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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>The statewide task force studying reparations for Black Californians will submit its final report to the Legislature on June 29. This conversation was produced as part of KQED’s Juneteenth reparations radio special that aired on June 17. For more on reparations in California, visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">\u003cem>kqed.org/reparations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento State professor Mark Brown cut a striking figure at the California Reparations Task Force meetings. The professor of political science is a tall, thin white man who could often be seen sitting quietly in the audience, taking notes for the classes he teaches on reparations and critical whiteness in Germany and the United States.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]At the task force meetings over the last two years, non-Black audience members have been rare, but Brown argues that non-Black Californians should be paying attention. According to the 2020 census, Black residents make up less than 6% of the state’s population. If the task force’s expansive proposals are to become law after they arrive in the Legislature, they will require broad-based support from California residents across racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown says providing reparations to communities can restore some legitimacy to democratic governments in places where inequity has caused disillusionment and distrust. In doing so, he suggests, reparations can strengthen democracies, offering a potential benefit to all Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I spoke with Brown about the role of reparations in democracies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: In \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/article275034421.html\">\u003cstrong>a recent op-ed in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, you wrote that paying reparations to the descendants of American slavery is a question of political responsibility. Can you explain what you mean by that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Brown:\u003c/strong> It’s a way of saying that reparations is not about individual guilt. You can only be guilty for things you have done yourself, and nobody alive today is personally guilty of enslaving anyone [as part of American chattel slavery]. So talking about reparations as a matter of political responsibility is a way of saying that it’s a shared, collective responsibility. And it’s a way of talking about taking responsibility for the wrongs committed by the government that represents us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s useful to see reparations as part of democratic citizenship, similar to paying taxes or voting and so on. We get various benefits from being citizens — we have roads, bridges, the sewage system, schools, parks and so on — and so we need to also accept the shared burdens that come with those benefits. It would be unfair to only take the benefits and refuse the burdens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you understand the role of paying reparations to harmed groups in democracies generally?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a democracy, it’s important for governments to take account of public opinion, and that’s one of the biggest challenges for reparations at the moment. A survey last fall found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/28/black-and-white-americans-are-far-apart-in-their-views-of-reparations-for-slavery/\">public support for reparations is about 30% nationwide\u003c/a>, which is actually more than double what it was two decades ago. But it’s still far from a majority. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-racial-attitudes-and-the-reparations-task-force/\">more recent poll in California\u003c/a> finds that it’s somewhat higher, perhaps even a lot higher. But in any case, it’s important for, on the one hand, politicians to engage with the public and take seriously public concerns about reparations and public skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But also democracy does not mean that governments do exactly what the people want. It’s very common for political representatives to attempt to persuade their constituents and make attempts to change public opinion on issues that matter. A really good example of this is the history of reparations in Germany, when Germany paid reparations for the Holocaust to the state of Israel and to individual Jewish survivors. The majority of the public was actually opposed and it took a long time and a lot of work by political leaders and activists to change public opinion. Thirty years later, Germany was widely seen as a real model for developing a culture of memory and for really integrating efforts to remember the Holocaust and teach about it into German culture and German national identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The recommendations that the state task force has made don’t specify how they would be paid for, but presumably it includes some amount of taxpayer dollars, including the taxes paid by Black residents of California. How does that fit into your understanding of political responsibility and the state’s role here? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, my understanding is that it’s not quite clear yet exactly how reparations will be funded. I do think funding that through taxpayer dollars is the most democratic, and that does mean that potentially recipients would also pay into the fund that pays for reparations. But that should really be seen as a form of inclusion and of citizenship. And we have a progressive tax system, and those who are more wealthy pay more taxes. And so I think that could be a way to increase public support for reparations, to make clear it’s not about white people being asked to give something to Black people. It’s about all of us, as democratic citizens, trying to take account of the wrongs committed by our government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If the state does create reparations programs, how do you think that might impact political divisions in California and across the country? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People often say that reparations are going to be divisive. It certainly is a controversial topic and there are huge differences among different groups in public opinion. But our country is already strongly divided on a whole range of issues, and public opinion on questions of racial disparity and racial justice is one of the most significant areas of division. And I think there’s actually a good case to be made that reparations can help to reduce division and to provide a certain kind of reconciliation. That’s often been the role of reparations and in other countries as part of a peace process. Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Texas) was recently quoted as saying, “Reparations are ultimately about respect, reconciliation and healing.” And I think there’s at least the potential that it could play that role in helping to overcome some of our political divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the task force meetings over the last two years, non-Black audience members have been rare, but Brown argues that non-Black Californians should be paying attention. According to the 2020 census, Black residents make up less than 6% of the state’s population. If the task force’s expansive proposals are to become law after they arrive in the Legislature, they will require broad-based support from California residents across racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown says providing reparations to communities can restore some legitimacy to democratic governments in places where inequity has caused disillusionment and distrust. In doing so, he suggests, reparations can strengthen democracies, offering a potential benefit to all Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I spoke with Brown about the role of reparations in democracies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: In \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/article275034421.html\">\u003cstrong>a recent op-ed in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, you wrote that paying reparations to the descendants of American slavery is a question of political responsibility. Can you explain what you mean by that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Brown:\u003c/strong> It’s a way of saying that reparations is not about individual guilt. You can only be guilty for things you have done yourself, and nobody alive today is personally guilty of enslaving anyone [as part of American chattel slavery]. So talking about reparations as a matter of political responsibility is a way of saying that it’s a shared, collective responsibility. And it’s a way of talking about taking responsibility for the wrongs committed by the government that represents us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s useful to see reparations as part of democratic citizenship, similar to paying taxes or voting and so on. We get various benefits from being citizens — we have roads, bridges, the sewage system, schools, parks and so on — and so we need to also accept the shared burdens that come with those benefits. It would be unfair to only take the benefits and refuse the burdens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you understand the role of paying reparations to harmed groups in democracies generally?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a democracy, it’s important for governments to take account of public opinion, and that’s one of the biggest challenges for reparations at the moment. A survey last fall found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/28/black-and-white-americans-are-far-apart-in-their-views-of-reparations-for-slavery/\">public support for reparations is about 30% nationwide\u003c/a>, which is actually more than double what it was two decades ago. But it’s still far from a majority. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-racial-attitudes-and-the-reparations-task-force/\">more recent poll in California\u003c/a> finds that it’s somewhat higher, perhaps even a lot higher. But in any case, it’s important for, on the one hand, politicians to engage with the public and take seriously public concerns about reparations and public skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But also democracy does not mean that governments do exactly what the people want. It’s very common for political representatives to attempt to persuade their constituents and make attempts to change public opinion on issues that matter. A really good example of this is the history of reparations in Germany, when Germany paid reparations for the Holocaust to the state of Israel and to individual Jewish survivors. The majority of the public was actually opposed and it took a long time and a lot of work by political leaders and activists to change public opinion. Thirty years later, Germany was widely seen as a real model for developing a culture of memory and for really integrating efforts to remember the Holocaust and teach about it into German culture and German national identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The recommendations that the state task force has made don’t specify how they would be paid for, but presumably it includes some amount of taxpayer dollars, including the taxes paid by Black residents of California. How does that fit into your understanding of political responsibility and the state’s role here? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, my understanding is that it’s not quite clear yet exactly how reparations will be funded. I do think funding that through taxpayer dollars is the most democratic, and that does mean that potentially recipients would also pay into the fund that pays for reparations. But that should really be seen as a form of inclusion and of citizenship. And we have a progressive tax system, and those who are more wealthy pay more taxes. And so I think that could be a way to increase public support for reparations, to make clear it’s not about white people being asked to give something to Black people. It’s about all of us, as democratic citizens, trying to take account of the wrongs committed by our government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If the state does create reparations programs, how do you think that might impact political divisions in California and across the country? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People often say that reparations are going to be divisive. It certainly is a controversial topic and there are huge differences among different groups in public opinion. But our country is already strongly divided on a whole range of issues, and public opinion on questions of racial disparity and racial justice is one of the most significant areas of division. And I think there’s actually a good case to be made that reparations can help to reduce division and to provide a certain kind of reconciliation. That’s often been the role of reparations and in other countries as part of a peace process. Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Texas) was recently quoted as saying, “Reparations are ultimately about respect, reconciliation and healing.” And I think there’s at least the potential that it could play that role in helping to overcome some of our political divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Jessie Rush, Kenny Miksch and Simon Sage Ybarra were sentenced to six months in prison after admitting they destroyed evidence of their communication with fellow boogaloo militia member Steven Carrillo, who murdered two law enforcement officers as a racial uprising gripped California and the nation. Carrillo was captured on June 6, 2020.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]S[/dropcap]teven Carrillo saw the three sheriff’s deputies talking on the narrow, one-lane road leading to his father’s house in Ben Lomond, a small community in the Santa Cruz Mountains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concealed by the forest and gripping his rifle, Carrillo could hear them coordinating their approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Cruz County Sheriff’s Office was responding to a call about a white van with ammunition and bomb-making supplies that were visible through a window to a man installing game cameras around a nearby wooded property. The vehicle’s registration led officers to a one-room house with potted plants and a gun rack on the porch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago today, on June 6, 2020, Carrillo was cornered. A week earlier, the active-duty Air Force sergeant had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824604/man-charged-in-killings-of-oakland-federal-officer-santa-cruz-deputy-linked-to-right-wing-extremist-group\">killed a Federal Protective Service officer and wounded his partner in a drive-by shooting\u003c/a> in front of the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building in Oakland as a large protest moved through the streets nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11824604 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Carrillo-van-oakland-1020x631.jpg']Carrillo took out his phone and messaged members of the “1st Detachment, 1st California Grizzly Scouts,” a group of men he met on Facebook. The group associated itself with the anti-government \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2021/01/27/who-are-boogaloos-who-were-visible-capitol-and-later-rallies\">boogaloo movement\u003c/a>, which originated online and became a rallying point for those who believe a second Civil War looms. Adherents toted guns and wore Hawaiian shirts, which the movement has co-opted, at protests following George Floyd’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For weeks before Carrillo’s rampage, the Grizzly Scouts had discussed violent confrontations with the government and attacks on law enforcement in group messages, prosecutors said. The group also trained together at a property in the Sierra foothills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were looking for me. They found me by pure luck,” Carrillo wrote from his hideout, requesting backup. “Kit up and get here. There’s only one road in/out. Take them out when they’re coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dude. How the f— can we get to you in an hour,” one member responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re waiting for reinforcements. I’m listening to them,” Carrillo replied. “Dudes, I offed a fed. They’re staging. Come help. I have cameras everywhere here. They’re waiting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessie Rush, a then-28-year-old U.S. Army veteran and the group’s founder, responded with an order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dillo,” Rush wrote, using Carrillo’s code name, “factory reset your phone and exfil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Exfil\u003c/em> — short for exfiltration, a military term for the removal of units from an area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo ignored the directive. Instead, he opened fire with his modified assault rifle, fatally wounding one officer and sending the other two running into the woods. They radioed to try to warn others of the ambush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before fleeing, Carrillo engaged in a shoot-out with California Highway Patrol officers who answered the distress call. He carjacked a Toyota Camry and ran over one of the Santa Cruz deputies on his way down the mountain. Shot in the hip, Carrillo used his own blood to write messages on the car — “Boog,” “Stop the duopoly” and “I became unreasonable” — before abandoning it. He was ultimately arrested in a backyard after neighbors tackled and restrained him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to prosecutors, the Grizzly Scouts moved quickly to delete evidence of their communication and files about the group’s structure and activity. But it was too late. Rush and two other members \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/four-militia-group-members-plead-guilty-obstruction-justice-conspiracy\">later pleaded guilty\u003c/a> to one count of conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings. All three were sentenced to six months in prison. A fourth member pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice charges in addition to an unrelated charge. He was sentenced to more than 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo was given a life sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Michael Jensen, senior researcher, University of Maryland National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START)\"]‘This is not an uncommon story that we see in the veterans and the data that we’ve collected who [have been] radicalized to the point of committing crimes.’[/pullquote]In the three years since he was captured, significant attention has focused on Carrillo and his murders as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenmilstein.com/case-study/underwood-v-meta-platforms-inc-facebook\">the role social media played in connecting him with other extremists\u003c/a>. But scarce information is available about Rush, who grew up in Gilroy and created the Grizzly Scouts, gave the group its military structure and recruited Carrillo and other men throughout Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who knew Rush told KQED they were puzzled by the charges against him. A firefighter and EMT who worked in private security, Rush worked alongside former law enforcement officers, and friends said he never openly expressed anti-police sentiment to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush and his attorney declined to be interviewed for this story. But a deep look into Rush’s background paints a portrait of a veteran seeking the camaraderie and sense of purpose he once found in the armed forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952311\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952311\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two men in military fatigues, one holding a firearm, pose for a photo.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1275\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-1536x1020.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessie Rush (right) sits on a newly constructed deck at Combat Outpost Qeysar, Afghanistan, in 2011, while the soldier beside him does tricep dips. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Nathan Goodall)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To report this story, KQED interviewed veterans, including several who served with Rush, researchers and a California lawmaker who called for Congressional hearings on the recruitment of veterans by extremist groups, to find out how vulnerable former soldiers are — and what steps the United States government is taking to identify at-risk veterans like Rush and provide them support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not an uncommon story that we see in the veterans and the data that we’ve collected who [have been] radicalized to the point of committing crimes,” said Dr. Michael Jensen, senior researcher at the University of Maryland’s National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, or START.