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"content": "\u003cp>The federal government filed two lawsuits Thursday against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/southern-california-edison\">Southern California Edison\u003c/a>, alleging the utility’s equipment sparked fires including January’s Eaton Fire in the Los Angeles area, which destroyed more than 9,400 structures and killed 17 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lawsuits filed today allege a troubling pattern of negligence resulting in death, destruction, and tens of millions of federal taxpayer dollars spent to clean up one utility company’s mistakes,” U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli said at a news conference Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filings allege that Edison failed to properly maintain its power and transmission infrastructure in the area where the Eaton Fire ignited on Jan. 7. It asks for more than $40 million in damages to the federal, state and local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edison spokesperson Jeff Monford said the utility is reviewing the lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue our work to reduce the likelihood of our equipment starting a wildfire,” Monford said. “Southern California Edison is committed to wildfire mitigation through grid hardening, situational awareness and enhanced operational practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has stated it operates three transmission towers in the Eaton Canyon area overlooking the unincorporated area of Altadena, which was ravaged by the fire. In early reports to the California Public Utility Commission, Edison has said it detected a “fault” on one of its transmission lines around the time that the Eaton Fire started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021876\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12021876 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Southern California Edison workers service a utility pole in the aftermath of the Eaton Fire on Jan. 12, 2025, in Altadena, California. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a July 31 report to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, the utility said while it has “not conclusively determined” its equipment was responsible for the fire, there was “concerning circumstantial evidence” that suggests its transmission facilities in the area could have been associated with the starting of the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also said it was “not aware of evidence pointing to another possible source of ignition,” according to the report cited in the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the investigation into the fire is still ongoing, Essayli said the government is confident moving forward with the lawsuit, especially with fire season quickly approaching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no reason to wait,” Essayli said. “We believe that the evidence is clear that Edison is at fault, and by their own admissions, no one else is at fault.”\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=science_1998021 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/08/240109-CAWindStorm-069_qed.jpg']\u003c/span>A second lawsuit filed Thursday alleges that Edison’s negligence led to the sparking of the Fairview Fire in September 2022, which scorched the San Bernardino National Forest in Riverside County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the filing, a sagging power line in Hemet, California, operated by Edison came into contact with a Frontier Communications messenger cable, which created sparks and ignited the vegetation below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fire burned more than 21 square miles of forest, killing two people and destroying 44 structures. The government is seeking $37 million in damages incurred by the U.S. Forest Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Essayli said he will seek terms that prevent Edison from paying for the lawsuits by raising their utility rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Altadena residents who lost their homes sued Edison in January, days after the fire broke out. Their attorneys said at the time they believed Edison’s equipment caused it, pointing to video taken during the fire’s early minutes that showed a large blaze directly beneath electrical towers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County sued Edison in March, seeking hundreds of millions of dollars for costs and damages sustained from the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The federal government filed two lawsuits Thursday against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/southern-california-edison\">Southern California Edison\u003c/a>, alleging the utility’s equipment sparked fires including January’s Eaton Fire in the Los Angeles area, which destroyed more than 9,400 structures and killed 17 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lawsuits filed today allege a troubling pattern of negligence resulting in death, destruction, and tens of millions of federal taxpayer dollars spent to clean up one utility company’s mistakes,” U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli said at a news conference Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filings allege that Edison failed to properly maintain its power and transmission infrastructure in the area where the Eaton Fire ignited on Jan. 7. It asks for more than $40 million in damages to the federal, state and local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edison spokesperson Jeff Monford said the utility is reviewing the lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue our work to reduce the likelihood of our equipment starting a wildfire,” Monford said. “Southern California Edison is committed to wildfire mitigation through grid hardening, situational awareness and enhanced operational practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has stated it operates three transmission towers in the Eaton Canyon area overlooking the unincorporated area of Altadena, which was ravaged by the fire. In early reports to the California Public Utility Commission, Edison has said it detected a “fault” on one of its transmission lines around the time that the Eaton Fire started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021876\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12021876 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/SCELawsuitAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Southern California Edison workers service a utility pole in the aftermath of the Eaton Fire on Jan. 12, 2025, in Altadena, California. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a July 31 report to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, the utility said while it has “not conclusively determined” its equipment was responsible for the fire, there was “concerning circumstantial evidence” that suggests its transmission facilities in the area could have been associated with the starting of the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also said it was “not aware of evidence pointing to another possible source of ignition,” according to the report cited in the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the investigation into the fire is still ongoing, Essayli said the government is confident moving forward with the lawsuit, especially with fire season quickly approaching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no reason to wait,” Essayli said. “We believe that the evidence is clear that Edison is at fault, and by their own admissions, no one else is at fault.”\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>A second lawsuit filed Thursday alleges that Edison’s negligence led to the sparking of the Fairview Fire in September 2022, which scorched the San Bernardino National Forest in Riverside County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the filing, a sagging power line in Hemet, California, operated by Edison came into contact with a Frontier Communications messenger cable, which created sparks and ignited the vegetation below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That fire burned more than 21 square miles of forest, killing two people and destroying 44 structures. The government is seeking $37 million in damages incurred by the U.S. Forest Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Essayli said he will seek terms that prevent Edison from paying for the lawsuits by raising their utility rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Altadena residents who lost their homes sued Edison in January, days after the fire broke out. Their attorneys said at the time they believed Edison’s equipment caused it, pointing to video taken during the fire’s early minutes that showed a large blaze directly beneath electrical towers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County sued Edison in March, seeking hundreds of millions of dollars for costs and damages sustained from the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Will Not Provide Stopgap Loan In Time to Prevent Cuts to Bay Area Transit, Lawmakers Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated, 1:30 p.m. Sunday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office has signaled it will not provide stopgap funding for Bay Area transit agencies facing budget shortfalls before next week’s legislative deadline, according to lawmakers, raising concerns about steep service cuts to BART and other Bay Area public transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sens. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, and Jesse Arreguín, D-Oakland, who have been negotiating the terms of a $750 million loan with the governor’s office, released a joint statement on Saturday responding to what they called the Department of Finance’s “decision to stop [the] Bay Area transit funding agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s Department of Finance informed lawmakers it will not be finalizing a critical bridge loan to prevent serious service cuts to BART, Muni, AC Transit and other Bay Area public transit operators next year,” the senators said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener clarified in a call to KQED that the department has not stopped the funding agreement entirely, but merely seeks to extend talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department of Finance has indicated that they want to keep working on it over the fall, potentially for action next January,” Wiener said. “And that’s a problem because if our transit systems don’t have confidence that the money and financial support are coming, they’re going to have to start making cuts to service and that would be terrible for the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s Department of Finance pushed back on the idea that delaying the deal would lead to immediate service cuts, saying it was the department’s understanding that local transit agencies don’t need backfill funding until the middle of 2026 at the earliest. That, the department argued, still leaves time for the deal to be finalized next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and state lawmakers agreed to the loan earlier this summer and have been working ever since to finalize its terms. The legislature faces a Sept. 12 deadline to pass bills during this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12043556 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20241204-BART-JY-003_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s essential that this loan happen,” Wiener and Arreguín wrote in the joint statement on Saturday. “The state needs to step up and ensure we don’t see debilitating service cuts at BART, Muni, Caltrain, AC Transit, and other operators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The senators have been working to put a regional funding ballot measure before voters during the November 2026 election. But even if approved, that funding would not begin until 2027 — the state loan was meant to help bridge that gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Saturday afternoon interview, Wiener declined to comment on the specifics of his conversations with state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a specific sticking point; this is about just having the will to get it done this coming week,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a spokesperson for the Department of Finance said the department hasn’t had enough time to review the legislature’s latest proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although their need for financial assistance in the 2026–27 budget year has been known for months, the Administration only received an outline of proposed loan terms from the Legislature two days ago — still short of a legislative proposal that is necessary to resolve this issue,” the spokesperson wrote. “We’re committed to developing solutions that will support riders and transit agencies alike in a timely manner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART officials have warned of drastic cuts without the temporary funding, saying they face a $350 to $400 million annual deficit beginning in the 2027 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Were we not able to secure the $750 million temporary loan, we could see two of BART’s five lines cancelled. We could see stations closed,” BART board of directors member Edward Wright told KQED on Friday. “We could see a dramatic reduction in our service hours and a dramatic reduction in service frequency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and Arreguín pointed to a systemwide BART outage on Friday morning as an example of what residents might expect from a future with reduced services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even on a Friday, when fewer people commute to the office, BART service shutting down meant our roads were choked with bumper-to-bumper traffic throughout the day, children and working people lost access to school and work, and our air got more polluted,” the senators said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART’s current financial troubles mirror those of other local agencies. Officials say emergency funding implemented in response to the COVID-19 pandemic will run out next year, but ridership rates never fully recovered as many employers embraced remote work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some transit agency officials, the larger concern is not the immediate potential cuts, but rather the cascading impacts down the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real fear is, aside from the degree to which that will provide an incredibly bad experience for people who rely on transit, it also could trigger what’s been referred to as a doom loop,” Wright said. “The worse our service becomes, the less people will want to ride it. The less people ride it, the less we’re gaining in fare revenue and the bigger our deficit grows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Clarification: This story has been updated to reflect new comments from state Sen. Scott Wiener clarifying that state finance officials have not fully ended talks over the bridge loan, but instead want to extend negotiations beyond this legislative session. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated, 1:30 p.m. Sunday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office has signaled it will not provide stopgap funding for Bay Area transit agencies facing budget shortfalls before next week’s legislative deadline, according to lawmakers, raising concerns about steep service cuts to BART and other Bay Area public transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sens. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, and Jesse Arreguín, D-Oakland, who have been negotiating the terms of a $750 million loan with the governor’s office, released a joint statement on Saturday responding to what they called the Department of Finance’s “decision to stop [the] Bay Area transit funding agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s Department of Finance informed lawmakers it will not be finalizing a critical bridge loan to prevent serious service cuts to BART, Muni, AC Transit and other Bay Area public transit operators next year,” the senators said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener clarified in a call to KQED that the department has not stopped the funding agreement entirely, but merely seeks to extend talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department of Finance has indicated that they want to keep working on it over the fall, potentially for action next January,” Wiener said. “And that’s a problem because if our transit systems don’t have confidence that the money and financial support are coming, they’re going to have to start making cuts to service and that would be terrible for the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s Department of Finance pushed back on the idea that delaying the deal would lead to immediate service cuts, saying it was the department’s understanding that local transit agencies don’t need backfill funding until the middle of 2026 at the earliest. That, the department argued, still leaves time for the deal to be finalized next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and state lawmakers agreed to the loan earlier this summer and have been working ever since to finalize its terms. The legislature faces a Sept. 12 deadline to pass bills during this session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s essential that this loan happen,” Wiener and Arreguín wrote in the joint statement on Saturday. “The state needs to step up and ensure we don’t see debilitating service cuts at BART, Muni, Caltrain, AC Transit, and other operators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The senators have been working to put a regional funding ballot measure before voters during the November 2026 election. But even if approved, that funding would not begin until 2027 — the state loan was meant to help bridge that gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Saturday afternoon interview, Wiener declined to comment on the specifics of his conversations with state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a specific sticking point; this is about just having the will to get it done this coming week,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a spokesperson for the Department of Finance said the department hasn’t had enough time to review the legislature’s latest proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although their need for financial assistance in the 2026–27 budget year has been known for months, the Administration only received an outline of proposed loan terms from the Legislature two days ago — still short of a legislative proposal that is necessary to resolve this issue,” the spokesperson wrote. “We’re committed to developing solutions that will support riders and transit agencies alike in a timely manner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART officials have warned of drastic cuts without the temporary funding, saying they face a $350 to $400 million annual deficit beginning in the 2027 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Were we not able to secure the $750 million temporary loan, we could see two of BART’s five lines cancelled. We could see stations closed,” BART board of directors member Edward Wright told KQED on Friday. “We could see a dramatic reduction in our service hours and a dramatic reduction in service frequency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and Arreguín pointed to a systemwide BART outage on Friday morning as an example of what residents might expect from a future with reduced services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even on a Friday, when fewer people commute to the office, BART service shutting down meant our roads were choked with bumper-to-bumper traffic throughout the day, children and working people lost access to school and work, and our air got more polluted,” the senators said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART’s current financial troubles mirror those of other local agencies. Officials say emergency funding implemented in response to the COVID-19 pandemic will run out next year, but ridership rates never fully recovered as many employers embraced remote work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some transit agency officials, the larger concern is not the immediate potential cuts, but rather the cascading impacts down the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real fear is, aside from the degree to which that will provide an incredibly bad experience for people who rely on transit, it also could trigger what’s been referred to as a doom loop,” Wright said. “The worse our service becomes, the less people will want to ride it. The less people ride it, the less we’re gaining in fare revenue and the bigger our deficit grows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Clarification: This story has been updated to reflect new comments from state Sen. Scott Wiener clarifying that state finance officials have not fully ended talks over the bridge loan, but instead want to extend negotiations beyond this legislative session. