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"content": "\u003cp>As the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910383/how-trumps-immigration-crackdown-is-playing-out-in-the-bay-area\">ramps up immigration arrests\u003c/a>, flooding the streets of Los Angeles with masked agents, it is simultaneously stripping half a million people of humanitarian protections that allowed them to enter the country legally — essentially turning them into undocumented immigrants and threatening to deport them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people is a Nicaraguan journalist who escaped \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/14/1198540870/nicaragua-ortega-repression-journalism\">a crackdown on the free press\u003c/a> in her homeland, and recently landed here in the Bay Area. The journalist, a woman in her 40s, asked KQED to identify her only by her first initial, E., because she fears what the Nicaraguan government could do to her if she’s deported, or to the family she left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We met on a sunny morning earlier this month at her new apartment in a suburban housing complex in Concord. E. had just rented the place but she had no furniture, so we sat down to talk on the brown living room carpet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E. told her story as the Trump administration began \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/06/12/dhs-issues-notices-termination-chnv-parole-program-encourages-parolees-self-deport\">sending letters out\u003c/a> this month notifying her and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-december-2024-monthly-update\">more than 530,000 others\u003c/a> from four unstable and authoritarian countries — Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela — that a Biden-era \u003ca href=\"https://www.refugeesinternational.org/perspectives-and-commentaries/setting-the-record-straight-on-chnv/\">humanitarian parole program\u003c/a> under which they had come to the U.S. lawfully, had been terminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thinking back to what brought her to this point, E., who’s a mother of two, described her path to become a journalist. She was in high school when she discovered the profession, and she said interviewing politicians and covering the news of the day seemed exciting. She built a career spanning TV, radio and newspapers and, over time, her work took on increasing urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gave me the opportunity to give voice to the voiceless and hold power to account — to question what’s permitted under the laws and the constitution,” she said. “Of course in some countries it can be dangerous to bring to light what’s happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Nicaragua has become such a country. The government of President Daniel Ortega has taken control of some news outlets and shut others down entirely, locking up journalists on false charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044053\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">E. in her home in Concord on June 12, 2025. The journalist is seeking asylum from persecution in Nicaragua and did not want to expose her name or face. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>“If you’re on the list … The only thing to do is to run.”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ortega first came to power as part of the Sandinista leadership that waged\u003ca href=\"https://americanarchive.org/exhibits/newshour-cold-war/nicaragua\"> a leftist revolution\u003c/a> to topple the 43-year Somoza family dictatorship in 1979. He was elected president in 1985, but when he was voted out five years later, he stepped down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After winning re-election in 2006, though, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/nicaragua-congress-gives-final-approval-sweeping-constitutional-reforms-2025-01-30/\">Ortega tightened his grip on power\u003c/a>. A\u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/02/nicaraguas-deepening-repression-un-experts-call-urgent-global-action\"> bloody crackdown on protesters\u003c/a> in 2018 was followed by a 2021 election in which \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/02/11/1080204905/nicaragua-has-convicted-more-than-a-dozen-opponents-of-president-daniel-ortega\">Ortega jailed most opposition candidates\u003c/a>. His party dominates the legislature and he has progressively gained control of the police, the military \u003ca href=\"https://www.refugeesinternational.org/perspectives-and-commentaries/setting-the-record-straight-on-chnv/\">and the courts\u003c/a>. He has made his wife, Rosario Murillo, co-president. And earlier this month, a former general who became a critic \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/jun/20/roberto-samcam-killed-costa-rica-president-daniel-ortega\">was assassinated\u003c/a> in Costa Rica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of the risk, E. stayed, even as others left the country. Journalists from formerly competing media outlets teamed up to report clandestinely and publish news without bylines, getting information out about human rights violations however they could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12044974 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/Presser_IMG_5746-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They learned of an “enemies list” compiled by the regime, and contacted the people whose names were on it, so they could try to escape, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re on the list, they will get you. The only thing to do is to run,” she said. “I have friends who wanted to stay and face justice. They said, ‘I don’t have anything to fear.’ I told them, ‘No! Go! Get out!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in late 2023, E. found out that she was targeted. “My source told me: ‘Run! You’re on the list.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E. said she kissed her children goodbye and, with the help of her journalism network, went into hiding. Soon, police began violently questioning her family about her whereabouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will never regret becoming a journalist,” she said, brushing her long dark hair away from her face. “But my family shouldn’t have to pay. When I decided to be a journalist I didn’t know that this was part of the package.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Safe in exile, but for how long?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nicaraguan journalists already in exile in Florida helped her find a U.S. sponsor and apply for the parole program, which Biden officials had designed as a way to shift the growing number of migrants from the four countries away from the border and into a lawful, if temporary, pathway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, last spring, E.’s parole was approved and she flew to Florida legally — with a two-year work permit and, once on U.S. soil, the chance to seek asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was one of \u003ca href=\"https://english.elpais.com/international/2025-01-18/journalists-on-the-verge-of-extinction-in-nicaragua.html\">more than 40 journalists who fled Nicaragua last year\u003c/a>, she said, while five colleagues who stayed are now in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she landed in the U.S., she said, she touched the earth and thought, ‘Thank God! This land is welcoming me and I can start over.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“E.’s case is a great example for why we even had the program,” said Reena Arya, E.’s immigration lawyer with Jewish Family and Community Services of the East Bay. “The United States vetted her, ran her fingerprints. … They stamped her passport.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Florida, she found work she loved, doing public relations for nonprofits. And she applied for humanitarian parole for her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the day President Donald Trump took office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/20/nx-s1-5268986/trump-humanitarian-parole-immigration#:~:text=In%20an%20executive%20order%20signed,National\">he issued an executive order ending the program\u003c/a>, along with other “categorical” parole programs, such as one for Ukrainians who fled the Russian invasion and Afghans who escaped after the Taliban takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After waiting 70 days for her kids’ applications to be approved, E. knew they would instead be void. She says when she found out, she cried the entire day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044052\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044052\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">E. in her home in Concord on June 12, 2025. She is among dozens of Nicaraguan journalists who have fled a violent crackdown on the free press. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Parole revoked\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://justiceactioncenter.org/svitlana-doe-v-noem-class-action/\">Advocates sued\u003c/a> the Trump administration to preserve the humanitarian protections, including the so-called CHNV parole for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans and Venezuelans, as well as those for Ukrainians, Afghans and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For more than 70 years, under both Republican and Democratic administrations, humanitarian parole has been a longstanding and effective lynchpin of our immigration system,” said Esther Sung, legal director for Justice Action Center, the pro-immigrant group that brought the suit. “It has been a lifeline for people facing humanitarian crises in their countries of origin and has been one of the last remaining lawful pathways for people to secure temporary protection in the U.S.”[aside postID=news_12040425 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250514_AFGHANREFUGEESTPS_GC-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg']In April, a federal judge in Massachusetts halted the parole terminations, and an appeals court declined to reverse that decision. But in late May, the Supreme Court ruled the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/05/30/dhs-releases-statement-major-scotus-victory-trump-administration-and-american\">government can start revoking parole \u003c/a>while the case, Svitlana Doe v. Noem, plays out in court. The next hearing is July 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sung called the revocations unprecedented, and added that she considers them part of a plan by the Trump administration “to de-legalize people here lawfully to advance its anti-immigrant agenda.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement June 12, Homeland Security spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin called the CHNV parole “disastrous,” saying the Biden administration had poorly vetted parolees and suggesting those admitted were responsible for “chaos” and crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ending the CHNV parole programs, as well as the paroles of those who exploited it, will be a necessary return to common-sense policies, a return to public safety, and a return to America First,” McLaughlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A different observer, award-winning Venezuelan journalist Boris Muñoz, who’s a former \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> editor and UC Berkeley journalism lecturer, has seen the impact of the parole — and its termination — up close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muñoz came to the U.S. on a fellowship, but as then-President Hugo Chavez consolidated power in Venezuela, Muñoz decided it wasn’t safe to go back. He has since become a U.S. citizen, and he’s watched over the years as other Venezuelan journalists flee the growing repression in their country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CHNV parole offered them a legal way to get here. And the \u003ca href=\"https://cpj.org/2024/08/press-freedom-in-nicaragua-nearly-nonexistent-cpj-and-rights-groups-tell-un/\">crackdown on press freedom\u003c/a> in all four countries covered by the program is well documented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In particular for journalists, it’s crucial,” Muñoz said. “Because they cannot live in their countries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he added that the journalists who arrived with parole are now in limbo, as their work permits are canceled and the possibility of deportation looms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a cruel measure that’s not addressing the promise Trump made to clean the country of criminals,” he said. “These people are not criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Looking for sanctuary in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Leaving her office in Florida one afternoon in February, in the early weeks of the Trump presidency, E. said she saw U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents rounding up immigrants on a nearby avenue and loading them onto buses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had thought that with the protection of parole, she had nothing to fear from ICE. Now she realized that she could be next. E. felt hunted again, as she had in Nicaragua.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, ‘I can’t stay here,’ and I called some friends in California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They told her they thought she’d be safer if she joined them, because California’s sanctuary laws prevent local police from helping ICE with immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So E. uprooted once more, arriving in the Bay Area with nothing. She said she slept on friends’ couches until she found the apartment in Concord. And she landed a supermarket job to pay the bills while she looked for work in her field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she recently received the DHS letter canceling her parole and her work permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prospect of deportation is terrifying, she said, fighting back tears, because she expects she would be imprisoned, as others have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask me if I fear going back to my country, the answer is ‘Yes,’” she said, fighting back tears. “I’ve never been scared in my life. I’ve always been strong and brave. But I’ve seen what they’re capable of. I’ve seen people who were tortured, who were held in deplorable conditions. I don’t want to suffer. I don’t want my children to suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Arya’s help, E. applied for asylum so, if normal rules apply, it’s unlikely she’ll be deported any time soon. But Arya says the revocation of parole means the promise of protection has been broken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fundamentally unfair,” she said. “It’s not how our immigration system has ever worked. And we’re entering a new era where the government thinks they can do that. And it’s a very scary door to open and walk through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, E. has plans to furnish the apartment. She should eventually get a work permit through her asylum application. And if she wins the asylum case, as Arya thinks she will, E. will eventually be allowed to bring her children here, though that could be years off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And she wants to work for a just society, she said, whether for Nicaragua or here in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to help,” she said. “That’s what I’ve always done. And one day, I will be doing it again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910383/how-trumps-immigration-crackdown-is-playing-out-in-the-bay-area\">ramps up immigration arrests\u003c/a>, flooding the streets of Los Angeles with masked agents, it is simultaneously stripping half a million people of humanitarian protections that allowed them to enter the country legally — essentially turning them into undocumented immigrants and threatening to deport them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people is a Nicaraguan journalist who escaped \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/14/1198540870/nicaragua-ortega-repression-journalism\">a crackdown on the free press\u003c/a> in her homeland, and recently landed here in the Bay Area. The journalist, a woman in her 40s, asked KQED to identify her only by her first initial, E., because she fears what the Nicaraguan government could do to her if she’s deported, or to the family she left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We met on a sunny morning earlier this month at her new apartment in a suburban housing complex in Concord. E. had just rented the place but she had no furniture, so we sat down to talk on the brown living room carpet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E. told her story as the Trump administration began \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/06/12/dhs-issues-notices-termination-chnv-parole-program-encourages-parolees-self-deport\">sending letters out\u003c/a> this month notifying her and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-december-2024-monthly-update\">more than 530,000 others\u003c/a> from four unstable and authoritarian countries — Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela — that a Biden-era \u003ca href=\"https://www.refugeesinternational.org/perspectives-and-commentaries/setting-the-record-straight-on-chnv/\">humanitarian parole program\u003c/a> under which they had come to the U.S. lawfully, had been terminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thinking back to what brought her to this point, E., who’s a mother of two, described her path to become a journalist. She was in high school when she discovered the profession, and she said interviewing politicians and covering the news of the day seemed exciting. She built a career spanning TV, radio and newspapers and, over time, her work took on increasing urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gave me the opportunity to give voice to the voiceless and hold power to account — to question what’s permitted under the laws and the constitution,” she said. “Of course in some countries it can be dangerous to bring to light what’s happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Nicaragua has become such a country. The government of President Daniel Ortega has taken control of some news outlets and shut others down entirely, locking up journalists on false charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044053\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">E. in her home in Concord on June 12, 2025. The journalist is seeking asylum from persecution in Nicaragua and did not want to expose her name or face. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>“If you’re on the list … The only thing to do is to run.”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ortega first came to power as part of the Sandinista leadership that waged\u003ca href=\"https://americanarchive.org/exhibits/newshour-cold-war/nicaragua\"> a leftist revolution\u003c/a> to topple the 43-year Somoza family dictatorship in 1979. He was elected president in 1985, but when he was voted out five years later, he stepped down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After winning re-election in 2006, though, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/nicaragua-congress-gives-final-approval-sweeping-constitutional-reforms-2025-01-30/\">Ortega tightened his grip on power\u003c/a>. A\u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/02/nicaraguas-deepening-repression-un-experts-call-urgent-global-action\"> bloody crackdown on protesters\u003c/a> in 2018 was followed by a 2021 election in which \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/02/11/1080204905/nicaragua-has-convicted-more-than-a-dozen-opponents-of-president-daniel-ortega\">Ortega jailed most opposition candidates\u003c/a>. His party dominates the legislature and he has progressively gained control of the police, the military \u003ca href=\"https://www.refugeesinternational.org/perspectives-and-commentaries/setting-the-record-straight-on-chnv/\">and the courts\u003c/a>. He has made his wife, Rosario Murillo, co-president. And earlier this month, a former general who became a critic \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/jun/20/roberto-samcam-killed-costa-rica-president-daniel-ortega\">was assassinated\u003c/a> in Costa Rica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of the risk, E. stayed, even as others left the country. Journalists from formerly competing media outlets teamed up to report clandestinely and publish news without bylines, getting information out about human rights violations however they could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They learned of an “enemies list” compiled by the regime, and contacted the people whose names were on it, so they could try to escape, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re on the list, they will get you. The only thing to do is to run,” she said. “I have friends who wanted to stay and face justice. They said, ‘I don’t have anything to fear.’ I told them, ‘No! Go! Get out!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in late 2023, E. found out that she was targeted. “My source told me: ‘Run! You’re on the list.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E. said she kissed her children goodbye and, with the help of her journalism network, went into hiding. Soon, police began violently questioning her family about her whereabouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will never regret becoming a journalist,” she said, brushing her long dark hair away from her face. “But my family shouldn’t have to pay. When I decided to be a journalist I didn’t know that this was part of the package.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Safe in exile, but for how long?