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2022 START study, on average, 6.9 individuals with military backgrounds committed crimes motivated by ideology per year from 1990 to 2010. Over the past decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23830338-start-research-brief-april-2023\">that number has quintupled (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 17% of defendants charged in connection to the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection were current or former service members, including eight from California, according to START. For comparison, about 7% of the country’s adult population are veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Excluding the Jan. 6 cases, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23830338-start-research-brief-april-2023\">the rate of crimes committed by people with military backgrounds (PDF)\u003c/a> and motivated by political, social, religious or economic goals has more than tripled since 2010. The majority of cases are centered in the veteran community, as opposed to active-duty military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Stewart Rhodes, a former Army paratrooper and Yale Law School graduate who founded the far-right militia group the Oath Keepers, was convicted of seditious conspiracy and other charges for crimes related to the breach of the U.S. Capitol. On May 25, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/25/us/politics/oath-keepers-stewart-rhodes-sentenced.html\">he was sentenced to 18 years in prison\u003c/a>. An Anti-Defamation League analysis of Oath Keepers membership data identified 117 active-duty military and estimated 1 in 10 had prior service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='extremism,veterans']In January, three active-duty Marines were charged with crimes related to their alleged involvement on Jan. 6. One of the men, based at Camp Pendleton in Southern California, wrote in an Instagram direct message that he was “waiting for the boogaloo” or “Civil war 2,” according to court records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, an Air National Guardsman suspected of leaking a trove of national security documents on the online platform Discord was arrested in Massachusetts. Federal court documents show Jack Teixeira, 21, possessed a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23824103-teixeira-governments-supplemental-motion\">virtual arsenal of weapons (PDF)\u003c/a>” and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23824102-teixeira-declaration-of-luke-church-fbi-special-agent\">had discussed acts of violence online (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to prosecutors and the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of April 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/splc-2021-year-in-hate-extremism-report.pdf\">there were 45 anti-government groups, including four militias, active in California (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. Exactly how many veterans have been involved in extremist groups in the state is unknown due to the lack of consistent data, said Jon Lewis, research fellow at the Program on Extremism at George Washington University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unlike cases stemming from support for foreign terrorist organizations like ISIS or al-Qaida, group membership in the Oath Keepers, Proud Boys, boogaloo movement, etc., is secondary and not a predicate for the criminal offense,” Lewis said. “We can identify cases in which that affiliation or ideology is explicitly identified, but it’s naturally limited by the failures of the federal and state governments to publicly share information related to these statistics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, not long after rioters stormed the Capitol, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin \u003ca href=\"https://media.defense.gov/2021/Feb/05/2002577485/-1/-1/0/STAND-DOWN-TO-ADDRESS-EXTREMISM-IN-THE-RANKS.PDF\">ordered a military-wide stand-down to discuss extremism in the ranks (PDF)\u003c/a>. The House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs began a series of hearings investigating the issue later that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the types of things we can do to help prevent veterans from dying by suicide are the very same things we can do to help veterans avoid being pulled into extremist and violent groups,” said Rep. Mark Takano, D-Riverside, the top Democrat on the committee who called for \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832964-house-committee-on-veterans-affairs-the-importance-of-peer-support-in-preventing-domestic-violent-extremism\">the hearings (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Takano began looking into the issue in 2019 after a hearing about online scams targeting veterans led to research on which other groups target vets, according to a former member of his staff. Groups like the Oath Keepers, Proud Boys and Three Percenters \u003ca href=\"https://democrats-veterans.house.gov/imo/media/doc/Extremism%20Report.pdf\">target veterans because of their combat and weapons experience and the air of credibility they bring (PDF)\u003c/a> to an organization, according to an accompanying report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to raise our level of support for veterans to reduce these sort of upstream stressors that can lead to some veterans turning toward extremism,” said Takano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the hearings exposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RhHK4O7opHw\">sharp disagreement\u003c/a> in the federal government over whether time and resources should be allocated to understanding the problem — and whether one even exists. Republicans, including Mike Bost of Illinois, who is now the committee’s chair, said the hearings \u003ca href=\"https://veterans.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=5922\">unfairly stigmatized veterans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952322 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of two middle-aged men in blue suits outside on a sunny day, both with trim, dark haircuts. The man on the right, who appears Latino, speaks into the ear of the other, who appears Asian. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mark Takano (left) speaks with Rep. Raul Ruiz during a 2021 news conference with other members of the House Veterans Affairs’ Committee. \u003ccite>(Caroline Brehman/CQ-Roll Call via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In July 2022, a Senate Armed Services Committee report \u003ca href=\"https://www.armed-services.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/fy23_ndaa_bill_report.pdf\">called for an immediate halt to defense programs looking into extremism (PDF)\u003c/a>, adding, “spending additional time and resources to combat exceptionally rare instances of extremism in the military is an inappropriate use of taxpayer funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans voted overwhelmingly in favor of the language while Democrats voted against it. One independent lawmaker tipped the balance in favor of the GOP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several months later, all House-passed provisions calling for further investigation of extremism in the military and broader society were \u003ca href=\"https://rollcall.com/2022/12/14/final-ndaa-removes-most-house-provisions-on-hate-groups/\">scaled back or removed from the final 2023 National Defense Authorization Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Defense Department spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.defense.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/3400498/sabrina-singh-deputy-press-secretary-holds-a-press-briefing/\">told reporters last month\u003c/a> that only one of the six recommendations issued by the agency’s Countering Extremism Working Group, created in the wake of Jan. 6, has been enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, researchers say that while the involvement of veterans and active-duty military in criminal extremism is limited, it’s a problem that could be growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at the veteran population in our data set, there are really two types of veterans that radicalize: individuals that are looking for the camaraderie, the sense of purpose, the friendships that they had in the military,” Jensen said. “And they find it in these extremist organizations, groups like the Oath Keepers and Three Percenter organizations and the boogaloo movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second type typically experience mental health issues such as combat-related PTSD, in addition to that same desire for camaraderie and purpose, according to Jensen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s unclear exactly which factors drew Rush to the boogaloo movement, documents from multiple state and federal court cases reviewed by KQED, as well as interviews with military and extremism experts and people who knew Rush, point to numerous factors — social isolation, PTSD, challenges translating combat skills to the civilian workforce, relationship difficulties and unhealed trauma — that could have played a role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a text message from a KQED reporter, Rush, who was released from a federal prison in Santa Barbara County in November, wrote that he wanted to move on with his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I made my mistakes,” he wrote. “I did my time, and I’m paying my debt to society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Set up for failure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“On the couch.” That’s the phrase Jack Griffith uses to describe the veterans he works with who need his help the most. In other words, those who are depressed, disinterested and unmotivated to leave the house or do much of anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why a lot of people make jokes about veterans living in their mom’s basement,” said Griffith, who runs Protecting Soldiers’ Rights, a nonprofit that assists veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury, or TBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not coming out because of social anxiety,” he added. “They may have survivor’s guilt, they may have situational awareness that is going off all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951954\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951954 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man with a long graying beard and shaved head leans against the edge of an above-ground swimming pool in the backyard of a home. He has tattoos on his arms and holds a cigarette in his left hands, and he wears baggy dark blue jeans and a dark gray sweatshirt.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veterans advocate Jack Griffith in his backyard in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One afternoon last fall, Griffith, 41, sat at a wrought-iron table in his backyard in rural Turlock. As hummingbirds flitted around the porch, the stay-at-home dad with icy blue eyes and a long, scraggly beard lit a Camel cigarette.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every so often, a cloud of dust drifted over the fence and coated the cars in the driveway as the farmer next door drove a tractor through his orchard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith served in the Army from 2008–2011 and deployed to Afghanistan. In 2009, he was awarded a Purple Heart after the vehicle he was riding in was hit by a 300-pound roadside bomb and he had to be medevaced out. Griffith started Protecting Soldiers’ Rights in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, he receives about 10 calls a week from veterans, including some from out of state. They call with legal questions or questions about benefits. Some call on the verge of a panic attack. Many, like Rush, come over to Griffith’s house to sit in the backyard, smoke cigarettes and just talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first time the two met in February 2019, Rush wasn’t “on the couch.” But Griffith suspected he was headed there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can tell he was reminiscent of his military service. I’m reminiscent,” Griffith said, holding back tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Anonymous veteran who served in Afghanistan with Jessie Rush\"]‘How do you convert kicking down doors and knowing how to kill people … How do you convert that into civilian work? You can’t. Unless you’re a security guard or a police officer.’[/pullquote]Rush was a cannon crewmember in the Army from November 2009–March 2014 and deployed to Afghanistan in March 2011. That year, the Gilroy Dispatch published a letter from Rush’s mother about her son’s unit distributing school supplies to Afghan children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to share the following story about the humanity of war and the hearts of our soldiers in Afghanistan,” Christina Soares wrote. “Through all the bad they still made time to do good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten years later, Soares \u003ca href=\"http://documentcloud.org/documents/23832068-christina-soares-letter\">wrote another letter (PDF)\u003c/a>. This time, it was addressed to U.S. District Judge James Donato. Soares described Rush’s difficult childhood, his father’s abuse, the time he spent in an orphanage and foster care, and his time in the military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After deployment Jessie came home and I knew he was different,” Soares wrote. “He no longer had that twinkle in his eye or the innocence in his smile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one instance, when Rush was home on leave and heard neighbors setting off fireworks, he “hit the floor in the fetal position and cried out for his brothers,” according to the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a December 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834701-defendants-sentencing-memo-and-motion-for-variance\">sentencing memo (PDF)\u003c/a>, Rush’s attorney, Adam Pennella, wrote that Rush “observed carnage and death on a daily basis” in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This included attempting to save a civilian whose intestines were falling out by holding them in place with his hands,” Pennella wrote. “Others in his unit were injured and killed, including one of his closest friends from basic training. Then in the years after discharge, multiple of his friends from the military died (one from an overdose, another from a brain aneurism, and a third from suicide).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832993-fowler-letter\">another letter (PDF)\u003c/a> to Judge Donato, retired Army Sgt. Charles Fowler said that Rush had struggled with PTSD but the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs “did not offer Jessie much help in adjusting therapy or medications.” Fowler also wrote that he had talked with Rush about maintaining the skills they learned in the military, adding, “though we had to be careful because outside of the combat zone, we are not cleared to create our own rules of engagement to deal with items we deem as threats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Veterans Affairs National Center for PTSD, 29% of the men and women who served in Iraq and Afghanistan will experience symptoms of PTSD at some point in their lives. Carl Castro, director of Military and Veterans Programs at the University of Southern California’s Suzanne Dworak-Peck School of Social Work and a retired Army colonel, said PTSD is one of many factors that can lead a veteran to have an unsuccessful transition to civilian life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A veteran might question who they are and whether the sacrifices made in going to war were worth it, according to Castro. One way to regain that sense of identity is to utilize military skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want to feel valued as a person,” Castro said. “And one way they do that is by joining an organization that values them, that will tell them, ‘We value you, you are important.’ And not only that, give them an important leadership role in the organization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One veteran who served in Afghanistan with Rush and spoke to KQED on condition of anonymity because of concerns about speaking publicly about a sensitive criminal case, said when he heard about Rush’s case, he wasn’t surprised someone from his unit had been involved in extremism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all get set up for failure going into the armed forces,” he said. “Twenty-four seven, 365, we literally thought someone was going to cut our head off or shoot us. That can change the rest of your life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a soldier leaves the military, he added, job prospects can be limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you convert kicking down doors and knowing how to kill people — and I can march with 20–30 pounds on my back, I can take apart a gun with my eyes closed in two minutes — how do you convert that into civilian work? You can’t. Unless you’re a security guard or a police officer,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempts to reach Rush’s family for comment were unsuccessful. In a Facebook message, Soares responded to a question about her son with, “You’re wasting your time ma’am.” After a reporter left a business card at Rush’s apartment, a woman identifying herself as “Julie” left a voicemail saying the reporter would be pepper-sprayed if they returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a year after Griffith met Rush, Rush launched the Grizzly Scouts. “They say the west won’t boog, were [sic] here to gather like minded Californians who can network and establish local goon squads,” Rush wrote in the description of the Facebook group he started, according to prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that whole group, whatever the group was, it was more role-play for him,” Griffith said. “I’m afraid that maybe he was trying to impress. I’m hoping he was trying to impress. I just never saw it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paid to be paranoid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jerame Ayers sat behind the wheel of a white Jeep pickup truck at an intersection in Modesto and pointed out things the student beside him should be mindful of while working a private security protection job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look at people in their cars,” Ayers said. “Keep an eye out for people doing anything unusual.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ayers, 46, wore a black baseball cap with a patch on the front showing the silhouette of a rifle over an American flag. The radio was tuned to SiriusXM Patriot. The two were driving to a mock protest scenario, part of the curriculum at the Academy for Professional Development, the Modesto trade school Ayers, an Army veteran, owns and operates. The school offers EMT and private security training courses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is, everybody becomes paranoid who goes through my training. It never turns off,” he said. “You get paid to be paranoid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951971\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951971 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A photo taken from the backseat of a vehicle from behind the driver's side. Blurry in the foreground, and in focus in the rearview mirror, we see a light-skinned man in a black baseball cap driving and looking to the right.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerame Ayers, CEO of the Academy for Professional Development, teaches an executive protection class in Modesto on Nov. 14, 2022. Executive protection provides security for politicians, celebrities and anyone needing protection against public threats. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2019, shortly after he met Griffith, Rush enrolled in Ayers’ 30-day security specialist course, where students learn to guard high-profile clients like CEOs, politicians and celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a career path, protection is popular with veterans who already possess some of the necessary skills, Ayers said. Jobs in the field can bridge the gap between combat and a return to civilian employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what I kind of teach them is reintegration,” Ayers said. “But do not let the warrior mindset fade off, because you’re going to need that in this industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush taught EMT classes at the school and began working jobs in private security, an industry he was well suited for but one that “exacerbated his paranoia and vigilance,” according to his attorney Pennella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from periodically visiting his father, Rush mostly kept to himself, Griffith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jessie didn’t have a community,” Griffith said. “Jessie had an apartment. And he had a wife. And he had me and Jerame after that. He didn’t have people to have his back around here. He didn’t have people to even hang out with around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush found his community online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"William Braniff, director, START\"]‘[T]hink about the cyclical pattern in the United States of wars and wars ending, and then a small number of disgruntled, or perhaps traumatized, or otherwise disenfranchised veterans coming home from that war and engaging in domestic violent extremism. This is the story of the KKK … There’s a pattern here.’[/pullquote]According to a June 2022 report filed in state court on Carrillo’s “social history and mental decline,” Carrillo found Rush and the Grizzly Scouts in April 2020. After Carrillo joined Facebook groups in support of Second Amendment protections and libertarian ideals, the platform’s algorithm suggested other groups he might be interested in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them was /K/alifornia Kommando, the Facebook group run by Rush, where prosecutors say he recruited for the Grizzly Scouts. Rush invited Carrillo to the Grizzly Scouts’ group chats and asked Carrillo to sign a liability release, a nondisclosure agreement and an employment application that requested information about Carrillo’s military experience. Rush also sent Carrillo a packing list for an in-person meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo later described the Grizzly Scouts as a “paramilitary organization that viewed police as the enemy.” The group was mostly made up of veterans upset with the government for various reasons, including the state of the veteran health care system, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952314\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952314 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Screenshot of a web-based document, with some text highlighted in yellow.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1275\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-1536x1020.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In this graphic first obtained and published by ProPublica, UC Berkeley Journalism’s Investigative Reporting Program and Frontline, candidates for the Grizzly Scouts are asked to provide details of their prior military experience and firearms training. \u003ccite>(Courtesy \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/i-felt-hate-more-than-anything-how-an-active-duty-airman-tried-to-start-a-civil-war\">ProPublica\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Court records show members of the group were given ranks. As commanding officer, Rush held the rank of major. Robert Jesus Blancas, a transient Castro Valley resident, was responsible for security and intelligence, while Kenny Miksch of San Lorenzo was in charge of training and firearms instruction. They were named first lieutenants. Simon Sage Ybarra of Los Gatos held the rank of corporal and was responsible for recruitment. Carrillo was made staff sergeant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22123771/indictment.pdf\">Members discussed tactics for killing police in a WhatsApp group chat labeled “209 Goon HQ” (PDF)\u003c/a>, a reference to the Central Valley area code, according to a March 2021 indictment. At one point, Rush messaged another member: “The gov spent 100s of thousands of dollars on training me, im gonna use that shit,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23558592-jessie-alexander-rush-government-sentencing-memorandum\">court records show (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May 2020, Rush invited Carrillo to a secluded ranch east of Turlock and told him to bring guns, ammunition, a burner phone and other supplies. Carrillo met with the Grizzly Scouts twice — around May 9 and May 16. He returned home “energized and ecstatic, keenly focused on the mission of the group, and agitated about police misconduct,” Carrillo’s then-girlfriend said, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith and Ayers said Rush invited them to hang out with the Grizzly Scouts, but they declined. Neither thought the group was anything unusual. When Griffith asked Rush who would be there, he said Rush responded, “Like-minded people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951953 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged white man with a long, scraggly beard reaches over a chest-high wire fence to pet the nose of a white mutt, whose nose is in the air to reach the man's hand. They are surrounded by a scrubby lawn of dirt and grass, and sunlight filters through light green tree cover behind them, alongside a one-story shed with beige siding.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jack Griffith pets his dog at his home in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Data show 84% of people with military backgrounds who committed extremist crimes from 1990 to 2021 did so after leaving the military. On average, crimes were committed 15 years after discharge, according to START.