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Elected leaders in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a>’s largest city are proposing a policy that would ban federal immigration officers from concealing their identities during enforcement actions within its borders, taking a cue from lawmakers in the state and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Councilmember Peter Ortiz, who represents a large chunk of the city’s east side, said the proposed ordinance is about restoring trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When federal law enforcement officers, or any law enforcement officers, are covering their face or refusing to identify themselves — like we’ve seen across the state and across the country in regard to ICE and federal immigration enforcement — it creates fear and uncertainty, especially in our immigrant communities,” Ortiz told KQED in an interview on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe people, regardless of citizenship, deserve to know who’s approaching them and whether that person is a legitimate law enforcement officer, not someone impersonating them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy, which has also drawn support from Council members David Cohen, Pamela Campos and Rosemary Kamei, will be heard at the city’s Rules and Open Government Committee on Wednesday. If it finds enough support there, the ordinance could be considered by the full council in about two months, Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987727\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José City Councilmember Peter Ortiz speaks during a rally outside of Regional Medical Center in East San José on May 24. Ortiz and others called on Attorney General Rob Bonta to halt service cuts planned by the hospital’s ownership. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San José, which is home to nearly 1 million people, has large Asian and Latino populations, and about 40% of the city’s residents are immigrants, according to the US Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe it’s a responsibility of this council to make sure that our immigrant community is being protected, is being represented properly, and that any sort of immigration enforcement … is done in accordance with the law and respects the human rights of all residents,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the city has not seen Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids on the scale of the Los Angeles County area, enforcement actions in San José earlier this year and around the Bay Area have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043139/san-jose-immigrant-advocates-protest-sweeping-ice-arrests\">prompted protests\u003c/a> against the Trump administration’s aggressive escalation of tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043787/as-ice-fears-grow-san-jose-approves-1-5-million-to-support-immigrants\">San José and Santa Clara County leaders\u003c/a> responded by bolstering funding for legal aid and financial relief for families whose loved ones have been detained, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">spiking fear of ICE roundups\u003c/a> has kept some home from work or school. [aside postID=news_12054668 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-2000x1334.jpg']Legislators in California, New York and Pennsylvania and supervisors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-07-29/well-see-you-in-court-l-a-county-plans-to-bar-federal-immigration-agents-from-concealing-their-identity\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> County are among some of the electeds pushing similar policies sometimes referred to as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044570/california-bill-would-prohibit-ice-officers-from-wearing-masks-in-the-state\">“No Secret Police” laws\u003c/a>, even as the legal landscape around such rules is murky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José City Attorney Nora Frimann said it’s unclear whether local or state laws will hold any sway over federal agents or officers, be they from ICE, Border Patrol, or another agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it is also significantly troubling to many in the community that masking and other efforts to hide identity can endanger residents, and not allow our residents to know if legitimate law enforcement is occurring and by which agency or branch of government,” Frimann said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment about San José’s proposal. The agency has previously told KQED in response to similar legislation proposed by state Sens. Scott Weiner, D-San Francisco, and Jesse Arreguín, D-Berkeley, that officers wear masks and use other methods to avoid identification to prevent “doxxing,” or the publishing of someone’s personal information online to publicly shame or harass them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz acknowledged his policy proposal could result in a courtroom fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may come to a legal argument that we may have to support in partnership with the state of California and other jurisdictions, but I believe that San José has a moral obligation to lead that conversation and to lead in that battle for our immigrant community,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the proposal makes it to the full council, there will likely be a discussion of the merits of the policy and any legal implications, Frimann said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Elected leaders in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a>’s largest city are proposing a policy that would ban federal immigration officers from concealing their identities during enforcement actions within its borders, taking a cue from lawmakers in the state and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Councilmember Peter Ortiz, who represents a large chunk of the city’s east side, said the proposed ordinance is about restoring trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When federal law enforcement officers, or any law enforcement officers, are covering their face or refusing to identify themselves — like we’ve seen across the state and across the country in regard to ICE and federal immigration enforcement — it creates fear and uncertainty, especially in our immigrant communities,” Ortiz told KQED in an interview on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe people, regardless of citizenship, deserve to know who’s approaching them and whether that person is a legitimate law enforcement officer, not someone impersonating them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy, which has also drawn support from Council members David Cohen, Pamela Campos and Rosemary Kamei, will be heard at the city’s Rules and Open Government Committee on Wednesday. If it finds enough support there, the ordinance could be considered by the full council in about two months, Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987727\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José City Councilmember Peter Ortiz speaks during a rally outside of Regional Medical Center in East San José on May 24. Ortiz and others called on Attorney General Rob Bonta to halt service cuts planned by the hospital’s ownership. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San José, which is home to nearly 1 million people, has large Asian and Latino populations, and about 40% of the city’s residents are immigrants, according to the US Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe it’s a responsibility of this council to make sure that our immigrant community is being protected, is being represented properly, and that any sort of immigration enforcement … is done in accordance with the law and respects the human rights of all residents,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the city has not seen Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids on the scale of the Los Angeles County area, enforcement actions in San José earlier this year and around the Bay Area have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043139/san-jose-immigrant-advocates-protest-sweeping-ice-arrests\">prompted protests\u003c/a> against the Trump administration’s aggressive escalation of tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043787/as-ice-fears-grow-san-jose-approves-1-5-million-to-support-immigrants\">San José and Santa Clara County leaders\u003c/a> responded by bolstering funding for legal aid and financial relief for families whose loved ones have been detained, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">spiking fear of ICE roundups\u003c/a> has kept some home from work or school. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Legislators in California, New York and Pennsylvania and supervisors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-07-29/well-see-you-in-court-l-a-county-plans-to-bar-federal-immigration-agents-from-concealing-their-identity\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> County are among some of the electeds pushing similar policies sometimes referred to as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044570/california-bill-would-prohibit-ice-officers-from-wearing-masks-in-the-state\">“No Secret Police” laws\u003c/a>, even as the legal landscape around such rules is murky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José City Attorney Nora Frimann said it’s unclear whether local or state laws will hold any sway over federal agents or officers, be they from ICE, Border Patrol, or another agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it is also significantly troubling to many in the community that masking and other efforts to hide identity can endanger residents, and not allow our residents to know if legitimate law enforcement is occurring and by which agency or branch of government,” Frimann said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment about San José’s proposal. The agency has previously told KQED in response to similar legislation proposed by state Sens. Scott Weiner, D-San Francisco, and Jesse Arreguín, D-Berkeley, that officers wear masks and use other methods to avoid identification to prevent “doxxing,” or the publishing of someone’s personal information online to publicly shame or harass them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz acknowledged his policy proposal could result in a courtroom fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may come to a legal argument that we may have to support in partnership with the state of California and other jurisdictions, but I believe that San José has a moral obligation to lead that conversation and to lead in that battle for our immigrant community,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the proposal makes it to the full council, there will likely be a discussion of the merits of the policy and any legal implications, Frimann said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bart\">BART\u003c/a> resumed all service just before noon Friday, ending an hourslong system shutdown that left thousands of commuters scrambling for alternative routes around the Bay Area during peak commute hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A limited number of trains operating within the East Bay resumed around 9:30 a.m., but it took hours longer to get trains running to and from San Francisco, as people who found themselves stranded waited for any answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“’I’m so tired,” said Shantay Clark, who was arriving at the shuttered station on Powell Street at 10 a.m. She had just finished an overnight shift at her security job and had planned to take BART home to the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m ready to get home because I have to come back to the city, and I’m just hoping that later on tonight, when it gets time for me to commute, that transportation is up and running,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m exhausted, and to be honest, I shouldn’t say what I want to say, because I want a drink,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054820\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054820\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-02-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-02-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-02-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-02-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">BART employees advise passengers of the BART outage at the 24th Street BART station in San Francisco on Sept. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The outage was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039472/bart-shuts-down-entire-train-service-due-to-computer-networking-problem\">second BART has experienced in recent months\u003c/a>, though the agency said it did not know if Friday’s issue was related to May’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transit agency said that after conducting a network upgrade overnight, it had a computer equipment problem that prevented it from beginning service shortly before 5 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the morning, BART employees working at stations in San Francisco were directing riders headed to the East Bay to take a bus or the ferry, which was looking to expand capacity on regularly scheduled transbay trips and add additional trips on its Oakland route.[aside postID=news_12053738 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250623-VTAWESTPORTAL-JG-4_qed.jpg']“The only way to get there, I was told, is that you have to go on a bus,” said Angelina Rivera, who was headed to the courthouse in Martinez. “I don’t know where the bus is, but you have to go on the bus. … It’s been a little crazy morning so far, just kind of wasting a little more time than expected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arlene Gemmell was hoping to meet her sister, who was visiting from Oregon, in the East Bay before they headed over to their hometown in Mill Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s her last full day here,” she told KQED, adding that she would probably just head home. “I’m really let down, but sort of relieved too. I’m tired, so I don’t know, maybe we can do it tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transit shutdown had rippling effects on other Bay Area commutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni said it experienced minor delays after an earlier \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SFMTA_Muni/status/1963954623519375819\">warning\u003c/a> that its buses might run behind as its operators struggled to travel into the city, the transit agency \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SFMTA_Muni/status/1963954623519375819\">said on social media\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054821\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054821\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-03-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-03-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-03-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-03-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tape blocks the entrance at the 24th Street BART station in San Francisco on Sept. 5, 2025, during an outage. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Traffic also backed up quickly on Bay Area freeways as more people opted to drive to or from San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During May’s four-hour outage, traffic on the Bay Bridge backed up for miles as hundreds more cars traveled across than during the same time in previous weeks. The San Mateo-Hayward and Dumbarton bridges were similarly affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That outage was blamed on two network devices “that were not properly communicating to each other,” BART spokesperson Alicia Trost told KQED at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054840\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054840\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-05-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-05-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-05-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-05-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A passenger looks for alternate routes during a BART outage at the 24th Street BART station in San Francisco on Sept. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two shutdowns are BART’s largest since 2019, and come as it and other Bay Area transit systems are lobbying the state Legislature to place a measure on November’s ballot that would fill a more than $1 billion hole left by state budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The region’s transit operators were already struggling to recover from low ridership after the COVID-19 pandemic, and recent data shows they are facing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043556/california-lawmakers-plan-would-help-bay-area-transit-avoid-fiscal-disaster-for-now\">more than $3.7 billion combined deficit\u003c/a> over the next five years, most of which comes from BART and Muni.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART has said that if it’s unable to patch the budget hole, it might have to cancel two of its five lines, shorten service hours or run less frequent trains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m ready to get home because I have to come back to the city, and I’m just hoping that later on tonight, when it gets time for me to commute, that transportation is up and running,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m exhausted, and to be honest, I shouldn’t say what I want to say, because I want a drink,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054820\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054820\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-02-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-02-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-02-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-02-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">BART employees advise passengers of the BART outage at the 24th Street BART station in San Francisco on Sept. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The outage was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039472/bart-shuts-down-entire-train-service-due-to-computer-networking-problem\">second BART has experienced in recent months\u003c/a>, though the agency said it did not know if Friday’s issue was related to May’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transit agency said that after conducting a network upgrade overnight, it had a computer equipment problem that prevented it from beginning service shortly before 5 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the morning, BART employees working at stations in San Francisco were directing riders headed to the East Bay to take a bus or the ferry, which was looking to expand capacity on regularly scheduled transbay trips and add additional trips on its Oakland route.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The only way to get there, I was told, is that you have to go on a bus,” said Angelina Rivera, who was headed to the courthouse in Martinez. “I don’t know where the bus is, but you have to go on the bus. … It’s been a little crazy morning so far, just kind of wasting a little more time than expected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arlene Gemmell was hoping to meet her sister, who was visiting from Oregon, in the East Bay before they headed over to their hometown in Mill Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s her last full day here,” she told KQED, adding that she would probably just head home. “I’m really let down, but sort of relieved too. I’m tired, so I don’t know, maybe we can do it tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transit shutdown had rippling effects on other Bay Area commutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni said it experienced minor delays after an earlier \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SFMTA_Muni/status/1963954623519375819\">warning\u003c/a> that its buses might run behind as its operators struggled to travel into the city, the transit agency \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SFMTA_Muni/status/1963954623519375819\">said on social media\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054821\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054821\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-03-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-03-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-03-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-03-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tape blocks the entrance at the 24th Street BART station in San Francisco on Sept. 5, 2025, during an outage. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Traffic also backed up quickly on Bay Area freeways as more people opted to drive to or from San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During May’s four-hour outage, traffic on the Bay Bridge backed up for miles as hundreds more cars traveled across than during the same time in previous weeks. The San Mateo-Hayward and Dumbarton bridges were similarly affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That outage was blamed on two network devices “that were not properly communicating to each other,” BART spokesperson Alicia Trost told KQED at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054840\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054840\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-05-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-05-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-05-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-BARTOutage-05-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A passenger looks for alternate routes during a BART outage at the 24th Street BART station in San Francisco on Sept. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two shutdowns are BART’s largest since 2019, and come as it and other Bay Area transit systems are lobbying the state Legislature to place a measure on November’s ballot that would fill a more than $1 billion hole left by state budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The region’s transit operators were already struggling to recover from low ridership after the COVID-19 pandemic, and recent data shows they are facing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043556/california-lawmakers-plan-would-help-bay-area-transit-avoid-fiscal-disaster-for-now\">more than $3.7 billion combined deficit\u003c/a> over the next five years, most of which comes from BART and Muni.