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nicaraguan journalists already in exile in Florida helped her find a U.S. sponsor and apply for the parole program, which Biden officials had designed as a way to shift the growing number of migrants from the four countries away from the border and into a lawful, if temporary, pathway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, last spring, E.’s parole was approved and she flew to Florida legally — with a two-year work permit and, once on U.S. soil, the chance to seek asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was one of \u003ca href=\"https://english.elpais.com/international/2025-01-18/journalists-on-the-verge-of-extinction-in-nicaragua.html\">more than 40 journalists who fled Nicaragua last year\u003c/a>, she said, while five colleagues who stayed are now in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she landed in the U.S., she said, she touched the earth and thought, ‘Thank God! This land is welcoming me and I can start over.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“E.’s case is a great example for why we even had the program,” said Reena Arya, E.’s immigration lawyer with Jewish Family and Community Services of the East Bay. “The United States vetted her, ran her fingerprints. … They stamped her passport.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Florida, she found work she loved, doing public relations for nonprofits. And she applied for humanitarian parole for her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the day President Donald Trump took office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/20/nx-s1-5268986/trump-humanitarian-parole-immigration#:~:text=In%20an%20executive%20order%20signed,National\">he issued an executive order ending the program\u003c/a>, along with other “categorical” parole programs, such as one for Ukrainians who fled the Russian invasion and Afghans who escaped after the Taliban takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After waiting 70 days for her kids’ applications to be approved, E. knew they would instead be void. She says when she found out, she cried the entire day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044052\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044052\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">E. in her home in Concord on June 12, 2025. She is among dozens of Nicaraguan journalists who have fled a violent crackdown on the free press. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Parole revoked\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://justiceactioncenter.org/svitlana-doe-v-noem-class-action/\">Advocates sued\u003c/a> the Trump administration to preserve the humanitarian protections, including the so-called CHNV parole for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans and Venezuelans, as well as those for Ukrainians, Afghans and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For more than 70 years, under both Republican and Democratic administrations, humanitarian parole has been a longstanding and effective lynchpin of our immigration system,” said Esther Sung, legal director for Justice Action Center, the pro-immigrant group that brought the suit. “It has been a lifeline for people facing humanitarian crises in their countries of origin and has been one of the last remaining lawful pathways for people to secure temporary protection in the U.S.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In April, a federal judge in Massachusetts halted the parole terminations, and an appeals court declined to reverse that decision. But in late May, the Supreme Court ruled the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/05/30/dhs-releases-statement-major-scotus-victory-trump-administration-and-american\">government can start revoking parole \u003c/a>while the case, Svitlana Doe v. Noem, plays out in court. The next hearing is July 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sung called the revocations unprecedented, and added that she considers them part of a plan by the Trump administration “to de-legalize people here lawfully to advance its anti-immigrant agenda.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement June 12, Homeland Security spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin called the CHNV parole “disastrous,” saying the Biden administration had poorly vetted parolees and suggesting those admitted were responsible for “chaos” and crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ending the CHNV parole programs, as well as the paroles of those who exploited it, will be a necessary return to common-sense policies, a return to public safety, and a return to America First,” McLaughlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A different observer, award-winning Venezuelan journalist Boris Muñoz, who’s a former \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> editor and UC Berkeley journalism lecturer, has seen the impact of the parole — and its termination — up close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muñoz came to the U.S. on a fellowship, but as then-President Hugo Chavez consolidated power in Venezuela, Muñoz decided it wasn’t safe to go back. He has since become a U.S. citizen, and he’s watched over the years as other Venezuelan journalists flee the growing repression in their country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CHNV parole offered them a legal way to get here. And the \u003ca href=\"https://cpj.org/2024/08/press-freedom-in-nicaragua-nearly-nonexistent-cpj-and-rights-groups-tell-un/\">crackdown on press freedom\u003c/a> in all four countries covered by the program is well documented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In particular for journalists, it’s crucial,” Muñoz said. “Because they cannot live in their countries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he added that the journalists who arrived with parole are now in limbo, as their work permits are canceled and the possibility of deportation looms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a cruel measure that’s not addressing the promise Trump made to clean the country of criminals,” he said. “These people are not criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Looking for sanctuary in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Leaving her office in Florida one afternoon in February, in the early weeks of the Trump presidency, E. said she saw U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents rounding up immigrants on a nearby avenue and loading them onto buses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had thought that with the protection of parole, she had nothing to fear from ICE. Now she realized that she could be next. E. felt hunted again, as she had in Nicaragua.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, ‘I can’t stay here,’ and I called some friends in California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They told her they thought she’d be safer if she joined them, because California’s sanctuary laws prevent local police from helping ICE with immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So E. uprooted once more, arriving in the Bay Area with nothing. She said she slept on friends’ couches until she found the apartment in Concord. And she landed a supermarket job to pay the bills while she looked for work in her field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she recently received the DHS letter canceling her parole and her work permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prospect of deportation is terrifying, she said, fighting back tears, because she expects she would be imprisoned, as others have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask me if I fear going back to my country, the answer is ‘Yes,’” she said, fighting back tears. “I’ve never been scared in my life. I’ve always been strong and brave. But I’ve seen what they’re capable of. I’ve seen people who were tortured, who were held in deplorable conditions. I don’t want to suffer. I don’t want my children to suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Arya’s help, E. applied for asylum so, if normal rules apply, it’s unlikely she’ll be deported any time soon. But Arya says the revocation of parole means the promise of protection has been broken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fundamentally unfair,” she said. “It’s not how our immigration system has ever worked. And we’re entering a new era where the government thinks they can do that. And it’s a very scary door to open and walk through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, E. has plans to furnish the apartment. She should eventually get a work permit through her asylum application. And if she wins the asylum case, as Arya thinks she will, E. will eventually be allowed to bring her children here, though that could be years off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And she wants to work for a just society, she said, whether for Nicaragua or here in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to help,” she said. “That’s what I’ve always done. And one day, I will be doing it again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> released the first-of-its-kind report, documenting harms committed by the government against Black residents — just as the nation’s highest court was dealing a devastating blow to race-conscious policymaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a dramatic split-screen moment: On June 29, 2023, the same day the California Reparations Task Force released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953025/reparations-task-forces-final-report-covers-much-more-than-money\">groundbreaking final report\u003c/a>, the Supreme Court issued its monumental decision \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954709/timeline-a-heated-history-of-affirmative-action-in-america\">banning affirmative action\u003c/a> in higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal hurdles and shifting politics around racial justice have stalled many \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">reparations-related proposals\u003c/a> in the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California lawmakers are advancing a new strategy: reparations not based on race, but on lineage. They hope to set up a clash over whether descendants of enslaved people can be given preference in areas such as college admissions, mortgage assistance and professional licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it should go up to the Supreme Court, then let it be there,” said Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, D-Los Angeles, vice chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. “But the country needs to say unequivocally that reparations and repair for slavery are either constitutional or unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the real foundational question that Black Americans are due [to have] answered in the immediate, and we want to pose that question as quickly as we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002657\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (right) talks to members of the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California about two reparations bills in the rotunda on the last day of the legislative year on Saturday, Aug. 31, 2024, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Tran Nguyen/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The move carries legal risk, as opponents argue the bills attempt to circumvent state and federal limits on affirmative action and they, too, welcome a fight in the courts. Years before the Supreme Court’s ruling in \u003cem>Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard\u003c/em>, California voters passed their own ban on affirmative action in public education, employment and contracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills, if they become law, could generate reprisals from a Trump administration that has tried to punish state and local governments that have enacted diversity, equity and inclusion programs in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041026/new-trump-administration-rules-could-cut-off-crucial-federal-homelessness-funding\">housing\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030028/trump-cut-education-grants-over-dei-it-will-worsen-teacher-shortages-lawsuit-says\">education\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also the unfinished task of determining who qualifies for reparations programs. The Legislature has yet to create a new state agency to implement the report’s proposals or verify ancestry.[aside postID=news_12044638 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/12m-Reparations-1.jpg']Despite broad support in the Capitol for the creation of the task force in 2020, legislators have had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">mixed success\u003c/a> turning the panel’s recommendations into laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the California Legislative Black Caucus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027903/california-lawmakers-target-historical-harm-to-black-residents-in-latest-bill-push\">announced a package of bills\u003c/a> inspired by the task force’s recommendations, including Assembly Bill 7, which would allow California universities to grant preference in admissions to applicants who are descendants of enslaved people. Importantly, said Bryan, the bill’s author, the words “Black” or “African American” do not appear in the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no race in AB7 at all,” he added. “It’s a specific harm-based intervention for a group of people who were previously excluded or harmed by institutions of higher learning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the state Assembly in early June and is set to be heard in the Senate Education Committee on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford Law School professor Ralph Richard Banks predicted the bill would set off an intense legal fight if it is passed by the Legislature and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11945733\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11945733\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white sign with black lettering reads "Reparations Now 2023" at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento, the state's capital.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says, “Reparations Now 2023,” at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On one side, you’ll have people saying, ‘Oh, an admissions preference for descendants of slavery — that’s just a transparent proxy for race,” Banks said. “And the other side of the argument will say, ‘Well, actually, there are reasons that we might be concerned about slavery and rectifying and responding to the damage and the harm done by slavery, which is distinct from any concern with race per se.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Banks said the Supreme Court’s affirmative action ruling is likely to suppress race-conscious policies beyond college admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greater significance is that it would naturally be extended to all other sectors of life,” he said. “Not only college admissions, but employment and government policymaking related to housing … so the implications are dramatic and they’re still playing out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a precedent-setting court battle could also include two other bills making their way through the Legislature. Assembly Bill 57 would set aside 10% of funds in the California Dream for All home-loan assistance program for descendants of enslaved people. Assembly Bill 742 would prioritize descendants of enslavement for state licenses required for professions such as barbers, dental hygienists and physical therapists.[aside postID=news_11948198 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/Rep-Episode-2_Thumbnail_1-1020x574.png']Last year, a similar bill proposed to prioritize Black Californians for professional licenses was shelved ahead of a committee hearing, in part due to legal concerns. Another bill aimed at weakening Proposition 209, California’s ban on affirmative action, also failed to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrew Quinio, a lawyer with the Pacific Legal Foundation, a group opposing the bills, said the legislation is searching for a loophole to enact policies that benefit Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is absolutely being used as a proxy of a race,” Quinio said. “Not only is the origin and the purpose of AB 7 demonstrative of the fact that it is trying to benefit a racial category, but the ultimate effect will be that only a particular racial category will benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quinio said the bill’s authors have been explicit about their goal of enacting recommendations of the reparations task force, which was created “to study and develop reparation proposals for African Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill package, which includes AB 7, among the other bills, is about repairing centuries of economic damage [and] abuse that was inflicted on Black Californians,” Quinio said. “So it’s very clear as to who the bills were meant to benefit and what the purpose is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quinio pointed to a 2000 Supreme Court decision that struck down a Hawaii law restricting voting for a particular state office to people with Hawaiian ancestry. But he acknowledged the nation’s highest court has not ruled definitively on the kind of reparations policies being pursued in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952793\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952793\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a face mask holds a sign that reads \"World Leaders! Reparations for Slavery Now!\" in a crowd of people.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Long-time Los Angeles resident Walter Foster, 80, holds up a sign as the Reparations Task Force listens to public input at the California Science Center in Los Angeles on Sept. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carolyn Cole/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To invite such a legal showdown, the Legislature will first have to pass Senate Bill 518, a bill that would create a Bureau for Descendants of American Slavery. The new agency would be tasked with verifying an individual’s status as a descendant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar proposal stalled last year after opposition from the Newsom administration over cost concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Marcus Anthony Hunter, a professor of sociology and African American Studies at UCLA, said his hope for the legal survival of the reparations movement has been buoyed by an unlikely source: conservative Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his concurring opinion in the Students for Fair Admissions case, Thomas argued that laws passed by Congress around the time of the 14th Amendment, particularly the establishment of the Freedmen’s Bureau, were race-neutral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If laws meant to assist freed slaves were considered race-neutral and constitutional, Hunter wondered, could the same be true of laws meant to support their descendants?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of what’s happening in the atmosphere is to test that theory out,” Hunter said. “There’s a lot of fear about what they’re going to accept or not accept, but they haven’t yet been made to come into the waters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> released the first-of-its-kind report, documenting harms committed by the government against Black residents — just as the nation’s highest court was dealing a devastating blow to race-conscious policymaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a dramatic split-screen moment: On June 29, 2023, the same day the California Reparations Task Force released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953025/reparations-task-forces-final-report-covers-much-more-than-money\">groundbreaking final report\u003c/a>, the Supreme Court issued its monumental decision \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954709/timeline-a-heated-history-of-affirmative-action-in-america\">banning affirmative action\u003c/a> in higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal hurdles and shifting politics around racial justice have stalled many \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">reparations-related proposals\u003c/a> in the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California lawmakers are advancing a new strategy: reparations not based on race, but on lineage. They hope to set up a clash over whether descendants of enslaved people can be given preference in areas such as college admissions, mortgage assistance and professional licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it should go up to the Supreme Court, then let it be there,” said Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, D-Los Angeles, vice chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. “But the country needs to say unequivocally that reparations and repair for slavery are either constitutional or unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the real foundational question that Black Americans are due [to have] answered in the immediate, and we want to pose that question as quickly as we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002657\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (right) talks to members of the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California about two reparations bills in the rotunda on the last day of the legislative year on Saturday, Aug. 31, 2024, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Tran Nguyen/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The move carries legal risk, as opponents argue the bills attempt to circumvent state and federal limits on affirmative action and they, too, welcome a fight in the courts. Years before the Supreme Court’s ruling in \u003cem>Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard\u003c/em>, California voters passed their own ban on affirmative action in public education, employment and contracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills, if they become law, could generate reprisals from a Trump administration that has tried to punish state and local governments that have enacted diversity, equity and inclusion programs in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041026/new-trump-administration-rules-could-cut-off-crucial-federal-homelessness-funding\">housing\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030028/trump-cut-education-grants-over-dei-it-will-worsen-teacher-shortages-lawsuit-says\">education\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also the unfinished task of determining who qualifies for reparations programs. The Legislature has yet to create a new state agency to implement the report’s proposals or verify ancestry.