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most infamous examples of violent extremism in U.S. history is the April 19, 1995, bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. Hundreds of people were injured by the blast that killed 168, 19 of whom were children. The perpetrator, Timothy McVeigh, was an Army veteran, private security guard and white supremacist assisted by a man he met in basic training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not illogical if you think about the cyclical pattern in the United States of wars and wars ending, and then a small number of disgruntled, or perhaps traumatized, or otherwise disenfranchised veterans coming home from that war and engaging in domestic violent extremism,” said William Braniff, director of START. “This is the story of the KKK, both after the Civil War, but then after World War I and II, in Korea and Vietnam. There’s a pattern here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Buckley, an Army veteran who was a member of the Ku Klux Klan from 2013 to 2016 and now helps young people deradicalize as an intervention specialist with the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.parents4peace.org/our-team/\">Parents for Peace\u003c/a>, said there’s no shortage of reasons why veterans get involved in extremism. Buckley told KQED his own radicalization began inside the military. Learning to dehumanize his enemy was a tool that served him well emotionally in combat, but was never deactivated, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I come home with this hatred towards Muslims that was left completely unchecked,” said Buckley. “Then about six months after I got home, I started to have my experiences with PTSD. And I started to really break down mentally. Couple that with substance abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he needed help, the KKK was there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t come at me with pitchforks, burning crosses and robes,” said Buckley, who testified in front of the House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs in March 2022. “They were like, ‘Hey, man, what’s going on, bro? Like, you need help with Christmas? Here’s some food, bro. Let’s take care of your family before we talk about what we do.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was the first time anybody had reached out to help me. The VA wasn’t,” Buckley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to an email asking what the VA is doing to support veterans vulnerable to recruitment by extremist groups, Press Secretary Terrence Hayes said the agency is committed to educating veterans on how to identify disinformation and predatory practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like any group of Americans, the Veteran community is not a monolith. The overwhelming majority of Veterans neither commit nor condone extremism-related violence,” he wrote. “VA will take action where necessary to abide by laws that protect our country against a tiny minority committed to domestic violent extremism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicholas Sanders, who served as a medic in Afghanistan alongside Rush and is now a nurse in Texas, said groups like the Proud Boys and “other wannabe militias” prey on veterans searching for belonging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I got out of the military, I worked at a military surplus store, and it was weekly,” he said. “People are handing me their cards like, ‘Hey, you know, we’ve got this club,’ or ‘We’ve got this group. We meet up on the weekends, bring your family and do all this.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders was initially attracted to the displays of camaraderie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then you start reading into it. You’re looking at their pictures and it’s like, ‘Oh, there’s only white people in here,’” he said. “It’s the equivalent of a gang to me. Gangs don’t prey on well-established people. Gangs prey on people that are looking for that acceptance and approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I offed a fed’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In May 2020, the Grizzly Scouts prepared for an operation at a protest in Sacramento, according to prosecutors. Members distributed an “Operations Order” that identified law enforcement as “enemy forces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 27, 2020, Carrillo and Ybarra met behind a gas station in Los Gatos to assemble an assault rifle in the back of Carrillo’s van. The next day, Carrillo contacted Ybarra about attending a protest in Oakland, to “snipe some you know what’s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ybarra didn’t respond. Instead he reached out to Rush, saying, “just wanted to make sure we are on the same page, and that targeting innocents doesn’t fly with me even if they are wearing a badge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush agreed, but said, “yea we need to actually develop targets and cases, be smart. They want war, then we bring em war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23558592-jessie-alexander-rush-government-sentencing-memorandum\">He went on (PDF)\u003c/a>: “We can start developing case files, gathering intel, and doing it just like big bro does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“im not about the fireworks,” he continued. “im more like a surgeon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 29, 2020, Carrillo rode to Oakland in a white van, allegedly driven by Robert Alvin Justus Jr., another man he met online. As they drove past the Federal Building, Carrillo flung open the sliding door and unloaded a fusillade of bullets toward two Federal Protective Service officers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824604/man-charged-in-killings-of-oakland-federal-officer-santa-cruz-deputy-linked-to-right-wing-extremist-group\">killing David Patrick Underwood, 53, and wounding Sombat Mifkovic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a week later, Santa Cruz County Sheriff’s deputies were in Ben Lomond responding to a call about a white van with weapons inside. Carrillo ambushed the officers, killing Sgt. Damon Gutzwiller, 38, and wounding Deputy Alex Spencer, 32 at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that day, Ybarra drove to Turlock to meet with Rush, prosecutors said, and group members conspired to erase conversations from their phones in which they discussed attacking police. Blancas destroyed Dropbox files related to the group’s structure, onboarding and operations, telling Ybarra a month later, “All physical files I had were literally burned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He removed our platform and robbed our message,” Rush \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832071-govuscourtscand375526170_1\">wrote to the Grizzly Scouts (PDF)\u003c/a>, referring to Carrillo. “Unfortunately we would almost have to wait for the next one. Which is disgusting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Grizzly Scouts switched to a new messaging platform they thought would be more secure, according to prosecutors. A couple of weeks later, Rush began contacting members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jump on [another communication’s platform] if you miss us were [sic] reinventing and if you wanna be apart [sic] of it we’d love to have you back,” Rush said to one member, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enough\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On an overcast afternoon last September, firearm enthusiasts inside a gun show at the Stanislaus County Fairgrounds perused tables stacked with Army fatigues, old tactical manuals, knives and bulletproof vests. Every so often, a loud jolt came from a corner where a stun gun was being demoed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one booth, a man and a woman wearing “California State Militia, 2nd Regiment” T-shirts answered a young man’s questions. Across the aisle, a group of men browsed ammunition magazines modified to hold no more than 10 rounds, per California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he browsed the exhibits, stopping occasionally to talk with vendors, Ayers said he believed Rush may have talked about violence that he didn’t actually plan to carry out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vets, we all get together and hang out,” Ayers said. “I think he got in over his head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, when coverage of Carrillo’s violence was on the news, Rush stopped by Ayers’ school and told him: “I know the two guys that are involved in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951952\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951952 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man looks seriously at the camera standing in front of a storefront at a strip mall next to a banner showing an insignia featuring a snake and two falcons. The man wears a black hat with an American flag, glasses, a dark fleece, and blue jeans.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerame Ayers stands outside his school in Modesto, on Nov. 14, 2022. The school offers executive protection, physical security and EMT classes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was like, ‘How’d that all go down?’ He’s like, ‘No, we all hung out. And those two individuals were at the place that we hung out,'” Ayers said. “I’m like, ‘I hope you’re not connected to them.’ He says, ‘I mean, other than meeting up with them, but I would never think they’d go do this.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August that year, the FBI executed search warrants for Rush’s apartment and the homes of other Grizzly Scout members. When he found out about the raid, Ayers said he asked Rush if there was something he wasn’t telling him. “He’s like, ‘No,'” Ayers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith, too, remembered the raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that was kind of where I was like, ‘This is federal territory, buddy,'” Griffith said. “We don’t touch this. This isn’t about PTSD and TBI. If the FBI is knocking [on] your door or kicking or whatever, that’s more serious than what we can handle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April 2021, Ayers said, he received a text from Rush saying FBI agents wanted to meet with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I said, ‘They didn’t arrest you then, and now they want to talk to you?’ I go, ‘If they are going to talk to you, go there, do what you’re supposed to do,” Ayers said. “You participate, you do what you’re told.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Griffith found out Rush was being summoned by federal agents, he drove to the meeting at a Turlock Police Department precinct to offer support. Rush was already handcuffed in the back of a black SUV when he arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834714-indictment\">other Grizzly Scout members were indicted (PDF)\u003c/a> on charges including conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings, destruction of records in official proceedings and obstruction of official proceedings. At sentencing, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834715-sentencing-transcript-rush-ybarra-miksch\">Rush told the court he was “fearful and paranoid” (PDF)\u003c/a> at the time he created the Grizzly Scouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was exposed to so much rhetoric that seemed contradictory,” he said. “Things that were being said by the government on social media, the state, and just in the news in general just seems like it was pushing back against each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew O’Bryan, who served with Rush and stayed in contact with him, said the charges didn’t sound like Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He started [the group] so that veterans like him and me could have just a little bit of normalcy,” said O’Bryan, who wrote a letter on Rush’s behalf before sentencing. “He said that some guy in his group was apparently going off the deep end saying some crazy stuff, and that they all came after him because he was the one who put that stuff together just trying to help people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Rush, both Ybarra and Miksch pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings and were sentenced to six months in prison in May 2022. Both were released in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blancas was sentenced to 10 ½ years after pleading guilty to charges tied to the Grizzly Scouts case and explicit conversations with underage girls that FBI agents uncovered during a search of his electronic devices. He is currently serving time at a federal prison in Fort Worth, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo is incarcerated at Mule Creek State Prison in Ione in Amador County. Through his attorney in the federal case, he declined to be interviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951972\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951972 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man with a long beard sits outdoors in the shade of a tree, at a table with a red table cloth. On the table in front of him are a pack of cigarettes, a lighter, a white mug, a cellphone, and a short stack of papers.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jack Griffith in his backyard in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By November, the hummingbirds in Griffith’s backyard were gone. A stack of magazines sat on the table wrinkled, having been left out in the rain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith looked at a text he had received the previous morning. It was from Rush. Out of prison, he asked if Griffith wanted to hang out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I rose my hand, basically donating my life to this country,” Griffith said. “And that oath is not over. And it states foreign and domestic. That puts him in a column of which, if we were out in public, he would be a threat. We’re supposed to be on the same side and now I have to look at you as a threat. You’d be the one that I’m watching in a crowd.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days later, the two went on a drive. Rush was tight-lipped, Griffith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel like I wasn’t enough,” Griffith said, choking back tears. “This is just as shocking as losing someone to suicide that you thought was on the right path. You put in all that work. You think everything’s going one direction, and then either they’re gone or they’re so far offtrack you don’t even realize it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Many veterans feel left behind by Veterans Affairs — and more are committing crimes motivated by ideology, studies show. How much radicalization is in the ranks?",
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"title": "Murder, the Military and Radicalization: How Much Is Tied to a Lack of Support for Veterans? | KQED",
"description": "Many veterans feel left behind by Veterans Affairs — and more are committing crimes motivated by ideology, studies show. How much radicalization is in the ranks?",
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"headline": "Murder, the Military and Radicalization: How Much Is Tied to a Lack of Support for Veterans?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Jessie Rush, Kenny Miksch and Simon Sage Ybarra were sentenced to six months in prison after admitting they destroyed evidence of their communication with fellow boogaloo militia member Steven Carrillo, who murdered two law enforcement officers as a racial uprising gripped California and the nation. Carrillo was captured on June 6, 2020.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">S\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>teven Carrillo saw the three sheriff’s deputies talking on the narrow, one-lane road leading to his father’s house in Ben Lomond, a small community in the Santa Cruz Mountains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concealed by the forest and gripping his rifle, Carrillo could hear them coordinating their approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Cruz County Sheriff’s Office was responding to a call about a white van with ammunition and bomb-making supplies that were visible through a window to a man installing game cameras around a nearby wooded property. The vehicle’s registration led officers to a one-room house with potted plants and a gun rack on the porch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago today, on June 6, 2020, Carrillo was cornered. A week earlier, the active-duty Air Force sergeant had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824604/man-charged-in-killings-of-oakland-federal-officer-santa-cruz-deputy-linked-to-right-wing-extremist-group\">killed a Federal Protective Service officer and wounded his partner in a drive-by shooting\u003c/a> in front of the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building in Oakland as a large protest moved through the streets nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Carrillo took out his phone and messaged members of the “1st Detachment, 1st California Grizzly Scouts,” a group of men he met on Facebook. The group associated itself with the anti-government \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2021/01/27/who-are-boogaloos-who-were-visible-capitol-and-later-rallies\">boogaloo movement\u003c/a>, which originated online and became a rallying point for those who believe a second Civil War looms. Adherents toted guns and wore Hawaiian shirts, which the movement has co-opted, at protests following George Floyd’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For weeks before Carrillo’s rampage, the Grizzly Scouts had discussed violent confrontations with the government and attacks on law enforcement in group messages, prosecutors said. The group also trained together at a property in the Sierra foothills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were looking for me. They found me by pure luck,” Carrillo wrote from his hideout, requesting backup. “Kit up and get here. There’s only one road in/out. Take them out when they’re coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dude. How the f— can we get to you in an hour,” one member responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re waiting for reinforcements. I’m listening to them,” Carrillo replied. “Dudes, I offed a fed. They’re staging. Come help. I have cameras everywhere here. They’re waiting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessie Rush, a then-28-year-old U.S. Army veteran and the group’s founder, responded with an order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dillo,” Rush wrote, using Carrillo’s code name, “factory reset your phone and exfil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Exfil\u003c/em> — short for exfiltration, a military term for the removal of units from an area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo ignored the directive. Instead, he opened fire with his modified assault rifle, fatally wounding one officer and sending the other two running into the woods. They radioed to try to warn others of the ambush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before fleeing, Carrillo engaged in a shoot-out with California Highway Patrol officers who answered the distress call. He carjacked a Toyota Camry and ran over one of the Santa Cruz deputies on his way down the mountain. Shot in the hip, Carrillo used his own blood to write messages on the car — “Boog,” “Stop the duopoly” and “I became unreasonable” — before abandoning it. He was ultimately arrested in a backyard after neighbors tackled and restrained him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to prosecutors, the Grizzly Scouts moved quickly to delete evidence of their communication and files about the group’s structure and activity. But it was too late. Rush and two other members \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/four-militia-group-members-plead-guilty-obstruction-justice-conspiracy\">later pleaded guilty\u003c/a> to one count of conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings. All three were sentenced to six months in prison. A fourth member pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice charges in addition to an unrelated charge. He was sentenced to more than 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo was given a life sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This is not an uncommon story that we see in the veterans and the data that we’ve collected who [have been] radicalized to the point of committing crimes.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the three years since he was captured, significant attention has focused on Carrillo and his murders as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenmilstein.com/case-study/underwood-v-meta-platforms-inc-facebook\">the role social media played in connecting him with other extremists\u003c/a>. But scarce information is available about Rush, who grew up in Gilroy and created the Grizzly Scouts, gave the group its military structure and recruited Carrillo and other men throughout Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who knew Rush told KQED they were puzzled by the charges against him. A firefighter and EMT who worked in private security, Rush worked alongside former law enforcement officers, and friends said he never openly expressed anti-police sentiment to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush and his attorney declined to be interviewed for this story. But a deep look into Rush’s background paints a portrait of a veteran seeking the camaraderie and sense of purpose he once found in the armed forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952311\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952311\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two men in military fatigues, one holding a firearm, pose for a photo.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1275\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-1536x1020.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessie Rush (right) sits on a newly constructed deck at Combat Outpost Qeysar, Afghanistan, in 2011, while the soldier beside him does tricep dips. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Nathan Goodall)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To report this story, KQED interviewed veterans, including several who served with Rush, researchers and a California lawmaker who called for Congressional hearings on the recruitment of veterans by extremist groups, to find out how vulnerable former soldiers are — and what steps the United States government is taking to identify at-risk veterans like Rush and provide them support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not an uncommon story that we see in the veterans and the data that we’ve collected who [have been] radicalized to the point of committing crimes,” said Dr. Michael Jensen, senior researcher at the University of Maryland’s National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, or START.