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART has said that if it’s unable to patch the budget hole, it might have to cancel two of its five lines, shorten service hours or run less frequent trains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has never been shy about picking a fight. But this moment could be make-or-break for the ambitious politician, as he takes on President Donald Trump not only on social media but at the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a faceoff that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051494/california-democrats-back-newsom-plan-to-redraw-congressional-maps-for-2026\">could determine the balance of power\u003c/a> in the U.S. House of Representatives next year and have longer repercussions for the governor’s own political ambitions — potentially a White House run of his own in 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has emerged as perhaps the nation’s most high-profile Democrat in recent months as he pushes back against the president’s move to redraw congressional districts in Republican-led states. In response, Newsom is asking California voters to pass \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053249/california-approves-redistricting-plan-now-its-up-to-voters\">a redistricting plan\u003c/a> that could give Democrats five new seats — directly countering new Texas maps drawn to help Republicans flip five districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We got here because the President of the United States is struggling,” Newsom said last month at a news conference where he signed the law putting the redistricting proposal before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Trump] can’t win by playing by traditional sets of rules. He plays by no rules,” he added. “It’s not the rule of law, it’s the rule of Don. And we’re standing up to that. We’re responding to that. They fired the first shot in Texas. We wouldn’t be here, had Texas not done what they just did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hardly Newsom’s first time making national headlines by taking a high-stakes gamble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11715425\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11715425\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Gavin Newsom, then mayor of San Francisco, speaks during a news conference following a California Supreme Court decision to overturn the ban on same-sex marriage on May 15, 2008.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1359\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-800x566.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-1020x722.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-1200x849.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gavin Newsom, then mayor of San Francisco, speaks during a news conference following a California Supreme Court decision to overturn the ban on same-sex marriage on May 15, 2008. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2004, as San Francisco mayor, Newsom burst into the national consciousness when he threw open the doors of City Hall to same-sex couples and ordered city workers to begin marrying them, despite both state and federal bans on gay marriage. Republican political consultant Mike Madrid traces a straight path from that same sex marriage fight to this moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The throughline that I think is pretty consistent with Gavin Newsom is he is a generational talent in the Democratic Party that has been able to do something that nobody else has done. And that is: He wins on cultural issues,” Madrid said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid added that Democrats usually run from these fights, but “Gavin’s like, give me the sword, I’ll go out there. And he wins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s take-no-prisoners style toward Trump in recent months is a marked contrast from earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026230/after-years-of-attacks-newsom-tries-flattery-on-trump\">when he tried to make nice with Trump\u003c/a> as wildfires tore through Los Angeles. As those blazes burned, the governor met Trump on the airport tarmac and took him around L.A. to see the destruction, even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021435/trumps-misinformation-la-fires-fuels-concerns-over-future-disaster-aid-california\">the president made false claims about the fires’ causes\u003c/a> and threatened to withhold disaster aid.[aside postID=news_12043766 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GavinNewsom1AP-1020x680.jpg']That all changed in June, when Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043221/newsom-asks-trump-to-rescind-unlawful-deployment-of-troops-in-los-angeles\">sent armed military troops into L.A\u003c/a>. over Newsom’s objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom and his staff have taken an increasingly aggressive — and cheeky — tone online. He’s not only confronting the president in the media and in court, but also mocking his social media posts with parodies that echo Trump’s own language, tone and style.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has long derided Newsom as a “terrible” governor and called him “Newscum.” Now, the governor is mimicking Trump, savaging the president in all-caps posts. He has recently suggested Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1960387243505541553\">dementia\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1961544715012378728\">called\u003c/a> him a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1962873063223202205\">loser\u003c/a> and ridiculed his \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1960436979562373264\">hands\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They really learned, we cannot respond with facts and honesty and good information. We have to take the offense,” Madrid said. “And that’s what you saw to great effect during the ICE raids and continue to see it with sort of the quote-unquote trolling that’s going on now, where Gavin and his team are completely dominating the narrative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls indicate Newsom’s stance is resonating. Since April, Newsom’s approval rating has jumped eight points to 51% in \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9f06d6p8\">UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies poll.\u003c/a> Fifty-nine percent of voters support his more vocal criticisms of Trump, and Democrats are far more enthusiastic about him running for president in 2028 than former Vice President Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GovPressOffice/status/1963693102348354047\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s seen as kind of a dynamic force against Donald Trump. Voters, especially Democrats, seem to think that’s a good idea,” said Mark DiCamillo, director of the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the poll also found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053201/california-voters-divided-on-newsoms-plan-to-redraw-congressional-districts\">a tough fight ahead for Newsom with the redistricting ballot measure\u003c/a>, Proposition 50: It enjoyed 48% support in the poll, with 32 percent opposed and about one-fifth of voters still undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, this isn’t uncharted territory for the governor, DiCamillo said, noting that he handily beat back an attempted recall in 2021 by making it a referendum on Trump and MAGA politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This reminds me of when he got challenged on the recall election,” DiCamillo said. “He started running against Republicans and very successfully defeated the recall initiative; his job ratings went up … Now, he’s taking a very forceful, direct, combative approach to that and his job ratings are going up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048349\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12048349\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/gettyimages-2225249524-scaled-e1757027321314.jpeg\" alt=\"President Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on July 15 for Pittsburgh.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on July 15, 2025, for Pittsburgh. \u003ccite>(Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Franciscan Ellek Linton, a 26-year-old voter who’s registered as an independent, is one of those on the left who is giving Newsom high marks for his willingness to take on Trump. Linton said watching the governor mock Trump on social media has been refreshing and entertaining, not just for him but for his Utah-based parents, who weren’t even familiar with the governor until recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think in general his demeanor and his approach is really what we need, like that’s honestly, I believe the only way we’re ever going to beat Trump,” he said. “You got to go to that level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s task ahead is tougher than winning on social media: He must convince voters to support a ballot measure that will sideline the state’s independent redistricting commission, which was created at the ballot box just over a decade ago and remains popular in public polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linton said he will reluctantly support Newsom’s redistricting measure and its gerrymandered maps, even if it means adopting the tactics Trump and Texas are using.[aside postID=news_12054858 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Newsom-Tweets_3.jpg']“I don’t think anybody agrees with gerrymandering, but at the same time, it’s kind of necessary,” he said. “If one side’s gonna cheat, we have to kind of cheat back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans in California see Newsom’s move as a blatant power grab. On the Assembly floor last month, GOP leader James Gallagher said Trump was wrong to redistrict and warned that by following the president, Newsom is taking the country down a dangerous path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin is fighting fire with fire,” Gallagher said, calling the new maps a “Gavin-mander.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You move forward fighting fire with fire, what happens? You burn it all down,” he said. “And in this case, it affects our most fundamental American principle: representation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even some Democrats who have historically viewed Newsom with skepticism because of his perceived political ambitions are rallying around the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former state Sen. Mark Leno, D-San Francisco, served alongside Newsom on the city’s Board of Supervisors more than two decades ago and was a progressive leader during his 14 years in Sacramento. Leno hasn’t always agreed with Newsom, but now has high praise for the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10777891\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10777891\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco) speaks at the Capitol in Sacramento on June 15, 2015.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1271\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-400x265.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1440x953.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1180x781.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-960x636.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Mark Leno. D-San Francisco, speaks at the Capitol in Sacramento on June 15, 2015. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a serious moment in our nation’s history, more than serious; it cannot be overstated. And Gavin is stepping up to the plate, I appreciate it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leno sees the redistricting fight — and whether Democrats can take back the House — as an existential moment for American democracy. It’s also a risky bet on which Newsom has seemingly staked his political reputation. If the ballot measure fails, it would not only be an embarrassment for the governor and Democrats, it could also help Republicans remain in control of the House and embolden Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do not think this is all about Gavin and all about Gavin’s aspirations. This is about the survival of our nation,” Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The redistricting campaign is expected to be close and attract money from around the country. Those near Newsom say he’ll lean on the same playbook that helped him survive the recall: making the fight about Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has never been shy about picking a fight. But this moment could be make-or-break for the ambitious politician, as he takes on President Donald Trump not only on social media but at the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a faceoff that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051494/california-democrats-back-newsom-plan-to-redraw-congressional-maps-for-2026\">could determine the balance of power\u003c/a> in the U.S. House of Representatives next year and have longer repercussions for the governor’s own political ambitions — potentially a White House run of his own in 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has emerged as perhaps the nation’s most high-profile Democrat in recent months as he pushes back against the president’s move to redraw congressional districts in Republican-led states. In response, Newsom is asking California voters to pass \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053249/california-approves-redistricting-plan-now-its-up-to-voters\">a redistricting plan\u003c/a> that could give Democrats five new seats — directly countering new Texas maps drawn to help Republicans flip five districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We got here because the President of the United States is struggling,” Newsom said last month at a news conference where he signed the law putting the redistricting proposal before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Trump] can’t win by playing by traditional sets of rules. He plays by no rules,” he added. “It’s not the rule of law, it’s the rule of Don. And we’re standing up to that. We’re responding to that. They fired the first shot in Texas. We wouldn’t be here, had Texas not done what they just did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hardly Newsom’s first time making national headlines by taking a high-stakes gamble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11715425\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11715425\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Gavin Newsom, then mayor of San Francisco, speaks during a news conference following a California Supreme Court decision to overturn the ban on same-sex marriage on May 15, 2008.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1359\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-800x566.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-1020x722.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-1200x849.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gavin Newsom, then mayor of San Francisco, speaks during a news conference following a California Supreme Court decision to overturn the ban on same-sex marriage on May 15, 2008. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2004, as San Francisco mayor, Newsom burst into the national consciousness when he threw open the doors of City Hall to same-sex couples and ordered city workers to begin marrying them, despite both state and federal bans on gay marriage. Republican political consultant Mike Madrid traces a straight path from that same sex marriage fight to this moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The throughline that I think is pretty consistent with Gavin Newsom is he is a generational talent in the Democratic Party that has been able to do something that nobody else has done. And that is: He wins on cultural issues,” Madrid said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid added that Democrats usually run from these fights, but “Gavin’s like, give me the sword, I’ll go out there. And he wins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s take-no-prisoners style toward Trump in recent months is a marked contrast from earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026230/after-years-of-attacks-newsom-tries-flattery-on-trump\">when he tried to make nice with Trump\u003c/a> as wildfires tore through Los Angeles. As those blazes burned, the governor met Trump on the airport tarmac and took him around L.A. to see the destruction, even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021435/trumps-misinformation-la-fires-fuels-concerns-over-future-disaster-aid-california\">the president made false claims about the fires’ causes\u003c/a> and threatened to withhold disaster aid.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That all changed in June, when Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043221/newsom-asks-trump-to-rescind-unlawful-deployment-of-troops-in-los-angeles\">sent armed military troops into L.A\u003c/a>. over Newsom’s objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom and his staff have taken an increasingly aggressive — and cheeky — tone online. He’s not only confronting the president in the media and in court, but also mocking his social media posts with parodies that echo Trump’s own language, tone and style.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has long derided Newsom as a “terrible” governor and called him “Newscum.” Now, the governor is mimicking Trump, savaging the president in all-caps posts. He has recently suggested Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1960387243505541553\">dementia\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1961544715012378728\">called\u003c/a> him a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1962873063223202205\">loser\u003c/a> and ridiculed his \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1960436979562373264\">hands\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They really learned, we cannot respond with facts and honesty and good information. We have to take the offense,” Madrid said. “And that’s what you saw to great effect during the ICE raids and continue to see it with sort of the quote-unquote trolling that’s going on now, where Gavin and his team are completely dominating the narrative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls indicate Newsom’s stance is resonating. Since April, Newsom’s approval rating has jumped eight points to 51% in \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9f06d6p8\">UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies poll.\u003c/a> Fifty-nine percent of voters support his more vocal criticisms of Trump, and Democrats are far more enthusiastic about him running for president in 2028 than former Vice President Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“He’s seen as kind of a dynamic force against Donald Trump. Voters, especially Democrats, seem to think that’s a good idea,” said Mark DiCamillo, director of the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the poll also found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053201/california-voters-divided-on-newsoms-plan-to-redraw-congressional-districts\">a tough fight ahead for Newsom with the redistricting ballot measure\u003c/a>, Proposition 50: It enjoyed 48% support in the poll, with 32 percent opposed and about one-fifth of voters still undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, this isn’t uncharted territory for the governor, DiCamillo said, noting that he handily beat back an attempted recall in 2021 by making it a referendum on Trump and MAGA politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This reminds me of when he got challenged on the recall election,” DiCamillo said. “He started running against Republicans and very successfully defeated the recall initiative; his job ratings went up … Now, he’s taking a very forceful, direct, combative approach to that and his job ratings are going up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048349\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12048349\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/gettyimages-2225249524-scaled-e1757027321314.jpeg\" alt=\"President Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on July 15 for Pittsburgh.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on July 15, 2025, for Pittsburgh. \u003ccite>(Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Franciscan Ellek Linton, a 26-year-old voter who’s registered as an independent, is one of those on the left who is giving Newsom high marks for his willingness to take on Trump. Linton said watching the governor mock Trump on social media has been refreshing and entertaining, not just for him but for his Utah-based parents, who weren’t even familiar with the governor until recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think in general his demeanor and his approach is really what we need, like that’s honestly, I believe the only way we’re ever going to beat Trump,” he said. “You got to go to that level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s task ahead is tougher than winning on social media: He must convince voters to support a ballot measure that will sideline the state’s independent redistricting commission, which was created at the ballot box just over a decade ago and remains popular in public polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linton said he will reluctantly support Newsom’s redistricting measure and its gerrymandered maps, even if it means adopting the tactics Trump and Texas are using.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I don’t think anybody agrees with gerrymandering, but at the same time, it’s kind of necessary,” he said. “If one side’s gonna cheat, we have to kind of cheat back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans in California see Newsom’s move as a blatant power grab. On the Assembly floor last month, GOP leader James Gallagher said Trump was wrong to redistrict and warned that by following the president, Newsom is taking the country down a dangerous path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin is fighting fire with fire,” Gallagher said, calling the new maps a “Gavin-mander.