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Despite broad support in the Capitol for the creation of the task force in 2020, legislators have had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">mixed success\u003c/a> turning the panel’s recommendations into laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the California Legislative Black Caucus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027903/california-lawmakers-target-historical-harm-to-black-residents-in-latest-bill-push\">announced a package of bills\u003c/a> inspired by the task force’s recommendations, including Assembly Bill 7, which would allow California universities to grant preference in admissions to applicants who are descendants of enslaved people. Importantly, said Bryan, the bill’s author, the words “Black” or “African American” do not appear in the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no race in AB7 at all,” he added. “It’s a specific harm-based intervention for a group of people who were previously excluded or harmed by institutions of higher learning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the state Assembly in early June and is set to be heard in the Senate Education Committee on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford Law School professor Ralph Richard Banks predicted the bill would set off an intense legal fight if it is passed by the Legislature and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11945733\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11945733\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white sign with black lettering reads "Reparations Now 2023" at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento, the state's capital.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS63347_042_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says, “Reparations Now 2023,” at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On one side, you’ll have people saying, ‘Oh, an admissions preference for descendants of slavery — that’s just a transparent proxy for race,” Banks said. “And the other side of the argument will say, ‘Well, actually, there are reasons that we might be concerned about slavery and rectifying and responding to the damage and the harm done by slavery, which is distinct from any concern with race per se.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Banks said the Supreme Court’s affirmative action ruling is likely to suppress race-conscious policies beyond college admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greater significance is that it would naturally be extended to all other sectors of life,” he said. “Not only college admissions, but employment and government policymaking related to housing … so the implications are dramatic and they’re still playing out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a precedent-setting court battle could also include two other bills making their way through the Legislature. Assembly Bill 57 would set aside 10% of funds in the California Dream for All home-loan assistance program for descendants of enslaved people. Assembly Bill 742 would prioritize descendants of enslavement for state licenses required for professions such as barbers, dental hygienists and physical therapists.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last year, a similar bill proposed to prioritize Black Californians for professional licenses was shelved ahead of a committee hearing, in part due to legal concerns. Another bill aimed at weakening Proposition 209, California’s ban on affirmative action, also failed to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrew Quinio, a lawyer with the Pacific Legal Foundation, a group opposing the bills, said the legislation is searching for a loophole to enact policies that benefit Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is absolutely being used as a proxy of a race,” Quinio said. “Not only is the origin and the purpose of AB 7 demonstrative of the fact that it is trying to benefit a racial category, but the ultimate effect will be that only a particular racial category will benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quinio said the bill’s authors have been explicit about their goal of enacting recommendations of the reparations task force, which was created “to study and develop reparation proposals for African Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill package, which includes AB 7, among the other bills, is about repairing centuries of economic damage [and] abuse that was inflicted on Black Californians,” Quinio said. “So it’s very clear as to who the bills were meant to benefit and what the purpose is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quinio pointed to a 2000 Supreme Court decision that struck down a Hawaii law restricting voting for a particular state office to people with Hawaiian ancestry. But he acknowledged the nation’s highest court has not ruled definitively on the kind of reparations policies being pursued in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952793\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952793\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a face mask holds a sign that reads \"World Leaders! Reparations for Slavery Now!\" in a crowd of people.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230612-Reparations-Getty-1243475910-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Long-time Los Angeles resident Walter Foster, 80, holds up a sign as the Reparations Task Force listens to public input at the California Science Center in Los Angeles on Sept. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carolyn Cole/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To invite such a legal showdown, the Legislature will first have to pass Senate Bill 518, a bill that would create a Bureau for Descendants of American Slavery. The new agency would be tasked with verifying an individual’s status as a descendant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar proposal stalled last year after opposition from the Newsom administration over cost concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Marcus Anthony Hunter, a professor of sociology and African American Studies at UCLA, said his hope for the legal survival of the reparations movement has been buoyed by an unlikely source: conservative Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his concurring opinion in the Students for Fair Admissions case, Thomas argued that laws passed by Congress around the time of the 14th Amendment, particularly the establishment of the Freedmen’s Bureau, were race-neutral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If laws meant to assist freed slaves were considered race-neutral and constitutional, Hunter wondered, could the same be true of laws meant to support their descendants?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of what’s happening in the atmosphere is to test that theory out,” Hunter said. “There’s a lot of fear about what they’re going to accept or not accept, but they haven’t yet been made to come into the waters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Domestic violence is a public health crisis that exists behind closed doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, around 35% of women and 31% of men have experienced some form of intimate partner violence in their lifetimes, according to the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you break the statistics down by race, the picture looks even bleaker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey from 2016 and 2017, 53.6% of Black women and 57.6% of Black men in the state experienced sexual violence, physical violence and/or stalking by an intimate partner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence estimates that 16 to 55% of Asian American women report experiencing some form of domestic violence during their lifetimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED will be reporting on how systemic and cultural factors affect how people respond to domestic violence. We will be speaking with survivors, community leaders and service providers in the Bay Area to see what can be done to address violence in the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We want to speak with you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If domestic violence in the Asian or Black communities is an issue that resonates with you, or if you have a personal story or experience you would like to share, we’d love to listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three ways to share your story:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Fill out the short form below\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Email me at slim@kqed.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Call 415-553-2313\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Please include your first name — or a preferred alias — and the best way to contact you. Your information will not be shared publicly, and nothing you write or say will be published without your consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you or someone you love needs immediate assistance addressing domestic violence, call the National Domestic Violence Hotline: 800-799-7233 or 800-799-7233 for TTY. If you’re unable to speak safely, go online or text LOVEIS to 22522.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSd-vrnygvyvcbmzFLi8IUby4gNh7uqOvE7ESszmB537-UJmvQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> This project is supported by the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism’s California Health Equity Fellowship.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Domestic violence is a public health crisis that exists behind closed doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, around 35% of women and 31% of men have experienced some form of intimate partner violence in their lifetimes, according to the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you break the statistics down by race, the picture looks even bleaker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey from 2016 and 2017, 53.6% of Black women and 57.6% of Black men in the state experienced sexual violence, physical violence and/or stalking by an intimate partner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence estimates that 16 to 55% of Asian American women report experiencing some form of domestic violence during their lifetimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED will be reporting on how systemic and cultural factors affect how people respond to domestic violence. We will be speaking with survivors, community leaders and service providers in the Bay Area to see what can be done to address violence in the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We want to speak with you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If domestic violence in the Asian or Black communities is an issue that resonates with you, or if you have a personal story or experience you would like to share, we’d love to listen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three ways to share your story:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Fill out the short form below\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Email me at slim@kqed.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Call 415-553-2313\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Please include your first name — or a preferred alias — and the best way to contact you. Your information will not be shared publicly, and nothing you write or say will be published without your consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you or someone you love needs immediate assistance addressing domestic violence, call the National Domestic Violence Hotline: 800-799-7233 or 800-799-7233 for TTY. If you’re unable to speak safely, go online or text LOVEIS to 22522.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSd-vrnygvyvcbmzFLi8IUby4gNh7uqOvE7ESszmB537-UJmvQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSd-vrnygvyvcbmzFLi8IUby4gNh7uqOvE7ESszmB537-UJmvQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> This project is supported by the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism’s California Health Equity Fellowship.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Much of LA’s Community of Immigrants Is Hiding, Leaving a Hole in the Fabric of the City",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This commentary was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In immigrant-rich Westlake in Los Angeles, stores were empty Friday morning. The computer repair place was closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates were down in front of a check-cashing operation. One of the area health clinics, where residents often line up for medical care, was open but without takers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A block away, MacArthur Park still stirred with drug addicts and unhoused men. Police arrested two, cuffing them as the men stared into the distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around Los Angeles, flower sellers who congregate outside Forest Lawn were missing, buses were running half empty, car washes were closed. Parking lots at Home Depots and garden stores were suddenly noticeably vacant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is what happens when the federal government, against the wishes of those who live in a community, exercises its distant authority and imposes a solution Los Angeles residents don’t want. Confrontations in a small area of downtown escalated after the arrival of the National Guard and then of active-duty U.S. Marines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Los Angeles’ large, productive, and now very afraid community of undocumented immigrants has slipped into the shadows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are many misconceptions about immigrants in Los Angeles, but none more disorienting than the canard — so popular among Trump administration representatives — that those immigrants who arrived without papers somehow live apart from the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The role of these immigrants in the local economy is widely misunderstood and deliberately misrepresented. Undocumented immigrants do not work outside the larger economy; they are integrated into it, just as they are into every other aspect of life in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they are removed or are cowered into staying home, the effects touch everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The impact on the economy is broader,” said Saba Waheed, director of UCLA’s Labor Center. “They (federal authorities) are uprooting and interfering in the daily life of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re taking away part of our workforce. That is hurting L.A. more broadly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part because of the close integration of illegal immigrants into the broader economy, and not just in Los Angeles. In California, undocumented workers make up about a quarter of all farm laborers and construction workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Arizona adopted anti-immigrant laws in the early 2000s, \u003ca href=\"https://carsey.unh.edu/sites/default/files/media/2024-08/economic-impact-mass-deportation-lit-review.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">many undocumented residents, perhaps as many as 40%, left\u003c/a>. The economy suffered. And unemployment for low-skilled white men increased, not decreased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That makes perfect sense to all but the closed-minded or hard-hearted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/012025Border-Inauguration_AH_CM_04-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a puffy jacket and cap stands by a chain-link fence, looking toward a busy parking lot filled with vehicles. In the background, a retail store is visible, and two other individuals are seen standing nearby.\">\u003cfigcaption>Saul Muñoz, 53, waits for any job opportunities in front of a Home Depot in San Diego on Jan. 20, 2025. \u003cem>Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Whether here legally or illegally, these are working men and women. When they get paid, they spend that money on clothes and places to live, toys for their children, food and the stuff of life. That spending goes into the broader economy, supporting businesses that are owned and operated by legal residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants and stores that depend on business from those in the country illegally suffer right along with those immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump supporters, starting with the president’s shrill emissary, Stephen Miller, like to counter with crocodile tears for illegal immigrants, who they suggest are an exploited class of workers, while simultaneously calling them an ominous criminal threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though it is certainly true that some undocumented residents are paid lower wages than citizens, many are not victims but have been comfortably working for years. Indeed, nearly 80% of those living illegally in this country have been working here for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller and his fellow travelers suggest that this is all a drag on the economy, a burdensome expense. But that, too, is false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the economic activity they generate, undocumented workers pay taxes — using taxpayer identification numbers, many pay federal income taxes. Others share housing, often with documented family members, and help pay property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these workers have Social Security money withdrawn from their paychecks but, since they are using fake Social Security numbers, they never get the benefits at the other end — which means they help prop up that system for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, of course, they pay sales taxes, which are especially vital to local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s undocumented workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareaeconomy.org/report/economic-impact-of-mass-deportation-in-california/\">contribute $23 billion a year in federal, state and local taxes\u003c/a>. Their direct pay alone amounts to 5% of the state’s economy, a new study shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulling them out of the workforce, either to send them out of the country or chasing them indoors to avoid detection, hurts not just them. It hurts Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, if deportation enthusiasts got their fondest wish, it would hurt the entire country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One study concluded that if the government succeeds in deporting every person currently in the country illegally, it would result in a 1.4% drop in Gross Domestic Product in the first year, with losses rising thereafter. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w22834/w22834.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The economy would shed more than $5 trillion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are studies. And then there is life in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles, like any city, would welcome the removal of dangerous people. But that’s not who’s being grabbed. Immigrants in the country illegally tend to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/research-briefs-economic-policy/law-abiding-immigrants-incarceration-gap-between-immigrants-us-born\">be more law-abiding\u003c/a> once here than native-born Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/060825-Natl-Guard-MDC-DTLA-TS-CM-04-1024x683.jpg\" alt=\"A line of California National Guard members in full riot gear stand shoulder to shoulder holding transparent shields labeled “CALIFORNIA NATIONAL GUARD.” They wear helmets with face shields and camouflage uniforms. The photo is taken at street level, with tall downtown buildings and an American flag visible in the background on a sunny day.\">\u003cfigcaption>California National Guard soldiers stand with shields outside the Federal Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles, on June 8, 2025. \u003cem>Ted Soqui for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under Trump, more than 70% of those seized in these disruptive raids have no criminal record at all, and many more have only minor traffic or other offenses. All told, \u003ca href=\"https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/americas/us-politics/ice-immigration-raids-trump-citizens-b2775393.html\">about 8% of those snatched by ICE\u003c/a> in recent months have serious criminal histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means more than 9 out of 10 gave no evidence of being a threat. Removing them separates families, devastates businesses and damages the larger economy — with no corresponding benefit to the safety of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t snag criminals by raiding car washes and Home Depot parking lots. Washington may not get that — or may not care. But Los Angeles does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If those who are behind the recent immigration raids imagined that they were excising an unwanted, detached community from the rest of Los Angeles, they badly miscalculated. Instead, this region has demonstrated resolve and solidarity in the face of a threat that is not just economic but cultural as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Churches with large immigrant congregations are advising their parishioners to stay home rather than expose themselves to ICE. Hotels and businesses are flying Mexican flags in solidarity with their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists and everyday people are refusing to cooperate when masked agents, who themselves refuse to provide identification, demand it of others, often merely because of their skin color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Pasadena, hardly a hotbed of radicalism, \u003ca href=\"https://ktla.com/news/local-news/programs-in-pasadena-canceled-after-social-media-posts-showing-apparent-federal-enforcement-activity/\">cancelled summer swim and park programs\u003c/a> last weekend for fear that ICE would use them to snag suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those actions prove a point: These immigrants, however they arrived or whatever their legal status, are integral to this region’s economy and to its sense of self.