the San Francisco Standard \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/07/08/trevor-belmont-bart-murder-suspect-mental-illness/\">reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trevor Belmont, 49, faces charges of murder and elder abuse in connection with the alleged attack on a 74-year-old woman waiting at the Powell Street Station late on July 1. Around 11 p.m., Belmont reportedly pushed the victim, San Mateo County resident Corazon Dandan, into the path of a southbound train, causing her to hit her head and fall onto the platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART Police officers and paramedics administered aid before Dandan was transferred to San Francisco General Hospital, where she was later pronounced dead as a result of her injuries, including severe head wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belmont, who is also known as Hoak Taing, was arrested on the platform following the event, BART Police said in a statement. He was booked on the morning of July 2 and is currently in custody at the San Francisco General Hospital, according to SF sheriff’s office records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The criminal complaint filed by the district attorney’s office alleges that Belmont inflicted great bodily harm on the “vulnerable” victim and intentionally killed her while lying in wait. He has previously been charged in multiple criminal cases in San Francisco dating back to 2007, according to San Francisco Superior Court data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belmont’s arraignment was originally scheduled for Friday afternoon but was continued to Monday morning, and again to Tuesday morning, after he did not appear. Angela Chan, a spokesperson for the public defender’s office, said in a statement to KQED that it isn’t likely he will appear in court tomorrow, either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Belmont is in the hospital. It doesn’t appear he will be well enough to go to court tomorrow,” she said via email.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The man accused of killing a woman by pushing her into a BART train last week did not appear at his arraignment Monday morning because he was in the hospital, according to the San Francisco public defender’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arraignment is set to continue Tuesday, but a spokesperson for the public defender’s office said Monday that he likely won’t be well enough to go to court. He is in the hospital for a mental health issue, the San Francisco Standard \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/07/08/trevor-belmont-bart-murder-suspect-mental-illness/\">reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trevor Belmont, 49, faces charges of murder and elder abuse in connection with the alleged attack on a 74-year-old woman waiting at the Powell Street Station late on July 1. Around 11 p.m., Belmont reportedly pushed the victim, San Mateo County resident Corazon Dandan, into the path of a southbound train, causing her to hit her head and fall onto the platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART Police officers and paramedics administered aid before Dandan was transferred to San Francisco General Hospital, where she was later pronounced dead as a result of her injuries, including severe head wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belmont, who is also known as Hoak Taing, was arrested on the platform following the event, BART Police said in a statement. He was booked on the morning of July 2 and is currently in custody at the San Francisco General Hospital, according to SF sheriff’s office records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Get a behind-the-scenes peek at the reporting for On Our Watch: New Folsom as Ayesha Rascoe, host of NPR’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1213771050/the-sunday-story-from-up-first\">The Sunday Story from Up First\u003c/a>, speaks with Sukey about the season and the wider context of this kind of journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6251136710\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Whistleblower resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.thelamplighterproject.org\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Lamplighter Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://thesignalsnetwork.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Signals Network\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://empowr.us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">EMPOWR\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowersofamerica.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblowers of America\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistleblower.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Government Accountability Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowers.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">National Whistleblower Center\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistlebloweraid.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblower Aid\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Hi, it’s Sukey. This will be our last bonus episode for a while, but we’ll definitely update you if there are any new developments in our reporting. And from time to time, we’ll also share some other podcasts we think you might be interested in checking out. Today I wanted to share a conversation I had on a different show, the Up First podcast from NPR, where you’ll get to hear more of the backstory behind On Our Watch. Here’s that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Ayesha Rascoe, and this is a Sunday story. A warning before we get started, this episode contains mentions of suicide. In recent years, high profile cases of police brutality across the US have brought increased attention and scrutiny to police misconduct and use of force incidents. When something happens, the police often say, “We’re investigating.” But what’s really being done, or not done, to ensure police are held accountable for their actions? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2021, a team of reporters from KQED partnered with NPR to take a closer look at the process for how police policed themselves. They made a podcast called On Our Watch, and it was focused on select cases of police misconduct in California. Today, I’m speaking with criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, the host of On Our Watch. She and her team have continued to uncover thousands of previously sealed Internal Affairs law enforcement records as part of the multi-newsroom California Reporting Project. Sukey tells me about the reporting behind the new season of her show. In season two, the show digs into recent incidents at one of the most dangerous prisons in California. Our conversation about the story she found within the closed world of correctional facilities, and what it takes to investigate what happens inside of a prison… After the break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We’re back with The Sunday Story. Here with criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, host of the KQED podcast On Our Watch. Sukey, welcome to the program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thanks so much for having me on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we get into the reporting for the season of On Our Watch, talk to me about the California Reporting Project. You co-founded that in 2018, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. So in 2018, the state here in California passed a new law that would open up internal police records, you know, for the first time, basically, we’d get to see inside this black box of police internal affairs. And that law was called the Right to Know Act. And it affected certain categories of internal records, including deadly use of force incidents, serious use of force incidents, which means, you know, when somebody gets really badly injured by police, and dishonesty and sexual assault or sexual misconduct on duty by police officers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This law gave you access to the paper trail that opened the window to these police departments and how they run, because there’s always a paper trail, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. And for years here in California, it was very secretive. You couldn’t see that paper trail. So some states, like Florida, have had open records laws for a long time. But here in California, because of the power of the police unions, you just could never know. You could never know if somebody was disciplined or fired or like what had happened. And so we teamed up with a group of different news organizations across the state to file blanket public records requests at all 700 law enforcement agencies across the state to start understanding how these systems work. What happens when serious police shooting happens? What happens when you file a complaint against a police officer for excessive force? And they say we’re going to investigate. How does a deadly use of force investigation unfold? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So. So season one of On Our Watch came directly out of this reporting. You examined select misconduct cases and and kind of the shadowy world of police discipline. So what were some of the big lessons or takeaways from your reporting on season one? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think one of our biggest findings was that those promises that we have been made in the public that, “we’re investigating, people will be held accountable,” are really based on this false assumption that its purpose is to provide accountability and that that’s actually not its purpose. It’s a risk management tool. Basically like H.R. Right? If you’re an employee and you make a complaint to H.R., their goal isn’t necessarily to hold the person you made a complaint about to justice. Their goal is to protect the company from liability. That’s what we really found, especially in a secretive system with internal affairs in the world of policing, it was much more about protecting the police department and the city from liability. So sometimes that would mean accountability. Sometimes that would mean an officer gets fired or disciplined because that’s what would protect the city. But that was not actually the goal or the purpose of this institution or the system. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this season, you focused on correctional facilities, prisons. How did you decide on that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We decided to turn to the world of correctional facilities in California, because the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation is actually the largest employer of peace officers in the state. And while we had gotten some insight into how police departments were functioning and how these internal affairs systems were working in police departments, the world of corrections is even more of a closed system. I mean, it’s literally behind walls, right? And so getting behind those walls, even if it was just through the paper trail, as you say, seemed like a really important thing to do. And to understand how these prisons, how these small cities work, and how, accountability works in a, in a system where often the people who are making complaints are incarcerated and have even less power than a civilian on the street. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How did you land on the prison that you focused on? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we ended up focusing on a prison known as New Folsom or California State Prison Sacramento. And that’s because as we are analyzing data and records from prisons all across the state, there was this pattern that kind of jumped off the page at us. And it for this category of serious use of force incidents — that’s when an officer uses deadly force or seriously injures somebody — there were three times as many of those type of incidents at this one prison than any other prison in the state. And this just kind of raised our alarm bells. We were like, you know, “What is going on at this prison? You know, why is that such an anomaly in the data? Let’s look closer.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We took our findings to some attorneys who work in this space. And these attorneys, they were also surprised. But they said this prison has been, you know, kind of known, known problem. They said, did you know about the whistleblowers that died there? There are these two whistleblowers that died there in the last year. And those two whistleblowers names were correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele. Officer Valentino Rodriguez. His death was found to be accidental overdose due to fentanyl. And the second officer, Sergeant Kevin Steele, who died about ten months later, died by suicide. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So within the space of a year, two whistleblowers at this prison had died. I mean, I think that’s going to stop anybody in they tracks. What did you think when you first heard that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, your first thought goes to, is there foul play? Is someone retaliating against these whistleblowers? And so we started doing, you know, what we as investigative journalists do. My colleague Julie Small reached out to the family of Valentino Rodriguez. We both started filing public records requests for the death investigations of each of these men to try and understand what had happened to them, and if there was anything in those death investigations that pointed back to the prison or to to anything else that we needed to uncover. Ultimately, we did not find any evidence of foul play in either case, but we learned a lot more about what they had each been uncovering before they died. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coming up after the break, Sukey and her team follow the trail of evidence left by correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele after their deaths. We’re back with a Sunday story. Sukey, once you heard about the two whistleblowers who’d worked at the same prison, New Folsom, you started retracing the events before their deaths. How did you go about that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So one person who ended up being a really key source for us was the father of correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez, who has the same name. So his name is Valentino Rodriguez, Senior. And he ended up being really central to our story. My colleague Julie reached out to him and at first he was really, you know, cautious. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I just I just want this to work both ways. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I need to know what you’re doing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s all I’ve ever asked. I- nobody even knows we’re having these meetings other than my wife. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we met him, Val Senior was really clearly, you know, still in the midst of the grieving process. And I think part of that process for him was trying to understand, you know, what led to his son’s passing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I just can’t I just can’t turn my back on my son, you know what I mean? And, I owe that to him, and I’m going to go as far as I can. And. And then in the end, if nothing, there’s nothing I tried. Right? I’ll find my answers when my time comes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So he started to share with us the evidence that he had been gathering, including his son’s phone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What did you learn about who Valentino Rodriguez was, how he was as a person, and and this journey that he was on? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was it was really incredible. We learned a lot about him. He was a really kind of funny, goofy guy. One of the, you know, things that we found on his phone was this video of him in the Investigative Services unit offices inside this prison. It’s one of the most dangerous prisons in the state of California. And he sets up the camera, and then he steps back, and then he starts dancing, and he’s practicing. He’s learning the cumbia because he’s about to get married. And so he’s practicing the cumbia in this, you know, in this office. And, I just loved kind of coming across these little artifacts of who this person was. He also had a dog named Daisy that he loved and would sing to his dog.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Jr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Super Dog. Super Dog. This the song about Daisy, the Super Dog. One day there was a dog named Daisy, and she was super lazy… \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And he really worked hard at the prison, like he was really wanted to get into this investigative unit. It was a big career opportunity for him. But the unit itself, once he joined, they didn’t really think he had earned the right to be there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So when he had his first day there, he had come over after. And, I asked him, “How’s your how was your first day?” And he goes, “It was a bunch of older guys that have been there.” He called them OGs. I says, “How do you go?” And he goes, “They asked who the f*** are you?” You know, his first day, and I just, “Eh that’s prison talk, I guess.