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You move forward fighting fire with fire, what happens? You burn it all down,” he said. “And in this case, it affects our most fundamental American principle: representation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even some Democrats who have historically viewed Newsom with skepticism because of his perceived political ambitions are rallying around the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former state Sen. Mark Leno, D-San Francisco, served alongside Newsom on the city’s Board of Supervisors more than two decades ago and was a progressive leader during his 14 years in Sacramento. Leno hasn’t always agreed with Newsom, but now has high praise for the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10777891\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10777891\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco) speaks at the Capitol in Sacramento on June 15, 2015.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1271\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-400x265.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1440x953.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1180x781.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-960x636.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Mark Leno. D-San Francisco, speaks at the Capitol in Sacramento on June 15, 2015. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a serious moment in our nation’s history, more than serious; it cannot be overstated. And Gavin is stepping up to the plate, I appreciate it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leno sees the redistricting fight — and whether Democrats can take back the House — as an existential moment for American democracy. It’s also a risky bet on which Newsom has seemingly staked his political reputation. If the ballot measure fails, it would not only be an embarrassment for the governor and Democrats, it could also help Republicans remain in control of the House and embolden Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do not think this is all about Gavin and all about Gavin’s aspirations. This is about the survival of our nation,” Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The redistricting campaign is expected to be close and attract money from around the country. Those near Newsom say he’ll lean on the same playbook that helped him survive the recall: making the fight about Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal health officials are warning pet owners that some raw cat food contaminated with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bird-flu\">variant of the bird flu\u003c/a> has been linked to the death of one pet cat in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Food and Drug Administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/animal-veterinary/cvm-updates/fda-notifies-pet-owners-tests-show-h5n1-contamination-certain-lots-rawr-raw-cat-food-chicken-eats\">announced \u003c/a>Wednesday that certain batches of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eatlikealion.com/collections/complete_meals/products/chicken-16-ounce-test-product?variant=41531226095797\">RAWR brand Raw Cat Food Chicken Eats\u003c/a> are responsible for one cat being euthanized in July after allegedly contracting avian flu, also known as bird flu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Raw Cat Food Chicken Eats is the company’s “most popular meal option, and a great introduction for novice raw feeders,” according to its website, which said the chickens are sourced in California. The food is sold frozen across the country and pet owners are instructed to allow the one-ounce “sliders” to thaw before feeding their cats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA said confirmed affected lots are CCS 25 077 with a sell-by date of Sept. 18, 2026, and CCS 25 093 with a sell-by date of Oct. 3, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sabrina Simmons founded RAWR in 2010 in Oakland before moving production out to Grass Valley, California. She said in an undated \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1TFWY2aUaSErBzlhsBfl9zL0EOdJu54bU/view\">statement \u003c/a>on the company’s website that the food in question was removed from circulation “weeks ago,” and chided the FDA for not sharing information with them earlier throughout the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>RAWR’s website said the company sends its chicken, turkey and duck out for testing for the avian flu, but its \u003ca href=\"https://www.eatlikealion.com/pages/test-results\">testing results\u003c/a> page was down Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA said the raw chicken treats are responsible for the San Francisco cat’s death because laboratory testing of a food sample collected from the pet owner by employees of the San Francisco Department of Public Health showed the strain of the H5N1 virus found in its body is no longer circulating in the wild. It has also been found in other brands of raw poultry-based pet foods linked to other dead cats, according to the FDA.[aside postID=news_12054491 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CAORWASHAP1.jpg']San Francisco public health officials said it was first notified of the bird flu in the cat on July 17, after it showed “respiratory and neurologic symptoms.” A local vet tested the cat for influenza A, which came back positive. The California Department of Public Health confirmed the infection on July 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFDPH said there are no additional suspected or confirmed cases in San Francisco, no evidence of person-to-person transmission and the health risk to the general public remains low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Sykes, an epidemiology professor at the UC Davis School of Veterinary Medicine, said bird flu is particularly dangerous to cats because it’s neurotropic, meaning it affects the nervous system, causing symptoms beyond breathing difficulty. And it’s quickly deadly in two-thirds of infections in cats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They start showing signs of a fever, having trouble breathing and twitching or seizuring and then they’re dead within days of that happening, and there’s no treatment,” Sykes said. “That can also make cats look like they have rabies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Veterinary Medical Association said recent investigations have found that cats are most likely to be infected with the avian flu through unpasteurized milk and raw or undercooked meat, like poultry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA said that while no human cases of avian influenza have been found in humans through pet food, it does recommend that people wash their hands adequately after handling pet food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the FDA has issued a product safety alert, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/safety/recalls-market-withdrawals-safety-alerts\">no recall has been announced\u003c/a> as of Thursday. RAWR recommends that people who are concerned about “potential” virus in their food to cook it to an internal temperature of 165 degrees Fahrenheit or return it for a full refund or exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sykes — a self-described “cat and dog person” — said while raw pet food diets are trendy, they can unnecessarily put a cat’s health at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The risk of infectious diseases in general can be reduced by feeding cats and dogs properly cooked meat, pasteurized dairy products or a commercial diet that’s been processed using high temperatures, which is most canned and dry pet food diets in large grocery or pet stores,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, Sykes said, is that cats are good “mixing pots” for viruses, so feeding them raw meat actually increases the risk of the bird flu virus mutating in a cat and then making it infectious to people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got this particular strain of influenza virus that seems to be very, if you like, promiscuous; it’s very good at mixing with other viruses,” Sykes said. “It’s a real worry that with feeding of raw food diets, that we’re going to increase the opportunity for one of these mixing events to occur that could generate a new virus that could be like one of these pandemic flu strains that basically does to humans what this virus does to cats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly concerning, Sykes said, because bird flu is currently deadly in 67% of cats who show symptoms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can you imagine if there was an influenza virus that had a more-than 67% mortality rate that got into people?” she said. “That would just be terrible if we were faced with a pandemic like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal health officials are warning pet owners that some raw cat food contaminated with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bird-flu\">variant of the bird flu\u003c/a> has been linked to the death of one pet cat in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Food and Drug Administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/animal-veterinary/cvm-updates/fda-notifies-pet-owners-tests-show-h5n1-contamination-certain-lots-rawr-raw-cat-food-chicken-eats\">announced \u003c/a>Wednesday that certain batches of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eatlikealion.com/collections/complete_meals/products/chicken-16-ounce-test-product?variant=41531226095797\">RAWR brand Raw Cat Food Chicken Eats\u003c/a> are responsible for one cat being euthanized in July after allegedly contracting avian flu, also known as bird flu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Raw Cat Food Chicken Eats is the company’s “most popular meal option, and a great introduction for novice raw feeders,” according to its website, which said the chickens are sourced in California. The food is sold frozen across the country and pet owners are instructed to allow the one-ounce “sliders” to thaw before feeding their cats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA said confirmed affected lots are CCS 25 077 with a sell-by date of Sept. 18, 2026, and CCS 25 093 with a sell-by date of Oct. 3, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sabrina Simmons founded RAWR in 2010 in Oakland before moving production out to Grass Valley, California. She said in an undated \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1TFWY2aUaSErBzlhsBfl9zL0EOdJu54bU/view\">statement \u003c/a>on the company’s website that the food in question was removed from circulation “weeks ago,” and chided the FDA for not sharing information with them earlier throughout the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>RAWR’s website said the company sends its chicken, turkey and duck out for testing for the avian flu, but its \u003ca href=\"https://www.eatlikealion.com/pages/test-results\">testing results\u003c/a> page was down Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA said the raw chicken treats are responsible for the San Francisco cat’s death because laboratory testing of a food sample collected from the pet owner by employees of the San Francisco Department of Public Health showed the strain of the H5N1 virus found in its body is no longer circulating in the wild. It has also been found in other brands of raw poultry-based pet foods linked to other dead cats, according to the FDA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>San Francisco public health officials said it was first notified of the bird flu in the cat on July 17, after it showed “respiratory and neurologic symptoms.” A local vet tested the cat for influenza A, which came back positive. The California Department of Public Health confirmed the infection on July 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFDPH said there are no additional suspected or confirmed cases in San Francisco, no evidence of person-to-person transmission and the health risk to the general public remains low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jane Sykes, an epidemiology professor at the UC Davis School of Veterinary Medicine, said bird flu is particularly dangerous to cats because it’s neurotropic, meaning it affects the nervous system, causing symptoms beyond breathing difficulty. And it’s quickly deadly in two-thirds of infections in cats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They start showing signs of a fever, having trouble breathing and twitching or seizuring and then they’re dead within days of that happening, and there’s no treatment,” Sykes said. “That can also make cats look like they have rabies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Veterinary Medical Association said recent investigations have found that cats are most likely to be infected with the avian flu through unpasteurized milk and raw or undercooked meat, like poultry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA said that while no human cases of avian influenza have been found in humans through pet food, it does recommend that people wash their hands adequately after handling pet food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the FDA has issued a product safety alert, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/safety/recalls-market-withdrawals-safety-alerts\">no recall has been announced\u003c/a> as of Thursday. RAWR recommends that people who are concerned about “potential” virus in their food to cook it to an internal temperature of 165 degrees Fahrenheit or return it for a full refund or exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sykes — a self-described “cat and dog person” — said while raw pet food diets are trendy, they can unnecessarily put a cat’s health at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The risk of infectious diseases in general can be reduced by feeding cats and dogs properly cooked meat, pasteurized dairy products or a commercial diet that’s been processed using high temperatures, which is most canned and dry pet food diets in large grocery or pet stores,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, Sykes said, is that cats are good “mixing pots” for viruses, so feeding them raw meat actually increases the risk of the bird flu virus mutating in a cat and then making it infectious to people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got this particular strain of influenza virus that seems to be very, if you like, promiscuous; it’s very good at mixing with other viruses,” Sykes said. “It’s a real worry that with feeding of raw food diets, that we’re going to increase the opportunity for one of these mixing events to occur that could generate a new virus that could be like one of these pandemic flu strains that basically does to humans what this virus does to cats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly concerning, Sykes said, because bird flu is currently deadly in 67% of cats who show symptoms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can you imagine if there was an influenza virus that had a more-than 67% mortality rate that got into people?” she said. “That would just be terrible if we were faced with a pandemic like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s deployment of military troops to Los Angeles has cost U.S. taxpayers at least $118 million, said Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has sued over the president’s move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The figure, Newsom’s office said Thursday, is based on an estimate compiled by the California National Guard. The Trump administration has not responded to a public information request for documents and records itemizing the cost of the military deployment, Newsom’s office stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor estimates that the June deployment of 4,000 National Guard soldiers and 700 U.S. Marines cost taxpayers $71 million in food, $37 million in payroll and another $9 million in other costs. Newsom called the deployment a “stunt” and a waste of resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $118 million total is close to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/06/10/troops-deployed-to-la-will-cost-134m-pentagon-official-says-00396632\">$134 million estimate\u003c/a> provided to lawmakers by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth earlier this summer, as the troops were being deployed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/072525-Gavin-Newsom-Presser-AP-CM-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/072525-Gavin-Newsom-Presser-AP-CM-01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/072525-Gavin-Newsom-Presser-AP-CM-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/072525-Gavin-Newsom-Presser-AP-CM-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom calls for a new way for California to redraw its congressional district maps during a news conference in Sacramento on July 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Let us not forget what this political theater is costing us all — millions of taxpayer dollars down the drain, an atrophy to the readiness of guards members across the nation, and unnecessary hardships to the families supporting those troops,” Newsom said in a written statement. “Talk about waste, fraud, and abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump dispatched the troops to L.A. in June as protests broke out in response to immigration raids. The president claimed that those protests amounted to a rebellion and that he had the power to seize control of California’s National Guard, which Newsom usually oversees.[aside postID=news_12054322 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/NationalGuardLAAP.jpg']The state sued and this week won a favorable ruling from U.S. District Court Judge Charles Breyer, who ordered Trump to stop allowing the 300 National Guard troops still in L.A. to conduct policing of civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer also ruled that the protests did not amount to a rebellion; the president has appealed, and the ruling remains on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In announcing the costs, Newsom noted that fewer than one-fifth of the troops deployed to L.A. were actually utilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has also sent troops to Washington, D.C. under the guise of fighting crime and said he plans to also send military units to Democrat-led cities, including Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who has accused the president of trying to create his own national police force, called on other states to “do the math themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s deployment of military troops to Los Angeles has cost U.S. taxpayers at least $118 million, said Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has sued over the president’s move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The figure, Newsom’s office said Thursday, is based on an estimate compiled by the California National Guard. The Trump administration has not responded to a public information request for documents and records itemizing the cost of the military deployment, Newsom’s office stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor estimates that the June deployment of 4,000 National Guard soldiers and 700 U.S. Marines cost taxpayers $71 million in food, $37 million in payroll and another $9 million in other costs. Newsom called the deployment a “stunt” and a waste of resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $118 million total is close to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/06/10/troops-deployed-to-la-will-cost-134m-pentagon-official-says-00396632\">$134 million estimate\u003c/a> provided to lawmakers by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth earlier this summer, as the troops were being deployed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/072525-Gavin-Newsom-Presser-AP-CM-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/072525-Gavin-Newsom-Presser-AP-CM-01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/072525-Gavin-Newsom-Presser-AP-CM-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/072525-Gavin-Newsom-Presser-AP-CM-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom calls for a new way for California to redraw its congressional district maps during a news conference in Sacramento on July 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Let us not forget what this political theater is costing us all — millions of taxpayer dollars down the drain, an atrophy to the readiness of guards members across the nation, and unnecessary hardships to the families supporting those troops,” Newsom said in a written statement. “Talk about waste, fraud, and abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump dispatched the troops to L.A. in June as protests broke out in response to immigration raids. The president claimed that those protests amounted to a rebellion and that he had the power to seize control of California’s National Guard, which Newsom usually oversees.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state sued and this week won a favorable ruling from U.S. District Court Judge Charles Breyer, who ordered Trump to stop allowing the 300 National Guard troops still in L.A. to conduct policing of civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer also ruled that the protests did not amount to a rebellion; the president has appealed, and the ruling remains on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In announcing the costs, Newsom noted that fewer than one-fifth of the troops deployed to L.A. were actually utilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has also sent troops to Washington, D.C. under the guise of fighting crime and said he plans to also send military units to Democrat-led cities, including Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who has accused the president of trying to create his own national police force, called on other states to “do the math themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californias-newest-immigration-facility-is-also-its-biggest-is-it-operating-legally",