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are our neighbors, our friends, the friends of our children, our coworkers. Forcibly removing them is bad for them, of course. It’s also bad for the rest of us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2025/06/los-angeles-undocumented-immigrants/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Los Angeles’ large, productive, highly integrated, and now very afraid community of undocumented immigrants has slipped into the shadows, leaving a visible impact throughout the city.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This commentary was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In immigrant-rich Westlake in Los Angeles, stores were empty Friday morning. The computer repair place was closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates were down in front of a check-cashing operation. One of the area health clinics, where residents often line up for medical care, was open but without takers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A block away, MacArthur Park still stirred with drug addicts and unhoused men. Police arrested two, cuffing them as the men stared into the distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around Los Angeles, flower sellers who congregate outside Forest Lawn were missing, buses were running half empty, car washes were closed. Parking lots at Home Depots and garden stores were suddenly noticeably vacant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is what happens when the federal government, against the wishes of those who live in a community, exercises its distant authority and imposes a solution Los Angeles residents don’t want. Confrontations in a small area of downtown escalated after the arrival of the National Guard and then of active-duty U.S. Marines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Los Angeles’ large, productive, and now very afraid community of undocumented immigrants has slipped into the shadows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are many misconceptions about immigrants in Los Angeles, but none more disorienting than the canard — so popular among Trump administration representatives — that those immigrants who arrived without papers somehow live apart from the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The role of these immigrants in the local economy is widely misunderstood and deliberately misrepresented. Undocumented immigrants do not work outside the larger economy; they are integrated into it, just as they are into every other aspect of life in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they are removed or are cowered into staying home, the effects touch everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The impact on the economy is broader,” said Saba Waheed, director of UCLA’s Labor Center. “They (federal authorities) are uprooting and interfering in the daily life of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re taking away part of our workforce. That is hurting L.A. more broadly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part because of the close integration of illegal immigrants into the broader economy, and not just in Los Angeles. In California, undocumented workers make up about a quarter of all farm laborers and construction workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Arizona adopted anti-immigrant laws in the early 2000s, \u003ca href=\"https://carsey.unh.edu/sites/default/files/media/2024-08/economic-impact-mass-deportation-lit-review.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">many undocumented residents, perhaps as many as 40%, left\u003c/a>. The economy suffered. And unemployment for low-skilled white men increased, not decreased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That makes perfect sense to all but the closed-minded or hard-hearted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/012025Border-Inauguration_AH_CM_04-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a puffy jacket and cap stands by a chain-link fence, looking toward a busy parking lot filled with vehicles. In the background, a retail store is visible, and two other individuals are seen standing nearby.\">\u003cfigcaption>Saul Muñoz, 53, waits for any job opportunities in front of a Home Depot in San Diego on Jan. 20, 2025. \u003cem>Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Whether here legally or illegally, these are working men and women. When they get paid, they spend that money on clothes and places to live, toys for their children, food and the stuff of life. That spending goes into the broader economy, supporting businesses that are owned and operated by legal residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants and stores that depend on business from those in the country illegally suffer right along with those immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump supporters, starting with the president’s shrill emissary, Stephen Miller, like to counter with crocodile tears for illegal immigrants, who they suggest are an exploited class of workers, while simultaneously calling them an ominous criminal threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though it is certainly true that some undocumented residents are paid lower wages than citizens, many are not victims but have been comfortably working for years. Indeed, nearly 80% of those living illegally in this country have been working here for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller and his fellow travelers suggest that this is all a drag on the economy, a burdensome expense. But that, too, is false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the economic activity they generate, undocumented workers pay taxes — using taxpayer identification numbers, many pay federal income taxes. Others share housing, often with documented family members, and help pay property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these workers have Social Security money withdrawn from their paychecks but, since they are using fake Social Security numbers, they never get the benefits at the other end — which means they help prop up that system for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, of course, they pay sales taxes, which are especially vital to local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s undocumented workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareaeconomy.org/report/economic-impact-of-mass-deportation-in-california/\">contribute $23 billion a year in federal, state and local taxes\u003c/a>. Their direct pay alone amounts to 5% of the state’s economy, a new study shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulling them out of the workforce, either to send them out of the country or chasing them indoors to avoid detection, hurts not just them. It hurts Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, if deportation enthusiasts got their fondest wish, it would hurt the entire country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One study concluded that if the government succeeds in deporting every person currently in the country illegally, it would result in a 1.4% drop in Gross Domestic Product in the first year, with losses rising thereafter. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w22834/w22834.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The economy would shed more than $5 trillion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are studies. And then there is life in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles, like any city, would welcome the removal of dangerous people. But that’s not who’s being grabbed. Immigrants in the country illegally tend to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/research-briefs-economic-policy/law-abiding-immigrants-incarceration-gap-between-immigrants-us-born\">be more law-abiding\u003c/a> once here than native-born Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/060825-Natl-Guard-MDC-DTLA-TS-CM-04-1024x683.jpg\" alt=\"A line of California National Guard members in full riot gear stand shoulder to shoulder holding transparent shields labeled “CALIFORNIA NATIONAL GUARD.” They wear helmets with face shields and camouflage uniforms. The photo is taken at street level, with tall downtown buildings and an American flag visible in the background on a sunny day.\">\u003cfigcaption>California National Guard soldiers stand with shields outside the Federal Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles, on June 8, 2025. \u003cem>Ted Soqui for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under Trump, more than 70% of those seized in these disruptive raids have no criminal record at all, and many more have only minor traffic or other offenses. All told, \u003ca href=\"https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/americas/us-politics/ice-immigration-raids-trump-citizens-b2775393.html\">about 8% of those snatched by ICE\u003c/a> in recent months have serious criminal histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means more than 9 out of 10 gave no evidence of being a threat. Removing them separates families, devastates businesses and damages the larger economy — with no corresponding benefit to the safety of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t snag criminals by raiding car washes and Home Depot parking lots. Washington may not get that — or may not care. But Los Angeles does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If those who are behind the recent immigration raids imagined that they were excising an unwanted, detached community from the rest of Los Angeles, they badly miscalculated. Instead, this region has demonstrated resolve and solidarity in the face of a threat that is not just economic but cultural as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Churches with large immigrant congregations are advising their parishioners to stay home rather than expose themselves to ICE. Hotels and businesses are flying Mexican flags in solidarity with their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists and everyday people are refusing to cooperate when masked agents, who themselves refuse to provide identification, demand it of others, often merely because of their skin color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Pasadena, hardly a hotbed of radicalism, \u003ca href=\"https://ktla.com/news/local-news/programs-in-pasadena-canceled-after-social-media-posts-showing-apparent-federal-enforcement-activity/\">cancelled summer swim and park programs\u003c/a> last weekend for fear that ICE would use them to snag suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those actions prove a point: These immigrants, however they arrived or whatever their legal status, are integral to this region’s economy and to its sense of self.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are our neighbors, our friends, the friends of our children, our coworkers. Forcibly removing them is bad for them, of course. It’s also bad for the rest of us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2025/06/los-angeles-undocumented-immigrants/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Oakland Airport Renamed Again in Ongoing Legal Dispute With San Francisco",
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"content": "\u003cp>After the airport’s rebrand from Metropolitan Oakland International Airport to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983384/san-francisco-sues-oakland-over-plan-to-change-airport-name\">San Francisco Bay Oakland International Airport\u003c/a> prompted a lawsuit from San Francisco, the Port of Oakland is asking its board to approve another name change as the case makes its way through the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, OAK airport will be called the “Oakland San Francisco Bay Airport,” which Port of Oakland Director of Aviation Craig Simon said highlights its position in the city and the larger East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re proud to embrace a name that reflects both our local roots and regional reach,” he said in a letter to SFO on Friday. “‘Oakland San Francisco Bay Airport’ does both, putting Oakland first and highlighting our central location in the Bay Area for all visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Port’s board will consider the new name at its meeting on July 10. Last April, the body officially \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982744/oakland-officials-to-proceed-with-controversial-move-to-rename-airport\">approved the change to “Oakland San Francisco Bay Airport\u003c/a>,” which officials said aimed to raise visitors’ geographic awareness of the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985760/oakland-airport-new-name-lawsuit-against-san-francisco\">swiftly slapped with a lawsuit\u003c/a> from the city of San Francisco, which argued that the new name infringed on the trademark for San Francisco International (SFO) Airport, which it owns. City Attorney David Chiu said the change confused travellers and, in some cases, led them to the wrong airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000413\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at City Hall in San Francisco on Aug. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We believe that Oakland intentionally designed their new rename to divert those who were unfamiliar with Bay Area geography, and also is trying to mislead the public in suggesting that Oakland might have a business relationship with SFO, which it does not,” Chiu told KQED at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon pushed back on the assertion, saying the decision wasn’t intended to stoke confusion, but to improve marketing for the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, we were not seeing a significant amount of confusion happening whatsoever,” he said. “The intent of this is to really get our airline partners to put more operations and more flights into Oakland and get us the ability to have more flights that stick going towards the East Coast.”[aside postID=news_12018113 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/240412-OAKAirport-007-BL_qed-1-1020x680.jpg']A district judge awarded San Francisco a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005052/san-francisco-seeks-court-order-to-block-oakland-airports-new-name\">preliminary injunction\u003c/a> in November, which requires Oakland to halt its name change until a trial is held. Right now, that’s scheduled for next August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Port of Oakland has filed an appeal to San Francisco’s suit, and Simon said he’s confident the original name change doesn’t infringe on San Francisco’s trademark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the meantime, however, the port needs to implement a new name for OAK while we wait for final legal resolution,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu’s office said in a statement it was just learning about the development, and would assess any steps necessary to protect SFO’s trademark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials say the new name responds to concerns in the court’s injunction by removing the entirety of SFO’s name and reordering the title not to lead with “San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This really puts Oakland first and increases the already immense economic value that the airport brings to the region,” Simon told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After the airport’s rebrand from Metropolitan Oakland International Airport to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983384/san-francisco-sues-oakland-over-plan-to-change-airport-name\">San Francisco Bay Oakland International Airport\u003c/a> prompted a lawsuit from San Francisco, the Port of Oakland is asking its board to approve another name change as the case makes its way through the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, OAK airport will be called the “Oakland San Francisco Bay Airport,” which Port of Oakland Director of Aviation Craig Simon said highlights its position in the city and the larger East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re proud to embrace a name that reflects both our local roots and regional reach,” he said in a letter to SFO on Friday. “‘Oakland San Francisco Bay Airport’ does both, putting Oakland first and highlighting our central location in the Bay Area for all visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Port’s board will consider the new name at its meeting on July 10. Last April, the body officially \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982744/oakland-officials-to-proceed-with-controversial-move-to-rename-airport\">approved the change to “Oakland San Francisco Bay Airport\u003c/a>,” which officials said aimed to raise visitors’ geographic awareness of the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985760/oakland-airport-new-name-lawsuit-against-san-francisco\">swiftly slapped with a lawsuit\u003c/a> from the city of San Francisco, which argued that the new name infringed on the trademark for San Francisco International (SFO) Airport, which it owns. City Attorney David Chiu said the change confused travellers and, in some cases, led them to the wrong airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000413\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at City Hall in San Francisco on Aug. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We believe that Oakland intentionally designed their new rename to divert those who were unfamiliar with Bay Area geography, and also is trying to mislead the public in suggesting that Oakland might have a business relationship with SFO, which it does not,” Chiu told KQED at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon pushed back on the assertion, saying the decision wasn’t intended to stoke confusion, but to improve marketing for the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, we were not seeing a significant amount of confusion happening whatsoever,” he said. “The intent of this is to really get our airline partners to put more operations and more flights into Oakland and get us the ability to have more flights that stick going towards the East Coast.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A district judge awarded San Francisco a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005052/san-francisco-seeks-court-order-to-block-oakland-airports-new-name\">preliminary injunction\u003c/a> in November, which requires Oakland to halt its name change until a trial is held. Right now, that’s scheduled for next August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Port of Oakland has filed an appeal to San Francisco’s suit, and Simon said he’s confident the original name change doesn’t infringe on San Francisco’s trademark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the meantime, however, the port needs to implement a new name for OAK while we wait for final legal resolution,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu’s office said in a statement it was just learning about the development, and would assess any steps necessary to protect SFO’s trademark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials say the new name responds to concerns in the court’s injunction by removing the entirety of SFO’s name and reordering the title not to lead with “San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This really puts Oakland first and increases the already immense economic value that the airport brings to the region,” Simon told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Harvey Milk’s Name Stripped From Navy Ship During Pride Month, Angering LGBTQ+ Community",