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2022 START study, on average, 6.9 individuals with military backgrounds committed crimes motivated by ideology per year from 1990 to 2010. Over the past decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23830338-start-research-brief-april-2023\">that number has quintupled (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 17% of defendants charged in connection to the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection were current or former service members, including eight from California, according to START. For comparison, about 7% of the country’s adult population are veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Excluding the Jan. 6 cases, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23830338-start-research-brief-april-2023\">the rate of crimes committed by people with military backgrounds (PDF)\u003c/a> and motivated by political, social, religious or economic goals has more than tripled since 2010. The majority of cases are centered in the veteran community, as opposed to active-duty military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Stewart Rhodes, a former Army paratrooper and Yale Law School graduate who founded the far-right militia group the Oath Keepers, was convicted of seditious conspiracy and other charges for crimes related to the breach of the U.S. Capitol. On May 25, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/25/us/politics/oath-keepers-stewart-rhodes-sentenced.html\">he was sentenced to 18 years in prison\u003c/a>. An Anti-Defamation League analysis of Oath Keepers membership data identified 117 active-duty military and estimated 1 in 10 had prior service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In January, three active-duty Marines were charged with crimes related to their alleged involvement on Jan. 6. One of the men, based at Camp Pendleton in Southern California, wrote in an Instagram direct message that he was “waiting for the boogaloo” or “Civil war 2,” according to court records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, an Air National Guardsman suspected of leaking a trove of national security documents on the online platform Discord was arrested in Massachusetts. Federal court documents show Jack Teixeira, 21, possessed a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23824103-teixeira-governments-supplemental-motion\">virtual arsenal of weapons (PDF)\u003c/a>” and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23824102-teixeira-declaration-of-luke-church-fbi-special-agent\">had discussed acts of violence online (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to prosecutors and the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of April 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/splc-2021-year-in-hate-extremism-report.pdf\">there were 45 anti-government groups, including four militias, active in California (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. Exactly how many veterans have been involved in extremist groups in the state is unknown due to the lack of consistent data, said Jon Lewis, research fellow at the Program on Extremism at George Washington University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unlike cases stemming from support for foreign terrorist organizations like ISIS or al-Qaida, group membership in the Oath Keepers, Proud Boys, boogaloo movement, etc., is secondary and not a predicate for the criminal offense,” Lewis said. “We can identify cases in which that affiliation or ideology is explicitly identified, but it’s naturally limited by the failures of the federal and state governments to publicly share information related to these statistics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, not long after rioters stormed the Capitol, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin \u003ca href=\"https://media.defense.gov/2021/Feb/05/2002577485/-1/-1/0/STAND-DOWN-TO-ADDRESS-EXTREMISM-IN-THE-RANKS.PDF\">ordered a military-wide stand-down to discuss extremism in the ranks (PDF)\u003c/a>. The House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs began a series of hearings investigating the issue later that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the types of things we can do to help prevent veterans from dying by suicide are the very same things we can do to help veterans avoid being pulled into extremist and violent groups,” said Rep. Mark Takano, D-Riverside, the top Democrat on the committee who called for \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832964-house-committee-on-veterans-affairs-the-importance-of-peer-support-in-preventing-domestic-violent-extremism\">the hearings (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Takano began looking into the issue in 2019 after a hearing about online scams targeting veterans led to research on which other groups target vets, according to a former member of his staff. Groups like the Oath Keepers, Proud Boys and Three Percenters \u003ca href=\"https://democrats-veterans.house.gov/imo/media/doc/Extremism%20Report.pdf\">target veterans because of their combat and weapons experience and the air of credibility they bring (PDF)\u003c/a> to an organization, according to an accompanying report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to raise our level of support for veterans to reduce these sort of upstream stressors that can lead to some veterans turning toward extremism,” said Takano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the hearings exposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RhHK4O7opHw\">sharp disagreement\u003c/a> in the federal government over whether time and resources should be allocated to understanding the problem — and whether one even exists. Republicans, including Mike Bost of Illinois, who is now the committee’s chair, said the hearings \u003ca href=\"https://veterans.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=5922\">unfairly stigmatized veterans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952322 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of two middle-aged men in blue suits outside on a sunny day, both with trim, dark haircuts. The man on the right, who appears Latino, speaks into the ear of the other, who appears Asian. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mark Takano (left) speaks with Rep. Raul Ruiz during a 2021 news conference with other members of the House Veterans Affairs’ Committee. \u003ccite>(Caroline Brehman/CQ-Roll Call via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In July 2022, a Senate Armed Services Committee report \u003ca href=\"https://www.armed-services.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/fy23_ndaa_bill_report.pdf\">called for an immediate halt to defense programs looking into extremism (PDF)\u003c/a>, adding, “spending additional time and resources to combat exceptionally rare instances of extremism in the military is an inappropriate use of taxpayer funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans voted overwhelmingly in favor of the language while Democrats voted against it. One independent lawmaker tipped the balance in favor of the GOP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several months later, all House-passed provisions calling for further investigation of extremism in the military and broader society were \u003ca href=\"https://rollcall.com/2022/12/14/final-ndaa-removes-most-house-provisions-on-hate-groups/\">scaled back or removed from the final 2023 National Defense Authorization Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Defense Department spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.defense.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/3400498/sabrina-singh-deputy-press-secretary-holds-a-press-briefing/\">told reporters last month\u003c/a> that only one of the six recommendations issued by the agency’s Countering Extremism Working Group, created in the wake of Jan. 6, has been enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, researchers say that while the involvement of veterans and active-duty military in criminal extremism is limited, it’s a problem that could be growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at the veteran population in our data set, there are really two types of veterans that radicalize: individuals that are looking for the camaraderie, the sense of purpose, the friendships that they had in the military,” Jensen said. “And they find it in these extremist organizations, groups like the Oath Keepers and Three Percenter organizations and the boogaloo movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second type typically experience mental health issues such as combat-related PTSD, in addition to that same desire for camaraderie and purpose, according to Jensen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s unclear exactly which factors drew Rush to the boogaloo movement, documents from multiple state and federal court cases reviewed by KQED, as well as interviews with military and extremism experts and people who knew Rush, point to numerous factors — social isolation, PTSD, challenges translating combat skills to the civilian workforce, relationship difficulties and unhealed trauma — that could have played a role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a text message from a KQED reporter, Rush, who was released from a federal prison in Santa Barbara County in November, wrote that he wanted to move on with his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I made my mistakes,” he wrote. “I did my time, and I’m paying my debt to society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Set up for failure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“On the couch.” That’s the phrase Jack Griffith uses to describe the veterans he works with who need his help the most. In other words, those who are depressed, disinterested and unmotivated to leave the house or do much of anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why a lot of people make jokes about veterans living in their mom’s basement,” said Griffith, who runs Protecting Soldiers’ Rights, a nonprofit that assists veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury, or TBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not coming out because of social anxiety,” he added. “They may have survivor’s guilt, they may have situational awareness that is going off all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951954\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951954 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man with a long graying beard and shaved head leans against the edge of an above-ground swimming pool in the backyard of a home. He has tattoos on his arms and holds a cigarette in his left hands, and he wears baggy dark blue jeans and a dark gray sweatshirt.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veterans advocate Jack Griffith in his backyard in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One afternoon last fall, Griffith, 41, sat at a wrought-iron table in his backyard in rural Turlock. As hummingbirds flitted around the porch, the stay-at-home dad with icy blue eyes and a long, scraggly beard lit a Camel cigarette.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every so often, a cloud of dust drifted over the fence and coated the cars in the driveway as the farmer next door drove a tractor through his orchard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith served in the Army from 2008–2011 and deployed to Afghanistan. In 2009, he was awarded a Purple Heart after the vehicle he was riding in was hit by a 300-pound roadside bomb and he had to be medevaced out. Griffith started Protecting Soldiers’ Rights in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, he receives about 10 calls a week from veterans, including some from out of state. They call with legal questions or questions about benefits. Some call on the verge of a panic attack. Many, like Rush, come over to Griffith’s house to sit in the backyard, smoke cigarettes and just talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first time the two met in February 2019, Rush wasn’t “on the couch.” But Griffith suspected he was headed there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can tell he was reminiscent of his military service. I’m reminiscent,” Griffith said, holding back tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘How do you convert kicking down doors and knowing how to kill people … How do you convert that into civilian work? You can’t. Unless you’re a security guard or a police officer.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Rush was a cannon crewmember in the Army from November 2009–March 2014 and deployed to Afghanistan in March 2011. That year, the Gilroy Dispatch published a letter from Rush’s mother about her son’s unit distributing school supplies to Afghan children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to share the following story about the humanity of war and the hearts of our soldiers in Afghanistan,” Christina Soares wrote. “Through all the bad they still made time to do good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten years later, Soares \u003ca href=\"http://documentcloud.org/documents/23832068-christina-soares-letter\">wrote another letter (PDF)\u003c/a>. This time, it was addressed to U.S. District Judge James Donato. Soares described Rush’s difficult childhood, his father’s abuse, the time he spent in an orphanage and foster care, and his time in the military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After deployment Jessie came home and I knew he was different,” Soares wrote. “He no longer had that twinkle in his eye or the innocence in his smile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one instance, when Rush was home on leave and heard neighbors setting off fireworks, he “hit the floor in the fetal position and cried out for his brothers,” according to the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a December 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834701-defendants-sentencing-memo-and-motion-for-variance\">sentencing memo (PDF)\u003c/a>, Rush’s attorney, Adam Pennella, wrote that Rush “observed carnage and death on a daily basis” in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This included attempting to save a civilian whose intestines were falling out by holding them in place with his hands,” Pennella wrote. “Others in his unit were injured and killed, including one of his closest friends from basic training. Then in the years after discharge, multiple of his friends from the military died (one from an overdose, another from a brain aneurism, and a third from suicide).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832993-fowler-letter\">another letter (PDF)\u003c/a> to Judge Donato, retired Army Sgt. Charles Fowler said that Rush had struggled with PTSD but the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs “did not offer Jessie much help in adjusting therapy or medications.” Fowler also wrote that he had talked with Rush about maintaining the skills they learned in the military, adding, “though we had to be careful because outside of the combat zone, we are not cleared to create our own rules of engagement to deal with items we deem as threats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Veterans Affairs National Center for PTSD, 29% of the men and women who served in Iraq and Afghanistan will experience symptoms of PTSD at some point in their lives. Carl Castro, director of Military and Veterans Programs at the University of Southern California’s Suzanne Dworak-Peck School of Social Work and a retired Army colonel, said PTSD is one of many factors that can lead a veteran to have an unsuccessful transition to civilian life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A veteran might question who they are and whether the sacrifices made in going to war were worth it, according to Castro. One way to regain that sense of identity is to utilize military skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want to feel valued as a person,” Castro said. “And one way they do that is by joining an organization that values them, that will tell them, ‘We value you, you are important.’ And not only that, give them an important leadership role in the organization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One veteran who served in Afghanistan with Rush and spoke to KQED on condition of anonymity because of concerns about speaking publicly about a sensitive criminal case, said when he heard about Rush’s case, he wasn’t surprised someone from his unit had been involved in extremism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all get set up for failure going into the armed forces,” he said. “Twenty-four seven, 365, we literally thought someone was going to cut our head off or shoot us. That can change the rest of your life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a soldier leaves the military, he added, job prospects can be limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you convert kicking down doors and knowing how to kill people — and I can march with 20–30 pounds on my back, I can take apart a gun with my eyes closed in two minutes — how do you convert that into civilian work? You can’t. Unless you’re a security guard or a police officer,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempts to reach Rush’s family for comment were unsuccessful. In a Facebook message, Soares responded to a question about her son with, “You’re wasting your time ma’am.” After a reporter left a business card at Rush’s apartment, a woman identifying herself as “Julie” left a voicemail saying the reporter would be pepper-sprayed if they returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a year after Griffith met Rush, Rush launched the Grizzly Scouts. “They say the west won’t boog, were [sic] here to gather like minded Californians who can network and establish local goon squads,” Rush wrote in the description of the Facebook group he started, according to prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that whole group, whatever the group was, it was more role-play for him,” Griffith said. “I’m afraid that maybe he was trying to impress. I’m hoping he was trying to impress. I just never saw it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paid to be paranoid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jerame Ayers sat behind the wheel of a white Jeep pickup truck at an intersection in Modesto and pointed out things the student beside him should be mindful of while working a private security protection job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look at people in their cars,” Ayers said. “Keep an eye out for people doing anything unusual.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ayers, 46, wore a black baseball cap with a patch on the front showing the silhouette of a rifle over an American flag. The radio was tuned to SiriusXM Patriot. The two were driving to a mock protest scenario, part of the curriculum at the Academy for Professional Development, the Modesto trade school Ayers, an Army veteran, owns and operates. The school offers EMT and private security training courses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is, everybody becomes paranoid who goes through my training. It never turns off,” he said. “You get paid to be paranoid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951971\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951971 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A photo taken from the backseat of a vehicle from behind the driver's side. Blurry in the foreground, and in focus in the rearview mirror, we see a light-skinned man in a black baseball cap driving and looking to the right.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerame Ayers, CEO of the Academy for Professional Development, teaches an executive protection class in Modesto on Nov. 14, 2022. Executive protection provides security for politicians, celebrities and anyone needing protection against public threats. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2019, shortly after he met Griffith, Rush enrolled in Ayers’ 30-day security specialist course, where students learn to guard high-profile clients like CEOs, politicians and celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a career path, protection is popular with veterans who already possess some of the necessary skills, Ayers said. Jobs in the field can bridge the gap between combat and a return to civilian employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what I kind of teach them is reintegration,” Ayers said. “But do not let the warrior mindset fade off, because you’re going to need that in this industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush taught EMT classes at the school and began working jobs in private security, an industry he was well suited for but one that “exacerbated his paranoia and vigilance,” according to his attorney Pennella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from periodically visiting his father, Rush mostly kept to himself, Griffith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jessie didn’t have a community,” Griffith said. “Jessie had an apartment. And he had a wife. And he had me and Jerame after that. He didn’t have people to have his back around here. He didn’t have people to even hang out with around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush found his community online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘[T]hink about the cyclical pattern in the United States of wars and wars ending, and then a small number of disgruntled, or perhaps traumatized, or otherwise disenfranchised veterans coming home from that war and engaging in domestic violent extremism. This is the story of the KKK … There’s a pattern here.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to a June 2022 report filed in state court on Carrillo’s “social history and mental decline,” Carrillo found Rush and the Grizzly Scouts in April 2020. After Carrillo joined Facebook groups in support of Second Amendment protections and libertarian ideals, the platform’s algorithm suggested other groups he might be interested in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them was /K/alifornia Kommando, the Facebook group run by Rush, where prosecutors say he recruited for the Grizzly Scouts. Rush invited Carrillo to the Grizzly Scouts’ group chats and asked Carrillo to sign a liability release, a nondisclosure agreement and an employment application that requested information about Carrillo’s military experience. Rush also sent Carrillo a packing list for an in-person meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo later described the Grizzly Scouts as a “paramilitary organization that viewed police as the enemy.” The group was mostly made up of veterans upset with the government for various reasons, including the state of the veteran health care system, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952314\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952314 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Screenshot of a web-based document, with some text highlighted in yellow.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1275\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-1536x1020.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In this graphic first obtained and published by ProPublica, UC Berkeley Journalism’s Investigative Reporting Program and Frontline, candidates for the Grizzly Scouts are asked to provide details of their prior military experience and firearms training. \u003ccite>(Courtesy \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/i-felt-hate-more-than-anything-how-an-active-duty-airman-tried-to-start-a-civil-war\">ProPublica\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Court records show members of the group were given ranks. As commanding officer, Rush held the rank of major. Robert Jesus Blancas, a transient Castro Valley resident, was responsible for security and intelligence, while Kenny Miksch of San Lorenzo was in charge of training and firearms instruction. They were named first lieutenants. Simon Sage Ybarra of Los Gatos held the rank of corporal and was responsible for recruitment. Carrillo was made staff sergeant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22123771/indictment.pdf\">Members discussed tactics for killing police in a WhatsApp group chat labeled “209 Goon HQ” (PDF)\u003c/a>, a reference to the Central Valley area code, according to a March 2021 indictment. At one point, Rush messaged another member: “The gov spent 100s of thousands of dollars on training me, im gonna use that shit,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23558592-jessie-alexander-rush-government-sentencing-memorandum\">court records show (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May 2020, Rush invited Carrillo to a secluded ranch east of Turlock and told him to bring guns, ammunition, a burner phone and other supplies. Carrillo met with the Grizzly Scouts twice — around May 9 and May 16. He returned home “energized and ecstatic, keenly focused on the mission of the group, and agitated about police misconduct,” Carrillo’s then-girlfriend said, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith and Ayers said Rush invited them to hang out with the Grizzly Scouts, but they declined. Neither thought the group was anything unusual. When Griffith asked Rush who would be there, he said Rush responded, “Like-minded people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951953 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged white man with a long, scraggly beard reaches over a chest-high wire fence to pet the nose of a white mutt, whose nose is in the air to reach the man's hand. They are surrounded by a scrubby lawn of dirt and grass, and sunlight filters through light green tree cover behind them, alongside a one-story shed with beige siding.