"title": "California’s Newest Immigration Facility Is Also Its Biggest. Is It Operating Legally?",
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"headTitle": "California’s Newest Immigration Facility Is Also Its Biggest. Is It Operating Legally? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046793/facility-in-california-city-expected-to-be-states-largest-migrant-detention-center\">immigration detention facility\u003c/a> has quietly opened in California’s Mojave Desert, even though the private prison company that owns it may lack the permits to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California City Detention Facility in Kern County is set to become the largest immigration detention center in the state, with a \u003ca href=\"https://ir.corecivic.com/news-releases/news-release-details/corecivic-reports-second-quarter-2025-financial-results#:~:text=Intake%20Process%20Expected%20to%20Begin,required%20to%20operate%20the%20facility.\">capacity \u003c/a>of 2,560 beds. It’s part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048121/how-immigrant-communities-are-bracing-for-ice-expansion\">Trump administration’s push\u003c/a> for a massive expansion of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reopened prison in California City, a small town 100 miles north of Los Angeles, would significantly increase ICE’s ability to hold immigrants for deportation in the state. For most of the past year, ICE has held roughly 3,600 people a day on average across its six other California facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CoreCivic, the Tennessee-based private prison company that owns and operates the facility, confirmed it has begun receiving ICE detainees but would not say when it started to do so. Lawyers for detained immigrants say they first heard last week that clients were being transferred from other locations to California City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are once again housing federal detainees to meet the immediate needs of our government partners,” CoreCivic spokesperson Ryan Gustin said in a statement. He added that the company was responding “to an immediate need from the federal government for safe, humane and appropriate housing and care for these individuals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054610\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic, Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center stands in the Kern County desert awaiting reopening as a federal immigrant detention facility under contract with the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in California City, California, on July 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yet immigrant rights advocates who oppose the facility claim CoreCivic is operating without proper permits and in defiance of a state law that \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB29/id/1651848\">requires \u003c/a>180 days’ public notice and two public meetings before a local government can issue a permit allowing a private company to run an immigration jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CoreCivic built the prison in the 1990s with a capacity of 2,300 inmates. It contracted first with the federal government and then with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, which operated it as a state prison. The state ended its contract in 2023 as part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949943/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes\">an effort to reduce incarceration.\u003c/a> The prison has sat empty since.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Significant public health and safety risks’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Grisel Ruiz, an attorney with the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, said CoreCivic still needs a city business license and a conditional use permit, arguing that an immigration detention center differs significantly from a long-term prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are operating unlawfully,” she told the California City Planning Commission at its meeting Tuesday. “We urge the Planning Commission to hold CoreCivic accountable to local municipal code and state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054615\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054615 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED1-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center in California City, California, in June 2025. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ruiz was one of dozens of immigrant advocates, business owners, faith leaders and local residents who spoke in opposition to the project at the packed meeting on Tuesday night. Many called on the commission to shut down CoreCivic’s facility for operating without permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chair David Brottlund said commissioners could not act on an issue unless staff presented them with an agenda item, and that he city council could overrule them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-member city council has not had a quorum to function for weeks, after two members stepped down and another has missed meetings. As a result, Mayor Marquette Hawkins said the council has not had a chance to discuss the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has applied for a business license, but the application is still pending. In an Aug. 5 Planning Commission \u003ca href=\"https://californiacity.granicus.com/DocumentViewer.php?file=californiacity_88dee556fc9f227ce0b4a1acab618b55.pdf&view=1\">report\u003c/a>, city planner Anu Doravari noted: “Business license will be considered for approval once Fire & Building Dept. requirements and inspections are met.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility failed a fire department inspection in late July.[aside postID=news_12053380 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/75ACE4D9-068E-4167-9BD3-CFF3A0BE597B-2000x1335.jpg']In a July 29 letter to CoreCivic describing the deficiencies, City Manager Christopher Lopez wrote that the building is unsafe and violates the fire code because its construction prevents radio signals from transmitting from key areas, including the location of the fire alarm control panel, mechanics shop, IT server rooms and some inmate cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Risks to the public’s health and safety are of such significance that the City cannot permit or otherwise allow for the operation of the facility at this time and in its current condition,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez was unavailable for comment on whether the fire safety issue had been resolved and what permits city staff believe CoreCivic must obtain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gustin said CoreCivic had addressed all the concerns raised in the letter and had “submitted all required information for the business license.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hawkins said in an interview that the city lacks jurisdiction over what a private business does, “as long as they have their ducks in a row.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the case of the immigration processing center, which has the federal layer of protection, there’s even less that we can do as a municipality in terms of how we regulate what they do and whether or not their doors open,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hawkins said some residents expressed concern that the CoreCivic facility put too much pressure on the desert city’s water and sewer systems. He acknowledged that those systems are fragile but said the prison was not the source of the problem. The detention facility, he added, is already creating jobs and will augment the city’s tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He referred questions about licensing to the city manager and city planner— neither of whom responded to KQED’s requests for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Incarcerating farmworkers and nannies’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jonathan Montes Diaz, a 33-year-old California man detained at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield, said he had first-hand experience of what he called the “poor infrastructure” at the California City facility when it was operating as a state prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s up there with some of the worst time I’ve been in prison,” said Montes Diaz, who served a criminal sentence there and said he did not ever want to go back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054617\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center in California City, California, in June 2025. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In April of 2023, a water line ruptured, cutting off drinking water and the\u003cbr>\nability to flush toilets. Montes Diaz recalls a couple of days, before portable toilets were installed, when prison staff issued plastic bags to inmates to relieve themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had it better than others,” he said. “I was the main baker and the little water we had was prioritized for the kitchen, so I was able to use the restroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR spokesperson Mary Xjimenez confirmed the break but said staff provided bottled water and portable toilets within 24 hours. She said CDCR “did not issue plastic bags and did not condone this use,” adding that CoreCivic, the building’s owner, carried out the repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montes Diaz said the warden at Mesa Verde told him late last week that some detainees would soon be transferred to the California City facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not respond to KQED’s questions, including whether it had inspected the facility prior to housing detainees there and why it was placing people at a facility that is so far not licensed to do business in California City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB103\">state law\u003c/a>, the California attorney general has authority to inspect conditions at privately-owned immigration detention facilities in California.[aside postID=news_12054322 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/NationalGuardLAAP.jpg']Nina Sheridan, a spokesperson for Attorney General Rob Bonta, said in an email that these reviews “remain especially critical in light of efforts by the Trump Administration to both eliminate federal oversight of conditions at immigration detention facilities and increase their inhumane campaign of deportation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added: “As we’ve shown in recent reports, conditions at these facilities are already substandard in a number of areas, failing to meet ICE’s own detention standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the federal government awarded CoreCivic a six-month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.usaspending.gov/award/CONT_IDV_70CDCR25D00000010_7012\">$31 million contract \u003c/a>to prepare and reopen the facility. To date, $13.5 million of that has been spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, an ICE spokesperson who would not identify themself said the agency has “an urgent operational need to house the historic number of arrests and removals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expanding detention is “critical to restoring law and order,” the statement said, adding that ICE is working to “bring online over 60 new detention facilities, to include California City. These contracts ensure ICE has the resources and infrastructure required to detain individuals who violate our immigration laws and to carry out its enforcement mission effectively.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some residents of the desert community \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046793/facility-in-california-city-expected-to-be-states-largest-migrant-detention-center\">told KQED\u003c/a> in early summer that they hoped that restarting the prison facility would bring new jobs to their struggling town. Others said, while they voted for President Donald Trump, they disagreed with ICE tactics of arresting non-criminals and breaking apart families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, ICE has had six detention centers in California, all of them privately-owned. The largest until now was Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego County, with \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/reports/762/#:~:text=As%20of%20April%2014%2C%202025,these%20181%20authorized%20detention%20facilities.\">a contractual capacity of 1,358 beds\u003c/a>. These facilities are becoming increasingly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2025/07/28/overcrowded-conditions-plague-otay-mesa-and-other-immigrant-detention-facilities\">overcrowded\u003c/a>, as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/aug/03/trump-administration-daily-quota-immigration-arrests\">White House\u003c/a> has pushed agents to meet a goal of 3,000 arrests per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is currently detaining more than \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/quickfacts/\">61,000 people\u003c/a> nationwide, up from 39,000 at the start of the year. Immigration detention is not a criminal sentence — it is civil detention while people await deportation or fight their cases in immigration court. Advocates argue that ICE detention is cruel and unnecessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Tuesday evening planning commission meeting in California City, advocates warned that once ICE facilities are opened, there’s growing pressure to fill them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz, the ILRC attorney, told commissioners: “The decisions being made right now will impact this community for decades to come. Detention centers operate for decades, and we know that California City is better than that. California City deserves to be known as more than a prison town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another speaker was United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta. The 95-year-old Kern County resident waited nearly 90 minutes for her turn at the microphone during public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing at the podium, she called Trump’s mass detention and deportation plan a move toward authoritarianism, and decried the $45 billion in new Congressional funding for ICE detention “to incarcerate farmworkers and nannies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are we going to fight back?” she asked the commissioners. “This is our test … You have to stand up to this prison system here in California City. You can do it. Si se puede.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Mojave Desert facility reopened by the Trump administration has begun housing ICE detainees, but lacks at least one key city permit.",
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"title": "California’s Newest Immigration Facility Is Also Its Biggest. Is It Operating Legally? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046793/facility-in-california-city-expected-to-be-states-largest-migrant-detention-center\">immigration detention facility\u003c/a> has quietly opened in California’s Mojave Desert, even though the private prison company that owns it may lack the permits to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California City Detention Facility in Kern County is set to become the largest immigration detention center in the state, with a \u003ca href=\"https://ir.corecivic.com/news-releases/news-release-details/corecivic-reports-second-quarter-2025-financial-results#:~:text=Intake%20Process%20Expected%20to%20Begin,required%20to%20operate%20the%20facility.\">capacity \u003c/a>of 2,560 beds. It’s part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048121/how-immigrant-communities-are-bracing-for-ice-expansion\">Trump administration’s push\u003c/a> for a massive expansion of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reopened prison in California City, a small town 100 miles north of Los Angeles, would significantly increase ICE’s ability to hold immigrants for deportation in the state. For most of the past year, ICE has held roughly 3,600 people a day on average across its six other California facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CoreCivic, the Tennessee-based private prison company that owns and operates the facility, confirmed it has begun receiving ICE detainees but would not say when it started to do so. Lawyers for detained immigrants say they first heard last week that clients were being transferred from other locations to California City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are once again housing federal detainees to meet the immediate needs of our government partners,” CoreCivic spokesperson Ryan Gustin said in a statement. He added that the company was responding “to an immediate need from the federal government for safe, humane and appropriate housing and care for these individuals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054610\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKernCountyGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic, Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center stands in the Kern County desert awaiting reopening as a federal immigrant detention facility under contract with the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in California City, California, on July 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yet immigrant rights advocates who oppose the facility claim CoreCivic is operating without proper permits and in defiance of a state law that \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB29/id/1651848\">requires \u003c/a>180 days’ public notice and two public meetings before a local government can issue a permit allowing a private company to run an immigration jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CoreCivic built the prison in the 1990s with a capacity of 2,300 inmates. It contracted first with the federal government and then with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, which operated it as a state prison. The state ended its contract in 2023 as part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949943/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes\">an effort to reduce incarceration.\u003c/a> The prison has sat empty since.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Significant public health and safety risks’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Grisel Ruiz, an attorney with the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, said CoreCivic still needs a city business license and a conditional use permit, arguing that an immigration detention center differs significantly from a long-term prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are operating unlawfully,” she told the California City Planning Commission at its meeting Tuesday. “We urge the Planning Commission to hold CoreCivic accountable to local municipal code and state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054615\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054615 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED1-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center in California City, California, in June 2025. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ruiz was one of dozens of immigrant advocates, business owners, faith leaders and local residents who spoke in opposition to the project at the packed meeting on Tuesday night. Many called on the commission to shut down CoreCivic’s facility for operating without permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chair David Brottlund said commissioners could not act on an issue unless staff presented them with an agenda item, and that he city council could overrule them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-member city council has not had a quorum to function for weeks, after two members stepped down and another has missed meetings. As a result, Mayor Marquette Hawkins said the council has not had a chance to discuss the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has applied for a business license, but the application is still pending. In an Aug. 5 Planning Commission \u003ca href=\"https://californiacity.granicus.com/DocumentViewer.php?file=californiacity_88dee556fc9f227ce0b4a1acab618b55.pdf&view=1\">report\u003c/a>, city planner Anu Doravari noted: “Business license will be considered for approval once Fire & Building Dept. requirements and inspections are met.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility failed a fire department inspection in late July.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a July 29 letter to CoreCivic describing the deficiencies, City Manager Christopher Lopez wrote that the building is unsafe and violates the fire code because its construction prevents radio signals from transmitting from key areas, including the location of the fire alarm control panel, mechanics shop, IT server rooms and some inmate cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Risks to the public’s health and safety are of such significance that the City cannot permit or otherwise allow for the operation of the facility at this time and in its current condition,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez was unavailable for comment on whether the fire safety issue had been resolved and what permits city staff believe CoreCivic must obtain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gustin said CoreCivic had addressed all the concerns raised in the letter and had “submitted all required information for the business license.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hawkins said in an interview that the city lacks jurisdiction over what a private business does, “as long as they have their ducks in a row.