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, they they had a nickname for him called “Half Patch” to indicate, like he he wasn’t a full member of the team, and he didn’t quite deserve to be there yet. And you can see in his phone, you know, he is trying really hard to fit in with this group of guys and they kind of needle him and call him names, like, just really kind of harassing behavior, you know, from work colleagues. You can see that it really does begin to take a toll on Valentino, and he starts to struggle with his mental health. So he actually has a breakdown at work one day and shares with the chief deputy warden that he is going through some, some really difficult things. And she tells him, okay, you should go out on stress leave. And so he takes some time off work from the prison. But even once he leaves the prison, he really can’t leave it all the way. Like he’s still mentally there and still kind of struggling with the effects of his time there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I remember sitting on the couch with him and him saying. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is Mimy Rodriguez, Valentino’s wife. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I remember this very clearly. He said, “This is my identity.” He’s like, “I feel like I’ve given up on everything. I feel like I gave up on my job.” He wasn’t at the prison physically, but mentally he was still there. He was still talking to people from the prison. He was still reaching out to people from the- people from the prison were reaching out to him, telling him what was going on within the prison. He he had not at all let that go. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reading through his text messages, you can see it’s not like he sets out to become a whistleblower. It’s just eating away at him and he can’t quite let it go. He can’t quite turn away from what he’s seen in the prison. And so six days before his death, he ends up going in to talk to the warden, and he tells them about the harassment that he experienced personally, and also different kinds of misconduct that he witnessed, including allegations that other officers in the unit that he worked in were involved in planting drugs and weapons on incarcerated people. And that’s really important because the unit that he worked in is kind of like the police force for the prison. They have this very special role. And so if they’re dirty, that could taint criminal cases that stem from the investigations they do. And the officers in this unit are supposed to be held to a higher standard because they have this higher level of responsibility in the prison than other officers do. So after he makes this report, the word eventually gets out that he’s talked. And he was really nervous about that happening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So he was nervous about anybody coming to the house. At one point he had put things at the door, so if someone opened it, you can hear the door open. He also like he had a gun and he would sleep with it just to make sure. And I’m like, “What? Who’s coming?” And I would ask him like, “Is everything okay?” You know, “Who’s- who are you nervous about coming? What is going on?” It’s hard to. It’s hard to see the person you love turn into something different. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The night that he died, one of the last text messages you can see he sent to his wife was, “It’s out now that I told on the team.” And then she comes home to find him slumped over in the bathroom and no longer breathing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, it’s I mean, it’s so horrible. Who is the other whistleblower? Tell me about him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So the other whistleblower, his name is Sergeant Kevin Steele. He had worked for the California Department of Corrections for about 20 years at this point. He is a military veteran. Just this real kind of straight arrow guy had a very kind of rigorous sense of morality, a very rigorous sense of right and wrong. He’s seen a lot and been through a lot, and was beginning to come to this point of disillusionment with these systems that he had been promised were going to affect change and provide accountability. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it’s in this environment that his friend Valentino Rodriguez passes away. And so I think for Steele at this point, Valentino’s death was kind of like the last straw for him. He felt like all these things he’s seen over the years and tried to report up the chain had not been properly addressed. And then there was this kind of moral failing in response to the death of an officer and how they treated Latino’s family after his death. And so Steele decides to make his last stand, basically. And what he does is he writes up a memo to the warden detailing the list of failings, as he sees it — times where the institution failed to keep its promises to the public, and times where it failed to keep people safe, and times where it failed to protect officers from harassment and things like that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so he writes up this memo and sends it off to the warden. And after that, he actually leaves California. He moves to Missouri, and it seems like his plan was to drop this bomb and then right off into the sunset. He was planning to retire at the end of the year and just kind of be done with the prison and with this whole institution. But much like we saw with Valentino, even though Sergeant Kevin Steele is out of the prison and, you know, even miles and miles away, he’s still trapped there mentally. And, you know, at one point, about eight months after he’s he’s left the state, things reach a head for him. And one day, Steele goes into the shed on his property in Missouri and he doesn’t come out again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean these are, you know, two extremely tragic losses. But both of these whistleblowers, they left behind evidence for you to understand New Folsom, right? The the failures that happened there, like for Valentino, you had his phone and and Steele wrote a memo that talked about his concerns about use of force incidents going back years. What did you find out when you started looking into those? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So one of the things that was really incredible about this story is the evidence that was left behind. Steele’s memo kind of gave us this key to understanding what he saw was wrong with these incidents, which was that the injuries that people were showing up in the hospital with — incarcerated people — were not matching the reports. So we started kind of looking at our incident reports, kind of through this lens that he had left for us. And seeing how repeatedly, these incident reports had this kind of pattern to them, almost. And a lot of these incidents, that appeared very troubling, you know, occurred in areas where there was no camera coverage. And the use of force described often did not, you know, at all make sense on how they got injured. So it would be something like I think one of them was like, “We guided the man to the floor and they ended up, you know, with internal bleeding and, and broken ribs.” And you’re like, okay, like how how does that even make- make that makes sense, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what we saw over and over again in these cases is that they didn’t result in discipline for officers. Well, you know, one theme that we just kind of ran into over and over again is the code of silence. And it’s basically an agreement, you know, unspoken agreement to never tell on each other. And it’s this is something that we’ve seen in policing as well with the Thin Blue line. But I would say it’s even stronger in a prison context. And because there isn’t that thing of a bystander who can kind of intercede or be an outside witness to events, that code of silence is just a really, really thick wall to break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so many people that we talked to, we talked to correctional officers for this story, many of whom did not want to go on the record because they fear retaliation. Even retired officers who still feel like potentially the agency could come after them for their pensions if they talk. There is no real incentive to do so. Like even institutionally, you will be reassigned. You will not be rewarded basically for for reporting things like that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’re confirming this culture of silence that both Steele and Val experienced and and tried to disrupt. What did you ultimately end up finding out about their deaths? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So again, we did not find there was any evidence of foul play. But I feel like our reporting really does clearly show that they were victims. They were victims of this system, and they were victims of this code of silence and that fear and the kind of psychosocial trauma that they experienced by having to go against this, this machine, in order to try and do what they felt was the right thing, really contributed to their deaths, and contributed to the decline of their mental health and led them to to their end. And this was, in fact, a finding that was made after their deaths. Their widows filed basically workers compensation claims with the state to get their death benefits. And during that process, they found that these deaths were industrial. These deaths were related to their jobs and their work as correctional officers for the state of California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Your sources included law enforcement, former law enforcement, incarcerated people, their their family members. Like, what are the particular challenges of reporting in and about a prison? Like how does it require a different approach, especially when you’re dealing with people who likely have dealt with some very traumatic things? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, there are a lot of different challenges. I think, you know, in terms of bringing correctional officers in in to feeling like they could speak to us and trust us, it was a lot of conversations about confidentiality, how we could keep them protected, and also that we were trying to tell a deep, nuanced story that that wasn’t just a story about how correctional officers always are using excessive force or something like that. It was this story that we had found, which was very complicated, and it was about the the mental impacts of working inside a prison on officers, and that they experienced some of the same difficult things that incarcerated people experience. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And then for the incarcerated people that we spoke to, there was also a lot of different factors to consider. You know, for one thing, a lot of the phone conversations, or all the phone conversations that we had are recorded. So you know that you are being listened in on and that what they say could have impacts for their lives. Some people I talked to have been in prison for years have kind of a vague idea about what a podcast is, but not everybody does, you know? So just kind of walking people through like what- what this means, what their participation means, what going on their record means and stuff like that, so they can be informed and make informed decisions about participating or not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And then, you know, in terms of people who have been dealing with trauma, you know, we talked to Val Senior, obviously, who was kind of in in the throes of his own grieving process. We talked to the family of Sergeant Kevin Steele as well, his brother, who agreed to go on the record with us. And we talked to Mimy, Valentino Rodriguez’s wife. And I think, you know, just in terms of having a trauma informed approach as much as possible, a lot of it was about giving them the power, not trying to be extractive, or just take their story and see how it fit in with our narrative. But to hold space for them to talk about what they had gone through and also the power to be like, “Okay, if you don’t feel like you said that right, or if you want to rethink that, like this is how you’re going to be portrayed in the story, this is the context in which your story is going to be used. Are you comfortable with that?” And saying “if you’re not, you can take it back any time.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so it was a lot more conversation than I think you would normally have of going back to sources and playing pieces of tape for them and that kind of thing, but it really felt like the responsible thing to do. So there were no surprises when the podcast came out. And so we could also be sure that we were being accurate and that we were accurately representing the experience of our primary sources. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, people will say sunlight is the best disinfectant. Is it making the difference? Is the reporting, the transparency… How is it impacting these, these prisons? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think it’s it’s still too soon to say. And it’s also kind of the next step. I feel like this is the first step is saying like, “Look, this is what’s happening.” And then the next step is actually beyond our power as journalists. I feel like it’s in the hands of lawmakers and the oversight bodies over the prisons, here in California or nationally. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One thing that’s interesting to know about the California prison system is that there’s there is an oversight body called the office of the Inspector General of Prisons, and they do get a lot of insight into the prisons, but they have no power. So they regularly issue these reports that say “you’re doing a bad job, you need to do better.” Or like, “this person violated policy. We don’t agree with this.” But until there is a real appetite in internally in the agency to take action or body like that has teeth, this transparency only gets you so far. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think it’s really important again, for the public to know about it, because that is how change happens, is people taking an interest and people, taking a care about this public institution that we own. Like this is our this is our bag. And so I think that’s that’s why I do this work. But then I have to hand it off and see where it goes from there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Well thank you so much. I think this reporting is so important. And it’s the- it’s reporting on people who truly don’t have a voice, people who have died, people who are incarcerated. And you give them a voice. So we’re so grateful to to be able to tell this story. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you. And and I also feel honored, you know, that people allowed me to share their stories with so many people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That was criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, host of On Our Watch from KQED in San Francisco. You can listen to all eight episodes of their latest season at kqed.org/onourwatch, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode of The Sunday Story was produced by Justine Yan and edited by Liana Simstrom, with additional editing by Jen Chien, the director of podcasts at KQED. Production support from Chris Egusa. Our engineer was Robert Rodriguez. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Sunday Story team includes Abby Windle and our senior editor, Jenny Schmidt. Liana Simstrom is our supervising producer and Irene Noguchi is our executive producer. If you are experiencing mental health related distress or have a loved one who needs crisis support, please call or text 988. The Suicide and Crisis Lifeline. I’m Ayesha Rascoe. Up First is back tomorrow with all the news you need to start your week. Until then, have a great rest of your weekend. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Get a behind-the-scenes peek at the reporting for On Our Watch: New Folsom as Ayesha Rascoe, host of NPR’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1213771050/the-sunday-story-from-up-first\">The Sunday Story from Up First\u003c/a>, speaks with Sukey about the season and the wider context of this kind of journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6251136710\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Whistleblower resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.thelamplighterproject.org\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Lamplighter Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://thesignalsnetwork.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Signals Network\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://empowr.us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">EMPOWR\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowersofamerica.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblowers of America\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistleblower.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Government Accountability Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowers.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">National Whistleblower Center\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistlebloweraid.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblower Aid\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Hi, it’s Sukey. This will be our last bonus episode for a while, but we’ll definitely update you if there are any new developments in our reporting. And from time to time, we’ll also share some other podcasts we think you might be interested in checking out. Today I wanted to share a conversation I had on a different show, the Up First podcast from NPR, where you’ll get to hear more of the backstory behind On Our Watch. Here’s that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Ayesha Rascoe, and this is a Sunday story. A warning before we get started, this episode contains mentions of suicide. In recent years, high profile cases of police brutality across the US have brought increased attention and scrutiny to police misconduct and use of force incidents. When something happens, the police often say, “We’re investigating.” But what’s really being done, or not done, to ensure police are held accountable for their actions? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2021, a team of reporters from KQED partnered with NPR to take a closer look at the process for how police policed themselves. They made a podcast called On Our Watch, and it was focused on select cases of police misconduct in California. Today, I’m speaking with criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, the host of On Our Watch. She and her team have continued to uncover thousands of previously sealed Internal Affairs law enforcement records as part of the multi-newsroom California Reporting Project. Sukey tells me about the reporting behind the new season of her show. In season two, the show digs into recent incidents at one of the most dangerous prisons in California. Our conversation about the story she found within the closed world of correctional facilities, and what it takes to investigate what happens inside of a prison… After the break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We’re back with The Sunday Story. Here with criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, host of the KQED podcast On Our Watch. Sukey, welcome to the program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thanks so much for having me on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we get into the reporting for the season of On Our Watch, talk to me about the California Reporting Project. You co-founded that in 2018, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. So in 2018, the state here in California passed a new law that would open up internal police records, you know, for the first time, basically, we’d get to see inside this black box of police internal affairs. And that law was called the Right to Know Act. And it affected certain categories of internal records, including deadly use of force incidents, serious use of force incidents, which means, you know, when somebody gets really badly injured by police, and dishonesty and sexual assault or sexual misconduct on duty by police officers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This law gave you access to the paper trail that opened the window to these police departments and how they run, because there’s always a paper trail, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. And for years here in California, it was very secretive. You couldn’t see that paper trail. So some states, like Florida, have had open records laws for a long time. But here in California, because of the power of the police unions, you just could never know. You could never know if somebody was disciplined or fired or like what had happened. And so we teamed up with a group of different news organizations across the state to file blanket public records requests at all 700 law enforcement agencies across the state to start understanding how these systems work. What happens when serious police shooting happens? What happens when you file a complaint against a police officer for excessive force? And they say we’re going to investigate. How does a deadly use of force investigation unfold? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So. So season one of On Our Watch came directly out of this reporting. You examined select misconduct cases and and kind of the shadowy world of police discipline. So what were some of the big lessons or takeaways from your reporting on season one? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think one of our biggest findings was that those promises that we have been made in the public that, “we’re investigating, people will be held accountable,” are really based on this false assumption that its purpose is to provide accountability and that that’s actually not its purpose. It’s a risk management tool. Basically like H.R. Right? If you’re an employee and you make a complaint to H.R., their goal isn’t necessarily to hold the person you made a complaint about to justice. Their goal is to protect the company from liability. That’s what we really found, especially in a secretive system with internal affairs in the world of policing, it was much more about protecting the police department and the city from liability. So sometimes that would mean accountability. Sometimes that would mean an officer gets fired or disciplined because that’s what would protect the city. But that was not actually the goal or the purpose of this institution or the system. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this season, you focused on correctional facilities, prisons. How did you decide on that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We decided to turn to the world of correctional facilities in California, because the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation is actually the largest employer of peace officers in the state. And while we had gotten some insight into how police departments were functioning and how these internal affairs systems were working in police departments, the world of corrections is even more of a closed system. I mean, it’s literally behind walls, right? And so getting behind those walls, even if it was just through the paper trail, as you say, seemed like a really important thing to do. And to understand how these prisons, how these small cities work, and how, accountability works in a, in a system where often the people who are making complaints are incarcerated and have even less power than a civilian on the street. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How did you land on the prison that you focused on? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we ended up focusing on a prison known as New Folsom or California State Prison Sacramento. And that’s because as we are analyzing data and records from prisons all across the state, there was this pattern that kind of jumped off the page at us. And it for this category of serious use of force incidents — that’s when an officer uses deadly force or seriously injures somebody — there were three times as many of those type of incidents at this one prison than any other prison in the state. And this just kind of raised our alarm bells. We were like, you know, “What is going on at this prison? You know, why is that such an anomaly in the data? Let’s look closer.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We took our findings to some attorneys who work in this space. And these attorneys, they were also surprised. But they said this prison has been, you know, kind of known, known problem. They said, did you know about the whistleblowers that died there? There are these two whistleblowers that died there in the last year. And those two whistleblowers names were correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele. Officer Valentino Rodriguez. His death was found to be accidental overdose due to fentanyl. And the second officer, Sergeant Kevin Steele, who died about ten months later, died by suicide. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So within the space of a year, two whistleblowers at this prison had died. I mean, I think that’s going to stop anybody in they tracks. What did you think when you first heard that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, your first thought goes to, is there foul play? Is someone retaliating against these whistleblowers? And so we started doing, you know, what we as investigative journalists do. My colleague Julie Small reached out to the family of Valentino Rodriguez. We both started filing public records requests for the death investigations of each of these men to try and understand what had happened to them, and if there was anything in those death investigations that pointed back to the prison or to to anything else that we needed to uncover. Ultimately, we did not find any evidence of foul play in either case, but we learned a lot more about what they had each been uncovering before they died. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coming up after the break, Sukey and her team follow the trail of evidence left by correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele after their deaths. We’re back with a Sunday story. Sukey, once you heard about the two whistleblowers who’d worked at the same prison, New Folsom, you started retracing the events before their deaths. How did you go about that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So one person who ended up being a really key source for us was the father of correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez, who has the same name. So his name is Valentino Rodriguez, Senior. And he ended up being really central to our story. My colleague Julie reached out to him and at first he was really, you know, cautious. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I just I just want this to work both ways. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I need to know what you’re doing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s all I’ve ever asked. I- nobody even knows we’re having these meetings other than my wife. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we met him, Val Senior was really clearly, you know, still in the midst of the grieving process. And I think part of that process for him was trying to understand, you know, what led to his son’s passing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I just can’t I just can’t turn my back on my son, you know what I mean? And, I owe that to him, and I’m going to go as far as I can. And. And then in the end, if nothing, there’s nothing I tried. Right? I’ll find my answers when my time comes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So he started to share with us the evidence that he had been gathering, including his son’s phone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What did you learn about who Valentino Rodriguez was, how he was as a person, and and this journey that he was on? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was it was really incredible. We learned a lot about him. He was a really kind of funny, goofy guy. One of the, you know, things that we found on his phone was this video of him in the Investigative Services unit offices inside this prison. It’s one of the most dangerous prisons in the state of California. And he sets up the camera, and then he steps back, and then he starts dancing, and he’s practicing. He’s learning the cumbia because he’s about to get married. And so he’s practicing the cumbia in this, you know, in this office. And, I just loved kind of coming across these little artifacts of who this person was. He also had a dog named Daisy that he loved and would sing to his dog.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Jr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Super Dog. Super Dog. This the song about Daisy, the Super Dog. One day there was a dog named Daisy, and she was super lazy… \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And he really worked hard at the prison, like he was really wanted to get into this investigative unit. It was a big career opportunity for him. But the unit itself, once he joined, they didn’t really think he had earned the right to be there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So when he had his first day there, he had come over after. And, I asked him, “How’s your how was your first day?” And he goes, “It was a bunch of older guys that have been there.” He called them OGs. I says, “How do you go?” And he goes, “They asked who the f*** are you?” You know, his first day, and I just, “Eh that’s prison talk, I guess.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, they they had a nickname for him called “Half Patch” to indicate, like he he wasn’t a full member of the team, and he didn’t quite deserve to be there yet. And you can see in his phone, you know, he is trying really hard to fit in with this group of guys and they kind of needle him and call him names, like, just really kind of harassing behavior, you know, from work colleagues. You can see that it really does begin to take a toll on Valentino, and he starts to struggle with his mental health. So he actually has a breakdown at work one day and shares with the chief deputy warden that he is going through some, some really difficult things. And she tells him, okay, you should go out on stress leave. And so he takes some time off work from the prison. But even once he leaves the prison, he really can’t leave it all the way. Like he’s still mentally there and still kind of struggling with the effects of his time there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I remember sitting on the couch with him and him saying. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is Mimy Rodriguez, Valentino’s wife. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I remember this very clearly. He said, “This is my identity.” He’s like, “I feel like I’ve given up on everything. I feel like I gave up on my job.” He wasn’t at the prison physically, but mentally he was still there. He was still talking to people from the prison. He was still reaching out to people from the- people from the prison were reaching out to him, telling him what was going on within the prison. He he had not at all let that go. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reading through his text messages, you can see it’s not like he sets out to become a whistleblower. It’s just eating away at him and he can’t quite let it go. He can’t quite turn away from what he’s seen in the prison. And so six days before his death, he ends up going in to talk to the warden, and he tells them about the harassment that he experienced personally, and also different kinds of misconduct that he witnessed, including allegations that other officers in the unit that he worked in were involved in planting drugs and weapons on incarcerated people. And that’s really important because the unit that he worked in is kind of like the police force for the prison. They have this very special role. And so if they’re dirty, that could taint criminal cases that stem from the investigations they do. And the officers in this unit are supposed to be held to a higher standard because they have this higher level of responsibility in the prison than other officers do. So after he makes this report, the word eventually gets out that he’s talked. And he was really nervous about that happening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mimy Rodriguez: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So he was nervous about anybody coming to the house. At one point he had put things at the door, so if someone opened it, you can hear the door open. He also like he had a gun and he would sleep with it just to make sure. And I’m like, “What? Who’s coming?” And I would ask him like, “Is everything okay?” You know, “Who’s- who are you nervous about coming? What is going on?” It’s hard to. It’s hard to see the person you love turn into something different. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The night that he died, one of the last text messages you can see he sent to his wife was, “It’s out now that I told on the team.” And then she comes home to find him slumped over in the bathroom and no longer breathing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, it’s I mean, it’s so horrible. Who is the other whistleblower? Tell me about him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So the other whistleblower, his name is Sergeant Kevin Steele. He had worked for the California Department of Corrections for about 20 years at this point. He is a military veteran. Just this real kind of straight arrow guy had a very kind of rigorous sense of morality, a very rigorous sense of right and wrong. He’s seen a lot and been through a lot, and was beginning to come to this point of disillusionment with these systems that he had been promised were going to affect change and provide accountability. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it’s in this environment that his friend Valentino Rodriguez passes away. And so I think for Steele at this point, Valentino’s death was kind of like the last straw for him. He felt like all these things he’s seen over the years and tried to report up the chain had not been properly addressed. And then there was this kind of moral failing in response to the death of an officer and how they treated Latino’s family after his death. And so Steele decides to make his last stand, basically. And what he does is he writes up a memo to the warden detailing the list of failings, as he sees it — times where the institution failed to keep its promises to the public, and times where it failed to keep people safe, and times where it failed to protect officers from harassment and things like that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so he writes up this memo and sends it off to the warden. And after that, he actually leaves California. He moves to Missouri, and it seems like his plan was to drop this bomb and then right off into the sunset. He was planning to retire at the end of the year and just kind of be done with the prison and with this whole institution. But much like we saw with Valentino, even though Sergeant Kevin Steele is out of the prison and, you know, even miles and miles away, he’s still trapped there mentally. And, you know, at one point, about eight months after he’s he’s left the state, things reach a head for him. And one day, Steele goes into the shed on his property in Missouri and he doesn’t come out again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean these are, you know, two extremely tragic losses. But both of these whistleblowers, they left behind evidence for you to understand New Folsom, right? The the failures that happened there, like for Valentino, you had his phone and and Steele wrote a memo that talked about his concerns about use of force incidents going back years. What did you find out when you started looking into those? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So one of the things that was really incredible about this story is the evidence that was left behind. Steele’s memo kind of gave us this key to understanding what he saw was wrong with these incidents, which was that the injuries that people were showing up in the hospital with — incarcerated people — were not matching the reports. So we started kind of looking at our incident reports, kind of through this lens that he had left for us. And seeing how repeatedly, these incident reports had this kind of pattern to them, almost. And a lot of these incidents, that appeared very troubling, you know, occurred in areas where there was no camera coverage. And the use of force described often did not, you know, at all make sense on how they got injured. So it would be something like I think one of them was like, “We guided the man to the floor and they ended up, you know, with internal bleeding and, and broken ribs.” And you’re like, okay, like how how does that even make- make that makes sense, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what we saw over and over again in these cases is that they didn’t result in discipline for officers. Well, you know, one theme that we just kind of ran into over and over again is the code of silence. And it’s basically an agreement, you know, unspoken agreement to never tell on each other. And it’s this is something that we’ve seen in policing as well with the Thin Blue line. But I would say it’s even stronger in a prison context. And because there isn’t that thing of a bystander who can kind of intercede or be an outside witness to events, that code of silence is just a really, really thick wall to break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so many people that we talked to, we talked to correctional officers for this story, many of whom did not want to go on the record because they fear retaliation. Even retired officers who still feel like potentially the agency could come after them for their pensions if they talk. There is no real incentive to do so. Like even institutionally, you will be reassigned. You will not be rewarded basically for for reporting things like that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’re confirming this culture of silence that both Steele and Val experienced and and tried to disrupt. What did you ultimately end up finding out about their deaths? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So again, we did not find there was any evidence of foul play. But I feel like our reporting really does clearly show that they were victims. They were victims of this system, and they were victims of this code of silence and that fear and the kind of psychosocial trauma that they experienced by having to go against this, this machine, in order to try and do what they felt was the right thing, really contributed to their deaths, and contributed to the decline of their mental health and led them to to their end. And this was, in fact, a finding that was made after their deaths. Their widows filed basically workers compensation claims with the state to get their death benefits. And during that process, they found that these deaths were industrial. These deaths were related to their jobs and their work as correctional officers for the state of California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Your sources included law enforcement, former law enforcement, incarcerated people, their their family members. Like, what are the particular challenges of reporting in and about a prison? Like how does it require a different approach, especially when you’re dealing with people who likely have dealt with some very traumatic things? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, there are a lot of different challenges. I think, you know, in terms of bringing correctional officers in in to feeling like they could speak to us and trust us, it was a lot of conversations about confidentiality, how we could keep them protected, and also that we were trying to tell a deep, nuanced story that that wasn’t just a story about how correctional officers always are using excessive force or something like that. It was this story that we had found, which was very complicated, and it was about the the mental impacts of working inside a prison on officers, and that they experienced some of the same difficult things that incarcerated people experience. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And then for the incarcerated people that we spoke to, there was also a lot of different factors to consider. You know, for one thing, a lot of the phone conversations, or all the phone conversations that we had are recorded. So you know that you are being listened in on and that what they say could have impacts for their lives. Some people I talked to have been in prison for years have kind of a vague idea about what a podcast is, but not everybody does, you know? So just kind of walking people through like what- what this means, what their participation means, what going on their record means and stuff like that, so they can be informed and make informed decisions about participating or not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And then, you know, in terms of people who have been dealing with trauma, you know, we talked to Val Senior, obviously, who was kind of in in the throes of his own grieving process. We talked to the family of Sergeant Kevin Steele as well, his brother, who agreed to go on the record with us. And we talked to Mimy, Valentino Rodriguez’s wife. And I think, you know, just in terms of having a trauma informed approach as much as possible, a lot of it was about giving them the power, not trying to be extractive, or just take their story and see how it fit in with our narrative. But to hold space for them to talk about what they had gone through and also the power to be like, “Okay, if you don’t feel like you said that right, or if you want to rethink that, like this is how you’re going to be portrayed in the story, this is the context in which your story is going to be used. Are you comfortable with that?” And saying “if you’re not, you can take it back any time.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so it was a lot more conversation than I think you would normally have of going back to sources and playing pieces of tape for them and that kind of thing, but it really felt like the responsible thing to do. So there were no surprises when the podcast came out. And so we could also be sure that we were being accurate and that we were accurately representing the experience of our primary sources. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, people will say sunlight is the best disinfectant. Is it making the difference? Is the reporting, the transparency… How is it impacting these, these prisons? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think it’s it’s still too soon to say. And it’s also kind of the next step. I feel like this is the first step is saying like, “Look, this is what’s happening.” And then the next step is actually beyond our power as journalists. I feel like it’s in the hands of lawmakers and the oversight bodies over the prisons, here in California or nationally. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One thing that’s interesting to know about the California prison system is that there’s there is an oversight body called the office of the Inspector General of Prisons, and they do get a lot of insight into the prisons, but they have no power. So they regularly issue these reports that say “you’re doing a bad job, you need to do better.” Or like, “this person violated policy. We don’t agree with this.” But until there is a real appetite in internally in the agency to take action or body like that has teeth, this transparency only gets you so far. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think it’s really important again, for the public to know about it, because that is how change happens, is people taking an interest and people, taking a care about this public institution that we own. Like this is our this is our bag. And so I think that’s that’s why I do this work. But then I have to hand it off and see where it goes from there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Well thank you so much. I think this reporting is so important. And it’s the- it’s reporting on people who truly don’t have a voice, people who have died, people who are incarcerated. And you give them a voice. So we’re so grateful to to be able to tell this story. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you. And and I also feel honored, you know, that people allowed me to share their stories with so many people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ayesha Rascoe: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That was criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis, host of On Our Watch from KQED in San Francisco. You can listen to all eight episodes of their latest season at kqed.org/onourwatch, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode of The Sunday Story was produced by Justine Yan and edited by Liana Simstrom, with additional editing by Jen Chien, the director of podcasts at KQED. Production support from Chris Egusa. Our engineer was Robert Rodriguez. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Sunday Story team includes Abby Windle and our senior editor, Jenny Schmidt. Liana Simstrom is our supervising producer and Irene Noguchi is our executive producer. If you are experiencing mental health related distress or have a loved one who needs crisis support, please call or text 988. The Suicide and Crisis Lifeline. I’m Ayesha Rascoe. Up First is back tomorrow with all the news you need to start your week. Until then, have a great rest of your weekend. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"title": "Bukele transformó la política de El Salvador, ¿cómo ha influido esto en la diáspora salvadoreña?",
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"headTitle": "Bukele transformó la política de El Salvador, ¿cómo ha influido esto en la diáspora salvadoreña? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989118/salvadoran-american-voters-in-san-francisco-divided-over-tough-on-crime-approach\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sentada en una mesa dentro de su pupusería en San Francisco, Aminta Calderón recuerda cómo fue votar por internet en las recientes elecciones para la presidencia de El Salvador. Ella votó por el actual presidente Nayib Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hija me ayudó a votar desde mi teléfono móvil”, dijo Calderón. Añadió que sacó su tarjeta de identificación emitida por el gobierno salvadoreño, e “ingresé en la página web y así de fácil”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poder votar por Bukele desde el extranjero era algo que la entusiasmaba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón es una de los 322 mil salvadoreños que viven en el extranjero. En las elecciones presidenciales que se realizaron el pasado 4 de febrero, la mayoría de este grupo votó por Bukele. La controvertida, pero popular política de mano dura contra la delincuencia de Bukele, resultó en que el mandatario recibiera un promedio del 96.5% de los votos en línea y presenciales de saladoreños radicados en el extranjero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los salvadoreños son la segunda población latina más numerosa de San Francisco y ante la preocupación por el aumento de la delincuencia en toda la ciudad, también en la diáspora salvadoreña se ha vuelto más popular votar por un candidato que promueva una mano dura contra delincuencia. La popularidad de Bukele, sin embargo, también ha impulsado a grupos progresistas a movilizarse contra la influencia del presidente salvadoreño en San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990372\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990372\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón posa para una foto en el interior de la pupusería de su familia en el Distrito de la Misión, en San Francisco, el 3 de junio de 2024. Calderón votó en línea por el presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en las elecciones del 4 de febrero. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Calderón, de 73 años, apoya firmemente un sistema de ley y el orden. Relata el peligro que vivió en El Salvador, tanto por la guerra civil como por la creciente violencia de las pandillas. Decidió huir de su país en 1995 tras ser tiroteada por unos hombres que intentaban robar mercancías de su negocio de transporte. Vendió lo poco que tenía y emigró a San Francisco, donde ha emprendido varios negocios de comida en el Área de la Bahía.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su trabajo le permitía enviar remesas a su familia en El Salvador para que pudieran cubrir sus necesidades básicas. También se mantuvo informada sobre la violencia en su país natal y creyó que las cosas nunca cambiarían, hasta que Bukele asumió la presidencia en 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Eliminó todas esas masacres metiendo a muchos pandilleros en la cárcel”, dijo Calderón.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La influencia de Bukele en los votantes latinos de EE.UU.\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Dos semanas después de que Bukele fuera reelegido, visitó a los Estados Unidos. El 22 de febrero dio un discurso en la Conferencia anual de Acción Política Conservadora (o CPAC por sus siglas en inglés), en Maryland. Cuando subió al escenario, la multitud lo recibió con gran entusiasmo. Algunos ondeaban banderas salvadoreñas, mientras otros coreaban su nombre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su discurso, instó a los asistentes a “luchar” contra quienes no se alinean con los valores de Bukele y sus seguidores. También criticó a los funcionarios de las principales ciudades estadounidenses por aceptar la delincuencia y promover el consumo de drogas ilícitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990373\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990373\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1025\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morena Ramírez (derecha) y su marido observan el 45º desfile anual del Carnaval de San Francisco, en San Francisco, el 26 de mayo de 2024. La gorra de Ramírez lleva el logotipo del recién creado partido del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele, Nuevas Ideas, y una camiseta con la cara del presidente. Votó a Bukele en las elecciones del 4 de febrero y tiene previsto regresar a El Salvador el año que viene. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernández/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“¿Cuántos jóvenes hemos perdido en las calles de Filadelfia o San Francisco a causa del fentanilo?”, preguntó Bukele. “Lo mismo ocurría en El Salvador. En menos de una década, las pandillas tomaron el control del país y de nuestra sociedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele dijo que su administración detuvo a los pandilleros, expulsó a jueces corruptos y destituyó a fiscales corruptos para reformar El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La tasa de homicidios de El Salvador alcanzó su punto máximo en 2015, llegando a 102 muertes por cada 100 mil habitantes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnc.gob.sv/logros-y-memorias/\">según datos del gobierno salvadoreño\u003c/a>. La tasa de homicidios disminuyó lentamente, y en 2019, el año en que Bukele asumió la presidencia, la tasa se situó en 36 por cada 100 mil. En sus cinco años de mandato, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fiscalia.gob.sv/estadisticas/\">la tasa cayó a 2.4 por 100 mil\u003c/a>, convirtiendo al pequeño país en uno de los más seguros de América Latina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos salvadoreños observaron el primer mandato de Bukele desde lejos, aplaudiendo al presidente por sus logros. Calderón es uno de ellos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esperemos que esta paz que tenemos ahora perdure”, dijo Calderón. “Porque si [Bukele] deja de gobernar, y llega otro corrupto como antes, dejarán libre a los delincuentes de la cárcel, y la cosa va empeorar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero las medidas enérgicas contra la violencia por parte de Bukele ha preocupado a las organizacione de derechos humanos. El presidente salvadoreño ordenó un \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">“rég\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">imen de excepción”\u003c/a> en marzo de 2022, una medida que suspendió cuatro derechos básicos de la Constitución de El Salvador, entre ellos el derecho a la defensa en caso de detención, la libertad de reunión, la privacidad en las comunicaciones digitales sin interceptación policial, y un plazo de detención antes del juicio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele dijo que era una medida necesaria para luchar contra la delincuencia violenta. En esos dos años, mientras la tasa de homicidios caía precipitadamente, la de los encarcelamientos aumentaba y ahora es una de las \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">más elevadas del mundo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si la policía se creó para imponer la ley y el orden, que imponga la ley y el orden”, dijo Bukele en su discurso en la CPAC. “Si el sistema judicial se creó para hacer justicia, que hagan justicia”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cambio en la justicia penal de San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>San Francisco ha sido criticada por alejarse lentamente de lo que se ha considerado una política de justicia penal progresista desde que los votantes destituyeron al entonces fiscal del distrito, Chesa Boudin, hace casi dos años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La alcaldesa London Breed nombró a Brooke Jenkins como la nueva fiscal de San Francisco en 2022. Jenkins prometió dar prioridad a la seguridad en la ciudad. Fue reelegida ese mismo año.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990374\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990374\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manifestantes contra la reelección del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en San Francisco el día de su toma de posesión el 1 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Sería fácil interpretar algunas de mis expresiones como un regreso a las políticas de mano dura contra la delincuencia o una estrategia que se centra exclusivamente en el encarcelamiento”, dijo Jenkins en su discurso de investidura. “Para algunos, la rendición de cuentas puede tener que ser la cárcel”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los fiscales lograron condenas en el 42% de los casos durante el primer año completo de Jenkins en el cargo, un aumento con respecto a la tasa de condenas del 36% del año anterior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins también anunció un grupo de trabajo sobre opioides a finales de 2023 junto con Breed y el gobernador Gavin Newsom. Esto forma parte de una ofensiva general contra la venta de drogas en San Francisco. Mientras que en El Salvador, Bukele ha emprendido su propia campaña contra el narcotráfico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón dijo que la venta de fentanilo está destruyendo comunidades en los EE.UU., incluida San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí hay mucha delincuencia, y si no hay mano dura”, dijo, “la delincuencia, en lugar de disminuir, aumenta”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El grupo de trabajo sobre opioides, que pretende estar implementado a finales de este año, trataría las muertes por sobredosis en San Francisco atribuibles directmente a un traficante de drogas. Esta es una medida que los fiscales de otros condados de California están adoptando, como el de Riverside, para combatir el aumento de las muertes por sobredosis y a presuntos traficantes de fentanilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El sentir hacia políticas más conservadoras para hacer frente a la delincuencia y el consumo de drogas obtuvo el respaldo de los votantes de San Francisco en marzo, cuando se aprobaron dos iniciativas apoyadas por Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La propuesta “E” permitirá al departamento de policía de la ciudad desplegar más herramientas de vigilancia pública y reducir los requisitos de notificación de los agentes cuando se produzca una situación de uso de fuerza. Mientras que la propuesta “F” exigirá que los beneficiarios de la asistencia social, sospechosos de consumir drogas, se sometan a pruebas y reciban tratamiento.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']Breed también apoya una medida electoral de noviembre para reformar la \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">Proposición 47\u003c/a>, la cual actualmente limita el poder de los fiscales para procesar ciertos delitos no violentos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que se está produciendo un cambio fundamental en la economía política de San Francisco”, afirmó Roberto Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato, de 61 años, es autor de \u003cem>Unforgetting\u003c/em>, un libro sobre el trauma intergeneracional entre EE.UU. y El Salvador. Él ha documentado los efectos a largo plazo que la violenta historia de El Salvador ha tenido en los inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato compara la política del Área de la Bahía con la estrategia política actual de El Salvador: crear soluciones a corto plazo para promoverlas en las redes sociales y recibir apoyo. Es una estrategia que Lovato cree que ha funcionado con la población salvadoreña en EE.UU. a la hora de votar por Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En el caso de los salvadoreños, existe una cultura fascista que influyó en nuestras familias”, dijo Lovato. “Cada vez hay menos alternativas para que la gente pueda evaluar fuera del marco fascista. Así que el recurso de Bukele no debería sorprendernos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Salvadoreños estadounidenses en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Por varias décadas, El Salvador fue considerado uno de los países más violentos de América Latina. En el siglo XX, el país vivió el aumento de la militarización dentro de su gobierno al mismo tiempo que crecía su exportación de café. El descontento con el gobierno provocó levantamientos que fueron rápidamente sofocados, uno de etos sucedió en 1932, cuando se produjo un suceso llamado “La Matanza”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990376\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990376\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Una bandera salvadoreña ondea durante el 45º Carnaval anual de San Francisco celebrado en el Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco el 26 de mayo de 2024. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernández/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los padres de Roberto Lovato emigraron al Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco durante la década de 1940 para huir de esa violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sé que es una de las sociedades en el mundo que ha experimentado el mayor número de dictaturas”, dijo Lovato. “Así que si quieres entender a nuestras familias, son familias que han huido o han sido moldeadas por el fascismo que está profundamente arraigado en el corazón de El Salvador luego de una larga dictadura militar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante décadas, los salvadoreños vivieron en un estado de militarización . En respuesta a estas condiciones sociopolíticas, creció un movimiento guerrillero de izquierdas llamado Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) que prometió derrocar al gobierno, un movimiento que condujo a una guerra civil en 1980 que duró 12 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La guerra mató a decenas de miles de personas, incluidas múltiples masacres de civiles, mujeres y niños. Esto impulsó otra oleada migratoria fuera de El Salvador, dijo Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando vivía en San Francisco, Lovato estaba rodeado de activistas centroamericanos que se oponían al gobierno derechista de El Salvador. Muchos de ellos residían en el Distrito de la Misión y se reunían para planificar cómo proporcionar ayuda a los revolucionarios de toda América Latina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato dice que él era uno de los salvadoreños que en ese entonces vivían en San Francisco y viajaron a El Salvador para unirse al movimiento guerrillero y luchar en la guerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay una larga historia de cultura revolucionaria en la Misión”, afirmó Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990381\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990381\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phil Josselyn, antiguo miembro del Comité de Solidaridad con el Pueblo de El Salvador (CISPES), asiste a una concentración contra la reelección del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en San Francisco el día de su toma de posesión, el 1 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phil Josselyn, de 76 años, es miembro del Comité de Solidaridad con el Pueblo de El Salvador (o CISPES por sus siglas en inglés). La organización participó en el activismo en San Francisco durante la guerra civil salvadoreña.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josselyn recuerda cómo ayudó a enviar vehículos con suministros donados a El Salvador y marchó por las calles de San Francisco pidiendo al alcalde que condenara el papel de los EE.UU. en la guerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hicimos una gran manifestación en el Centro de Suministros Navales de Oakland”, dijo Josselyn. “Había 200 personas bloqueando la entrada, y la policía entró y arrestó a todo el mundo.”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras el fin de la guerra civil salvadoreña en 1992, el FMLN se convirtió en partido político. El partido conservador que gobernó durante la guerra civil, llamado Alianza Republicana Nacionalista, siguió siendo una fuerza opositora en la política salvadoreña durante los años posteriores a la guerra. En los últimos años, ha surgido un movimiento populista que condujo a la elección de un tercer partido creado y liderado por Bukele, debido a la percepción popular que los dos partidos históricos se habían corrompido demasiado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CISPES ha continuado con su activismo en el Área de la Bahía después del fin de la guerra. En la actualidad, el grupo se centra en protestar contra las acciones presidenciales de Bukele. También mantienen comunciación con activistas en El Salvador, quienes afirman haber sufrido represalias por criticar el gobierno de Bukele. Otros miembros de CISPES llevan años observando las elecciones salvadoreñas para garantizar un proceso democrático sin problemas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leti Morales, integrante de CISPES, observó el proceso electoral en San Francisco en dos centros de votación ubicados en salas de conferencias de hoteles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El primer lugar en el que estuve era el hotel más grande. Creo que el recuento final fue de unos 2 mil 500 votantes”, dijo Morales. “En la segunda ubicación, eran como 1 mil 300 personas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cómo votan los salvadoreños del Área de la Bahía\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Según Marcela García-Castañón, profesora de ciencias políticas en la Universidad Estatal de San Francisco, los latinos de Área de la Bahía se han desenvuelto en la política de forma muy diferente a como lo han hecho en otras partes de California. Lleva casi una década estudiando los sentimientos políticos de las diferentes comunidades latinas en la región.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990385\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990385\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón, 73 años, izquierda, entrega una olla grande a su compañera de trabajo en la pupusería de su familia en el Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco el 3 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Una de las preguntas que hacemos, por ejemplo, es “¿Cuáles son los temas más importantes para su comunidad? Y en el Área de la Bahía, vemos que la gente se comunica de una manera muy concreta”, dijo García-Castañón. “Usan términos como la brutalidad policial o Black Lives Matter. Dan nombre a los movimientos y utilizan el lenguaje relevante”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su encuesta más reciente se realizó en el 2022. Señaló que aquellos que habían sido víctimas de la delincuencia o la violencia a mano armada buscaban que el sistema de justicia penal responda más a la realidad que ellos experimentan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero, agrega la investigadora, esto no signica que esta comunidad ve el encarcelamiento como la única solución. La más reciente encuesta de García-Castañón incluyó un gran porcentaje de jóvenes, muchos de los cuales procedían de familias inmigrantes. Y según los resultados, muchos de los encuestados no se sienten representados por el gobierno.[aside postID=\"news_11955907\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50596_019_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680-1.jpg\"]Otras encuestas recientes han demostrado que los latinos que durante mucho tiempo han sido votantes de izquierda, ahora \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982586/whats-behind-the-rightward-shift-of-voters-of-color\">se han pasado a la derecha\u003c/a>. Lovato cree que existe una mayoría silenciosa de ideología izquierdista, especialmente entre los salvadoreños más jóvenes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que factores como la presión social, el dominio de los medios de comunicación y sus efectos en la sociedad tienen un efecto silenciador”, dijo Lovato. “¿Realmente quieres hablar claro cuando parece que todo el mundo, en línea y fuera de línea, está a favor de Bukele?”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por su parte, Aminta Calderón, propietaria de una pupusería en el Distrito de la Misión, dijo que ella votaría a favor de alguien en San Francisco cuya política reflejara la gestión de Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Este país es muy tolerante, y muchos se aprovechan de ello”, dijo Calderón. “Si no hubiera tanta tolerancia aquí, no habrían más delincuentes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "En San Francisco, algunos en la comunidad salvadoreña ven la política de mano dura promovida por el presidente Nayib Bukele como una solución a los problemas que enfrenta la ciudad californiana. Pero otros están en desacuerdo.",
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"title": "Bukele transformó la política de El Salvador, ¿cómo ha influido esto en la diáspora salvadoreña? | KQED",
"description": "En San Francisco, algunos en la comunidad salvadoreña ven la política de mano dura promovida por el presidente Nayib Bukele como una solución a los problemas que enfrenta la ciudad californiana. Pero otros están en desacuerdo.",