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"content": "\u003cp>Just ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044243/san-francisco-pride-2025-parade-route-times-street-closures-safety-lgbtq\">Pride festivities\u003c/a> in San Francisco, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s move to strip the name of gay rights trailblazer and veteran \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043115/despicable-bay-area-leaders-slam-plan-to-rename-usns-harvey-milk\">Harvey Milk\u003c/a> from a naval ship drew widespread criticism from the LGBTQ+ community and allies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ship will now be named after Oscar V. Peterson, a U.S. Navy chief who posthumously received the Medal of Honor for valor during World War II, Hegseth said in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SecDef/status/1938568563838886269\">video posted on the social media platform X on Friday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are taking the politics out of ship naming,” he said. “We’re not renaming this ship to anything political.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LGBTQ+ advocates and allies called the renaming inherently political, a slap in the face for all queer people and a sign of a step back on equal rights nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Matt Dorsey sits at Milk’s former desk in the supervisors’ chambers. He questioned whether the U.S. military has anything better to do than performative actions when there are “other issues the country should be focusing on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950274\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950274\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-517285578.jpg\" alt=\"A white man in a suit and tie leans back in his chair behind a desk in his office and smiles at the camera.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"687\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-517285578.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-517285578-800x537.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-517285578-1020x684.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-517285578-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, Harvey Milk, Dec. 4, 1977. \u003ccite>(Bettmann/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What is troubling to see is there is a mean-spiritedness that is pervading the conservative movement right now,” he said. “This is an example of right-wing woke. It is deeply unserious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicole Murray-Ramirez, an LGBTQ+ rights activist who helped launch the letter campaign to get Milk’s name on the ship, learned about the name change on Friday morning after speaking at the Stonewall Inn in New York City the previous evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To do this on a Pride weekend is beyond evil and it’s cruel,” said Murray-Ramirez, who leads the International Imperial Courts of the United States, Canada and Mexico, a grassroots LGBTQ+ network. “But Harvey Milk’s legacy will last forever, we are not going to let this stand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murray-Ramirez said he hopes the renaming mobilizes LGBTQ+ people to vote and protest as the Trump administration targets queer people.[aside postID=news_12043115 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo2.jpg']“We’re a resilient community, we will continue the fight and this is absolutely a war,” he said. “We also have to be prepared to return to the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milk, one of the first openly gay elected officials in the country, served as a U.S. Navy officer before he was forced to retire after his sexuality was made public. He was elected to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 1977 and served until his assassination the following year. The USNS Harvey Milk was christened in 2021 in honor of the civil rights icon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milk’s nephew and Harvey Milk Foundation co-founder Stuart Milk wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/stuart.milk\">Facebook post \u003c/a>that the renaming is “petty and dishonest” since his uncle “served honorably” in the Navy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Neither the bullets that took his life, nor the stripping of his name from this ship will stop my uncle’s message of hope, hope unshamed, hope unafraid, from reaching all that yearn for acceptance and love across the globe,” Milk wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some on social media lauded Hegseth’s decision, others like the progressive veterans group VoteVets wrote that “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/votevets/status/1938661551277257206?s=46&t=8L9OHVE58oUXKjH2wCBDtA\">erasing LGBTQ+ veterans is a disgrace.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zoe Dunning, a gay veteran, speaks at a press conference at San Francisco’s Jane Warner Plaza, on June 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Samantha Kennedy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The renaming comes after Hegseth in early June ordered a review of vessels named after civil rights leaders, including Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not about political activists, unlike the previous administration,” Hegseth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, called the decision part of the Trump administration’s “campaign to erase all LGBTQ people from public life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many in the LGBTQ+ community, Milk’s legacy is deeply tied to the Bay Area’s gay rights movement, Wiener said, and the ship served as a powerful acknowledgment of that history and his leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will take up to six months to repaint the name and any branding on the ship, according to a spokesperson for the Department of Defense. “There are no plans to rename any other ships in this class,” the spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Just ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044243/san-francisco-pride-2025-parade-route-times-street-closures-safety-lgbtq\">Pride festivities\u003c/a> in San Francisco, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s move to strip the name of gay rights trailblazer and veteran \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043115/despicable-bay-area-leaders-slam-plan-to-rename-usns-harvey-milk\">Harvey Milk\u003c/a> from a naval ship drew widespread criticism from the LGBTQ+ community and allies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ship will now be named after Oscar V. Peterson, a U.S. Navy chief who posthumously received the Medal of Honor for valor during World War II, Hegseth said in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SecDef/status/1938568563838886269\">video posted on the social media platform X on Friday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are taking the politics out of ship naming,” he said. “We’re not renaming this ship to anything political.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LGBTQ+ advocates and allies called the renaming inherently political, a slap in the face for all queer people and a sign of a step back on equal rights nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Matt Dorsey sits at Milk’s former desk in the supervisors’ chambers. He questioned whether the U.S. military has anything better to do than performative actions when there are “other issues the country should be focusing on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950274\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950274\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-517285578.jpg\" alt=\"A white man in a suit and tie leans back in his chair behind a desk in his office and smiles at the camera.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"687\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-517285578.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-517285578-800x537.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-517285578-1020x684.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-517285578-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, Harvey Milk, Dec. 4, 1977. \u003ccite>(Bettmann/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What is troubling to see is there is a mean-spiritedness that is pervading the conservative movement right now,” he said. “This is an example of right-wing woke. It is deeply unserious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicole Murray-Ramirez, an LGBTQ+ rights activist who helped launch the letter campaign to get Milk’s name on the ship, learned about the name change on Friday morning after speaking at the Stonewall Inn in New York City the previous evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To do this on a Pride weekend is beyond evil and it’s cruel,” said Murray-Ramirez, who leads the International Imperial Courts of the United States, Canada and Mexico, a grassroots LGBTQ+ network. “But Harvey Milk’s legacy will last forever, we are not going to let this stand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murray-Ramirez said he hopes the renaming mobilizes LGBTQ+ people to vote and protest as the Trump administration targets queer people.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re a resilient community, we will continue the fight and this is absolutely a war,” he said. “We also have to be prepared to return to the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milk, one of the first openly gay elected officials in the country, served as a U.S. Navy officer before he was forced to retire after his sexuality was made public. He was elected to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 1977 and served until his assassination the following year. The USNS Harvey Milk was christened in 2021 in honor of the civil rights icon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milk’s nephew and Harvey Milk Foundation co-founder Stuart Milk wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/stuart.milk\">Facebook post \u003c/a>that the renaming is “petty and dishonest” since his uncle “served honorably” in the Navy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Neither the bullets that took his life, nor the stripping of his name from this ship will stop my uncle’s message of hope, hope unshamed, hope unafraid, from reaching all that yearn for acceptance and love across the globe,” Milk wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some on social media lauded Hegseth’s decision, others like the progressive veterans group VoteVets wrote that “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/votevets/status/1938661551277257206?s=46&t=8L9OHVE58oUXKjH2wCBDtA\">erasing LGBTQ+ veterans is a disgrace.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zoe Dunning, a gay veteran, speaks at a press conference at San Francisco’s Jane Warner Plaza, on June 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Samantha Kennedy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The renaming comes after Hegseth in early June ordered a review of vessels named after civil rights leaders, including Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not about political activists, unlike the previous administration,” Hegseth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, called the decision part of the Trump administration’s “campaign to erase all LGBTQ people from public life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many in the LGBTQ+ community, Milk’s legacy is deeply tied to the Bay Area’s gay rights movement, Wiener said, and the ship served as a powerful acknowledgment of that history and his leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will take up to six months to repaint the name and any branding on the ship, according to a spokesperson for the Department of Defense. “There are no plans to rename any other ships in this class,” the spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The lawsuit, filed in Delaware, accuses Fox News and Watters of lying about when the phone call between Newsom and Trump took place. The network then accused Newsom of lying about the call on air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is perhaps unsurprising that a near-octogenarian with a history of delusionary public statements and unhinged late-night social media screeds might confuse the dates. But Fox’s decision to cover up for President Trump’s error cannot be so easily dismissed,” the suit states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he gave Fox News call logs showing that the call took place the night of June 6 — June 7 in Washington, D.C., while Trump claimed they talked “a day ago” on June 10. The lawsuit states that a different Fox News host, John Roberts, first “intentionally altered” how he presented Trump’s comment about the call’s timing to “obscure President Trump’s false statement of fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watters later played an edited clip of Trump’s statement and asked, “Why would Newsom lie and claim Trump never called him? Why would he do that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, a Fox News spokesperson said Roberts made clear the call log was from June 7th in his segment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit states that the matter is “not trivial,” and “is about more than just misremembering a day or two regarding routine phone calls,” claiming that the four-day period in question “represented an unprecedented moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The President of the United States illegally commandeered the California National Guard and deployed uniformed troops onto the streets of Los Angeles over the Governor’s objections. Every hour, every Truth Social post, and every presidential utterance mattered,” the suit states. “History was occurring in real time. It is precisely why reporters asked President Trump the very question that prompted this matter: When did he last speak with Governor Newsom?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Amid a generationally divided debate, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a> City Council on Thursday unanimously voted to overturn a more-than-century-old housing policy, allowing small apartment buildings in most of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045685/berkeley-considers-middle-housing-plan-that-could-reshape-neighborhoods\">Middle Housing ordinance\u003c/a> will permit three-story buildings with up to eight units on a typical 5,000-square-foot lot, not including accessory dwelling units. The actual number will vary on lot size. The changes will apply citywide, except in Berkeley’s hills neighborhoods, which were excluded while the city studies evacuation routes in the high fire-risk zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal must come back to the council for a second reading in July and is expected to be implemented in November. It comes four years after former Councilmember Lori Droste introduced a resolution to \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-02/2021-02-23%20Item%2029%20Resolution%20to%20End%20Exclusionary.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">end exclusionary zoning\u003c/a> in the city that came in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996229/berkeley-first-city-to-sanctify-single-family-zoning-considers-historic-reversal-allowing-small-apartments\">wake of George Floyd’s murder\u003c/a> and a nationwide \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910087/remembering-george-floyd-and-the-racial-reckoning-he-sparked\">racial reckoning\u003c/a> that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Rashi Kesarwani, who has championed the \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2025-06-26%20Special%20Item%2001%20Zoning%20Ordinance%20and%20General%20Plan.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">current proposal\u003c/a>, said the changes would allow more opportunities for young people, families and middle-income residents to live in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are actually trying to create more starter-home opportunities for middle-class workers, for people of color, for people who have historically not had an opportunity to own a home and build multi-generational wealth,” Kesarwani said. “That is actually at the root of what I believe we are striving for with this entire ordinance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unanimous vote, just before midnight, followed a nearly six-hour meeting punctuated by a sometimes raucous crowd. More than 100 people spoke during public comment, with opinions split roughly 60–40 in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046296\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BerkeleyMiddleHousing-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BerkeleyMiddleHousing-33-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BerkeleyMiddleHousing-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BerkeleyMiddleHousing-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing in Berkeley on June 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supporters included students, renters, parents with small children in tow and millennials, who advocated for more diverse housing options to meet the needs of young people and families trying to gain or keep a toehold in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not everyone wants to or can live in a single-family home,” said Nina Ichikawa, who identified herself as a third-generation Cal grad. “By just sticking to one type of housing, we’re limiting what Berkeley has to offer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They confronted a group composed largely of homeowners, who had bought into Berkeley decades ago and were worried the proposal would have the opposite of its intended effect, driving out more working families and changing the city beyond recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[In] 1973, Berkeley citizens passed the neighborhood preservation ordinance,” said resident Clifford Fred. “Now, 52 years later, you’re poised to pass the neighborhood destruction ordinance, I’m afraid to say.”[aside postID=news_12045685 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-03-BL-KQED.jpg']But hills resident Andrea Horbinski said the city shouldn’t be frozen in amber and should be allowed to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of people who want to keep it as a necropolis for current homeowners, people who bought in the ’60s and ’70s,” Horbinski said. “Is it a tomb or is it a living community? A living community is what we want.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also pointed to Berkeley’s role in \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/rootsraceplace\">pioneering exclusionary zoning\u003c/a> as a driver of manufactured housing scarcity and rising costs. In 1916, the city became the first in the country \u003ca href=\"https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc1.c044977650&seq=9&q1=dance\">to adopt single-family zoning\u003c/a>, which was designed to protect property values from a perceived “\u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">invasion\u003c/a>” of lower-cost housing — and \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/26b8d8zh\">the people who lived there\u003c/a> — that would devalue homeowners’ investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reforming exclusionary zoning, said Councilmember Ben Bartlett, a co-author of the Middle Housing proposal, is “the equity issue of our time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot keep deluding ourselves that we don’t have a scarcity problem,” Bartlett said. “You have to realize land is the foundation of wealth. And yet it remains out of reach due to the same scarcity that we prescribed, that we invented in our zoning code here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of May, the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/research/data/\">typical\u003c/a>” Berkeley home sold for $1.4 million, according to Zillow, up more than 270% from a quarter-century ago. As home prices have risen, racial segregation in housing \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/bay-segregation-map\">has persisted\u003c/a>. In Berkeley, the portion of Black residents has dropped from \u003ca href=\"https://census.bayareametro.gov/historical-data/1970/berkeley\">24% in 1970\u003c/a> to around \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/berkeleycitycalifornia/PST045223\">7% last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045599\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An apartment building in Berkeley on June 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many opponents, however, refuted the idea that Middle Housing would lead to greater diversity and criticized the lack of any dedicated, affordable housing in the proposal — though projects would be subject to the \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2025-02-25%20Item%2014%20Inclusionary%20Housing%20Ordinance.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">affordable housing impact fees\u003c/a> that apply to all residential developments over 5,000 square feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no affordability in your plan. There’s no Section 8 support in your plan. There’s no guarantee of rent control in your plans, although many of these lots have houses on them,” said Negeene Mosaed, chair of the Berkeley Tenant Union. “You are not protecting the community. You are destroying it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mosaed pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://rentboard.berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-05/Anti-Eviction%20Mapping%20Project_UpzoningReport_REV_FINAL_03-22-2022.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2022 study\u003c/a> by the Anti-Eviction Mapping Project that found allowing more development could lead to “speculation, increased land values, and displacement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By expanding the buildable potential of properties in Berkeley, resident Janis Ching said it would incentivize developers to outbid would-be homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-21-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-21-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-21-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-21-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A house for sale in Berkeley on June 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance is going to commodify our land,” she said. “It’s going to make it difficult for homebuyers to compete with developers who want to build different types of housing, and also, it’s going to put pressure on people to sell and leave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheryl Davila, a former city council member, called the proposal and its promises for greater equity a “facade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So this is all a fake,” she said. “People are going to get displaced and what’s going to be left? A white Berkeley or a Berkeley of billionaires.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other opponents pointed to the loss of open space, trees and other natural habitats for urban animals, along with concerns that three-story buildings would shade solar panels on single-story rooftops.[aside postID=news_12045703 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BerkeleyMiddleHousing-18-BL_qed.jpg']The ordinance allows buildings to cover 60% of the lot in most districts. It also requires the building height to step down to 22 feet in the rear of the property, partly, staff said, to address concerns about loss of light on neighbors’ properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Councilmember Mark Humbert acknowledged some tradeoffs would have to be made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is a bigger hit to our quality of life: losing a few hours of direct sunlight in the winter or losing our children to another state when they can’t afford a home in California?” he asked. “What really makes life in Berkeley less pleasant: a few more cars parked on the streets — hopefully more bicycles in foyers — or seeing more and more human beings forced to sleep on our streets?