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the case of the immigration processing center, which has the federal layer of protection, there’s even less that we can do as a municipality in terms of how we regulate what they do and whether or not their doors open,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hawkins said some residents expressed concern that the CoreCivic facility put too much pressure on the desert city’s water and sewer systems. He acknowledged that those systems are fragile but said the prison was not the source of the problem. The detention facility, he added, is already creating jobs and will augment the city’s tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He referred questions about licensing to the city manager and city planner— neither of whom responded to KQED’s requests for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Incarcerating farmworkers and nannies’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jonathan Montes Diaz, a 33-year-old California man detained at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield, said he had first-hand experience of what he called the “poor infrastructure” at the California City facility when it was operating as a state prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s up there with some of the worst time I’ve been in prison,” said Montes Diaz, who served a criminal sentence there and said he did not ever want to go back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054617\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center in California City, California, in June 2025. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In April of 2023, a water line ruptured, cutting off drinking water and the\u003cbr>\nability to flush toilets. Montes Diaz recalls a couple of days, before portable toilets were installed, when prison staff issued plastic bags to inmates to relieve themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had it better than others,” he said. “I was the main baker and the little water we had was prioritized for the kitchen, so I was able to use the restroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR spokesperson Mary Xjimenez confirmed the break but said staff provided bottled water and portable toilets within 24 hours. She said CDCR “did not issue plastic bags and did not condone this use,” adding that CoreCivic, the building’s owner, carried out the repair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montes Diaz said the warden at Mesa Verde told him late last week that some detainees would soon be transferred to the California City facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not respond to KQED’s questions, including whether it had inspected the facility prior to housing detainees there and why it was placing people at a facility that is so far not licensed to do business in California City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB103\">state law\u003c/a>, the California attorney general has authority to inspect conditions at privately-owned immigration detention facilities in California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nina Sheridan, a spokesperson for Attorney General Rob Bonta, said in an email that these reviews “remain especially critical in light of efforts by the Trump Administration to both eliminate federal oversight of conditions at immigration detention facilities and increase their inhumane campaign of deportation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added: “As we’ve shown in recent reports, conditions at these facilities are already substandard in a number of areas, failing to meet ICE’s own detention standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the federal government awarded CoreCivic a six-month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.usaspending.gov/award/CONT_IDV_70CDCR25D00000010_7012\">$31 million contract \u003c/a>to prepare and reopen the facility. To date, $13.5 million of that has been spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, an ICE spokesperson who would not identify themself said the agency has “an urgent operational need to house the historic number of arrests and removals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expanding detention is “critical to restoring law and order,” the statement said, adding that ICE is working to “bring online over 60 new detention facilities, to include California City. These contracts ensure ICE has the resources and infrastructure required to detain individuals who violate our immigration laws and to carry out its enforcement mission effectively.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some residents of the desert community \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046793/facility-in-california-city-expected-to-be-states-largest-migrant-detention-center\">told KQED\u003c/a> in early summer that they hoped that restarting the prison facility would bring new jobs to their struggling town. Others said, while they voted for President Donald Trump, they disagreed with ICE tactics of arresting non-criminals and breaking apart families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, ICE has had six detention centers in California, all of them privately-owned. The largest until now was Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego County, with \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/reports/762/#:~:text=As%20of%20April%2014%2C%202025,these%20181%20authorized%20detention%20facilities.\">a contractual capacity of 1,358 beds\u003c/a>. These facilities are becoming increasingly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2025/07/28/overcrowded-conditions-plague-otay-mesa-and-other-immigrant-detention-facilities\">overcrowded\u003c/a>, as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/aug/03/trump-administration-daily-quota-immigration-arrests\">White House\u003c/a> has pushed agents to meet a goal of 3,000 arrests per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is currently detaining more than \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/quickfacts/\">61,000 people\u003c/a> nationwide, up from 39,000 at the start of the year. Immigration detention is not a criminal sentence — it is civil detention while people await deportation or fight their cases in immigration court. Advocates argue that ICE detention is cruel and unnecessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Tuesday evening planning commission meeting in California City, advocates warned that once ICE facilities are opened, there’s growing pressure to fill them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz, the ILRC attorney, told commissioners: “The decisions being made right now will impact this community for decades to come. Detention centers operate for decades, and we know that California City is better than that. California City deserves to be known as more than a prison town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another speaker was United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta. The 95-year-old Kern County resident waited nearly 90 minutes for her turn at the microphone during public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing at the podium, she called Trump’s mass detention and deportation plan a move toward authoritarianism, and decried the $45 billion in new Congressional funding for ICE detention “to incarcerate farmworkers and nannies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are we going to fight back?” she asked the commissioners. “This is our test … You have to stand up to this prison system here in California City. You can do it. Si se puede.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "6 Things to Know About How Gov. Newsom’s CARE Court Is Working So Far",
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"headTitle": "6 Things to Know About How Gov. Newsom’s CARE Court Is Working So Far | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/09/care-court-2025-data/\">mental health court made big promises\u003c/a> about how it would help get the sickest Californians off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Launched in 2023, the program allows people to petition a court to order treatment is for someone experiencing psychosis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To see how CARE Court is working so far, CalMatters requested data from every county in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what we found:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>CARE Court is reaching far fewer people than expected\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state initially estimated as many as 12,000 Californians could qualify for the program. Instead, just 2,421 petitions have been filed through July, according to the Judicial Council of California. Only 528 of those have resulted in people getting care through voluntary treatment agreements or court-ordered plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County anticipated receiving 1,000 petitions in the first year and establishing court-ordered treatment plans for 250 people. But in nearly two years, the county instead has received just 384 petitions and established 134 voluntary agreements. Los Angeles County saw 511 petitions filed, with 112 resulting in care agreements or plans. In 2023, LA officials predicted to news organizations the county could enroll 4,500 people in the first year.[aside postID=news_12048062 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Rodriguez_CARE_07_07_2025-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It can be hard to file in court\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sources we talked to said it ended up being harder than expected to file petitions. Counties thought police, firefighters and other first responders would jump at the chance to file CARE Court petitions on behalf of the sick, unhoused Californians they encounter on the streets every day. But overworked first-responders didn’t have time to navigate the time-consuming process, said Amber Irvine, San Diego County’s behavioral health program coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, police and firefighters filed petitions when the program first started. But they were often dismissed – which made them reluctant to file more, said Crystal Robbins, who manages a treatment referral program for San Diego Fire-Rescue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We quickly found out that it wasn’t a useful tool for the people that we see,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A lot of CARE Court petitions get dismissed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About 45% of petitions filed statewide, although that number includes the handful of cases in which someone has successfully “graduated” from the program. The rate is even higher in some counties, such as San Francisco, where nearly two-thirds of petitions are thrown out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That can be for a variety of reasons. Someone might not meet the narrow criteria to qualify for CARE Court. If the person is homeless, outreach workers might have a hard time finding them. Or, the person might simply refuse services. If that’s the case, CARE Court has few teeth to force them to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Most counties aren’t forcing people to participate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The initial allure of CARE Court for many supporters was the promise of court-ordered treatment plans that would encourage sick people to accept the help they’d been resisting. But most counties are eschewing that aspect of the program, and instead providing treatment only if outreach workers can convince someone to comply. Courts have ordered just 14 people into treatment plans, according to the Judicial Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959338\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11959338\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-800x533.jpg\" alt='An office full of people sit at tables looking toward a woman with a purple blouse who speaks from a microphone and holding index cards in her other hand. A flat-screen television hangs above her head displaying \"What is in a CARE Agreement Plan?\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Mugrditchian, deputy director, speaks to community members about CARE Court in October of 2023, at the Behavioral Health Training Center in Orange County. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>But counties say numbers don’t tell the whole story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While this data shows how many people engaged in treatment through the official CARE Court program, it doesn’t count all the people who started the process and ended up getting services through another county program instead, said Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the California Behavioral Health Directors Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say that I think the whole idea of looking at the numbers, it sort of misses the point,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of CARE Court’s successes, she said, has been in spreading the word about county services to people who might need them. As of December, people were diverted away from CARE Court and into other county services 1,358 times, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/CARE-Act-Implementation-Update-July-2025.pdf\">recent report\u003c/a> from the Health and Human Services Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A new bill could boost Care Court’s numbers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Right now, only people with schizophrenia and other limited psychotic disorders qualify. If \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/thomas-umberg-165043\">Sen. Thomas Umberg’s\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb27\">Senate Bill 27\u003c/a> passes, the program would expand to include people who experience psychotic symptoms as a result of bipolar disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many more people CARE Court could reach as a result. Umberg’s office has no estimate, and San Diego County says the bill could increase its numbers by anywhere from 3.5% to 48.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s worrying for people like Irvine. Adding a lot more people into the program would give clinicians less time to spend with each client, Irvine said. And Umberg’s bill doesn’t come with money to hire more staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/09/care-court-data-takeaways/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "This story was originally published by CalMatters. Sign up for their newsletters. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new mental health court made big promises about how it would help get the sickest Californians off the streets. Launched in 2023, the program allows people to petition a court to order treatment is for someone experiencing psychosis. To see how CARE Court is working so far, CalMatters requested data from every county in the state. Here’s what we found: CARE Court is reaching far fewer people than expected The state initially estimated as many as 12,000 Californians could qualify for the program. Instead, just",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/09/care-court-2025-data/\">mental health court made big promises\u003c/a> about how it would help get the sickest Californians off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Launched in 2023, the program allows people to petition a court to order treatment is for someone experiencing psychosis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To see how CARE Court is working so far, CalMatters requested data from every county in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what we found:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>CARE Court is reaching far fewer people than expected\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state initially estimated as many as 12,000 Californians could qualify for the program. Instead, just 2,421 petitions have been filed through July, according to the Judicial Council of California. Only 528 of those have resulted in people getting care through voluntary treatment agreements or court-ordered plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County anticipated receiving 1,000 petitions in the first year and establishing court-ordered treatment plans for 250 people. But in nearly two years, the county instead has received just 384 petitions and established 134 voluntary agreements. Los Angeles County saw 511 petitions filed, with 112 resulting in care agreements or plans. In 2023, LA officials predicted to news organizations the county could enroll 4,500 people in the first year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It can be hard to file in court\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sources we talked to said it ended up being harder than expected to file petitions. Counties thought police, firefighters and other first responders would jump at the chance to file CARE Court petitions on behalf of the sick, unhoused Californians they encounter on the streets every day. But overworked first-responders didn’t have time to navigate the time-consuming process, said Amber Irvine, San Diego County’s behavioral health program coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, police and firefighters filed petitions when the program first started. But they were often dismissed – which made them reluctant to file more, said Crystal Robbins, who manages a treatment referral program for San Diego Fire-Rescue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We quickly found out that it wasn’t a useful tool for the people that we see,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A lot of CARE Court petitions get dismissed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About 45% of petitions filed statewide, although that number includes the handful of cases in which someone has successfully “graduated” from the program. The rate is even higher in some counties, such as San Francisco, where nearly two-thirds of petitions are thrown out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That can be for a variety of reasons. Someone might not meet the narrow criteria to qualify for CARE Court. If the person is homeless, outreach workers might have a hard time finding them. Or, the person might simply refuse services. If that’s the case, CARE Court has few teeth to force them to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Most counties aren’t forcing people to participate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The initial allure of CARE Court for many supporters was the promise of court-ordered treatment plans that would encourage sick people to accept the help they’d been resisting. But most counties are eschewing that aspect of the program, and instead providing treatment only if outreach workers can convince someone to comply. Courts have ordered just 14 people into treatment plans, according to the Judicial Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959338\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11959338\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-800x533.jpg\" alt='An office full of people sit at tables looking toward a woman with a purple blouse who speaks from a microphone and holding index cards in her other hand. A flat-screen television hangs above her head displaying \"What is in a CARE Agreement Plan?\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Mugrditchian, deputy director, speaks to community members about CARE Court in October of 2023, at the Behavioral Health Training Center in Orange County. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>But counties say numbers don’t tell the whole story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While this data shows how many people engaged in treatment through the official CARE Court program, it doesn’t count all the people who started the process and ended up getting services through another county program instead, said Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the California Behavioral Health Directors Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say that I think the whole idea of looking at the numbers, it sort of misses the point,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of CARE Court’s successes, she said, has been in spreading the word about county services to people who might need them. As of December, people were diverted away from CARE Court and into other county services 1,358 times, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/CARE-Act-Implementation-Update-July-2025.pdf\">recent report\u003c/a> from the Health and Human Services Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A new bill could boost Care Court’s numbers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Right now, only people with schizophrenia and other limited psychotic disorders qualify. If \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/thomas-umberg-165043\">Sen. Thomas Umberg’s\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb27\">Senate Bill 27\u003c/a> passes, the program would expand to include people who experience psychotic symptoms as a result of bipolar disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many more people CARE Court could reach as a result. Umberg’s office has no estimate, and San Diego County says the bill could increase its numbers by anywhere from 3.5% to 48.