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"headline": "Bukele transformó la política de El Salvador, ¿cómo ha influido esto en la diáspora salvadoreña?",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/latinidan\">Daniel Eduardo Hernández\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989118/salvadoran-american-voters-in-san-francisco-divided-over-tough-on-crime-approach\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sentada en una mesa dentro de su pupusería en San Francisco, Aminta Calderón recuerda cómo fue votar por internet en las recientes elecciones para la presidencia de El Salvador. Ella votó por el actual presidente Nayib Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hija me ayudó a votar desde mi teléfono móvil”, dijo Calderón. Añadió que sacó su tarjeta de identificación emitida por el gobierno salvadoreño, e “ingresé en la página web y así de fácil”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poder votar por Bukele desde el extranjero era algo que la entusiasmaba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón es una de los 322 mil salvadoreños que viven en el extranjero. En las elecciones presidenciales que se realizaron el pasado 4 de febrero, la mayoría de este grupo votó por Bukele. La controvertida, pero popular política de mano dura contra la delincuencia de Bukele, resultó en que el mandatario recibiera un promedio del 96.5% de los votos en línea y presenciales de saladoreños radicados en el extranjero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los salvadoreños son la segunda población latina más numerosa de San Francisco y ante la preocupación por el aumento de la delincuencia en toda la ciudad, también en la diáspora salvadoreña se ha vuelto más popular votar por un candidato que promueva una mano dura contra delincuencia. La popularidad de Bukele, sin embargo, también ha impulsado a grupos progresistas a movilizarse contra la influencia del presidente salvadoreño en San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990372\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990372\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón posa para una foto en el interior de la pupusería de su familia en el Distrito de la Misión, en San Francisco, el 3 de junio de 2024. Calderón votó en línea por el presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en las elecciones del 4 de febrero. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Calderón, de 73 años, apoya firmemente un sistema de ley y el orden. Relata el peligro que vivió en El Salvador, tanto por la guerra civil como por la creciente violencia de las pandillas. Decidió huir de su país en 1995 tras ser tiroteada por unos hombres que intentaban robar mercancías de su negocio de transporte. Vendió lo poco que tenía y emigró a San Francisco, donde ha emprendido varios negocios de comida en el Área de la Bahía.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su trabajo le permitía enviar remesas a su familia en El Salvador para que pudieran cubrir sus necesidades básicas. También se mantuvo informada sobre la violencia en su país natal y creyó que las cosas nunca cambiarían, hasta que Bukele asumió la presidencia en 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Eliminó todas esas masacres metiendo a muchos pandilleros en la cárcel”, dijo Calderón.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La influencia de Bukele en los votantes latinos de EE.UU.\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Dos semanas después de que Bukele fuera reelegido, visitó a los Estados Unidos. El 22 de febrero dio un discurso en la Conferencia anual de Acción Política Conservadora (o CPAC por sus siglas en inglés), en Maryland. Cuando subió al escenario, la multitud lo recibió con gran entusiasmo. Algunos ondeaban banderas salvadoreñas, mientras otros coreaban su nombre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su discurso, instó a los asistentes a “luchar” contra quienes no se alinean con los valores de Bukele y sus seguidores. También criticó a los funcionarios de las principales ciudades estadounidenses por aceptar la delincuencia y promover el consumo de drogas ilícitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990373\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990373\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1025\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morena Ramírez (derecha) y su marido observan el 45º desfile anual del Carnaval de San Francisco, en San Francisco, el 26 de mayo de 2024. La gorra de Ramírez lleva el logotipo del recién creado partido del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele, Nuevas Ideas, y una camiseta con la cara del presidente. Votó a Bukele en las elecciones del 4 de febrero y tiene previsto regresar a El Salvador el año que viene. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernández/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“¿Cuántos jóvenes hemos perdido en las calles de Filadelfia o San Francisco a causa del fentanilo?”, preguntó Bukele. “Lo mismo ocurría en El Salvador. En menos de una década, las pandillas tomaron el control del país y de nuestra sociedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele dijo que su administración detuvo a los pandilleros, expulsó a jueces corruptos y destituyó a fiscales corruptos para reformar El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La tasa de homicidios de El Salvador alcanzó su punto máximo en 2015, llegando a 102 muertes por cada 100 mil habitantes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnc.gob.sv/logros-y-memorias/\">según datos del gobierno salvadoreño\u003c/a>. La tasa de homicidios disminuyó lentamente, y en 2019, el año en que Bukele asumió la presidencia, la tasa se situó en 36 por cada 100 mil. En sus cinco años de mandato, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fiscalia.gob.sv/estadisticas/\">la tasa cayó a 2.4 por 100 mil\u003c/a>, convirtiendo al pequeño país en uno de los más seguros de América Latina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos salvadoreños observaron el primer mandato de Bukele desde lejos, aplaudiendo al presidente por sus logros. Calderón es uno de ellos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esperemos que esta paz que tenemos ahora perdure”, dijo Calderón. “Porque si [Bukele] deja de gobernar, y llega otro corrupto como antes, dejarán libre a los delincuentes de la cárcel, y la cosa va empeorar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero las medidas enérgicas contra la violencia por parte de Bukele ha preocupado a las organizacione de derechos humanos. El presidente salvadoreño ordenó un \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">“rég\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">imen de excepción”\u003c/a> en marzo de 2022, una medida que suspendió cuatro derechos básicos de la Constitución de El Salvador, entre ellos el derecho a la defensa en caso de detención, la libertad de reunión, la privacidad en las comunicaciones digitales sin interceptación policial, y un plazo de detención antes del juicio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele dijo que era una medida necesaria para luchar contra la delincuencia violenta. En esos dos años, mientras la tasa de homicidios caía precipitadamente, la de los encarcelamientos aumentaba y ahora es una de las \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">más elevadas del mundo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si la policía se creó para imponer la ley y el orden, que imponga la ley y el orden”, dijo Bukele en su discurso en la CPAC. “Si el sistema judicial se creó para hacer justicia, que hagan justicia”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cambio en la justicia penal de San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>San Francisco ha sido criticada por alejarse lentamente de lo que se ha considerado una política de justicia penal progresista desde que los votantes destituyeron al entonces fiscal del distrito, Chesa Boudin, hace casi dos años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La alcaldesa London Breed nombró a Brooke Jenkins como la nueva fiscal de San Francisco en 2022. Jenkins prometió dar prioridad a la seguridad en la ciudad. Fue reelegida ese mismo año.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990374\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990374\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manifestantes contra la reelección del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en San Francisco el día de su toma de posesión el 1 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Sería fácil interpretar algunas de mis expresiones como un regreso a las políticas de mano dura contra la delincuencia o una estrategia que se centra exclusivamente en el encarcelamiento”, dijo Jenkins en su discurso de investidura. “Para algunos, la rendición de cuentas puede tener que ser la cárcel”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los fiscales lograron condenas en el 42% de los casos durante el primer año completo de Jenkins en el cargo, un aumento con respecto a la tasa de condenas del 36% del año anterior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins también anunció un grupo de trabajo sobre opioides a finales de 2023 junto con Breed y el gobernador Gavin Newsom. Esto forma parte de una ofensiva general contra la venta de drogas en San Francisco. Mientras que en El Salvador, Bukele ha emprendido su propia campaña contra el narcotráfico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón dijo que la venta de fentanilo está destruyendo comunidades en los EE.UU., incluida San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí hay mucha delincuencia, y si no hay mano dura”, dijo, “la delincuencia, en lugar de disminuir, aumenta”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El grupo de trabajo sobre opioides, que pretende estar implementado a finales de este año, trataría las muertes por sobredosis en San Francisco atribuibles directmente a un traficante de drogas. Esta es una medida que los fiscales de otros condados de California están adoptando, como el de Riverside, para combatir el aumento de las muertes por sobredosis y a presuntos traficantes de fentanilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El sentir hacia políticas más conservadoras para hacer frente a la delincuencia y el consumo de drogas obtuvo el respaldo de los votantes de San Francisco en marzo, cuando se aprobaron dos iniciativas apoyadas por Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La propuesta “E” permitirá al departamento de policía de la ciudad desplegar más herramientas de vigilancia pública y reducir los requisitos de notificación de los agentes cuando se produzca una situación de uso de fuerza. Mientras que la propuesta “F” exigirá que los beneficiarios de la asistencia social, sospechosos de consumir drogas, se sometan a pruebas y reciban tratamiento.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Breed también apoya una medida electoral de noviembre para reformar la \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">Proposición 47\u003c/a>, la cual actualmente limita el poder de los fiscales para procesar ciertos delitos no violentos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que se está produciendo un cambio fundamental en la economía política de San Francisco”, afirmó Roberto Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato, de 61 años, es autor de \u003cem>Unforgetting\u003c/em>, un libro sobre el trauma intergeneracional entre EE.UU. y El Salvador. Él ha documentado los efectos a largo plazo que la violenta historia de El Salvador ha tenido en los inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato compara la política del Área de la Bahía con la estrategia política actual de El Salvador: crear soluciones a corto plazo para promoverlas en las redes sociales y recibir apoyo. Es una estrategia que Lovato cree que ha funcionado con la población salvadoreña en EE.UU. a la hora de votar por Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En el caso de los salvadoreños, existe una cultura fascista que influyó en nuestras familias”, dijo Lovato. “Cada vez hay menos alternativas para que la gente pueda evaluar fuera del marco fascista. Así que el recurso de Bukele no debería sorprendernos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Salvadoreños estadounidenses en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Por varias décadas, El Salvador fue considerado uno de los países más violentos de América Latina. En el siglo XX, el país vivió el aumento de la militarización dentro de su gobierno al mismo tiempo que crecía su exportación de café. El descontento con el gobierno provocó levantamientos que fueron rápidamente sofocados, uno de etos sucedió en 1932, cuando se produjo un suceso llamado “La Matanza”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990376\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990376\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Una bandera salvadoreña ondea durante el 45º Carnaval anual de San Francisco celebrado en el Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco el 26 de mayo de 2024. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernández/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los padres de Roberto Lovato emigraron al Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco durante la década de 1940 para huir de esa violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sé que es una de las sociedades en el mundo que ha experimentado el mayor número de dictaturas”, dijo Lovato. “Así que si quieres entender a nuestras familias, son familias que han huido o han sido moldeadas por el fascismo que está profundamente arraigado en el corazón de El Salvador luego de una larga dictadura militar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante décadas, los salvadoreños vivieron en un estado de militarización . En respuesta a estas condiciones sociopolíticas, creció un movimiento guerrillero de izquierdas llamado Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) que prometió derrocar al gobierno, un movimiento que condujo a una guerra civil en 1980 que duró 12 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La guerra mató a decenas de miles de personas, incluidas múltiples masacres de civiles, mujeres y niños. Esto impulsó otra oleada migratoria fuera de El Salvador, dijo Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando vivía en San Francisco, Lovato estaba rodeado de activistas centroamericanos que se oponían al gobierno derechista de El Salvador. Muchos de ellos residían en el Distrito de la Misión y se reunían para planificar cómo proporcionar ayuda a los revolucionarios de toda América Latina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato dice que él era uno de los salvadoreños que en ese entonces vivían en San Francisco y viajaron a El Salvador para unirse al movimiento guerrillero y luchar en la guerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay una larga historia de cultura revolucionaria en la Misión”, afirmó Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990381\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990381\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phil Josselyn, antiguo miembro del Comité de Solidaridad con el Pueblo de El Salvador (CISPES), asiste a una concentración contra la reelección del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en San Francisco el día de su toma de posesión, el 1 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phil Josselyn, de 76 años, es miembro del Comité de Solidaridad con el Pueblo de El Salvador (o CISPES por sus siglas en inglés). La organización participó en el activismo en San Francisco durante la guerra civil salvadoreña.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josselyn recuerda cómo ayudó a enviar vehículos con suministros donados a El Salvador y marchó por las calles de San Francisco pidiendo al alcalde que condenara el papel de los EE.UU. en la guerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hicimos una gran manifestación en el Centro de Suministros Navales de Oakland”, dijo Josselyn. “Había 200 personas bloqueando la entrada, y la policía entró y arrestó a todo el mundo.”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras el fin de la guerra civil salvadoreña en 1992, el FMLN se convirtió en partido político. El partido conservador que gobernó durante la guerra civil, llamado Alianza Republicana Nacionalista, siguió siendo una fuerza opositora en la política salvadoreña durante los años posteriores a la guerra. En los últimos años, ha surgido un movimiento populista que condujo a la elección de un tercer partido creado y liderado por Bukele, debido a la percepción popular que los dos partidos históricos se habían corrompido demasiado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CISPES ha continuado con su activismo en el Área de la Bahía después del fin de la guerra. En la actualidad, el grupo se centra en protestar contra las acciones presidenciales de Bukele. También mantienen comunciación con activistas en El Salvador, quienes afirman haber sufrido represalias por criticar el gobierno de Bukele. Otros miembros de CISPES llevan años observando las elecciones salvadoreñas para garantizar un proceso democrático sin problemas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leti Morales, integrante de CISPES, observó el proceso electoral en San Francisco en dos centros de votación ubicados en salas de conferencias de hoteles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El primer lugar en el que estuve era el hotel más grande. Creo que el recuento final fue de unos 2 mil 500 votantes”, dijo Morales. “En la segunda ubicación, eran como 1 mil 300 personas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cómo votan los salvadoreños del Área de la Bahía\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Según Marcela García-Castañón, profesora de ciencias políticas en la Universidad Estatal de San Francisco, los latinos de Área de la Bahía se han desenvuelto en la política de forma muy diferente a como lo han hecho en otras partes de California. Lleva casi una década estudiando los sentimientos políticos de las diferentes comunidades latinas en la región.