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even Duncan McDuffie, a real estate developer and \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/26b8d8zh\">key architect of Berkeley’s original plan\u003c/a>, recognized that eventually, the zoning would need to change to reflect the city’s changing needs. At an annual dinner in the banquet room of the Hotel Shattuck \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">on Jan. 21, 1916\u003c/a>, he said city planning “must be rigid enough to direct the growth of the community and elastic enough to meet changing conditions. It should be a living thing — never fully completed but always being realized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council directed staff to develop objective design standards and to return with a report two years after adoption or after 25 applications for Middle Housing projects have been filed, whichever comes first. The report is expected to assess the ordinance’s effectiveness and impact on equity, among other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Amid a generationally divided debate, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a> City Council on Thursday unanimously voted to overturn a more-than-century-old housing policy, allowing small apartment buildings in most of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045685/berkeley-considers-middle-housing-plan-that-could-reshape-neighborhoods\">Middle Housing ordinance\u003c/a> will permit three-story buildings with up to eight units on a typical 5,000-square-foot lot, not including accessory dwelling units. The actual number will vary on lot size. The changes will apply citywide, except in Berkeley’s hills neighborhoods, which were excluded while the city studies evacuation routes in the high fire-risk zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal must come back to the council for a second reading in July and is expected to be implemented in November. It comes four years after former Councilmember Lori Droste introduced a resolution to \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-02/2021-02-23%20Item%2029%20Resolution%20to%20End%20Exclusionary.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">end exclusionary zoning\u003c/a> in the city that came in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996229/berkeley-first-city-to-sanctify-single-family-zoning-considers-historic-reversal-allowing-small-apartments\">wake of George Floyd’s murder\u003c/a> and a nationwide \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910087/remembering-george-floyd-and-the-racial-reckoning-he-sparked\">racial reckoning\u003c/a> that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Rashi Kesarwani, who has championed the \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2025-06-26%20Special%20Item%2001%20Zoning%20Ordinance%20and%20General%20Plan.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">current proposal\u003c/a>, said the changes would allow more opportunities for young people, families and middle-income residents to live in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are actually trying to create more starter-home opportunities for middle-class workers, for people of color, for people who have historically not had an opportunity to own a home and build multi-generational wealth,” Kesarwani said. “That is actually at the root of what I believe we are striving for with this entire ordinance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unanimous vote, just before midnight, followed a nearly six-hour meeting punctuated by a sometimes raucous crowd. More than 100 people spoke during public comment, with opinions split roughly 60–40 in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046296\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BerkeleyMiddleHousing-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BerkeleyMiddleHousing-33-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BerkeleyMiddleHousing-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BerkeleyMiddleHousing-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing in Berkeley on June 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supporters included students, renters, parents with small children in tow and millennials, who advocated for more diverse housing options to meet the needs of young people and families trying to gain or keep a toehold in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not everyone wants to or can live in a single-family home,” said Nina Ichikawa, who identified herself as a third-generation Cal grad. “By just sticking to one type of housing, we’re limiting what Berkeley has to offer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They confronted a group composed largely of homeowners, who had bought into Berkeley decades ago and were worried the proposal would have the opposite of its intended effect, driving out more working families and changing the city beyond recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[In] 1973, Berkeley citizens passed the neighborhood preservation ordinance,” said resident Clifford Fred. “Now, 52 years later, you’re poised to pass the neighborhood destruction ordinance, I’m afraid to say.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But hills resident Andrea Horbinski said the city shouldn’t be frozen in amber and should be allowed to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of people who want to keep it as a necropolis for current homeowners, people who bought in the ’60s and ’70s,” Horbinski said. “Is it a tomb or is it a living community? A living community is what we want.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also pointed to Berkeley’s role in \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/rootsraceplace\">pioneering exclusionary zoning\u003c/a> as a driver of manufactured housing scarcity and rising costs. In 1916, the city became the first in the country \u003ca href=\"https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc1.c044977650&seq=9&q1=dance\">to adopt single-family zoning\u003c/a>, which was designed to protect property values from a perceived “\u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">invasion\u003c/a>” of lower-cost housing — and \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/26b8d8zh\">the people who lived there\u003c/a> — that would devalue homeowners’ investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reforming exclusionary zoning, said Councilmember Ben Bartlett, a co-author of the Middle Housing proposal, is “the equity issue of our time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot keep deluding ourselves that we don’t have a scarcity problem,” Bartlett said. “You have to realize land is the foundation of wealth. And yet it remains out of reach due to the same scarcity that we prescribed, that we invented in our zoning code here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of May, the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/research/data/\">typical\u003c/a>” Berkeley home sold for $1.4 million, according to Zillow, up more than 270% from a quarter-century ago. As home prices have risen, racial segregation in housing \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/bay-segregation-map\">has persisted\u003c/a>. In Berkeley, the portion of Black residents has dropped from \u003ca href=\"https://census.bayareametro.gov/historical-data/1970/berkeley\">24% in 1970\u003c/a> to around \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/berkeleycitycalifornia/PST045223\">7% last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045599\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An apartment building in Berkeley on June 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many opponents, however, refuted the idea that Middle Housing would lead to greater diversity and criticized the lack of any dedicated, affordable housing in the proposal — though projects would be subject to the \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2025-02-25%20Item%2014%20Inclusionary%20Housing%20Ordinance.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">affordable housing impact fees\u003c/a> that apply to all residential developments over 5,000 square feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no affordability in your plan. There’s no Section 8 support in your plan. There’s no guarantee of rent control in your plans, although many of these lots have houses on them,” said Negeene Mosaed, chair of the Berkeley Tenant Union. “You are not protecting the community. You are destroying it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mosaed pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://rentboard.berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-05/Anti-Eviction%20Mapping%20Project_UpzoningReport_REV_FINAL_03-22-2022.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2022 study\u003c/a> by the Anti-Eviction Mapping Project that found allowing more development could lead to “speculation, increased land values, and displacement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By expanding the buildable potential of properties in Berkeley, resident Janis Ching said it would incentivize developers to outbid would-be homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-21-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-21-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-21-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250623-BERKELEYMIDDLEHOUSING-21-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A house for sale in Berkeley on June 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance is going to commodify our land,” she said. “It’s going to make it difficult for homebuyers to compete with developers who want to build different types of housing, and also, it’s going to put pressure on people to sell and leave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheryl Davila, a former city council member, called the proposal and its promises for greater equity a “facade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So this is all a fake,” she said. “People are going to get displaced and what’s going to be left? A white Berkeley or a Berkeley of billionaires.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other opponents pointed to the loss of open space, trees and other natural habitats for urban animals, along with concerns that three-story buildings would shade solar panels on single-story rooftops.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The ordinance allows buildings to cover 60% of the lot in most districts. It also requires the building height to step down to 22 feet in the rear of the property, partly, staff said, to address concerns about loss of light on neighbors’ properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Councilmember Mark Humbert acknowledged some tradeoffs would have to be made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is a bigger hit to our quality of life: losing a few hours of direct sunlight in the winter or losing our children to another state when they can’t afford a home in California?” he asked. “What really makes life in Berkeley less pleasant: a few more cars parked on the streets — hopefully more bicycles in foyers — or seeing more and more human beings forced to sleep on our streets?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even Duncan McDuffie, a real estate developer and \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/26b8d8zh\">key architect of Berkeley’s original plan\u003c/a>, recognized that eventually, the zoning would need to change to reflect the city’s changing needs. At an annual dinner in the banquet room of the Hotel Shattuck \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Berkeley_Civic_Bulletin/u0reKZelu2MC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=elmwood&pg=RA2-PA105&printsec=frontcover\">on Jan. 21, 1916\u003c/a>, he said city planning “must be rigid enough to direct the growth of the community and elastic enough to meet changing conditions. It should be a living thing — never fully completed but always being realized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council directed staff to develop objective design standards and to return with a report two years after adoption or after 25 applications for Middle Housing projects have been filed, whichever comes first. The report is expected to assess the ordinance’s effectiveness and impact on equity, among other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:25 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court, in a 6-3 decision along ideological lines on Friday, sided with the Trump administration’s request to limit universal injunctions issued by federal courts. The opinion in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> case was highly anticipated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/15/nx-s1-5395840/birthright-citizenship-supreme-court\">how the lower courts should handle\u003c/a> President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\">executive order\u003c/a>, which declared that the children of parents who enter the U.S. illegally or on a temporary visa are not entitled to automatic citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority opinion, written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, didn’t rule on whether President Trump’s executive order violates the 14th Amendment or the Nationality Act. Instead, it focused on whether federal courts have the power to issue nationwide blocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Universal injunctions likely exceed the equitable authority that Congress has given to federal courts,” the conservative majority said. “The Court grants the Government’s applications for a partial stay of the injunctions entered below, but only to the extent that the injunctions are broader than necessary to provide complete relief to each plaintiff with standing to sue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s opinion asked the lower courts to reconsider their broad rulings in light of the Supreme Court’s opinion and otherwise “with principles of equity.” However, the opinion also said Trump’s birthright citizenship order can’t take effect for 30 days from Friday’s opinion, giving more time for legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dissenting from Friday’s decision were the court’s three liberal justices. Writing for the three of them, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the government’s rush to limit nationwide injunctions “disregards basic principles of equity as well as the long history of injunctive relief granted to nonparties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights groups and 22 states had sued over Trump’s birthright citizenship order, and three different federal district court judges invalidated Trump’s order, issuing what are called universal injunctions barring the administration from enforcing the Trump policy anywhere in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the courts of appeal refused to intervene while the litigation proceeded, the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to block universal injunctions altogether.[aside postID=news_12046217 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/01/GettyImages-1314541146.jpg']While Friday’s decision is procedural, the issue at the center of the case is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/23/nx-s1-5270572/birthright-citizenship-trump-executive-order\">Trump’s long-held, but fringe view\u003c/a> that there is no such thing as automatic citizenship for people born in the U.S. On his first day in office this year, he signed an executive order declaring that babies born in the U.S. may not be citizens if their parents were not here legally or if the parents were here legally but on a temporary basis like a work visa. Trump’s view, however, is directly contradicted by a Supreme Court ruling 127 years ago — a decision that has never been disturbed, and is based on the text of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment says: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.” It was enacted in 1866 after the Civil War and aimed at reversing the Supreme Court’s infamous Dred Scott decision, which had declared that Black people, enslaved or free, could not be citizens. It has always been applied to anyone born in the U.S. And the Supreme Court on Friday did nothing to change that 150-year understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114755893176827573\">responded to the decision on Truth Social\u003c/a>, calling it a “giant win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He implied that immigrants were trying to scam the process to get U.S. citizenship and that the 14th Amendment was only meant to give citizenship to “babies of slaves (same year!)”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:25 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court, in a 6-3 decision along ideological lines on Friday, sided with the Trump administration’s request to limit universal injunctions issued by federal courts. The opinion in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> case was highly anticipated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/15/nx-s1-5395840/birthright-citizenship-supreme-court\">how the lower courts should handle\u003c/a> President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\">executive order\u003c/a>, which declared that the children of parents who enter the U.S. illegally or on a temporary visa are not entitled to automatic citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority opinion, written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, didn’t rule on whether President Trump’s executive order violates the 14th Amendment or the Nationality Act. Instead, it focused on whether federal courts have the power to issue nationwide blocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Universal injunctions likely exceed the equitable authority that Congress has given to federal courts,” the conservative majority said. “The Court grants the Government’s applications for a partial stay of the injunctions entered below, but only to the extent that the injunctions are broader than necessary to provide complete relief to each plaintiff with standing to sue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s opinion asked the lower courts to reconsider their broad rulings in light of the Supreme Court’s opinion and otherwise “with principles of equity.” However, the opinion also said Trump’s birthright citizenship order can’t take effect for 30 days from Friday’s opinion, giving more time for legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dissenting from Friday’s decision were the court’s three liberal justices. Writing for the three of them, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the government’s rush to limit nationwide injunctions “disregards basic principles of equity as well as the long history of injunctive relief granted to nonparties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights groups and 22 states had sued over Trump’s birthright citizenship order, and three different federal district court judges invalidated Trump’s order, issuing what are called universal injunctions barring the administration from enforcing the Trump policy anywhere in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the courts of appeal refused to intervene while the litigation proceeded, the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to block universal injunctions altogether.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While Friday’s decision is procedural, the issue at the center of the case is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/23/nx-s1-5270572/birthright-citizenship-trump-executive-order\">Trump’s long-held, but fringe view\u003c/a> that there is no such thing as automatic citizenship for people born in the U.S. On his first day in office this year, he signed an executive order declaring that babies born in the U.S. may not be citizens if their parents were not here legally or if the parents were here legally but on a temporary basis like a work visa. Trump’s view, however, is directly contradicted by a Supreme Court ruling 127 years ago — a decision that has never been disturbed, and is based on the text of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment says: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.” It was enacted in 1866 after the Civil War and aimed at reversing the Supreme Court’s infamous Dred Scott decision, which had declared that Black people, enslaved or free, could not be citizens. It has always been applied to anyone born in the U.S. And the Supreme Court on Friday did nothing to change that 150-year understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114755893176827573\">responded to the decision on Truth Social\u003c/a>, calling it a “giant win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He implied that immigrants were trying to scam the process to get U.S. citizenship and that the 14th Amendment was only meant to give citizenship to “babies of slaves (same year!)”