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s worrying for people like Irvine. Adding a lot more people into the program would give clinicians less time to spend with each client, Irvine said. And Umberg’s bill doesn’t come with money to hire more staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/09/care-court-data-takeaways/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mohammed Haidar Khaled, 9, is aware that he won’t be a child forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Tenderloin neighborhood is Khaled’s home, where he was born and raised. But he knows that change is imminent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Middle school is a school year away, which means he’ll go to school outside his neighborhood. And the Tenderloin has always been the center of his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This represents [my] childhood,” Khaled said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045492\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045492 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-46-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-46-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-46-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-46-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A selfie Khaled made as part of the KQED / 826 Valencia project.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I took these pictures to remember stuff and myself and how young I was, and when I took this and how creative I was, so I can come back to it [when I’m] older and I can see what photos I took, and I’m like, ‘Oh my god, that was me when I took it a long time ago.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Khaled’s perception of his beloved neighborhood is different from what the headlines about the Tenderloin say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, news about the Tenderloin focuses on harsher realities — homelessness and open-air drug markets in the neighborhood. However, the Tenderloin is also home to approximately 3,500 children, according to the 2022 Census report.*\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The children of the Tenderloin’s perspective is one that is not often heard and less often seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045503\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045503 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-57-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-57-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-57-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-57-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Salah Boursse)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With a disposable camera in hand, Khaled took his camera to school, parks, home and other parts of his neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Khaled wasn’t the only one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to present the perspective of a community that doesn’t frequently get a spotlight, KQED collaborated with 826 Valencia, Tenderloin Center, a nonprofit embedded in the neighborhood that focuses on helping kids build up their writing skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of two after-school programs partnered with \u003ca href=\"https://www.826valencia.org/\">826 Valencia\u003c/a>, a cohort of 28 students from grades two to fifth were invited to participate in a project that asked them to document their lives in the Tenderloin. Each was provided a disposable camera for a week in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045494\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045494 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-48-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-48-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-48-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-48-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Mohammed Haidar Khaled)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All the memories of my childhood. I was born here, the exact same spot. This is the best because there’s a lot of Muslim people over here. There’s a lot of people from my country,” Khaled said. “Allah, I’m happy to be born in this community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>See a selection of the students’ photos below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045505 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-59-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-59-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-59-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-59-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Salah Boursse)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045504\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045504 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-58-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-58-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-58-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-58-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Salah Boursse)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045477 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-31-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-31-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Rayan Karim)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046324\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046324 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-12-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-12-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Vianney Campos)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046230\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1573px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046230 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-2-KQED-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1573\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-2-KQED-scaled.jpg 1573w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-2-KQED-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-2-KQED-944x1536.jpg 944w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-2-KQED-1258x2048.jpg 1258w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1573px) 100vw, 1573px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Miguel Parra)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045451\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045451 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-05-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-05-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Kathy Sosa Sam)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046316\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2493px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046316 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2493\" height=\"1662\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1.jpg 2493w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2493px) 100vw, 2493px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Kathy Sosa Sam)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045450 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-04-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-04-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Kathy Sosa Sam)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046233\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1932px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046233 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1932\" height=\"2500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-KQED.jpg 1932w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-KQED-160x207.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-KQED-1187x1536.jpg 1187w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-KQED-1583x2048.jpg 1583w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1932px) 100vw, 1932px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Reema Alawdi)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045473\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045473 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-27-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-27-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-27-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-27-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Reema Alawdi)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047155\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12047155 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"832\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED-2000x666.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED-1536x511.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED-2048x682.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Mohammed Haidar Khaled; Jhaydelin Castanon Juarez)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045502 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-56-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-56-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-56-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-56-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Salah Boursse)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12047150 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001290009_8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001290009_8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001290009_8-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001290009_8-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Rayan Karim)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047149\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12047149 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001280008_7A-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001280008_7A-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001280008_7A-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001280008_7A-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Jhaydelin Castanon Juarez)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046232\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1575px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046232 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-4-KQED-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1575\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-4-KQED-scaled.jpg 1575w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-4-KQED-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-4-KQED-945x1536.jpg 945w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-4-KQED-1260x2048.jpg 1260w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1575px) 100vw, 1575px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Nsimba Fungula)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045498\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045498 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-52-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-52-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-52-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-52-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Mohammed Haidar Khaled)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047152\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12047152 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000041270011_11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000041270011_11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000041270011_11-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000041270011_11-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Zi’Anna Jones)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046320 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"829\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4-2000x663.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4-1536x509.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4-2048x679.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Jayden Nguyen; Jenna Paul-Gin)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045480\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045480 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-34-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-34-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Jenna Paul-Gin)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045454\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045454 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-08-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-08-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Vianney Campos)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cem>*Correction: This story was updated to more accurately reflect the number of youths living in the Tenderloin.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cami Dominguez is currently a \u003ca href=\"https://fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows/2025-cohort-of-fellows-and-newsrooms/\">California Local News Fellow\u003c/a> with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfpublicpress.org/\">San Francisco Public Press\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "KQED partnered with San Francisco Tenderloin youth organizations to get a child’s perspective of their neighborhood. ",
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"title": "Photos Capture SF’s Tenderloin Through the Eyes of Kids Who Live There | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mohammed Haidar Khaled, 9, is aware that he won’t be a child forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Tenderloin neighborhood is Khaled’s home, where he was born and raised. But he knows that change is imminent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Middle school is a school year away, which means he’ll go to school outside his neighborhood. And the Tenderloin has always been the center of his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This represents [my] childhood,” Khaled said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045492\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045492 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-46-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-46-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-46-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-46-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A selfie Khaled made as part of the KQED / 826 Valencia project.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I took these pictures to remember stuff and myself and how young I was, and when I took this and how creative I was, so I can come back to it [when I’m] older and I can see what photos I took, and I’m like, ‘Oh my god, that was me when I took it a long time ago.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Khaled’s perception of his beloved neighborhood is different from what the headlines about the Tenderloin say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, news about the Tenderloin focuses on harsher realities — homelessness and open-air drug markets in the neighborhood. However, the Tenderloin is also home to approximately 3,500 children, according to the 2022 Census report.*\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The children of the Tenderloin’s perspective is one that is not often heard and less often seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045503\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045503 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-57-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-57-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-57-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-57-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Salah Boursse)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With a disposable camera in hand, Khaled took his camera to school, parks, home and other parts of his neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Khaled wasn’t the only one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to present the perspective of a community that doesn’t frequently get a spotlight, KQED collaborated with 826 Valencia, Tenderloin Center, a nonprofit embedded in the neighborhood that focuses on helping kids build up their writing skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of two after-school programs partnered with \u003ca href=\"https://www.826valencia.org/\">826 Valencia\u003c/a>, a cohort of 28 students from grades two to fifth were invited to participate in a project that asked them to document their lives in the Tenderloin. Each was provided a disposable camera for a week in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045494\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045494 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-48-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-48-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-48-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-48-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Mohammed Haidar Khaled)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All the memories of my childhood. I was born here, the exact same spot. This is the best because there’s a lot of Muslim people over here. There’s a lot of people from my country,” Khaled said. “Allah, I’m happy to be born in this community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>See a selection of the students’ photos below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045505 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-59-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-59-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-59-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-59-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Salah Boursse)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045504\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045504 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-58-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-58-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-58-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-58-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Salah Boursse)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045477 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-31-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-31-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Rayan Karim)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046324\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046324 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-12-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-12-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Vianney Campos)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046230\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1573px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046230 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-2-KQED-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1573\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-2-KQED-scaled.jpg 1573w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-2-KQED-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-2-KQED-944x1536.jpg 944w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-2-KQED-1258x2048.jpg 1258w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1573px) 100vw, 1573px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Miguel Parra)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045451\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045451 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-05-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-05-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Kathy Sosa Sam)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046316\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2493px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046316 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2493\" height=\"1662\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1.jpg 2493w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-Quad-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2493px) 100vw, 2493px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Kathy Sosa Sam)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045450\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045450 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-04-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-04-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Kathy Sosa Sam)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046233\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1932px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046233 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1932\" height=\"2500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-KQED.jpg 1932w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-KQED-160x207.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-KQED-1187x1536.jpg 1187w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-KQED-1583x2048.jpg 1583w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1932px) 100vw, 1932px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Reema Alawdi)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045473\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045473 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-27-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-27-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-27-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-27-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Reema Alawdi)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047155\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12047155 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"832\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED-2000x666.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED-1536x511.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-DIPTYCH-6-KQED-2048x682.