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jack Griffith pets his dog at his home in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Data show 84% of people with military backgrounds who committed extremist crimes from 1990 to 2021 did so after leaving the military. On average, crimes were committed 15 years after discharge, according to START.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most infamous examples of violent extremism in U.S. history is the April 19, 1995, bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. Hundreds of people were injured by the blast that killed 168, 19 of whom were children. The perpetrator, Timothy McVeigh, was an Army veteran, private security guard and white supremacist assisted by a man he met in basic training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not illogical if you think about the cyclical pattern in the United States of wars and wars ending, and then a small number of disgruntled, or perhaps traumatized, or otherwise disenfranchised veterans coming home from that war and engaging in domestic violent extremism,” said William Braniff, director of START. “This is the story of the KKK, both after the Civil War, but then after World War I and II, in Korea and Vietnam. There’s a pattern here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Buckley, an Army veteran who was a member of the Ku Klux Klan from 2013 to 2016 and now helps young people deradicalize as an intervention specialist with the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.parents4peace.org/our-team/\">Parents for Peace\u003c/a>, said there’s no shortage of reasons why veterans get involved in extremism. Buckley told KQED his own radicalization began inside the military. Learning to dehumanize his enemy was a tool that served him well emotionally in combat, but was never deactivated, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I come home with this hatred towards Muslims that was left completely unchecked,” said Buckley. “Then about six months after I got home, I started to have my experiences with PTSD. And I started to really break down mentally. Couple that with substance abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he needed help, the KKK was there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t come at me with pitchforks, burning crosses and robes,” said Buckley, who testified in front of the House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs in March 2022. “They were like, ‘Hey, man, what’s going on, bro? Like, you need help with Christmas? Here’s some food, bro. Let’s take care of your family before we talk about what we do.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was the first time anybody had reached out to help me. The VA wasn’t,” Buckley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to an email asking what the VA is doing to support veterans vulnerable to recruitment by extremist groups, Press Secretary Terrence Hayes said the agency is committed to educating veterans on how to identify disinformation and predatory practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like any group of Americans, the Veteran community is not a monolith. The overwhelming majority of Veterans neither commit nor condone extremism-related violence,” he wrote. “VA will take action where necessary to abide by laws that protect our country against a tiny minority committed to domestic violent extremism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicholas Sanders, who served as a medic in Afghanistan alongside Rush and is now a nurse in Texas, said groups like the Proud Boys and “other wannabe militias” prey on veterans searching for belonging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I got out of the military, I worked at a military surplus store, and it was weekly,” he said. “People are handing me their cards like, ‘Hey, you know, we’ve got this club,’ or ‘We’ve got this group. We meet up on the weekends, bring your family and do all this.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders was initially attracted to the displays of camaraderie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then you start reading into it. You’re looking at their pictures and it’s like, ‘Oh, there’s only white people in here,’” he said. “It’s the equivalent of a gang to me. Gangs don’t prey on well-established people. Gangs prey on people that are looking for that acceptance and approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I offed a fed’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In May 2020, the Grizzly Scouts prepared for an operation at a protest in Sacramento, according to prosecutors. Members distributed an “Operations Order” that identified law enforcement as “enemy forces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 27, 2020, Carrillo and Ybarra met behind a gas station in Los Gatos to assemble an assault rifle in the back of Carrillo’s van. The next day, Carrillo contacted Ybarra about attending a protest in Oakland, to “snipe some you know what’s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ybarra didn’t respond. Instead he reached out to Rush, saying, “just wanted to make sure we are on the same page, and that targeting innocents doesn’t fly with me even if they are wearing a badge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush agreed, but said, “yea we need to actually develop targets and cases, be smart. They want war, then we bring em war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23558592-jessie-alexander-rush-government-sentencing-memorandum\">He went on (PDF)\u003c/a>: “We can start developing case files, gathering intel, and doing it just like big bro does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“im not about the fireworks,” he continued. “im more like a surgeon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 29, 2020, Carrillo rode to Oakland in a white van, allegedly driven by Robert Alvin Justus Jr., another man he met online. As they drove past the Federal Building, Carrillo flung open the sliding door and unloaded a fusillade of bullets toward two Federal Protective Service officers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824604/man-charged-in-killings-of-oakland-federal-officer-santa-cruz-deputy-linked-to-right-wing-extremist-group\">killing David Patrick Underwood, 53, and wounding Sombat Mifkovic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a week later, Santa Cruz County Sheriff’s deputies were in Ben Lomond responding to a call about a white van with weapons inside. Carrillo ambushed the officers, killing Sgt. Damon Gutzwiller, 38, and wounding Deputy Alex Spencer, 32 at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that day, Ybarra drove to Turlock to meet with Rush, prosecutors said, and group members conspired to erase conversations from their phones in which they discussed attacking police. Blancas destroyed Dropbox files related to the group’s structure, onboarding and operations, telling Ybarra a month later, “All physical files I had were literally burned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He removed our platform and robbed our message,” Rush \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832071-govuscourtscand375526170_1\">wrote to the Grizzly Scouts (PDF)\u003c/a>, referring to Carrillo. “Unfortunately we would almost have to wait for the next one. Which is disgusting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Grizzly Scouts switched to a new messaging platform they thought would be more secure, according to prosecutors. A couple of weeks later, Rush began contacting members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jump on [another communication’s platform] if you miss us were [sic] reinventing and if you wanna be apart [sic] of it we’d love to have you back,” Rush said to one member, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enough\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On an overcast afternoon last September, firearm enthusiasts inside a gun show at the Stanislaus County Fairgrounds perused tables stacked with Army fatigues, old tactical manuals, knives and bulletproof vests. Every so often, a loud jolt came from a corner where a stun gun was being demoed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one booth, a man and a woman wearing “California State Militia, 2nd Regiment” T-shirts answered a young man’s questions. Across the aisle, a group of men browsed ammunition magazines modified to hold no more than 10 rounds, per California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he browsed the exhibits, stopping occasionally to talk with vendors, Ayers said he believed Rush may have talked about violence that he didn’t actually plan to carry out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vets, we all get together and hang out,” Ayers said. “I think he got in over his head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, when coverage of Carrillo’s violence was on the news, Rush stopped by Ayers’ school and told him: “I know the two guys that are involved in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951952\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951952 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man looks seriously at the camera standing in front of a storefront at a strip mall next to a banner showing an insignia featuring a snake and two falcons. The man wears a black hat with an American flag, glasses, a dark fleece, and blue jeans.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerame Ayers stands outside his school in Modesto, on Nov. 14, 2022. The school offers executive protection, physical security and EMT classes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was like, ‘How’d that all go down?’ He’s like, ‘No, we all hung out. And those two individuals were at the place that we hung out,'” Ayers said. “I’m like, ‘I hope you’re not connected to them.’ He says, ‘I mean, other than meeting up with them, but I would never think they’d go do this.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August that year, the FBI executed search warrants for Rush’s apartment and the homes of other Grizzly Scout members. When he found out about the raid, Ayers said he asked Rush if there was something he wasn’t telling him. “He’s like, ‘No,'” Ayers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith, too, remembered the raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that was kind of where I was like, ‘This is federal territory, buddy,'” Griffith said. “We don’t touch this. This isn’t about PTSD and TBI. If the FBI is knocking [on] your door or kicking or whatever, that’s more serious than what we can handle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April 2021, Ayers said, he received a text from Rush saying FBI agents wanted to meet with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I said, ‘They didn’t arrest you then, and now they want to talk to you?’ I go, ‘If they are going to talk to you, go there, do what you’re supposed to do,” Ayers said. “You participate, you do what you’re told.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Griffith found out Rush was being summoned by federal agents, he drove to the meeting at a Turlock Police Department precinct to offer support. Rush was already handcuffed in the back of a black SUV when he arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834714-indictment\">other Grizzly Scout members were indicted (PDF)\u003c/a> on charges including conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings, destruction of records in official proceedings and obstruction of official proceedings. At sentencing, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834715-sentencing-transcript-rush-ybarra-miksch\">Rush told the court he was “fearful and paranoid” (PDF)\u003c/a> at the time he created the Grizzly Scouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was exposed to so much rhetoric that seemed contradictory,” he said. “Things that were being said by the government on social media, the state, and just in the news in general just seems like it was pushing back against each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew O’Bryan, who served with Rush and stayed in contact with him, said the charges didn’t sound like Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He started [the group] so that veterans like him and me could have just a little bit of normalcy,” said O’Bryan, who wrote a letter on Rush’s behalf before sentencing. “He said that some guy in his group was apparently going off the deep end saying some crazy stuff, and that they all came after him because he was the one who put that stuff together just trying to help people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Rush, both Ybarra and Miksch pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings and were sentenced to six months in prison in May 2022. Both were released in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blancas was sentenced to 10 ½ years after pleading guilty to charges tied to the Grizzly Scouts case and explicit conversations with underage girls that FBI agents uncovered during a search of his electronic devices. He is currently serving time at a federal prison in Fort Worth, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo is incarcerated at Mule Creek State Prison in Ione in Amador County. Through his attorney in the federal case, he declined to be interviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951972\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951972 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man with a long beard sits outdoors in the shade of a tree, at a table with a red table cloth. On the table in front of him are a pack of cigarettes, a lighter, a white mug, a cellphone, and a short stack of papers.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jack Griffith in his backyard in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By November, the hummingbirds in Griffith’s backyard were gone. A stack of magazines sat on the table wrinkled, having been left out in the rain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith looked at a text he had received the previous morning. It was from Rush. Out of prison, he asked if Griffith wanted to hang out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I rose my hand, basically donating my life to this country,” Griffith said. “And that oath is not over. And it states foreign and domestic. That puts him in a column of which, if we were out in public, he would be a threat. We’re supposed to be on the same side and now I have to look at you as a threat. You’d be the one that I’m watching in a crowd.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days later, the two went on a drive. Rush was tight-lipped, Griffith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel like I wasn’t enough,” Griffith said, choking back tears. “This is just as shocking as losing someone to suicide that you thought was on the right path. You put in all that work. You think everything’s going one direction, and then either they’re gone or they’re so far offtrack you don’t even realize it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1982887/california-is-still-at-risk-of-flooding-maybe-rivers-just-need-some-space\">California\u003c/a> will send $95 million to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/floods\">flood\u003c/a> victims in a long-awaited program to assist undocumented residents suffering hardship and damage from the recent months of storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money will be available in many affected counties starting in June, according to the state’s Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement comes two months after Gov. Gavin Newsom promised flood victims that help would come from the state’s Rapid Response Fund. Since then, his office provided few details despite repeated queries and criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Stack, a spokesperson for Newsom, said state officials were trying to ensure the program would be accessible to a population that is often hard to reach, while also protecting taxpayer funds from fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This program is going to serve folks who might be reticent to take advantage of public benefits for fear of it affecting their immigration status, and this is a population that moves around a lot because of farm work or other issues,” Stack said. “We’re trying to make sure folks can access this program without hurdles, and do it the right way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eligible households could qualify for up to $4,500 — each qualifying adult receiving $1,500 and children receiving $500. Stack said a percentage of the $95 million will go to launching and administering the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alex Stack, spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘We’re trying to make sure folks can access this program without hurdles, and do it the right way.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds would be available to residents living or working in counties that were federally designated major disaster areas and that were approved for individual assistance from the Federal Emergency Management Agency. Applicants for the state funds must show they are not eligible for FEMA assistance but experienced hardship from storms beginning in December 2022 to April 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/03/california-homeless-encampments/\">Newsom’s office said the state would use its Rapid Response Fund to assist undocumented workers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/03/storm-flood-california-aid-cannabis-farmworkers/#more-info\">residents who do not qualify for individual aid from FEMA\u003c/a> because of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Originally the Legislature allocated $175 million to that fund for the 2022–2023 fiscal year, to assist with migrants at the Southern California border and to fund other needs. Now state grants are expected to go to nonprofit organizations to provide financial assistance to people recovering from floods or storms, the governor’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit organizations will interview applicants in person “to minimize the risk of fraud” and provide preloaded debit cards or a check, said Scott Murray, a spokesperson for the Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement follows weeks of inquiries from CalMatters and others about assistance to undocumented residents affected by the storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local elected leaders say hundreds of residents don’t qualify for FEMA funding because of their immigration status but have lost work or sustained damage to homes and vehicles. Many agricultural workers suddenly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/02/california-safety-net/\">lost work income\u003c/a> due to flooded fields yet must provide for their families and pay for medical care, advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Newsom’s March statements about Rapid Response, state officials had been tight-lipped about when funds would be available. As of Wednesday, the state had not announced which nonprofit organizations it would send grants to.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Less than rapid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Luis Alejo, a Monterey County supervisor, has been outspoken about needing more state and federal assistance for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pajaro\">Pajaro\u003c/a>. This small, mostly farmworker community was severely flooded when a levee failed in March. On May 4, Alejo tweeted photos of damage in the community, noting there still was no on-the-ground assistance for undocumented flood victims and little word from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SupervisorAlejo/status/1654289338040188928?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here we are, going into the end of May, and there’s still no Rapid Response Fund money,” Alejo told CalMatters on May 22. “Maybe we’ve got to take out the ‘rapid,’ because it doesn’t feel rapid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/melissa-hurtado-1988/\">Melissa Hurtado\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Bakersfield, said farmworkers and others impacted by flooding in her district also need assistance. During a recent visit to the still-flooded Tulare Lake region, Hurtado learned that 1,300 farmworkers in Kings County had been laid off, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks that have been impacted by the floods and the drought are really struggling,” Hurtado said. “They’re really struggling to get the resources they need to be fine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some nonprofit officials said the state has contacted them about being contractors or subcontractors, to help reach people who need funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented workers are, by law, ineligible for federally funded programs such as unemployment benefits or disaster aid from FEMA.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Luis Alejo, Monterey County supervisor\"]‘Maybe we’ve got to take out the ‘rapid,’ because it doesn’t feel rapid.’[/pullquote]To counter that, in 2020 Newsom allocated $75 million to disaster relief for undocumented Californians affected by COVID but who were ineligible for federal aid programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurtado said some of her constituents already were discouraged by long delays in other forms of promised financial assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, she said, it’s rare to find a farmworker who didn’t wait in long lines earlier this year to receive a $600 check or debit card\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>from the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ams.usda.gov/services/grants/ffwr\">Farm and Food Workers Relief Grant Program\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, \u003c/strong>for having worked in frontline agricultural or food industry jobs in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some who waited never received the funds, she said, while \u003ca href=\"https://lacooperativa.org/fraud-alert-scammers-pretending-to-be-workers-of-farmworker-organizations-charging-a-bogus-fee-to-process-600-direct-relief-payments/\">others were targeted by scammers who posed as farmworker organization employees\u003c/a> charging fees to “process” the $600 relief payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who gets flood help\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>People who live or work in Kings County — which encompasses the town of Corcoran and a large swath of the floodwaters filling the resurgent Tulare Lake — still do not qualify for individual assistance from FEMA, regardless of undocumented status. Neither the county nor the state applied for Kings County to receive that assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kings County got approval only for FEMA’s public assistance program, which reimburses local and state government agencies for such expenses as emergency response, debris removal and restoration of damaged public facilities and infrastructure. But it doesn’t provide options for individuals. This means Kings County residents will not qualify for the state’s program either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952089\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952089\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A flooded field full of crops is pictured. The ground is muddy and full of water. Plants manage to still poke out above.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Water covers Whitley Avenue in the reemerging Tulare Lake outside Corcoran on May 3, 2023, in the Central Valley. Residents of Kings County, which encompasses the town of Corcoran and a large swath of the floodwaters filling Tulare Lake, still do not qualify for individual assistance from FEMA, regardless of undocumented status. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, qualifying families and individuals living in other flooded counties, such as Kern, Tulare, Madera and Monterey, can apply for FEMA help to repair damaged homes or property. Because the White House declared major disasters in several California counties, those residents also can seek help from state and federal disaster assistance centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preliminary numbers from FEMA show many who thought they qualified for emergency assistance didn’t initially get it. As of May 30, FEMA approved for assistance:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>about 43% of Californians who applied due to the December and January storms.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>that includes 39% of applicants in Merced County, where the unincorporated community of \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-02-14/planada-california-january-storms-rain-flooding-recovery\">Planada flooded in January\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>40% of those who applied after the February and March storms.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>including 35% of applicants in Santa Cruz and Monterey counties, including Alejo’s district and the town of Watsonville.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>plus a little more than 47% of applicants in Kern County and 53% of applicants in Tulare County, in Hurtado’s district.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Pending legislation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Funds for the state’s program — called the Storm Assistance for Immigrants Project — will be available through May 31, 2024, or until all funds are exhausted. Assistance will be provided on a first-come, first-served basis and applicants can only seek help from the nonprofit organization assigned to their county or area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials also urged storm victims — including those unsure about their eligibility — to seek guidance in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/13/DisasterAssistanceGuideforImmigrantCaliforniansSpanishFinal.pdf\">state’s disaster resource guide (PDF)\u003c/a> for immigrants on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/\">social services department’s website\u003c/a>. It says households with at least one member with legal status can qualify for federal aid.[aside postID=news_11944295 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63704_03192023_kqed_pajarobridge-107-qut-1020x678.jpg']\u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/press-release/20230515/30-days-left-register-fema-disaster-assistance\">The deadline for individuals to register with FEMA for disaster assistance is June 5.\u003c/a> Once registered, they can access a number of other programs such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/press-release/20230515/disaster-legal-services-available-california-residents-after-recent-storms\">legal services\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/press-release/20230504/disaster-unemployment-assistance-available-california-residents-affected\">unemployment assistance\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/press-release/20230515/crisis-counseling-available-california-residents-affected-recent-storms-and\">crisis counseling\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local and state officials say more needs to be done. Hurtado said she has repeatedly sponsored legislation to help farmworkers and other immigrant workers survive severe climate changes in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejo said he supports \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB513\">pending legislation\u003c/a>, called the California Individual Assistance Act,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>which would establish a grant program to financially assist local agencies, community-based organizations and individuals affected by disasters. The bill faces a vote in the Assembly this week and requires two-thirds approval to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re waiting months after a storm to get any help to the victims, then we’re not serving our residents,” Alejo said. “The plan is not being carried out by whatever program that is there in philosophy, but it’s not on the ground helping anyone out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds would be available to residents living or working in counties that were federally designated major disaster areas and that were approved for individual assistance from the Federal Emergency Management Agency. Applicants for the state funds must show they are not eligible for FEMA assistance but experienced hardship from storms beginning in December 2022 to April 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/03/california-homeless-encampments/\">Newsom’s office said the state would use its Rapid Response Fund to assist undocumented workers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/03/storm-flood-california-aid-cannabis-farmworkers/#more-info\">residents who do not qualify for individual aid from FEMA\u003c/a> because of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Originally the Legislature allocated $175 million to that fund for the 2022–2023 fiscal year, to assist with migrants at the Southern California border and to fund other needs. Now state grants are expected to go to nonprofit organizations to provide financial assistance to people recovering from floods or storms, the governor’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit organizations will interview applicants in person “to minimize the risk of fraud” and provide preloaded debit cards or a check, said Scott Murray, a spokesperson for the Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement follows weeks of inquiries from CalMatters and others about assistance to undocumented residents affected by the storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local elected leaders say hundreds of residents don’t qualify for FEMA funding because of their immigration status but have lost work or sustained damage to homes and vehicles. Many agricultural workers suddenly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/02/california-safety-net/\">lost work income\u003c/a> due to flooded fields yet must provide for their families and pay for medical care, advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Newsom’s March statements about Rapid Response, state officials had been tight-lipped about when funds would be available. As of Wednesday, the state had not announced which nonprofit organizations it would send grants to.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Less than rapid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Luis Alejo, a Monterey County supervisor, has been outspoken about needing more state and federal assistance for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pajaro\">Pajaro\u003c/a>. This small, mostly farmworker community was severely flooded when a levee failed in March. On May 4, Alejo tweeted photos of damage in the community, noting there still was no on-the-ground assistance for undocumented flood victims and little word from the state.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“Here we are, going into the end of May, and there’s still no Rapid Response Fund money,” Alejo told CalMatters on May 22. “Maybe we’ve got to take out the ‘rapid,’ because it doesn’t feel rapid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/melissa-hurtado-1988/\">Melissa Hurtado\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Bakersfield, said farmworkers and others impacted by flooding in her district also need assistance. During a recent visit to the still-flooded Tulare Lake region, Hurtado learned that 1,300 farmworkers in Kings County had been laid off, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks that have been impacted by the floods and the drought are really struggling,” Hurtado said. “They’re really struggling to get the resources they need to be fine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some nonprofit officials said the state has contacted them about being contractors or subcontractors, to help reach people who need funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented workers are, by law, ineligible for federally funded programs such as unemployment benefits or disaster aid from FEMA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Maybe we’ve got to take out the ‘rapid,’ because it doesn’t feel rapid.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>To counter that, in 2020 Newsom allocated $75 million to disaster relief for undocumented Californians affected by COVID but who were ineligible for federal aid programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hurtado said some of her constituents already were discouraged by long delays in other forms of promised financial assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, she said, it’s rare to find a farmworker who didn’t wait in long lines earlier this year to receive a $600 check or debit card\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>from the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ams.usda.gov/services/grants/ffwr\">Farm and Food Workers Relief Grant Program\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, \u003c/strong>for having worked in frontline agricultural or food industry jobs in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some who waited never received the funds, she said, while \u003ca href=\"https://lacooperativa.org/fraud-alert-scammers-pretending-to-be-workers-of-farmworker-organizations-charging-a-bogus-fee-to-process-600-direct-relief-payments/\">others were targeted by scammers who posed as farmworker organization employees\u003c/a> charging fees to “process” the $600 relief payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who gets flood help\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>People who live or work in Kings County — which encompasses the town of Corcoran and a large swath of the floodwaters filling the resurgent Tulare Lake — still do not qualify for individual assistance from FEMA, regardless of undocumented status. Neither the county nor the state applied for Kings County to receive that assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kings County got approval only for FEMA’s public assistance program, which reimburses local and state government agencies for such expenses as emergency response, debris removal and restoration of damaged public facilities and infrastructure. But it doesn’t provide options for individuals. This means Kings County residents will not qualify for the state’s program either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952089\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952089\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A flooded field full of crops is pictured. The ground is muddy and full of water. Plants manage to still poke out above.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65150_020_KQED_TulareLakeCorcoran_05032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Water covers Whitley Avenue in the reemerging Tulare Lake outside Corcoran on May 3, 2023, in the Central Valley. Residents of Kings County, which encompasses the town of Corcoran and a large swath of the floodwaters filling Tulare Lake, still do not qualify for individual assistance from FEMA, regardless of undocumented status. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, qualifying families and individuals living in other flooded counties, such as Kern, Tulare, Madera and Monterey, can apply for FEMA help to repair damaged homes or property. Because the White House declared major disasters in several California counties, those residents also can seek help from state and federal disaster assistance centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preliminary numbers from FEMA show many who thought they qualified for emergency assistance didn’t initially get it. As of May 30, FEMA approved for assistance:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>about 43% of Californians who applied due to the December and January storms.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>that includes 39% of applicants in Merced County, where the unincorporated community of \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-02-14/planada-california-january-storms-rain-flooding-recovery\">Planada flooded in January\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>40% of those who applied after the February and March storms.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>including 35% of applicants in Santa Cruz and Monterey counties, including Alejo’s district and the town of Watsonville.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>plus a little more than 47% of applicants in Kern County and 53% of applicants in Tulare County, in Hurtado’s district.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Pending legislation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Funds for the state’s program — called the Storm Assistance for Immigrants Project — will be available through May 31, 2024, or until all funds are exhausted. Assistance will be provided on a first-come, first-served basis and applicants can only seek help from the nonprofit organization assigned to their county or area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials also urged storm victims — including those unsure about their eligibility — to seek guidance in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/13/DisasterAssistanceGuideforImmigrantCaliforniansSpanishFinal.pdf\">state’s disaster resource guide (PDF)\u003c/a> for immigrants on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/\">social services department’s website\u003c/a>. It says households with at least one member with legal status can qualify for federal aid.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/press-release/20230515/30-days-left-register-fema-disaster-assistance\">The deadline for individuals to register with FEMA for disaster assistance is June 5.\u003c/a> Once registered, they can access a number of other programs such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/press-release/20230515/disaster-legal-services-available-california-residents-after-recent-storms\">legal services\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/press-release/20230504/disaster-unemployment-assistance-available-california-residents-affected\">unemployment assistance\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/press-release/20230515/crisis-counseling-available-california-residents-affected-recent-storms-and\">crisis counseling\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local and state officials say more needs to be done. Hurtado said she has repeatedly sponsored legislation to help farmworkers and other immigrant workers survive severe climate changes in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejo said he supports \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB513\">pending legislation\u003c/a>, called the California Individual Assistance Act,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>which would establish a grant program to financially assist local agencies, community-based organizations and individuals affected by disasters. The bill faces a vote in the Assembly this week and requires two-thirds approval to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re waiting months after a storm to get any help to the victims, then we’re not serving our residents,” Alejo said. “The plan is not being carried out by whatever program that is there in philosophy, but it’s not on the ground helping anyone out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Becomes the First State to Phase Out Toxic Hexavalent Chromium",
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"content": "\u003cp>There’s a toxic history to the shiny decorative finishes so ubiquitous on the wheels and bumpers of classic cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chrome plating is important to a variety of consumer products from vintage automobiles to aerospace components to plumbing fixtures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But hexavalent chromium — a highly hazardous substance emitted by chrome-plating businesses — is 500 times more carcinogenic than diesel exhaust, putting it in the crosshairs of regulators for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Air Resources Board on Friday approved a landmark ban on use of the substance by the chrome plating industry. The ban requires companies, who opposed the action, to use alternative materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban came after more than two hours of debate and public comment. Board members, while signaling their empathy for the potentially impacted vintage car platers, said public health was paramount.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jane Williams, executive director, California Communities Against Toxics\"]‘The problem is what they’re doing there: They’re boiling vats of toxic metal-water solution.’[/pullquote]Air board member Hector De La Torre compared the ban to a 1976 rule phasing out lead in gasoline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no mass produced leaded gasoline, not just in California, in the United States, so that changed as a result of an action that was taken here,” De La Torre said. “So there is precedent for taking a leap like that — for the health and safety of the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule will make California the first state to ban the substance more commonly known as chromium 6. Decorative plating businesses will have until 2027 to discontinue their use. Larger chrome plating plants, which use the toxin for industrial durability purposes, will have until 2039.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban comes after years of activists’ efforts to limit use of the chemical, which the state identified as a toxic air pollutant in 1986. Jane Williams, executive director of California Communities Against Toxics, said the ruling is significant because Los Angeles County has a large concentration of chrome platers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air board said 113 chrome plating facilities operate with hexavalent chromium in California, and over 70% of them are in overburdened and disadvantaged communities, many near homes and schools, though industry representatives said in public comments that the board’s numbers were inaccurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can be tiny, they can be small, or they can be nestled inside larger industrial facilities, and so it’s not something that strikes you, like a generator or a refinery,” said Williams. “But the problem is what they’re doing there: They’re boiling vats of toxic metal-water solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industrial components are plated by being submerged in baths containing chromium 6 though decorative and functional plating deploy different processes. Emissions occur in the form of bubbles that rise to the top of the tanks and can be released in mists, drops and spills that can settle on floors, equipment and other surfaces. Once dry, dust can be released by open doors and vents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan Leiker, executive director of the Metal Finishing Association of California, said the air board’s rule amounts to an unfair ban on an industry that has proven it can use the toxic substance safely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951007\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11951007\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A vintage car's chrome plated bumper.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chrome plating on a vehicle. \u003ccite>(iStock)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He pointed to state data indicating that the state’s larger chrome platers produce less than 1% of emissions, with the majority coming from burning fossil fuels, cement production and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue we have here is that our industry of course is in agreement with fair regulation, but what we have here is a ban,” Leiker said. “This is just a universal ban across the whole industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less-toxic trivalent chromium is available as an alternative, and the air board hopes decorative chrome platers will widely adopt it following the ban. The problem, decorative chrome-platers say, is that trivalent chromium lacks the ornamental shine of chromium 6 — that glow ubiquitous among the lustrous lowriders synonymous with the likes of Art Leboe or the gleaming hot rods featured in \u003cem>American Graffiti\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trivalent chromium is not “period correct,” wrote Art Holman, a managing partner of Sherm’s Plating in Sacramento, in recent public commentary to the air board. Holman wrote that he fears customers will ship their products to other states to be plated, “adding more chrome emissions due to transportation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile trivalent chromium does not meet U.S. Department of Defense requirements. Leiker said that the air board is hoping the military will adopt new materials. But the uncertainty is a big risk for an industry that often relies on long lead times and multiyear contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is going to put our industry out of business, with a loss of jobs and a large exodus of manufacturing,” he said. “Our industry could be a ghost town in the state, long gone; there is a lot at stake here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has set aside $10 million to assist the industry make the change but some board members said the money was likely not enough.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Bryan Leiker, executive director, Metal Finishing Association of California\"]‘Our industry could be a ghost town in the state, long gone; there is a lot at stake here.’[/pullquote]The air board in 1988 adopted its first emissions standards for chromium 6 use in the plating industry, requiring facilities to equip their tanks with fume suppressants, filters or other pollution control devices. Over the intervening decades, those rules have been revised to further restrict and regulate hexavalent chromium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The toxin has some presence in popular culture. The court battle over the presence of the chemical in drinking water in the San Bernardino County town of Hinkley was dramatized in the movie \u003cem>Erin Brockovich\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But environmental advocates and residents of Los Angeles’ lower-income, industrial neighborhoods and cities have long raised concerns. Residents of the southeast industrial city of Bell Gardens sued a chrome plating company, Chrome Crankshaft, in 1999, accusing it of producing emissions that had resulted in diseases including cancer, according to \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1999-jan-20-me-65377-story.html\">The Los Angeles Times\u003c/a>\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, air monitoring in the southeast industrial city of Paramount was expanded after chromium 6 was discovered in much higher levels than other parts of Los Angeles County in 2016. The Paramount Unified School District detected chromium 6 in air samples inside two classrooms there. The South Coast Air Quality Management District said that air quality has improved significantly since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher Callard, a spokesman for Paramount, said the city had not detected significant samples of chromium 6, including at the schools, since it took over monitoring of the substance in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state Air Resources Board voted Friday to ban the substance known as chromium 6, giving platers several years to switch to an alternative the platers say won't produce the same chrome shine.