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated July 2\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046464/55th-annual-sf-pride-parade-focuses-on-queer-joy-as-resistance\">San Francisco’s iconic Pride celebrations\u003c/a> saw community groups and artists organize rallies, concerts and film festivals that explored the spectrum of experiences across the LGBTQ+ community in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s something you can do in San Francisco any day of the year: a self-guided tour of Chinatown’s historical queer landmarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heading out on this independent walking guide is also a particularly good option for anyone who missed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13976447/chinatown-pride-san-francisco-lgbtq-chinese-culture-center\">second annual Chinatown Pride\u003c/a> back in May, organized by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cccsf.us/\">Chinese Cultural Center\u003c/a> and contemporary arts organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/\">Edge on the Square\u003c/a>. As part of the celebration, drag queens with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/ricerockettes/?hl=en\">Rice Rockettes\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gapa.org/\">GLBTQ+ Asian Pacific Alliance\u003c/a> led a procession of hundreds of residents throughout the neighborhood on a six-stop tour of places connected to Chinatown’s LGBTQ+ community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chinatown holds so many untold queer stories,” said YY Zhu, director of galleries and programs at CCC, whose team spent months researching and talking to elders in the community to identify the places in the neighborhood where LGBTQ+ individuals lived, connected and organized. “This is really our invitation to people to come to Chinatown and interact with this history,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, for those who want to recreate this tour for themselves, we chatted to Chinatown Pride’s organizers to learn how folks can follow the procession’s footsteps. Each stop is only one or two blocks from the starting point, so if you are walking, the whole tour should take less than an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041664\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Peipei Ma’Bilz performs outside of the Chinese Culture Center in San Francisco during the 2025 Chinatown Pride celebration on Saturday, May 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We might not recognize this landscape as queer — but now we do,” said Erika Pallasigue, art and public programs manager at Edge on the Square. “You don’t have to be queer, you don’t have to be Asian, you don’t need to be any of those identities — but think about which parts of \u003cem>you \u003c/em>are coming up as you’re in these spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to learn the location of each stop and what motivated organizers to include it in the tour — and use our Google Map below to guide your journey:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.google.com/maps/embed?pb=!1m52!1m12!1m3!1d3152.777105925208!2d-122.40876392411549!3d37.79526307198029!2m3!1f0!2f0!3f0!3m2!1i1024!2i768!4f13.1!4m37!3e2!4m5!1s0x8085808b44883cad%3A0xd750b48a84be159b!2s800%20Grant%20Ave%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA%2094108!3m2!1d37.7943718!2d-122.4062012!4m5!1s0x808580f4b208980f%3A0x79f4a6ea2653f493!2s916%20Grant%20Ave%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA%2094108!3m2!1d37.795432!2d-122.4063589!4m5!1s0x8085808b4d0a5ab7%3A0x66e0e066e2685cbc!2s743%20Washington%20Street%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA!3m2!1d37.7950577!2d-122.4062732!4m5!1s0x808580f35bc71103%3A0x5c021c2e2c24075a!2s41%20Ross%20Alley%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA%2094108!3m2!1d37.795611099999995!2d-122.40751829999999!4m5!1s0x808580f4d3d446af%3A0x3331b3be07e21a26!2s848%20Kearny%20Street%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA!3m2!1d37.7960717!2d-122.4049677!4m5!1s0x8085808b37612399%3A0xf31611c8c7750f1!2s745%20Kearny%20St%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA%2094108!3m2!1d37.7948832!2d-122.4054149!5e0!3m2!1sen!2sus!4v1750884488990!5m2!1sen!2sus\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1000\" style=\"border:0;\" allowfullscreen loading=\"lazy\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stop #1: Edge on the Square, 800 Grant Ave.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few feet away from Portsmouth Square, Edge on the Square is an art exhibition and performance space that first opened in 2021 — on the same corner once occupied by retail store Asian Image and the iconic Shing Chong market \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/CqlwOixLIge/\">before that\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edge on the Square is currently hosting the exhibit “All Eyes on Us: Invention & Ingenuity During Artistic Diasporas,” which features artists representing a wide range of mediums. This includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/yumei-hou\">Hou Yumei\u003c/a>’s art of paper cutting, installations by \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/sun-park\">Sun Park\u003c/a>, illustrations by Chinatown’s own \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/leland-wong\">Leland Wong\u003c/a> and drawings by \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/jeanette-lazam\">Jeanette Lazam\u003c/a> — who you’ll see again later on in your tour, thanks to her role as \u003ca href=\"https://www.historypin.org/en/manilatown-heritage-foundation-s-collection/manilatown-manang-jeanette-gandiongco-lazam-2/geo/37.796126,-122.404933,17/bounds/37.793722,-122.4071,37.798529,-122.402766/paging/1/project/about\">an openly queer tenant organizer\u003c/a> in the struggle to \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/kqed/reel/DAt5-VRqL3z/?locale=uken1&hl=en\">save the neighborhood’s International Hotel\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exhibit, curated by Candace Huey, frames these artists as “hidden dragons,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/all-eyes-on-us\">producing their work\u003c/a> while adapting to the challenges of “immigration, assimilation and survival.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While social circumstances may have limited the visibility of some of these artists, Edge on the Square’s Pallasigue encourages visitors to also think about how staying under the radar can serve as a form of protection. “Marginalized communities — not just queer communities — have to negotiate what it means to be out or visible,” she said. “They may choose \u003cem>not \u003c/em>to be out or visible as a form of safety, protection and resilience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041654\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041654\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kotobuki Taiko performs during the inaugural Chinatown Pride procession through San Francisco’s Chinatown on Saturday, May 24, 2025. The event, co-presented by the Chinese Culture Center and Edge on the Square, featured a walking tour highlighting historic queer landmarks and honored the neighborhood’s LGBTQIA+ history dating back to the 1930s. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Stop #2: Bars and shops along Grant Avenue\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>From Edge on the Square, head north on Grant Avenue. Along these next few blocks, you’ll see staple Chinatown bars Li Po Cocktail Lounge on your right and Buddha Lounge on your left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These spots are remnants of the time when Chinatown was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13904467/chinatown-nightclubs-showgirl-magic-museum\">a big nightlife destination\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the 1930s to 1960s, clubs like Forbidden City and Chinese Sky Room threw glamorous shows featuring big bands and showgirl troupes — drawing in major celebrities like Frank Sinatra and \u003ca href=\"https://sfmuseum.org/hist10/forbidcity.html\">then-actor President Ronald Reagan\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12044243 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/017_KQED_SFPrideParade_06262022-1020x680.jpg']“But the queer history here is that there were several underground bars that served as gathering spaces for the community,” Pallasigue said. People who frequented these establishments often had to live a double life, she said, transforming into a version of themselves devoid of queerness during the daytime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Based on our research, it’s during the 1940s and ’50s that the queer nightlife in Chinatown was thriving,” Zhu said. “Chinatown was the go-to space where you could have a relatively safe environment to hang out and be yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups like CCC continue working on recovering the history of these underground bars. In the meantime, if you want to learn more about Chinatown’s nightlife boom and the Asian and Asian American performers behind it, visit the \u003ca href=\"https://www.theclarionsf.org/showgirl-magic-museum\">Showgirl Magic Museum\u003c/a> at 2 Waverly Place, a block away from the Grant and Sacramento street intersection.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stop #3: East West Bank, formerly the site of Telephone Exchange, 743 Washington St.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041659\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041659\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lotus speaks outside of East West Bank on Washington St, the 3rd stop on the Chinatown Pride procession route through San Francisco’s Chinatown on Saturday, May 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From Buddha Lounge, cross Washington Street. On your left side, you’ll see a three-tiered pagoda painted in red and green. Now a branch office of East West Bank, this building served \u003ca href=\"https://hoodline.com/2016/04/plugged-in-the-fascinating-history-of-the-chinese-telephone-exchange/\">as the home of the Chinatown Telephone Exchange\u003c/a> from the end of the 19th century till 1949. Before cell phones or even landline telephones with dials, you would have to first call your local telephone exchange and ask the operator — \u003cem>an actual human\u003c/em> — to connect you to the person you were trying to reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Chinatown Telephone Exchange, a team of dozens of women connected the neighborhood’s thousands of residents to the outside world. As part of their jobs, these female operators were required to wear traditional qipao dresses every day and be fluent in multiple languages, Zhu said.[aside postID=arts_13977169 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2025/06/glbths_1997_13_Box4_DE_PatronsAtComptons-cropped.png']During the Chinatown Pride procession, an elderly woman approached Zhu to share that she herself had worked at a telephone exchange in the city similar to the one located on Washington Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At work, “she saw women flirting with each other,” Zhu said. “While they connected the outside world to Chinatown, there was this concealed intimacy. She was sure that there were other queer women operators besides her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Exchange’s architecture is also a symbol of Chinatown’s ability to transform in order to survive, Pallasigue said. The 1906 earthquake destroyed most of Chinatown and local officials saw that as an opportunity to remove the Chinese community from this part of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Chinese and Chinese American business groups instead proposed that in order to boost tourism, the neighborhood \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/kqed/chinatown/resourceguide/story.html\">be protected and rebuilt\u003c/a> as an exaggerated version of what Westerners at the time imagined China to be like. Up went the paper lanterns, neon lights and pagodas — including those at the Chinatown Telephone Exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is built into Chinatown’s DNA,” Pallasigue said: “Being creative with the use of space as a form of resilience in order to preserve the culture and community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stop #4: 41ross, 41 Ross Alley\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041660\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041660\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kalypso (right) walks to Ross Alley, the 4th stop on the Chinatown Pride procession route through San Francisco’s Chinatown on Saturday, May 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From the old Telephone Exchange building, walk up the hill on Washington Street and turn right at Ross Alley. On the left side, you’ll find 41ross, a gallery space managed by CCC that has hosted the work of dozens of LGBTQ+ artists over its 11 years in operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal for this space is really to support artists and provide a platform for them — not only to showcase their work, but to also sell it,” she said, adding that 41ross includes a design store where visitors can find works by Jeanette Lazam, Hou Yumei, Leland Wong and other artists \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/all-eyes-on-us\">currently featured at Edge on the Square\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, 41ross collaborated with queer artist-activist Xiangqi Chen \u003ca href=\"https://www.cccsf.us/post/out-%E5%87%BA-museum-a-chinese-queer-museum-%E4%B8%AD%E5%9C%8B%E9%85%B7%E5%85%92%E5%8D%9A%E7%89%A9%E9%A4%A8\">to host “OUT/出 MUSEUM,”\u003c/a> a museum prototype focused on Chinese queer art. Visitors can ask the 41ross staff to learn more about ongoing work to find a permanent home for Chen’s collection.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stop #5: International Hotel Senior Housing, 848 Kearny St.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Stepping out of 41ross, take a left and then a right on Jackson Street. Walk downhill on Jackson until you reach the intersection with Kearny Street, where you’ll see a tall apartment building behind a Muni bus stop. This is International Hotel Senior Housing, an affordable housing complex that opened in 2005 for lower-income seniors — and it stands on the site of the former \u003ca href=\"https://www.ihotel-sf.org/\">International Hotel\u003c/a> (or I-Hotel), where \u003ca href=\"https://www.ihotel-sf.org/history/\">one of the most extensive struggles\u003c/a> between tenants and developers in the city’s history went down.[aside postID=science_1997508 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/06/250603-QUEERKAYAK-20-BL-KQED.jpg']Since the 1920s, the I-Hotel housed hundreds of elderly and impoverished Filipino and Chinese men who shared cramped living quarters known as single room occupancies, or SROs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the property owners decided in 1968 that they wanted to turn the hotel into a parking lot and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13964200/violeta-marasigan-bullet-filipina-activist-ihotel-manilatown-san-francisco-marcos\">started handing out eviction notices to residents\u003c/a>, students, activists and other community members quickly rallied in support of the hotel’s tenants, sparking \u003ca href=\"https://www.ihotel-sf.org/timeline/\">a nine-year battle\u003c/a> to prevent evictions. And although the owners ultimately succeeded in removing all residents in 1977, the struggle for the I-Hotel formed a generation of activists in Chinatown, Pallasigue said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The struggle for the I-Hotel was about displacement, gentrification and the question: who belongs here?,” she said — adding that even within this movement, “there weren’t many queer leaders at the forefront because they tended to be pushed out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the younger I-Hotel tenants at the time of the 1977 evictions was Jeanette Lazam — one of the artists currently featured at Edge on the Square. During the struggle to save the I-Hotel, she \u003ca href=\"https://convergencemag.com/articles/coming-home-jeanette-lazam-returns-to-the-i-hotel/\">pushed for Asian American activists from different generations to work together\u003c/a>, all the while \u003ca href=\"https://vdoc.pub/documents/san-franciscos-international-hotel-mobilizing-the-filipino-american-community-in-the-anti-eviction-movement-asian-american-history-cultu-k9benlnleos0\">defying homophobia and sexism\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when a group of nonprofits succeeded in transforming the former I-Hotel site into affordable housing, Lazam was one of the few surviving former tenants who returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stop #6: Crossing Portsmouth Square pedestrian bridge, 745 Kearny St.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041663\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alfred Twu and others gather on Portsmouth Square Pedestrian Bridge, the 6th stop on the Chinatown Pride procession route on Saturday, May 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To wrap up your tour, head south to Portsmouth Square and step on the pedestrian bridge over Kearny Street. During the procession, Pallasigue and Zhu recalled that drag queens led the crowd across the bridge to the sound of taiko drums, with Pride flags flying high in the air. “This is the immortal runway,” Zhu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ending the procession at the bridge was intentional, Zhu said — because this landmark will soon disappear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of a city-led improvement project, the bridge is \u003ca href=\"https://sfrecpark.org/CivicAlerts.aspx?AID=1911\">scheduled to be demolished later this year\u003c/a>. But “even if the bridge goes away, even if these landmarks, one day, are physically gone, we still have the fact that we’ve brought all of these different people together — and they’re now telling these stories,” Pallasigue said. “We’ve woven ourselves into it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041662\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041662\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Peipei Ma’Bilz (center left) walks across Portsmouth Square Pedestrian Bridge, the 6th stop on the Chinatown Pride procession route on Saturday, May 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Nastia Voynovskaya and Rae Alexandra and NPR’s Chloe Veltman.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "For Chinatown Pride 2025, community groups visited the neighborhood’s queer landmarks. You can now follow their steps.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated July 2\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046464/55th-annual-sf-pride-parade-focuses-on-queer-joy-as-resistance\">San Francisco’s iconic Pride celebrations\u003c/a> saw community groups and artists organize rallies, concerts and film festivals that explored the spectrum of experiences across the LGBTQ+ community in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s something you can do in San Francisco any day of the year: a self-guided tour of Chinatown’s historical queer landmarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heading out on this independent walking guide is also a particularly good option for anyone who missed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13976447/chinatown-pride-san-francisco-lgbtq-chinese-culture-center\">second annual Chinatown Pride\u003c/a> back in May, organized by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cccsf.us/\">Chinese Cultural Center\u003c/a> and contemporary arts organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/\">Edge on the Square\u003c/a>. As part of the celebration, drag queens with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/ricerockettes/?hl=en\">Rice Rockettes\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gapa.org/\">GLBTQ+ Asian Pacific Alliance\u003c/a> led a procession of hundreds of residents throughout the neighborhood on a six-stop tour of places connected to Chinatown’s LGBTQ+ community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chinatown holds so many untold queer stories,” said YY Zhu, director of galleries and programs at CCC, whose team spent months researching and talking to elders in the community to identify the places in the neighborhood where LGBTQ+ individuals lived, connected and organized. “This is really our invitation to people to come to Chinatown and interact with this history,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, for those who want to recreate this tour for themselves, we chatted to Chinatown Pride’s organizers to learn how folks can follow the procession’s footsteps. Each stop is only one or two blocks from the starting point, so if you are walking, the whole tour should take less than an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041664\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG060_QED-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Peipei Ma’Bilz performs outside of the Chinese Culture Center in San Francisco during the 2025 Chinatown Pride celebration on Saturday, May 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We might not recognize this landscape as queer — but now we do,” said Erika Pallasigue, art and public programs manager at Edge on the Square. “You don’t have to be queer, you don’t have to be Asian, you don’t need to be any of those identities — but think about which parts of \u003cem>you \u003c/em>are coming up as you’re in these spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to learn the location of each stop and what motivated organizers to include it in the tour — and use our Google Map below to guide your journey:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.google.com/maps/embed?pb=!1m52!1m12!1m3!1d3152.777105925208!2d-122.40876392411549!3d37.79526307198029!2m3!1f0!2f0!3f0!3m2!1i1024!2i768!4f13.1!4m37!3e2!4m5!1s0x8085808b44883cad%3A0xd750b48a84be159b!2s800%20Grant%20Ave%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA%2094108!3m2!1d37.7943718!2d-122.4062012!4m5!1s0x808580f4b208980f%3A0x79f4a6ea2653f493!2s916%20Grant%20Ave%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA%2094108!3m2!1d37.795432!2d-122.4063589!4m5!1s0x8085808b4d0a5ab7%3A0x66e0e066e2685cbc!2s743%20Washington%20Street%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA!3m2!1d37.7950577!2d-122.4062732!4m5!1s0x808580f35bc71103%3A0x5c021c2e2c24075a!2s41%20Ross%20Alley%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA%2094108!3m2!1d37.795611099999995!2d-122.40751829999999!4m5!1s0x808580f4d3d446af%3A0x3331b3be07e21a26!2s848%20Kearny%20Street%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA!3m2!1d37.7960717!2d-122.4049677!4m5!1s0x8085808b37612399%3A0xf31611c8c7750f1!2s745%20Kearny%20St%2C%20San%20Francisco%2C%20CA%2094108!3m2!1d37.7948832!2d-122.4054149!5e0!3m2!1sen!2sus!4v1750884488990!5m2!1sen!2sus\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1000\" style=\"border:0;\" allowfullscreen loading=\"lazy\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stop #1: Edge on the Square, 800 Grant Ave.