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Mohammed Haidar Khaled; Jhaydelin Castanon Juarez)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045502\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045502 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-56-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-56-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-56-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-56-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Salah Boursse)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12047150 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001290009_8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001290009_8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001290009_8-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001290009_8-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Rayan Karim)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047149\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12047149 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001280008_7A-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001280008_7A-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001280008_7A-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000001280008_7A-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Jhaydelin Castanon Juarez)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046232\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1575px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046232 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-4-KQED-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1575\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-4-KQED-scaled.jpg 1575w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-4-KQED-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-4-KQED-945x1536.jpg 945w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/KQED-Student-Photo-Writing-dragged-4-KQED-1260x2048.jpg 1260w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1575px) 100vw, 1575px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Nsimba Fungula)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045498\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045498 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-52-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-52-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-52-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-52-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Mohammed Haidar Khaled)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047152\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12047152 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000041270011_11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000041270011_11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000041270011_11-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/000041270011_11-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Zi’Anna Jones)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046320 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"829\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4-2000x663.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4-1536x509.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/TENDERLOIN-DISPOSABLES-DIPTYCH-4-2048x679.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Jayden Nguyen; Jenna Paul-Gin)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045480\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045480 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-34-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-34-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Jenna Paul-Gin)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045454\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12045454 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1326\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-08-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250620-TENDERLOIN-INSTANT-CAMERAS-08-KQED-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Vianney Campos)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cem>*Correction: This story was updated to more accurately reflect the number of youths living in the Tenderloin.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cami Dominguez is currently a \u003ca href=\"https://fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows/2025-cohort-of-fellows-and-newsrooms/\">California Local News Fellow\u003c/a> with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfpublicpress.org/\">San Francisco Public Press\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "child-safety-groups-demand-mental-health-guardrails-after-california-teens-suicide-using-chatgpt",
"title": "Child Safety Groups Demand Mental Health Guardrails, After California Teen’s Suicide Using ChatGPT",
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"headTitle": "Child Safety Groups Demand Mental Health Guardrails, After California Teen’s Suicide Using ChatGPT | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know is struggling with thoughts of suicide, you can dial or text 988 and be connected to help.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\nWith its quick, often personable responses, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/chatgpt\">ChatGPT\u003c/a> can feel to some children more like an available friend than a language model engineered to guess its next word.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These blurred lines allow kids to go down “roads they should never go,” warn child safety advocates and tech policy groups, who have called for companies that design chatbots and artificial intelligence companions to take more responsibility for their program’s influence on youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, tech giant \u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/index/building-more-helpful-chatgpt-experiences-for-everyone/\">OpenAI\u003c/a> announced new safety measures for kids. The post didn’t mention 16-year-old Adam Raine, who, according to his parents, killed himself after discussing both his loneliness and plans to harm himself with ChatGPT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a lawsuit filed in San Francisco on Aug. 26, Maria and Matt Raine allege that ChatGPT-4o cultivated a psychological dependence in their son by continually encouraging and validating “whatever [he] expressed, including his most harmful and self-destructive thoughts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an area that calls out for thoughtful common-sense regulation and guardrails. And quite frankly, that the leaders of all the major AI companies need to address,” said Jim Steyer, founder and CEO of Common Sense Media, which advocates safe media use for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more than \u003ca href=\"https://mashable.com/article/openai-how-many-people-use-chatgpt\">500 million\u003c/a> weekly ChatGPT users and more than 2.5 billion prompts per day, users are increasingly turning to the large language model for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049674/from-god-to-grief-people-are-asking-ai-the-big-questions-once-reserved-for-clergy\">emotional support.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both digital assistants like ChatGPT, as well as AI companions like Character.Ai and Replika, told researchers posing as 13-year-olds about drinking and drug use, instructed them on how to conceal eating disorders and even composed a suicide letter to their parents if asked, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038154/kids-talking-ai-companion-chatbots-stanford-researchers-say-thats-bad-idea\">research from Stanford University\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12053799 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-OAKLAND-YOUTH-VOTE-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Steyer said OpenAI has partnered with Common Sense Media and has taken the issue more seriously than Meta AI or X’s Grok. But he still recommended that young people under 18 — “AI natives” — be restricted from using chatbots for companionship or therapy, suggesting that enhanced controls may not go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just think that parental controls are a be-all end-all solution. They’re hard to use, very easy to bypass for young people, and they put the burden on parents when, honestly, it should be on the tech companies to prevent these kinds of tragic situations,” Steyer said. “It’s more like a bandaid when what we need is a long-term cure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a blog post on Tuesday, the company shared plans to make the chatbot safer for young people to use in recognition of the fact that “people turn to it in the most difficult of moments.” The changes are set to roll out within the next month, OpenAI said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI did not immediately respond to a request for comment. But the planned updates promise to link parents’ and teens’ accounts, reroute sensitive conversations with youth and alert parents “when the system detects their teen is in a moment of acute distress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a user expresses suicidal ideation, ChatGPT is trained to direct people to seek professional help, OpenAI stated in a\u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/index/helping-people-when-they-need-it-most/\"> post\u003c/a> last week. ChatGPT refers people to 988, the suicide and crisis hotline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program does not escalate reports of self-harm to law enforcement, “given the uniquely private nature of ChatGPT interactions.” Licensed psychotherapists aren’t universally mandated to report self-harm either, but they must intervene if the client is at immediate risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Common Sense Media is supporting legislation in California that would establish limits protecting children from AI and social media abuse. AB 56 would implement \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017249/california-bill-would-put-tobacco-like-warnings-social-media-apps\">social media warning labels \u003c/a>that clearly state the risks to children, not unlike the labels pasted on tobacco products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054564\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054564 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Sam-Altman_chatpgt.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Sam-Altman_chatpgt.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Sam-Altman_chatpgt-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Sam-Altman_chatpgt-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel Altman, CEO of OpenAI, testifies before the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Privacy, Technology, and the Law May 16, 2023 in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill was proposed by Attorney General Rob Bonta and Orinda Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, and is headed to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk for signing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second bill, AB1064, would ban AI chatbots from manipulating children into forming emotional attachments or harvesting their personal and biometric data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Josh Becker (D-Menlo Park) also introduced an AI bill to protect vulnerable users from chatbots’ harmful effects: \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB243&firstNav=tracking\">SB 243\u003c/a> would require companion chatbots to frequently remind users that it isn’t a person, in order to reduce the risk of emotional manipulation or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038154/kids-talking-ai-companion-chatbots-stanford-researchers-say-thats-bad-idea\">unhealthy attachment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Newsom will support the bills, along with a flurry of other proposed AI-safety laws in Sacramento, remains to be seen. The governor told reporters in early August that he is trying to establish a middle ground that provides public safety guardrails without suppressing business: “We’ve led in AI innovation, and we’ve led in AI regulation, but we’re trying to find a balance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Newsom eyes higher office, and the California governor’s race heats up, there’s been a surge in AI lobbying and political action committees from the industry, with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/politics/silicon-valley-launches-pro-ai-pacs-to-defend-industry-in-midterm-elections-287905b3?gaa_at=eafs&gaa_n=ASWzDAjaxxFIzEaiCnLuxtt5FYul1NMFgXzDPGeVaH0VKZedvoSLexjk_j2Gr_Q0ZKQ%3D&gaa_ts=68b063e0&gaa_sig=V93Si4VVkqKsN1H-aEXHbbUoyVrGdS9GECVqYESgBE7WTq_dVBNLHw5VIyH41lRNW0pQQRB3N7d0mV9v_EaR4Q%3D%3D\">report \u003c/a>last week from the \u003cem>Wall Street Journal\u003c/em> that Silicon Valley plans to pour $100 million into a network of organizations opposing AI regulation ahead of next year’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it may take more to convince Californians: seven in 10 state residents favor “strong laws to make AI fair” and believe voluntary rules “simply don’t go far enough,” according to recent\u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/o-vjCADmygFVBPLwtGfgtGPCKp?domain=email.commoncause.org\"> polling by Tech Equity\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, 59% think “AI will most likely benefit the wealthiest households and corporations, not working people and the middle class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/rachael-myrow\">Rachael Myrow\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Child Safety Groups Demand Mental Health Guardrails, After California Teen’s Suicide Using ChatGPT | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know is struggling with thoughts of suicide, you can dial or text 988 and be connected to help.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\nWith its quick, often personable responses, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/chatgpt\">ChatGPT\u003c/a> can feel to some children more like an available friend than a language model engineered to guess its next word.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These blurred lines allow kids to go down “roads they should never go,” warn child safety advocates and tech policy groups, who have called for companies that design chatbots and artificial intelligence companions to take more responsibility for their program’s influence on youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, tech giant \u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/index/building-more-helpful-chatgpt-experiences-for-everyone/\">OpenAI\u003c/a> announced new safety measures for kids. The post didn’t mention 16-year-old Adam Raine, who, according to his parents, killed himself after discussing both his loneliness and plans to harm himself with ChatGPT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a lawsuit filed in San Francisco on Aug. 26, Maria and Matt Raine allege that ChatGPT-4o cultivated a psychological dependence in their son by continually encouraging and validating “whatever [he] expressed, including his most harmful and self-destructive thoughts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an area that calls out for thoughtful common-sense regulation and guardrails. And quite frankly, that the leaders of all the major AI companies need to address,” said Jim Steyer, founder and CEO of Common Sense Media, which advocates safe media use for children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more than \u003ca href=\"https://mashable.com/article/openai-how-many-people-use-chatgpt\">500 million\u003c/a> weekly ChatGPT users and more than 2.5 billion prompts per day, users are increasingly turning to the large language model for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049674/from-god-to-grief-people-are-asking-ai-the-big-questions-once-reserved-for-clergy\">emotional support.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both digital assistants like ChatGPT, as well as AI companions like Character.Ai and Replika, told researchers posing as 13-year-olds about drinking and drug use, instructed them on how to conceal eating disorders and even composed a suicide letter to their parents if asked, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038154/kids-talking-ai-companion-chatbots-stanford-researchers-say-thats-bad-idea\">research from Stanford University\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Steyer said OpenAI has partnered with Common Sense Media and has taken the issue more seriously than Meta AI or X’s Grok. But he still recommended that young people under 18 — “AI natives” — be restricted from using chatbots for companionship or therapy, suggesting that enhanced controls may not go far enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just think that parental controls are a be-all end-all solution. They’re hard to use, very easy to bypass for young people, and they put the burden on parents when, honestly, it should be on the tech companies to prevent these kinds of tragic situations,” Steyer said. “It’s more like a bandaid when what we need is a long-term cure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a blog post on Tuesday, the company shared plans to make the chatbot safer for young people to use in recognition of the fact that “people turn to it in the most difficult of moments.” The changes are set to roll out within the next month, OpenAI said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OpenAI did not immediately respond to a request for comment. But the planned updates promise to link parents’ and teens’ accounts, reroute sensitive conversations with youth and alert parents “when the system detects their teen is in a moment of acute distress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a user expresses suicidal ideation, ChatGPT is trained to direct people to seek professional help, OpenAI stated in a\u003ca href=\"https://openai.com/index/helping-people-when-they-need-it-most/\"> post\u003c/a> last week. ChatGPT refers people to 988, the suicide and crisis hotline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program does not escalate reports of self-harm to law enforcement, “given the uniquely private nature of ChatGPT interactions.” Licensed psychotherapists aren’t universally mandated to report self-harm either, but they must intervene if the client is at immediate risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Common Sense Media is supporting legislation in California that would establish limits protecting children from AI and social media abuse. AB 56 would implement \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017249/california-bill-would-put-tobacco-like-warnings-social-media-apps\">social media warning labels \u003c/a>that clearly state the risks to children, not unlike the labels pasted on tobacco products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054564\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054564 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Sam-Altman_chatpgt.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Sam-Altman_chatpgt.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Sam-Altman_chatpgt-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Sam-Altman_chatpgt-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel Altman, CEO of OpenAI, testifies before the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Privacy, Technology, and the Law May 16, 2023 in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill was proposed by Attorney General Rob Bonta and Orinda Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, and is headed to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk for signing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second bill, AB1064, would ban AI chatbots from manipulating children into forming emotional attachments or harvesting their personal and biometric data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Josh Becker (D-Menlo Park) also introduced an AI bill to protect vulnerable users from chatbots’ harmful effects: \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB243&firstNav=tracking\">SB 243\u003c/a> would require companion chatbots to frequently remind users that it isn’t a person, in order to reduce the risk of emotional manipulation or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038154/kids-talking-ai-companion-chatbots-stanford-researchers-say-thats-bad-idea\">unhealthy attachment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Newsom will support the bills, along with a flurry of other proposed AI-safety laws in Sacramento, remains to be seen. The governor told reporters in early August that he is trying to establish a middle ground that provides public safety guardrails without suppressing business: “We’ve led in AI innovation, and we’ve led in AI regulation, but we’re trying to find a balance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Newsom eyes higher office, and the California governor’s race heats up, there’s been a surge in AI lobbying and political action committees from the industry, with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/politics/silicon-valley-launches-pro-ai-pacs-to-defend-industry-in-midterm-elections-287905b3?gaa_at=eafs&gaa_n=ASWzDAjaxxFIzEaiCnLuxtt5FYul1NMFgXzDPGeVaH0VKZedvoSLexjk_j2Gr_Q0ZKQ%3D&gaa_ts=68b063e0&gaa_sig=V93Si4VVkqKsN1H-aEXHbbUoyVrGdS9GECVqYESgBE7WTq_dVBNLHw5VIyH41lRNW0pQQRB3N7d0mV9v_EaR4Q%3D%3D\">report \u003c/a>last week from the \u003cem>Wall Street Journal\u003c/em> that Silicon Valley plans to pour $100 million into a network of organizations opposing AI regulation ahead of next year’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it may take more to convince Californians: seven in 10 state residents favor “strong laws to make AI fair” and believe voluntary rules “simply don’t go far enough,” according to recent\u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/o-vjCADmygFVBPLwtGfgtGPCKp?domain=email.commoncause.org\"> polling by Tech Equity\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, 59% think “AI will most likely benefit the wealthiest households and corporations, not working people and the middle class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/rachael-myrow\">Rachael Myrow\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"title": "Here & Now",
"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Here-And-Now-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/0OLWoyizopu6tY1XiuX70x",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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