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>There’s a toxic history to the shiny decorative finishes so ubiquitous on the wheels and bumpers of classic cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chrome plating is important to a variety of consumer products from vintage automobiles to aerospace components to plumbing fixtures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But hexavalent chromium — a highly hazardous substance emitted by chrome-plating businesses — is 500 times more carcinogenic than diesel exhaust, putting it in the crosshairs of regulators for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Air Resources Board on Friday approved a landmark ban on use of the substance by the chrome plating industry. The ban requires companies, who opposed the action, to use alternative materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban came after more than two hours of debate and public comment. Board members, while signaling their empathy for the potentially impacted vintage car platers, said public health was paramount.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Air board member Hector De La Torre compared the ban to a 1976 rule phasing out lead in gasoline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no mass produced leaded gasoline, not just in California, in the United States, so that changed as a result of an action that was taken here,” De La Torre said. “So there is precedent for taking a leap like that — for the health and safety of the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule will make California the first state to ban the substance more commonly known as chromium 6. Decorative plating businesses will have until 2027 to discontinue their use. Larger chrome plating plants, which use the toxin for industrial durability purposes, will have until 2039.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban comes after years of activists’ efforts to limit use of the chemical, which the state identified as a toxic air pollutant in 1986. Jane Williams, executive director of California Communities Against Toxics, said the ruling is significant because Los Angeles County has a large concentration of chrome platers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air board said 113 chrome plating facilities operate with hexavalent chromium in California, and over 70% of them are in overburdened and disadvantaged communities, many near homes and schools, though industry representatives said in public comments that the board’s numbers were inaccurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can be tiny, they can be small, or they can be nestled inside larger industrial facilities, and so it’s not something that strikes you, like a generator or a refinery,” said Williams. “But the problem is what they’re doing there: They’re boiling vats of toxic metal-water solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industrial components are plated by being submerged in baths containing chromium 6 though decorative and functional plating deploy different processes. Emissions occur in the form of bubbles that rise to the top of the tanks and can be released in mists, drops and spills that can settle on floors, equipment and other surfaces. Once dry, dust can be released by open doors and vents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan Leiker, executive director of the Metal Finishing Association of California, said the air board’s rule amounts to an unfair ban on an industry that has proven it can use the toxic substance safely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951007\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11951007\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A vintage car's chrome plated bumper.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/052623-Chrome-Bumper-IS-CM-01-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chrome plating on a vehicle. \u003ccite>(iStock)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He pointed to state data indicating that the state’s larger chrome platers produce less than 1% of emissions, with the majority coming from burning fossil fuels, cement production and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue we have here is that our industry of course is in agreement with fair regulation, but what we have here is a ban,” Leiker said. “This is just a universal ban across the whole industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less-toxic trivalent chromium is available as an alternative, and the air board hopes decorative chrome platers will widely adopt it following the ban. The problem, decorative chrome-platers say, is that trivalent chromium lacks the ornamental shine of chromium 6 — that glow ubiquitous among the lustrous lowriders synonymous with the likes of Art Leboe or the gleaming hot rods featured in \u003cem>American Graffiti\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trivalent chromium is not “period correct,” wrote Art Holman, a managing partner of Sherm’s Plating in Sacramento, in recent public commentary to the air board. Holman wrote that he fears customers will ship their products to other states to be plated, “adding more chrome emissions due to transportation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile trivalent chromium does not meet U.S. Department of Defense requirements. Leiker said that the air board is hoping the military will adopt new materials. But the uncertainty is a big risk for an industry that often relies on long lead times and multiyear contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is going to put our industry out of business, with a loss of jobs and a large exodus of manufacturing,” he said. “Our industry could be a ghost town in the state, long gone; there is a lot at stake here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has set aside $10 million to assist the industry make the change but some board members said the money was likely not enough.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The air board in 1988 adopted its first emissions standards for chromium 6 use in the plating industry, requiring facilities to equip their tanks with fume suppressants, filters or other pollution control devices. Over the intervening decades, those rules have been revised to further restrict and regulate hexavalent chromium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The toxin has some presence in popular culture. The court battle over the presence of the chemical in drinking water in the San Bernardino County town of Hinkley was dramatized in the movie \u003cem>Erin Brockovich\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But environmental advocates and residents of Los Angeles’ lower-income, industrial neighborhoods and cities have long raised concerns. Residents of the southeast industrial city of Bell Gardens sued a chrome plating company, Chrome Crankshaft, in 1999, accusing it of producing emissions that had resulted in diseases including cancer, according to \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1999-jan-20-me-65377-story.html\">The Los Angeles Times\u003c/a>\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, air monitoring in the southeast industrial city of Paramount was expanded after chromium 6 was discovered in much higher levels than other parts of Los Angeles County in 2016. The Paramount Unified School District detected chromium 6 in air samples inside two classrooms there. The South Coast Air Quality Management District said that air quality has improved significantly since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher Callard, a spokesman for Paramount, said the city had not detected significant samples of chromium 6, including at the schools, since it took over monitoring of the substance in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'It's All I've Wanted': How an Innovative Bay Area Training Program Is Helping This Fire Victim Become a Firefighter",
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"headTitle": "‘It’s All I’ve Wanted’: How an Innovative Bay Area Training Program Is Helping This Fire Victim Become a Firefighter | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the fall of 2017, Lupe Duran sat overwhelmed with loss and uncertainty in an empty community college classroom in Santa Rosa. The Tubbs Fire had just killed 22 people and decimated thousands of homes in the city, including his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A stream of questions weighed on the 23-year-old: Could he afford to stay in Santa Rosa and continue school? Whose couch would he sleep on tonight?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Duran pondered his future, one thing became clear: He didn’t want to feel completely powerless before a fire anymore. A welding student at the time, it occurred to him he should become a firefighter, like the professionals he’d seen save people’s homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a feeling of wanting to do more, wanting to actually help and give back to the community,” said Duran, now 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This would prove easier said than done. California’s firefighting ranks remain disproportionately white, and male. In recent decades, agencies across the state have started to address common barriers for underrepresented communities, including the time and cost of training to qualify for many full-time job openings.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Lupe Duran\"]‘It was a feeling of wanting to do more, wanting to actually help and give back to the community.’[/pullquote]But for Duran, what got him on his way was a comprehensive workforce development program that seeks to diversify the profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.firefoundry.org/about-fire-foundry\">FIRE Foundry\u003c/a>, a nonprofit collaboration of the Marin County Fire Department and local organizations and universities, offers free educational services and support aimed at propelling women and people of color into sustainable careers in the fire service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants get a paid job in fire prevention with the county, so they can afford to fully engage in the one-year program, which covers the cost of fire academy prerequisite classes, counseling services, housing at fire stations, hands-on skills training, mentorship and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They’ll see that it’s like the perfect job’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a recent morning, Duran and about a dozen other FIRE Foundry recruits participated in a mock rescue training in a forested area near Mount Tamalpais. Wearing firefighting uniforms, the team practiced how to use ropes and carabiners to help pull hikers who fall into ravines back to safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recruits took turns rappelling off a vertical drop about 50 feet high, while connected to a rope system they had set up around a redwood tree. Once at the bottom, they helped a colleague playing the “victim” start the tough climb up the rocky wall, while the rest of the team pulled on the rope from the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that, by showing them all the aspects of what we do in fire service, be it rope rescue or wildland fires, they’ll see that it’s like the perfect job,” said Marin County Fire Captain Rick Wonneberger, one of the instructors supervising the training. “The FIRE Foundry program gives people who may never have considered a career in public safety, who never had a direct \u003cem>in \u003c/em>with it, a way to get their feet wet, see if they really like it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949933\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949933\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Latino trainee smiles as he works the rope controls with a female trainee looking on and smiling in a forest setting.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lupe Duran holds the rope that connects the rescuer and rescuee to the team pulling them over a small cliff during a FIRE Foundry rope rescue training in Marin on April 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most of the calls U.S. fire departments get are not about fires, but about medical emergencies. Medical aid comprised more than 70% of those emergency calls in 2021, while actual fires were just 4%, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nfpa.org/News-and-Research/Data-research-and-tools/Emergency-Responders/Fire-department-calls\">National Fire Protection Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, many job openings in the field are for firefighter paramedics or emergency medical technicians (EMTs). The expense and years it can take to get certified are prohibitive for candidates with lower incomes and less time to spend training and studying, such as caretakers of young children — often women — or those already working full-time in other occupations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, the profession has a strong family tradition — children and other relatives of firefighters apply with a leg up on cultural knowledge, plus valuable information on how to pass tests and requirements, according to experts on diversity in the fire service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To those on the outside, the process can look intimidating and unfamiliar. This helps explain why a profession that historically has been mostly white and male has largely stayed that way: Nearly all the 307,000 firefighters in the country are men, and about 85% identify as white, according to the most recent \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsaat11.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsaat11.htm\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">estimates\u003c/a> by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency does not publish demographic information about the occupation at the state level. While a number of statistics point to a more racially and ethnically diverse firefighting workforce in California, diversity experts said fire departments have more work to do to better reflect the communities they are sworn to serve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve made some progress, but we have such a long way to go,” said Reginald Freeman, with the International Association of Fire Chiefs. He added that he became a champion for diversity, inclusion and belonging after experiencing intense mistreatment as an African American while at his first firefighter job in Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949940\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949940\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white man and a Latino man wearing fire gear and helmets with goggles smile at the camera in the woods with a rope running behind them.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Field Supervisor Darrell Galli and Lupe Duran pose for a portrait during a FIRE Foundry rope rescue training in Marin on April 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Freeman stuck it out. And a challenge throughout his more than 22 years of service, he said, has been the erroneous notion among fire ranks that they must compromise quality in pursuit of candidates from different backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s malarkey. You can have a great diverse applicant pool and not ‘lower your standards,’ to join the profession,” said Freeman, the fire chief in Oakland, who is set to retire next month. “What we are trying to do is increase the standard of equity, social justice, and rightful access to these great jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Increasing diversity in California’s firefighting workforce\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In California, where white and Latino workers comprise similar proportions of the labor force at about 40% each, white firefighters continue to be overrepresented while less than a third are Latino, according to U.S. Census estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, nearly 64% of the state’s firefighters identified as white. Other groups, such as Asians and women, together totaled less than 7% of the firefighting workforce.[aside postID=science_1980766 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/35/2022/11/RS58620_002_KQED_FireFoundryMarin_09152022-sfi-2.jpeg']Mirroring the state’s population, larger agencies in cities tend to be more diverse, compared to smaller ones located in rural or suburban areas. People of color represent slightly more than half of the firefighting personnel in cities like Los Angeles and San Francisco. Then again, both of those agencies were forced to diversify decades ago under court consent decrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Marin County Fire Department, which launched the FIRE Foundry program last year, more than 80% of firefighters identify as white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More departments are now proactively trying to recruit in communities that historically haven’t considered the fire service as an occupation, said Yvonne de la Peña, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.caljac.org/\">California Firefighter Joint Apprenticeship Committee\u003c/a>, which offers financial aid for education and help connecting with jobs at more than 190 agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never seen as many fire departments so interested in trying to reach out to a diverse group of candidates,” said de la Peña, who has worked 37 years for the employment training program. “They recognize that diverse individuals really enhance what they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949937\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A group of trainees wearing firefighting gear hold a rope as they stand in line behind each other, all but one wearing yellow helmets and goggles, trainees are male and female of different ethnicities.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Alfredo Campos, Lupe Duran, Rafael Sanchez and FIRE Foundry students train in rope rescue during a class in Marin on April 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Fire Captain Wonneberger, diversifying his department will help better serve people in need, including a growing Latino population in the county, and visitors from around the world who flock to local state parks and recreation areas. For him, diversity means cultural competency as well as language proficiency on his team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my engine currently they are all English speakers. Some of us can speak a little bit of Spanish,” said Wonneberger. “But how much better would it be if I truly was fluent? How much that person would feel truly at ease?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Program’s future uncertain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of the 18 recruits who graduated from the FIRE Foundry its first year — most of them women and people of color — some have gone on to accept seasonal positions with Cal Fire, the Marin County Fire Department and agencies outside the state, said Mimi Choudhury, who coordinates the program.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Yvonne de la Peña, executive director, California Firefighter Joint Apprenticeship Committee\"]‘I’ve never seen as many fire departments so interested in trying to reach out to a diverse group of candidates. They recognize that diverse individuals really enhance what they do.’[/pullquote]But even with that success and a promising 2023 class, the program’s future is in question without long-term funding to continue its wraparound services and support. The FIRE Foundry is partially funded through a California Volunteers state grant, as well as private donations, said Thomas Azwell, a UC Berkeley professor who co-founded the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those grants are going to run out. They all have an expiration date,” said Azwell, who guides recruits to test and research fire technology innovations through the university’s \u003ca href=\"https://disasterlab.berkeley.edu/\">Disaster Lab\u003c/a>. “I believe that we’ve created an effective model, and if it has the funding that it needs, it could be replicated across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Lupe Duran worries others won’t get the chance he got when he found the FIRE Foundry by chance, through an advertisement he saw while reading the news, and applied. Getting a paid job in fuel reduction, while he focuses on getting certified as an EMT and taking care of other requirements, has been a game changer for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also values the opportunity to learn directly from professional firefighters, who expose him to the profession’s culture and demystify the process to get into and succeed in the field, Duran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949938\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949938\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Latino man with a blue tshirt with a FIRE Foundry logo smiles as he looks away from the camera.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lupe Duran poses for a portrait during a FIRE Foundry rope rescue training in Marin on April 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The fire captains you meet, the battalion chiefs you meet, you can’t really get that exposure just walking in off the street, unless you know somebody who’s in the fire department, which really makes a difference,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran, the first in his family to attend college, is now set to graduate with an associate degree in fire technology. He recently got a job with the Marin County Fire Department, as a wildfire defensible space inspector. And he believes he is now on a path to achieve his dream of working as a firefighter paramedic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very exciting. I mean, it’s all I’ve wanted for the past six years,” said Duran. “It took some time, but it’s paying off now. And the FIRE Foundry helped a lot. It’s a great push forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the fall of 2017, Lupe Duran sat overwhelmed with loss and uncertainty in an empty community college classroom in Santa Rosa. The Tubbs Fire had just killed 22 people and decimated thousands of homes in the city, including his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A stream of questions weighed on the 23-year-old: Could he afford to stay in Santa Rosa and continue school? Whose couch would he sleep on tonight?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Duran pondered his future, one thing became clear: He didn’t want to feel completely powerless before a fire anymore. A welding student at the time, it occurred to him he should become a firefighter, like the professionals he’d seen save people’s homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a feeling of wanting to do more, wanting to actually help and give back to the community,” said Duran, now 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This would prove easier said than done. California’s firefighting ranks remain disproportionately white, and male. In recent decades, agencies across the state have started to address common barriers for underrepresented communities, including the time and cost of training to qualify for many full-time job openings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But for Duran, what got him on his way was a comprehensive workforce development program that seeks to diversify the profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.firefoundry.org/about-fire-foundry\">FIRE Foundry\u003c/a>, a nonprofit collaboration of the Marin County Fire Department and local organizations and universities, offers free educational services and support aimed at propelling women and people of color into sustainable careers in the fire service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants get a paid job in fire prevention with the county, so they can afford to fully engage in the one-year program, which covers the cost of fire academy prerequisite classes, counseling services, housing at fire stations, hands-on skills training, mentorship and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They’ll see that it’s like the perfect job’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a recent morning, Duran and about a dozen other FIRE Foundry recruits participated in a mock rescue training in a forested area near Mount Tamalpais. Wearing firefighting uniforms, the team practiced how to use ropes and carabiners to help pull hikers who fall into ravines back to safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recruits took turns rappelling off a vertical drop about 50 feet high, while connected to a rope system they had set up around a redwood tree. Once at the bottom, they helped a colleague playing the “victim” start the tough climb up the rocky wall, while the rest of the team pulled on the rope from the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that, by showing them all the aspects of what we do in fire service, be it rope rescue or wildland fires, they’ll see that it’s like the perfect job,” said Marin County Fire Captain Rick Wonneberger, one of the instructors supervising the training. “The FIRE Foundry program gives people who may never have considered a career in public safety, who never had a direct \u003cem>in \u003c/em>with it, a way to get their feet wet, see if they really like it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949933\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949933\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Latino trainee smiles as he works the rope controls with a female trainee looking on and smiling in a forest setting.