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990385\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990385\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón, 73 años, izquierda, entrega una olla grande a su compañera de trabajo en la pupusería de su familia en el Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco el 3 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Una de las preguntas que hacemos, por ejemplo, es “¿Cuáles son los temas más importantes para su comunidad? Y en el Área de la Bahía, vemos que la gente se comunica de una manera muy concreta”, dijo García-Castañón. “Usan términos como la brutalidad policial o Black Lives Matter. Dan nombre a los movimientos y utilizan el lenguaje relevante”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su encuesta más reciente se realizó en el 2022. Señaló que aquellos que habían sido víctimas de la delincuencia o la violencia a mano armada buscaban que el sistema de justicia penal responda más a la realidad que ellos experimentan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero, agrega la investigadora, esto no signica que esta comunidad ve el encarcelamiento como la única solución. La más reciente encuesta de García-Castañón incluyó un gran porcentaje de jóvenes, muchos de los cuales procedían de familias inmigrantes. Y según los resultados, muchos de los encuestados no se sienten representados por el gobierno.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Otras encuestas recientes han demostrado que los latinos que durante mucho tiempo han sido votantes de izquierda, ahora \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982586/whats-behind-the-rightward-shift-of-voters-of-color\">se han pasado a la derecha\u003c/a>. Lovato cree que existe una mayoría silenciosa de ideología izquierdista, especialmente entre los salvadoreños más jóvenes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que factores como la presión social, el dominio de los medios de comunicación y sus efectos en la sociedad tienen un efecto silenciador”, dijo Lovato. “¿Realmente quieres hablar claro cuando parece que todo el mundo, en línea y fuera de línea, está a favor de Bukele?”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por su parte, Aminta Calderón, propietaria de una pupusería en el Distrito de la Misión, dijo que ella votaría a favor de alguien en San Francisco cuya política reflejara la gestión de Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Este país es muy tolerante, y muchos se aprovechan de ello”, dijo Calderón. “Si no hubiera tanta tolerancia aquí, no habrían más delincuentes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Across California, hundreds of bar owners have been hanging signs that read, “Don’t get roofied! Drink spiking drug test kits available here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they don’t post the signs — or if they don’t have kits available for patrons to test their drinks to determine if they’ve been drugged — the proprietors run the risk of state fines or having their liquor licenses suspended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.abc.ca.gov/type-48-licenses-new-signage-and-product-requirements-take-effect-july-1-2024/\">The new requirements\u003c/a> for the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-03-26/drug-testing-kits-to-be-offered-to-patrons-in-california-bars-this-summer\">2,400 bars and nightclubs\u003c/a> take effect on Monday, thanks \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1013?slug=CA_202320240AB1013\">to a law that Gov. Gavin Newsom signed last year\u003c/a>. Its lead author is Long Beach Democratic Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal, a former nightclub owner currently a partner in three Southern California restaurants serving alcohol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not Lowenthal’s only anti-drink spiking legislation. He has three other anti-drink spiking bills pending in the Legislature that would add new requirements for alcohol servers. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2375?slug=CA_202320240AB2375\">One would require\u003c/a> bars to provide cups with lids on them at a customer’s request. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2402?slug=CA_202320240AB2402\">Another would require \u003c/a>the state’s Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control to include mandatory training for alcohol servers to spot drink spiking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2389\">A third bill\u003c/a> is potentially the most controversial. It would require employees, if they believe a customer has been drugged from a spiked drink, to call police, follow the 911 dispatcher’s instructions and “monitor” the customer until law enforcement or an ambulance crew arrives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal told CalMatters last week that his legislation seeks to address a rise in drink-spiking that has “gotten to crisis proportions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bars need to be involved,” he said during a break from Thursday’s Assembly floor session. “Alcohol companies need to be involved. Patrons need to be involved looking out for each other. We need to be talking about it and creating this level of prevention. Because once somebody’s drink has already been spiked, it’s too late. So what can we do to prevent it from happening?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firm numbers about the prevalence of drink spiking are hard to come by, and research that’s available is based on surveys and anecdotes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey published in \u003ca href=\"https://www.eurekalert.org/news-releases/608100\">2016 in the American Psychological Association’s journal “Psychology of Violence”\u003c/a> found that 8% of 6,064 students surveyed at three universities believed they’d been slipped drugs. Eighteen percent of more than 45,000 respondents in a 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.globaldrugsurvey.com/downloads/2022DrinkSpike.pdf\">global survey from a London-based research firm\u003c/a> reported that they had been drugged. The same survey noted that 92% of the victims didn’t report their suspicions to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Lowenthal’s office, the Long Beach Police Department receives around \u003ca href=\"https://lbpost.com/news/new-long-beach-program-and-proposed-state-legislation-aim-to-combat-drugged-drinks/\">25 reports of drink spiking a year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992680\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992680\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg\" alt='A white man wearing a business suit stands at a podium with a microphone and a banner behind him that reads \"Goods Movement Training Campus.\"' width=\"1024\" height=\"662\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-800x517.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-1020x659.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-160x103.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal speaks at a press conference in Wilmington on Friday, March 24, 2023, announcing the joint workforce training center plan to serve both the Port of Los Angeles and the Port of Long Beach. \u003ccite>(Brittany Murray/MediaNews Group/Long Beach Press-Telegram via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal said the lack of data is due in part to the nature of the drugs. They cause severe short-term memory lapses, and the drugs typically fade from the human body after a few hours. It’s a combination that makes it difficult for a victim to remember what happened and that leaves behind no evidence for investigators to find, \u003ca href=\"https://whickhampractice.nhs.uk/drink-spiking#:~:text=It%20is%20important%20you%20are,body%20within%2012%20%E2%80%93%2072%20hours.\">experts say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t see them,” Lowenthal said. “You can’t taste them. You can’t smell them, and they leave the body within 24 hours, so you can’t even test that it’s in somebody’s system if they’d been roofied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(“Roofied” is a slang term used to describe someone whose drink has been spiked with the most notorious date-rape drug, Rohypnol.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s bill requiring bars to post notices and provide drink-spiking test kits advanced to Newsom’s desk without a single lawmaker voting “no” and without any formal opposition, including from lobbyists representing bars and restaurants, according to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/\">the Digital Democracy database\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal’s other three bills have advanced from the Assembly to the state Senate in the same fashion and without any opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes the bill requiring employees to monitor someone suspected of being drugged until police or medics arrive. Lowenthal argues it’s important for the employees to keep an eye on a victim so they don’t leave with their would-be rapist who drugged them. His bill, however, wouldn’t penalize a bar employee or liquor license holder if a drugged person leaves before help arrives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblymember Mike Gipson told Lowenthal he was glad to see the measure earlier this spring when the bill was before the Assembly Governmental Organization Committee, which handles alcohol and gambling legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gipson, \u003ca href=\"https://spectrumnews1.com/ca/la-west/inside-the-issues/2020/10/13/asm--mike-gipson-wants-to-keep-his-seat-in-the-california-state-assembly-\">a former police officer\u003c/a> from Gardena, told the committee his cousin had died after a drug-induced robbery. Gipson told CalMatters that an autopsy found so much Rohypnol and alcohol in his cousin’s body that the coroner believed it had caused him to stop breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gibson said he supports “anything that we can do in this space to make it safe.” He added that bar patrons need to be on guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have to leave a drink, take it with you to the bathroom,” \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257795?t=632&f=18585adfc4a13ed42d75d3fcc660f59f\">Gipson said\u003c/a>. “Never leave it unattended, even with people that you think you know and you think you can trust.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Across California, hundreds of bar owners have been hanging signs that read, “Don’t get roofied! Drink spiking drug test kits available here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they don’t post the signs — or if they don’t have kits available for patrons to test their drinks to determine if they’ve been drugged — the proprietors run the risk of state fines or having their liquor licenses suspended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.abc.ca.gov/type-48-licenses-new-signage-and-product-requirements-take-effect-july-1-2024/\">The new requirements\u003c/a> for the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-03-26/drug-testing-kits-to-be-offered-to-patrons-in-california-bars-this-summer\">2,400 bars and nightclubs\u003c/a> take effect on Monday, thanks \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1013?slug=CA_202320240AB1013\">to a law that Gov. Gavin Newsom signed last year\u003c/a>. Its lead author is Long Beach Democratic Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal, a former nightclub owner currently a partner in three Southern California restaurants serving alcohol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not Lowenthal’s only anti-drink spiking legislation. He has three other anti-drink spiking bills pending in the Legislature that would add new requirements for alcohol servers. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2375?slug=CA_202320240AB2375\">One would require\u003c/a> bars to provide cups with lids on them at a customer’s request. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2402?slug=CA_202320240AB2402\">Another would require \u003c/a>the state’s Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control to include mandatory training for alcohol servers to spot drink spiking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2389\">A third bill\u003c/a> is potentially the most controversial. It would require employees, if they believe a customer has been drugged from a spiked drink, to call police, follow the 911 dispatcher’s instructions and “monitor” the customer until law enforcement or an ambulance crew arrives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal told CalMatters last week that his legislation seeks to address a rise in drink-spiking that has “gotten to crisis proportions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bars need to be involved,” he said during a break from Thursday’s Assembly floor session. “Alcohol companies need to be involved. Patrons need to be involved looking out for each other. We need to be talking about it and creating this level of prevention. Because once somebody’s drink has already been spiked, it’s too late. So what can we do to prevent it from happening?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firm numbers about the prevalence of drink spiking are hard to come by, and research that’s available is based on surveys and anecdotes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey published in \u003ca href=\"https://www.eurekalert.org/news-releases/608100\">2016 in the American Psychological Association’s journal “Psychology of Violence”\u003c/a> found that 8% of 6,064 students surveyed at three universities believed they’d been slipped drugs. Eighteen percent of more than 45,000 respondents in a 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.globaldrugsurvey.com/downloads/2022DrinkSpike.pdf\">global survey from a London-based research firm\u003c/a> reported that they had been drugged. The same survey noted that 92% of the victims didn’t report their suspicions to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Lowenthal’s office, the Long Beach Police Department receives around \u003ca href=\"https://lbpost.com/news/new-long-beach-program-and-proposed-state-legislation-aim-to-combat-drugged-drinks/\">25 reports of drink spiking a year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992680\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992680\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg\" alt='A white man wearing a business suit stands at a podium with a microphone and a banner behind him that reads \"Goods Movement Training Campus.\"' width=\"1024\" height=\"662\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-800x517.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-1020x659.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-160x103.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal speaks at a press conference in Wilmington on Friday, March 24, 2023, announcing the joint workforce training center plan to serve both the Port of Los Angeles and the Port of Long Beach. \u003ccite>(Brittany Murray/MediaNews Group/Long Beach Press-Telegram via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal said the lack of data is due in part to the nature of the drugs. They cause severe short-term memory lapses, and the drugs typically fade from the human body after a few hours. It’s a combination that makes it difficult for a victim to remember what happened and that leaves behind no evidence for investigators to find, \u003ca href=\"https://whickhampractice.nhs.uk/drink-spiking#:~:text=It%20is%20important%20you%20are,body%20within%2012%20%E2%80%93%2072%20hours.\">experts say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t see them,” Lowenthal said. “You can’t taste them. You can’t smell them, and they leave the body within 24 hours, so you can’t even test that it’s in somebody’s system if they’d been roofied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(“Roofied” is a slang term used to describe someone whose drink has been spiked with the most notorious date-rape drug, Rohypnol.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s bill requiring bars to post notices and provide drink-spiking test kits advanced to Newsom’s desk without a single lawmaker voting “no” and without any formal opposition, including from lobbyists representing bars and restaurants, according to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/\">the Digital Democracy database\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal’s other three bills have advanced from the Assembly to the state Senate in the same fashion and without any opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes the bill requiring employees to monitor someone suspected of being drugged until police or medics arrive. Lowenthal argues it’s important for the employees to keep an eye on a victim so they don’t leave with their would-be rapist who drugged them. His bill, however, wouldn’t penalize a bar employee or liquor license holder if a drugged person leaves before help arrives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblymember Mike Gipson told Lowenthal he was glad to see the measure earlier this spring when the bill was before the Assembly Governmental Organization Committee, which handles alcohol and gambling legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gipson, \u003ca href=\"https://spectrumnews1.com/ca/la-west/inside-the-issues/2020/10/13/asm--mike-gipson-wants-to-keep-his-seat-in-the-california-state-assembly-\">a former police officer\u003c/a> from Gardena, told the committee his cousin had died after a drug-induced robbery. Gipson told CalMatters that an autopsy found so much Rohypnol and alcohol in his cousin’s body that the coroner believed it had caused him to stop breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gibson said he supports “anything that we can do in this space to make it safe.” He added that bar patrons need to be on guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have to leave a drink, take it with you to the bathroom,” \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257795?t=632&f=18585adfc4a13ed42d75d3fcc660f59f\">Gipson said\u003c/a>. “Never leave it unattended, even with people that you think you know and you think you can trust.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Prosecutors' Union Votes to Recall Alameda County DA Pamela Price",