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few feet away from Portsmouth Square, Edge on the Square is an art exhibition and performance space that first opened in 2021 — on the same corner once occupied by retail store Asian Image and the iconic Shing Chong market \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/CqlwOixLIge/\">before that\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edge on the Square is currently hosting the exhibit “All Eyes on Us: Invention & Ingenuity During Artistic Diasporas,” which features artists representing a wide range of mediums. This includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/yumei-hou\">Hou Yumei\u003c/a>’s art of paper cutting, installations by \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/sun-park\">Sun Park\u003c/a>, illustrations by Chinatown’s own \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/leland-wong\">Leland Wong\u003c/a> and drawings by \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/jeanette-lazam\">Jeanette Lazam\u003c/a> — who you’ll see again later on in your tour, thanks to her role as \u003ca href=\"https://www.historypin.org/en/manilatown-heritage-foundation-s-collection/manilatown-manang-jeanette-gandiongco-lazam-2/geo/37.796126,-122.404933,17/bounds/37.793722,-122.4071,37.798529,-122.402766/paging/1/project/about\">an openly queer tenant organizer\u003c/a> in the struggle to \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/kqed/reel/DAt5-VRqL3z/?locale=uken1&hl=en\">save the neighborhood’s International Hotel\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exhibit, curated by Candace Huey, frames these artists as “hidden dragons,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/all-eyes-on-us\">producing their work\u003c/a> while adapting to the challenges of “immigration, assimilation and survival.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While social circumstances may have limited the visibility of some of these artists, Edge on the Square’s Pallasigue encourages visitors to also think about how staying under the radar can serve as a form of protection. “Marginalized communities — not just queer communities — have to negotiate what it means to be out or visible,” she said. “They may choose \u003cem>not \u003c/em>to be out or visible as a form of safety, protection and resilience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041654\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041654\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG025_QED-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kotobuki Taiko performs during the inaugural Chinatown Pride procession through San Francisco’s Chinatown on Saturday, May 24, 2025. The event, co-presented by the Chinese Culture Center and Edge on the Square, featured a walking tour highlighting historic queer landmarks and honored the neighborhood’s LGBTQIA+ history dating back to the 1930s. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Stop #2: Bars and shops along Grant Avenue\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>From Edge on the Square, head north on Grant Avenue. Along these next few blocks, you’ll see staple Chinatown bars Li Po Cocktail Lounge on your right and Buddha Lounge on your left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These spots are remnants of the time when Chinatown was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13904467/chinatown-nightclubs-showgirl-magic-museum\">a big nightlife destination\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the 1930s to 1960s, clubs like Forbidden City and Chinese Sky Room threw glamorous shows featuring big bands and showgirl troupes — drawing in major celebrities like Frank Sinatra and \u003ca href=\"https://sfmuseum.org/hist10/forbidcity.html\">then-actor President Ronald Reagan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“But the queer history here is that there were several underground bars that served as gathering spaces for the community,” Pallasigue said. People who frequented these establishments often had to live a double life, she said, transforming into a version of themselves devoid of queerness during the daytime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Based on our research, it’s during the 1940s and ’50s that the queer nightlife in Chinatown was thriving,” Zhu said. “Chinatown was the go-to space where you could have a relatively safe environment to hang out and be yourself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups like CCC continue working on recovering the history of these underground bars. In the meantime, if you want to learn more about Chinatown’s nightlife boom and the Asian and Asian American performers behind it, visit the \u003ca href=\"https://www.theclarionsf.org/showgirl-magic-museum\">Showgirl Magic Museum\u003c/a> at 2 Waverly Place, a block away from the Grant and Sacramento street intersection.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stop #3: East West Bank, formerly the site of Telephone Exchange, 743 Washington St.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041659\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041659\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG039_QED-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lotus speaks outside of East West Bank on Washington St, the 3rd stop on the Chinatown Pride procession route through San Francisco’s Chinatown on Saturday, May 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From Buddha Lounge, cross Washington Street. On your left side, you’ll see a three-tiered pagoda painted in red and green. Now a branch office of East West Bank, this building served \u003ca href=\"https://hoodline.com/2016/04/plugged-in-the-fascinating-history-of-the-chinese-telephone-exchange/\">as the home of the Chinatown Telephone Exchange\u003c/a> from the end of the 19th century till 1949. Before cell phones or even landline telephones with dials, you would have to first call your local telephone exchange and ask the operator — \u003cem>an actual human\u003c/em> — to connect you to the person you were trying to reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Chinatown Telephone Exchange, a team of dozens of women connected the neighborhood’s thousands of residents to the outside world. As part of their jobs, these female operators were required to wear traditional qipao dresses every day and be fluent in multiple languages, Zhu said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>During the Chinatown Pride procession, an elderly woman approached Zhu to share that she herself had worked at a telephone exchange in the city similar to the one located on Washington Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At work, “she saw women flirting with each other,” Zhu said. “While they connected the outside world to Chinatown, there was this concealed intimacy. She was sure that there were other queer women operators besides her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Exchange’s architecture is also a symbol of Chinatown’s ability to transform in order to survive, Pallasigue said. The 1906 earthquake destroyed most of Chinatown and local officials saw that as an opportunity to remove the Chinese community from this part of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Chinese and Chinese American business groups instead proposed that in order to boost tourism, the neighborhood \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/kqed/chinatown/resourceguide/story.html\">be protected and rebuilt\u003c/a> as an exaggerated version of what Westerners at the time imagined China to be like. Up went the paper lanterns, neon lights and pagodas — including those at the Chinatown Telephone Exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is built into Chinatown’s DNA,” Pallasigue said: “Being creative with the use of space as a form of resilience in order to preserve the culture and community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stop #4: 41ross, 41 Ross Alley\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041660\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041660\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG042_QED-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kalypso (right) walks to Ross Alley, the 4th stop on the Chinatown Pride procession route through San Francisco’s Chinatown on Saturday, May 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From the old Telephone Exchange building, walk up the hill on Washington Street and turn right at Ross Alley. On the left side, you’ll find 41ross, a gallery space managed by CCC that has hosted the work of dozens of LGBTQ+ artists over its 11 years in operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal for this space is really to support artists and provide a platform for them — not only to showcase their work, but to also sell it,” she said, adding that 41ross includes a design store where visitors can find works by Jeanette Lazam, Hou Yumei, Leland Wong and other artists \u003ca href=\"https://www.edgeonthesquare.org/all-eyes-on-us\">currently featured at Edge on the Square\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, 41ross collaborated with queer artist-activist Xiangqi Chen \u003ca href=\"https://www.cccsf.us/post/out-%E5%87%BA-museum-a-chinese-queer-museum-%E4%B8%AD%E5%9C%8B%E9%85%B7%E5%85%92%E5%8D%9A%E7%89%A9%E9%A4%A8\">to host “OUT/出 MUSEUM,”\u003c/a> a museum prototype focused on Chinese queer art. Visitors can ask the 41ross staff to learn more about ongoing work to find a permanent home for Chen’s collection.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stop #5: International Hotel Senior Housing, 848 Kearny St.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Stepping out of 41ross, take a left and then a right on Jackson Street. Walk downhill on Jackson until you reach the intersection with Kearny Street, where you’ll see a tall apartment building behind a Muni bus stop. This is International Hotel Senior Housing, an affordable housing complex that opened in 2005 for lower-income seniors — and it stands on the site of the former \u003ca href=\"https://www.ihotel-sf.org/\">International Hotel\u003c/a> (or I-Hotel), where \u003ca href=\"https://www.ihotel-sf.org/history/\">one of the most extensive struggles\u003c/a> between tenants and developers in the city’s history went down.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since the 1920s, the I-Hotel housed hundreds of elderly and impoverished Filipino and Chinese men who shared cramped living quarters known as single room occupancies, or SROs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the property owners decided in 1968 that they wanted to turn the hotel into a parking lot and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13964200/violeta-marasigan-bullet-filipina-activist-ihotel-manilatown-san-francisco-marcos\">started handing out eviction notices to residents\u003c/a>, students, activists and other community members quickly rallied in support of the hotel’s tenants, sparking \u003ca href=\"https://www.ihotel-sf.org/timeline/\">a nine-year battle\u003c/a> to prevent evictions. And although the owners ultimately succeeded in removing all residents in 1977, the struggle for the I-Hotel formed a generation of activists in Chinatown, Pallasigue said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The struggle for the I-Hotel was about displacement, gentrification and the question: who belongs here?,” she said — adding that even within this movement, “there weren’t many queer leaders at the forefront because they tended to be pushed out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the younger I-Hotel tenants at the time of the 1977 evictions was Jeanette Lazam — one of the artists currently featured at Edge on the Square. During the struggle to save the I-Hotel, she \u003ca href=\"https://convergencemag.com/articles/coming-home-jeanette-lazam-returns-to-the-i-hotel/\">pushed for Asian American activists from different generations to work together\u003c/a>, all the while \u003ca href=\"https://vdoc.pub/documents/san-franciscos-international-hotel-mobilizing-the-filipino-american-community-in-the-anti-eviction-movement-asian-american-history-cultu-k9benlnleos0\">defying homophobia and sexism\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when a group of nonprofits succeeded in transforming the former I-Hotel site into affordable housing, Lazam was one of the few surviving former tenants who returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stop #6: Crossing Portsmouth Square pedestrian bridge, 745 Kearny St.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041663\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG054_QED_DUPE1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alfred Twu and others gather on Portsmouth Square Pedestrian Bridge, the 6th stop on the Chinatown Pride procession route on Saturday, May 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To wrap up your tour, head south to Portsmouth Square and step on the pedestrian bridge over Kearny Street. During the procession, Pallasigue and Zhu recalled that drag queens led the crowd across the bridge to the sound of taiko drums, with Pride flags flying high in the air. “This is the immortal runway,” Zhu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ending the procession at the bridge was intentional, Zhu said — because this landmark will soon disappear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of a city-led improvement project, the bridge is \u003ca href=\"https://sfrecpark.org/CivicAlerts.aspx?AID=1911\">scheduled to be demolished later this year\u003c/a>. But “even if the bridge goes away, even if these landmarks, one day, are physically gone, we still have the fact that we’ve brought all of these different people together — and they’re now telling these stories,” Pallasigue said. “We’ve woven ourselves into it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041662\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041662\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/05242025_CHINATOWNPRIDEWALKINGTOUR_EG052_QED-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Peipei Ma’Bilz (center left) walks across Portsmouth Square Pedestrian Bridge, the 6th stop on the Chinatown Pride procession route on Saturday, May 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Nastia Voynovskaya and Rae Alexandra and NPR’s Chloe Veltman.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Stealing Day Laborers’ Wages Could Worsen Due to ICE Raids, Researchers Warn",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alex finds temporary work as a business promoter in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>. It’s a difficult job, he said, that sometimes involves wearing a costume with little “protection” to draw people to businesses or events, sometimes in uncomfortable heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What makes his work more challenging, he told KQED in Spanish, is that his employers have on many occasions tried to pay him less than the minimum wage or deny him breaks or overtime pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a boss says they’re not going to pay me the same day of the job, then I don’t work. I refuse to work,” Alex said. He asked not to use his last name due to concerns of retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report released Thursday showed that Oakland’s day laborers suffer widespread wage theft and labor violations, but few report it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fewer than a dozen advocates gathered before Oakland City Hall to share their findings on Thursday. The report focused on Oakland but stemmed from a statewide survey of day laborers — workers seeking temporary employment in informal settings, like landscaping and construction — conducted by the National Day Laborer Organizing Network last October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046154 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nik Theodore speaks at a rally in front of City Hall in Oakland on June 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of the 138 Oakland workers surveyed, nearly one in three reported experiencing some form of wage theft, and one in four reported getting paid less than had been agreed upon in the previous two months. Workers rarely tried to file claims over the theft, researchers added, often due to a lack of awareness or confidence in their ability to recoup their lost pay, or fears of retaliation and deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even among those who have attempted to recover [wages], an even lower percentage have actually done it,” said Nik Theodore, the report’s main author and director of the Center for Urban Economic Development at the University of Illinois, Chicago. “So our systems really are failing day laborers and are allowing this kind of abuse to continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore said common tactics of wage theft include employers promising to pay their workers at the end of the day or the end of a multi-day project, then abandoning the worker at the job site once the work is completed, or complaining about the quality of the work and trying to pay less than agreed upon.[aside postID=news_12044748 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/CaliforniaFarmworkersGetty.jpg']Sometimes, Theodore said, employers pay a portion of the promised wage, but delay full payment to string along the worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The day laborer has a choice: ‘Do I walk away from this job and lose the money that I am owed, or do I stay with it with the hopes of recovering those wages?’” Theodore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveyed workers reported that the average theft amount in the previous two months was over $1,300. Researchers said that the high figure is due in part to the fact that workers stay with a job over multiple days, expecting employers to eventually pay out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Alex and Theodore said it’s not uncommon for employers to threaten to report workers to immigration authorities in order to get away with wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This concern has only increased with increasing immigration enforcement actions, some of which have included locations where day laborers gather, like Home Depot locations in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those threats of turning workers over to the immigration authorities have increased force,” Theodore said. “And so unscrupulous employers feel emboldened even more so now than ever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alex finds temporary work as a business promoter in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>. It’s a difficult job, he said, that sometimes involves wearing a costume with little “protection” to draw people to businesses or events, sometimes in uncomfortable heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What makes his work more challenging, he told KQED in Spanish, is that his employers have on many occasions tried to pay him less than the minimum wage or deny him breaks or overtime pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a boss says they’re not going to pay me the same day of the job, then I don’t work. I refuse to work,” Alex said. He asked not to use his last name due to concerns of retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report released Thursday showed that Oakland’s day laborers suffer widespread wage theft and labor violations, but few report it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fewer than a dozen advocates gathered before Oakland City Hall to share their findings on Thursday. The report focused on Oakland but stemmed from a statewide survey of day laborers — workers seeking temporary employment in informal settings, like landscaping and construction — conducted by the National Day Laborer Organizing Network last October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046154 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nik Theodore speaks at a rally in front of City Hall in Oakland on June 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of the 138 Oakland workers surveyed, nearly one in three reported experiencing some form of wage theft, and one in four reported getting paid less than had been agreed upon in the previous two months. Workers rarely tried to file claims over the theft, researchers added, often due to a lack of awareness or confidence in their ability to recoup their lost pay, or fears of retaliation and deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even among those who have attempted to recover [wages], an even lower percentage have actually done it,” said Nik Theodore, the report’s main author and director of the Center for Urban Economic Development at the University of Illinois, Chicago. “So our systems really are failing day laborers and are allowing this kind of abuse to continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore said common tactics of wage theft include employers promising to pay their workers at the end of the day or the end of a multi-day project, then abandoning the worker at the job site once the work is completed, or complaining about the quality of the work and trying to pay less than agreed upon.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sometimes, Theodore said, employers pay a portion of the promised wage, but delay full payment to string along the worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The day laborer has a choice: ‘Do I walk away from this job and lose the money that I am owed, or do I stay with it with the hopes of recovering those wages?’” Theodore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveyed workers reported that the average theft amount in the previous two months was over $1,300. Researchers said that the high figure is due in part to the fact that workers stay with a job over multiple days, expecting employers to eventually pay out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Alex and Theodore said it’s not uncommon for employers to threaten to report workers to immigration authorities in order to get away with wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This concern has only increased with increasing immigration enforcement actions, some of which have included locations where day laborers gather, like Home Depot locations in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those threats of turning workers over to the immigration authorities have increased force,” Theodore said. “And so unscrupulous employers feel emboldened even more so now than ever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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