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"content": "\u003cp>The union representing prosecutors in the office of Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a> voted in favor of recalling their boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a wide-ranging press conference on Tuesday, Price said the union is upset because she is rooting out misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The prosecutors’ union, at this point, represents a very small percentage of our employees and, unfortunately, the timing is indicative of the fact that this office has had a legacy and a history of unethical behavior,” Price said, noting that the union contributed $125,000 to her opponent’s campaign in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the vote by the Alameda County Prosecutors’ Association, Price, who will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986400/alameda-county-district-attorney-will-face-a-recall-election-in-november\">face a recall election in November\u003c/a>, talked about gun violence, the reorganization of her office, the resignation of her second in command and the county’s review of death penalty cases tainted by alleged prosecutorial misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a moment when top elected officials in Alameda County and Oakland are fighting allegations of misconduct and mismanagement, and as Oakland recovers from a mass shooting at Lake Merritt, Price defended her administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said she believed the union’s recall vote was in response to her administration’s review of death penalty convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Judge Vince Chhabria of the U.S. District Court of Northern California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983705/allegations-of-prosecutorial-bias-spark-review-of-death-penalty-convictions-in-alameda-county\">directed\u003c/a> Price’s office to review all death penalty convictions for signs of prosecutorial misconduct. The directive came after evidence indicating county prosecutors may have excluded Black and Jewish jurors was found in the case of Ernest Dykes, who sits on death row.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the latest allegation that prosecutors systematically prevented Black and Jewish residents from serving on death penalty juries in the 1980s and 1990s. The rejection was based on the belief that Black and Jewish jurors were more likely to oppose the death penalty. Price was elected in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure that there are people who are leading the prosecutors’ union who have a problem with that. The whole world is watching and horrified by what we have uncovered,” Price said. “Our effort to hold prosecutors accountable for this kind of misconduct and other ethical lapses has been met with resistance from the prosecutors’ union before we arrived and certainly since we’ve been here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to data from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, there are currently 37 people on death row who were convicted in Alameda County, including Dykes. Price’s office told KQED it is reviewing 35 cases. The review could lead to resentencing or retrials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are under the mandate to review all of the cases,” Price said. “We’re continuing to meet with Judge Chhabria as well as the California Attorney General’s office, as well as defense counsel in the cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price announced that Otis Bruce, the chief assistant DA, had resigned. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyscanner.com/2023/07/11/courts/otis-bruce-jr-marin-county-da-misconduct-investigation/#:~:text=But%20Bruce%20did%20make%20headlines,as%20they%20discussed%20a%20case.\">reporting\u003c/a> in the \u003cem>Berkeley Scanner\u003c/em>, Bruce made disparaging remarks about Pacific Islanders to an Asian American prosecutor in 2023 and allegedly fostered an environment of fear when he worked for the Marin County DA, his post, before joining Price’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price did not elaborate on why Bruce, who was replaced by Evanthia Pappas, resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we go through this transition, I think that it will be a great opportunity, as I mentioned, for others who have been longtime prosecutors in this office to prosper,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office’s reorganization includes the addition of two new divisions: gender justice and advancing justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland and Alameda County have been rocked by a series of incidents recently. Earlier this month, Price and the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988718/alameda-county-sheriffs-office-and-district-attorney-take-to-facebook-to-air-charging-dispute\">disputed a charging decision\u003c/a> publicly on Facebook. At the center of the conflict was a federal parole violation hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 12, Patricia Lee, a former public information officer for Price, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990321/lawsuit-claims-alameda-county-da-is-biased-against-asians-how-will-it-impact-the-recall\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> against Alameda County and Price, alleging Price made anti-Asian remarks and fired her in retaliation for speaking up about violations of public transparency laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 19, 14 people were shot near Lake Merritt after a Juneteenth celebration. Price said that there were multiple shooters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The investigation of the Juneteenth incident at Lake Merritt is ongoing,” she said. “There are a lot of videos. We need reliable witnesses so that the Oakland Police Department can, in fact, determine what happened and who is accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The morning after the mass shooting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991242/fbi-agents-raid-home-of-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao\">federal agents raided\u003c/a> Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao’s home, throwing the embattled leader into further turmoil as she faces an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\">upcoming recall election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s initial silence began \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991429/after-oakland-fbi-raids-and-juneteenth-shooting-where-is-mayor-sheng-thao\">fueling speculation\u003c/a> about her future. On Monday, she gave a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991658/oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-to-make-first-public-comments-since-fbi-raids\">defiant public statement\u003c/a>. A day later, Francis Zamora, her chief spokesperson, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991794/oakland-mayors-press-chief-resigns-after-fbi-raids-as-turmoil-mounts\">resigned\u003c/a>. Thao also parted ways with Anthony Brass, a San Francisco-based attorney who represented her. No City Council allies have spoken out in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price declined to comment on the FBI raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am saddened by what we are experiencing in this season. I know that all of us are traumatized by the events that we have observed, starting with Wednesday night’s mass shooting and then followed by the raid on Thursday morning,” Price said. “I think that we all should reserve judgment until we know the facts, and I think we should all pray for our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The union representing prosecutors in the office of Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a> voted in favor of recalling their boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a wide-ranging press conference on Tuesday, Price said the union is upset because she is rooting out misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The prosecutors’ union, at this point, represents a very small percentage of our employees and, unfortunately, the timing is indicative of the fact that this office has had a legacy and a history of unethical behavior,” Price said, noting that the union contributed $125,000 to her opponent’s campaign in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the vote by the Alameda County Prosecutors’ Association, Price, who will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986400/alameda-county-district-attorney-will-face-a-recall-election-in-november\">face a recall election in November\u003c/a>, talked about gun violence, the reorganization of her office, the resignation of her second in command and the county’s review of death penalty cases tainted by alleged prosecutorial misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a moment when top elected officials in Alameda County and Oakland are fighting allegations of misconduct and mismanagement, and as Oakland recovers from a mass shooting at Lake Merritt, Price defended her administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said she believed the union’s recall vote was in response to her administration’s review of death penalty convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Judge Vince Chhabria of the U.S. District Court of Northern California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983705/allegations-of-prosecutorial-bias-spark-review-of-death-penalty-convictions-in-alameda-county\">directed\u003c/a> Price’s office to review all death penalty convictions for signs of prosecutorial misconduct. The directive came after evidence indicating county prosecutors may have excluded Black and Jewish jurors was found in the case of Ernest Dykes, who sits on death row.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the latest allegation that prosecutors systematically prevented Black and Jewish residents from serving on death penalty juries in the 1980s and 1990s. The rejection was based on the belief that Black and Jewish jurors were more likely to oppose the death penalty. Price was elected in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure that there are people who are leading the prosecutors’ union who have a problem with that. The whole world is watching and horrified by what we have uncovered,” Price said. “Our effort to hold prosecutors accountable for this kind of misconduct and other ethical lapses has been met with resistance from the prosecutors’ union before we arrived and certainly since we’ve been here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to data from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, there are currently 37 people on death row who were convicted in Alameda County, including Dykes. Price’s office told KQED it is reviewing 35 cases. The review could lead to resentencing or retrials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are under the mandate to review all of the cases,” Price said. “We’re continuing to meet with Judge Chhabria as well as the California Attorney General’s office, as well as defense counsel in the cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price announced that Otis Bruce, the chief assistant DA, had resigned. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyscanner.com/2023/07/11/courts/otis-bruce-jr-marin-county-da-misconduct-investigation/#:~:text=But%20Bruce%20did%20make%20headlines,as%20they%20discussed%20a%20case.\">reporting\u003c/a> in the \u003cem>Berkeley Scanner\u003c/em>, Bruce made disparaging remarks about Pacific Islanders to an Asian American prosecutor in 2023 and allegedly fostered an environment of fear when he worked for the Marin County DA, his post, before joining Price’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price did not elaborate on why Bruce, who was replaced by Evanthia Pappas, resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we go through this transition, I think that it will be a great opportunity, as I mentioned, for others who have been longtime prosecutors in this office to prosper,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office’s reorganization includes the addition of two new divisions: gender justice and advancing justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland and Alameda County have been rocked by a series of incidents recently. Earlier this month, Price and the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988718/alameda-county-sheriffs-office-and-district-attorney-take-to-facebook-to-air-charging-dispute\">disputed a charging decision\u003c/a> publicly on Facebook. At the center of the conflict was a federal parole violation hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 12, Patricia Lee, a former public information officer for Price, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990321/lawsuit-claims-alameda-county-da-is-biased-against-asians-how-will-it-impact-the-recall\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> against Alameda County and Price, alleging Price made anti-Asian remarks and fired her in retaliation for speaking up about violations of public transparency laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 19, 14 people were shot near Lake Merritt after a Juneteenth celebration. Price said that there were multiple shooters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The investigation of the Juneteenth incident at Lake Merritt is ongoing,” she said. “There are a lot of videos. We need reliable witnesses so that the Oakland Police Department can, in fact, determine what happened and who is accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The morning after the mass shooting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991242/fbi-agents-raid-home-of-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao\">federal agents raided\u003c/a> Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao’s home, throwing the embattled leader into further turmoil as she faces an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\">upcoming recall election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s initial silence began \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991429/after-oakland-fbi-raids-and-juneteenth-shooting-where-is-mayor-sheng-thao\">fueling speculation\u003c/a> about her future. On Monday, she gave a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991658/oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-to-make-first-public-comments-since-fbi-raids\">defiant public statement\u003c/a>. A day later, Francis Zamora, her chief spokesperson, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991794/oakland-mayors-press-chief-resigns-after-fbi-raids-as-turmoil-mounts\">resigned\u003c/a>. Thao also parted ways with Anthony Brass, a San Francisco-based attorney who represented her. No City Council allies have spoken out in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price declined to comment on the FBI raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am saddened by what we are experiencing in this season. I know that all of us are traumatized by the events that we have observed, starting with Wednesday night’s mass shooting and then followed by the raid on Thursday morning,” Price said. “I think that we all should reserve judgment until we know the facts, and I think we should all pray for our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Bay-Curious-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/news/series/baycurious",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 3
},
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}
},
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"id": "bbc-world-service",
"title": "BBC World Service",
"info": "The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9pm-10pm, TUE-FRI 1am-2am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/live:bbc_world_service",
"meta": {
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"source": "BBC World Service"
},
"link": "/radio/program/bbc-world-service",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
}
},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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}
},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 1
},
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/code-switch-life-kit",
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},
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/commonwealth-club-of-california-podcast/id976334034?mt=2",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
"link": "/forum",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/0MxSpNYZKNprFLCl7eEtyx"
}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
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