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64855_011_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lupe Duran holds the rope that connects the rescuer and rescuee to the team pulling them over a small cliff during a FIRE Foundry rope rescue training in Marin on April 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most of the calls U.S. fire departments get are not about fires, but about medical emergencies. Medical aid comprised more than 70% of those emergency calls in 2021, while actual fires were just 4%, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nfpa.org/News-and-Research/Data-research-and-tools/Emergency-Responders/Fire-department-calls\">National Fire Protection Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, many job openings in the field are for firefighter paramedics or emergency medical technicians (EMTs). The expense and years it can take to get certified are prohibitive for candidates with lower incomes and less time to spend training and studying, such as caretakers of young children — often women — or those already working full-time in other occupations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, the profession has a strong family tradition — children and other relatives of firefighters apply with a leg up on cultural knowledge, plus valuable information on how to pass tests and requirements, according to experts on diversity in the fire service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To those on the outside, the process can look intimidating and unfamiliar. This helps explain why a profession that historically has been mostly white and male has largely stayed that way: Nearly all the 307,000 firefighters in the country are men, and about 85% identify as white, according to the most recent \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsaat11.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsaat11.htm\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">estimates\u003c/a> by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency does not publish demographic information about the occupation at the state level. While a number of statistics point to a more racially and ethnically diverse firefighting workforce in California, diversity experts said fire departments have more work to do to better reflect the communities they are sworn to serve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve made some progress, but we have such a long way to go,” said Reginald Freeman, with the International Association of Fire Chiefs. He added that he became a champion for diversity, inclusion and belonging after experiencing intense mistreatment as an African American while at his first firefighter job in Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949940\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949940\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white man and a Latino man wearing fire gear and helmets with goggles smile at the camera in the woods with a rope running behind them.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64877_046_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Field Supervisor Darrell Galli and Lupe Duran pose for a portrait during a FIRE Foundry rope rescue training in Marin on April 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Freeman stuck it out. And a challenge throughout his more than 22 years of service, he said, has been the erroneous notion among fire ranks that they must compromise quality in pursuit of candidates from different backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s malarkey. You can have a great diverse applicant pool and not ‘lower your standards,’ to join the profession,” said Freeman, the fire chief in Oakland, who is set to retire next month. “What we are trying to do is increase the standard of equity, social justice, and rightful access to these great jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Increasing diversity in California’s firefighting workforce\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In California, where white and Latino workers comprise similar proportions of the labor force at about 40% each, white firefighters continue to be overrepresented while less than a third are Latino, according to U.S. Census estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, nearly 64% of the state’s firefighters identified as white. Other groups, such as Asians and women, together totaled less than 7% of the firefighting workforce.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mirroring the state’s population, larger agencies in cities tend to be more diverse, compared to smaller ones located in rural or suburban areas. People of color represent slightly more than half of the firefighting personnel in cities like Los Angeles and San Francisco. Then again, both of those agencies were forced to diversify decades ago under court consent decrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Marin County Fire Department, which launched the FIRE Foundry program last year, more than 80% of firefighters identify as white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More departments are now proactively trying to recruit in communities that historically haven’t considered the fire service as an occupation, said Yvonne de la Peña, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.caljac.org/\">California Firefighter Joint Apprenticeship Committee\u003c/a>, which offers financial aid for education and help connecting with jobs at more than 190 agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never seen as many fire departments so interested in trying to reach out to a diverse group of candidates,” said de la Peña, who has worked 37 years for the employment training program. “They recognize that diverse individuals really enhance what they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949937\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A group of trainees wearing firefighting gear hold a rope as they stand in line behind each other, all but one wearing yellow helmets and goggles, trainees are male and female of different ethnicities.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64871_031_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Alfredo Campos, Lupe Duran, Rafael Sanchez and FIRE Foundry students train in rope rescue during a class in Marin on April 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Fire Captain Wonneberger, diversifying his department will help better serve people in need, including a growing Latino population in the county, and visitors from around the world who flock to local state parks and recreation areas. For him, diversity means cultural competency as well as language proficiency on his team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my engine currently they are all English speakers. Some of us can speak a little bit of Spanish,” said Wonneberger. “But how much better would it be if I truly was fluent? How much that person would feel truly at ease?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Program’s future uncertain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of the 18 recruits who graduated from the FIRE Foundry its first year — most of them women and people of color — some have gone on to accept seasonal positions with Cal Fire, the Marin County Fire Department and agencies outside the state, said Mimi Choudhury, who coordinates the program.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But even with that success and a promising 2023 class, the program’s future is in question without long-term funding to continue its wraparound services and support. The FIRE Foundry is partially funded through a California Volunteers state grant, as well as private donations, said Thomas Azwell, a UC Berkeley professor who co-founded the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those grants are going to run out. They all have an expiration date,” said Azwell, who guides recruits to test and research fire technology innovations through the university’s \u003ca href=\"https://disasterlab.berkeley.edu/\">Disaster Lab\u003c/a>. “I believe that we’ve created an effective model, and if it has the funding that it needs, it could be replicated across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Lupe Duran worries others won’t get the chance he got when he found the FIRE Foundry by chance, through an advertisement he saw while reading the news, and applied. Getting a paid job in fuel reduction, while he focuses on getting certified as an EMT and taking care of other requirements, has been a game changer for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also values the opportunity to learn directly from professional firefighters, who expose him to the profession’s culture and demystify the process to get into and succeed in the field, Duran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949938\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949938\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Latino man with a blue tshirt with a FIRE Foundry logo smiles as he looks away from the camera.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64874_036_KQED_FireFoundryRescueTraining_04212023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lupe Duran poses for a portrait during a FIRE Foundry rope rescue training in Marin on April 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The fire captains you meet, the battalion chiefs you meet, you can’t really get that exposure just walking in off the street, unless you know somebody who’s in the fire department, which really makes a difference,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran, the first in his family to attend college, is now set to graduate with an associate degree in fire technology. He recently got a job with the Marin County Fire Department, as a wildfire defensible space inspector. And he believes he is now on a path to achieve his dream of working as a firefighter paramedic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very exciting. I mean, it’s all I’ve wanted for the past six years,” said Duran. “It took some time, but it’s paying off now. And the FIRE Foundry helped a lot. It’s a great push forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Allensworth Braces For Floods; ’70s Band Fanny Reclaims Their Right To Rock",
"headTitle": "Allensworth Braces For Floods; ’70s Band Fanny Reclaims Their Right To Rock | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949138/how-systemic-racism-is-putting-allensworth-a-historically-black-town-at-risk-of-flooding-again\">How a Legacy of Racism Is Putting a 115-Year-Old Historically Black Town At Risk of Flooding, Again\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back in the early 1900s, the town of Allensworth became the first California town founded, financed and governed by Black Americans. The fertile Tulare Lake region should’ve been a utopia for the Black doctors, professors and farmers who settled there. But historic power dynamics left them, and the Allensworth community today, on the losing side of many water and land use questions. Now, as the Sierra snowpack melts and floods the Tulare Lake Basin, communities like Allensworth are uniquely vulnerable to flooding. Reporter Teresa Cotsirilos visited Allensworth earlier this spring to learn how residents are coping.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949142/buried-without-a-trace-the-all-female-rock-group-youve-probably-never-heard\">Meet Fanny, the Best ’70s All-Female Band You Probably Haven’t Heard Of\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When you think of California rockers from the 1970s, bands like the Eagles or Journey might come to mind. You probably don’t picture an interracial band of women — some of them Filipina-American and queer — from places like Sacramento and Folsom. Fanny was the first all-female rock band to release an album on a major label, breaking ground for women musicians like the Go Gos, the B52s, and Bonnie Rait. In fact, Fanny released five albums by 1974, but today, a lot of people haven’t heard of them. A new documentary film screening at CAAMFest in San Francisco follows band members nearly 50 years later as they record a reunion album. Sasha Khokha spoke with June Millington, Fanny’s lead guitarist, and film director, Bobbi Jo Hart, about the band’s legacy, the film and why age is just a number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Allensworth was the first California town founded and governed by Black Americans back in 1908. Since then, residents have struggled against a legacy of racism in the region that makes the more vulnerable when disasters hit. And, Fanny is back! The 1970s rock group paved the way for other all-women bands with their ferocious playing.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949138/how-systemic-racism-is-putting-allensworth-a-historically-black-town-at-risk-of-flooding-again\">How a Legacy of Racism Is Putting a 115-Year-Old Historically Black Town At Risk of Flooding, Again\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back in the early 1900s, the town of Allensworth became the first California town founded, financed and governed by Black Americans. The fertile Tulare Lake region should’ve been a utopia for the Black doctors, professors and farmers who settled there. But historic power dynamics left them, and the Allensworth community today, on the losing side of many water and land use questions. Now, as the Sierra snowpack melts and floods the Tulare Lake Basin, communities like Allensworth are uniquely vulnerable to flooding. Reporter Teresa Cotsirilos visited Allensworth earlier this spring to learn how residents are coping.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949142/buried-without-a-trace-the-all-female-rock-group-youve-probably-never-heard\">Meet Fanny, the Best ’70s All-Female Band You Probably Haven’t Heard Of\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When you think of California rockers from the 1970s, bands like the Eagles or Journey might come to mind. You probably don’t picture an interracial band of women — some of them Filipina-American and queer — from places like Sacramento and Folsom. Fanny was the first all-female rock band to release an album on a major label, breaking ground for women musicians like the Go Gos, the B52s, and Bonnie Rait. In fact, Fanny released five albums by 1974, but today, a lot of people haven’t heard of them. A new documentary film screening at CAAMFest in San Francisco follows band members nearly 50 years later as they record a reunion album. Sasha Khokha spoke with June Millington, Fanny’s lead guitarist, and film director, Bobbi Jo Hart, about the band’s legacy, the film and why age is just a number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Gov. Newsom Says California Budget Deficit Has Grown to Nearly $32 Billion",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s budget deficit has grown to nearly $32 billion, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday, saying the state’s challenges are partly due to high federal inflation rates and the state’s decision to let some people delay filing their taxes after winter storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about $10 billion more than Newsom predicted in January, when he offered his first budget proposal. The deficit is part of Newsom’s overall proposal for a $306 billion budget, by far the largest state budget in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of the only states to have a shortfall this year. That’s mostly because its progressive tax code relies on wealthy taxpayers, whose income is closely tied to the performance of the stock market.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11937658,news_11936184\"]In January, Newsom proposed a number of ideas to cover the deficit, including about $9.6 billion in spending cuts that hit some of the state’s ambitious climate programs and other policy areas. His latest proposal includes roughly another $1 billion in spending reductions. Some of that comes from clawing back unspent money in various programs, including those designed to provide tax refunds and help people with their utility bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s making up the rest of the deficit by shifting expenses, taking some money from the state’s safety net reserve and borrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was not an easy budget, but I hope you see we will try to do our best to hold the line and take care of the most vulnerable and most needy, but still maintain prudence,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican legislative leaders blasted Newsom’s proposal as another marker of irresponsible spending by the Democrats who control Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His cuts to drought programs are dangerous, his ‘fiscal gimmicks’ are shortsighted, and his words about good government and efficiency are yet another empty promise. Californians deserve better,” Republican Assembly Leader James Gallagher said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deficit is small compared to the cash crunch the state faced during the last recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office in 2019, Newsom’s biggest budget fights with the Democratic-controlled state Legislature have been how to spend California’s record-breaking surpluses. Agreeing on what to cut could be much more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s plan in January was to cut money for \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/politics-california-state-government-gavin-newsom-b37eff81737c25479987385dd1dd8d54\">flood protection projects\u003c/a>, delaying an expansion of a subsidized \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-child-care-budget-low-income-newsom-cf0f7d5a27b2df6dd9042a97acb8ccca\">child care program\u003c/a> and canceling a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-deficit-newsom-unemployment-debt-taxes-f6588e0376703fca4398375e11639838\">$500 million plan\u003c/a> to help small businesses pay higher tax rates associated with some state debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom now plans to restore money for flood protection projects and introduce another $250 million in new spending, which includes raising \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1982460/southern-central-valley-counties-brace-for-flooding-as-heat-wave-melts-sierra-snowpack\">a levee to protect the Central Valley community of Corcoran\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not yet clear if he can or will relent on his other proposed cuts. Newsom signed off on an expansion of a subsidized child care program last year that would pay to help an extra 20,000 families. But because of the deficit, Newsom proposed delaying that funding for one year. He argued that the state was having trouble filling the child care slots it already had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That angered some Democratic lawmakers, who said the reason the state was having trouble filling its child care slots is there aren’t enough child care workers. On Monday, Democrats in the Assembly proposed $1 billion in new spending to increase the pay of child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, we just need to put a little pressure on the governor to make sure he’s on board,” Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez-Reyes said on Wednesday while speaking to a rally of parents and child care workers at the state Capitol.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘This was not an easy budget, but I hope you see we will try to do our best to hold the line and take care of the most vulnerable and most needy, but still maintain prudence.’[/pullquote]It’s not just child care, though. Democrats in the state Senate \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-budget-business-taxes-gavin-newsom-nancy-skinner-4cc2ed58a503c8a1365ed98cbb3bd095\">want to raise taxes on 2,500 of the largest companies so they can cut taxes by about 25% for most other businesses\u003c/a> — a plan that Newsom has already said he opposes. And environmental groups want Newsom to reverse his planned $6 billion cut to some of his climate proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has maintained most of those cuts in his revised proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s also protected spending in other key priority areas, such as expanding Medicaid to everyone who is eligible regardless of their immigration status and allowing people to use Medicaid money to pay for rent. Likewise Newsom said he planned to maintain spending to address the state’s housing and homelessness crisis and K–12 education spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also some new spending. Newsom wants to add 14 positions at the California Energy Commission to track and oversee oil prices as part of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-prices-gavin-newsom-oil-profits-penalty-price-gouging-c13eeb714b903c753882752c435dbe63\">an effort to crack down on high gas prices\u003c/a>. He also wants to redirect 10 existing positions to that project, creating the Division of Petroleum Market Oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s budget challenges are due in large part to lower tax collections due to a sagging stock market. About half of the state’s money comes from just 1% of earners. That means that the state is vulnerable to big swings in the stock market, which is the source of wealth for most rich people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The downward turn has had the biggest impact on California’s massive technology industry as companies like \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-business-sundar-pichai-covid-pandemics-c85c45231712709582b1d3fe46be5ffe\">Google\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/facebook-meta-layoffs-283a6e1c1a2e02a439d177a7acdf4296\">Facebook\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-paypal-holdings-inc-san-jose-business-a400968b107a791564d67f9e24d7b4d2\">PayPal\u003c/a> have laid off thousands of workers. Earlier this year, Silicon Valley Bank — one of the nation’s largest financial institutions, whose clients were mostly in the tech industry — failed and was bought by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/svb-banks-fdic-first-citizen-silicon-f6958f1fa87b0991cb525b0424c7a1cd\">North Carolina-based First Citizens Bank\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A series of intense winter storms that brought widespread damage also prompted state officials to give many people until October, not April, to file their taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delayed tax collection means Newsom and lawmakers will have to make a plan without knowing how much money they have to spend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s budget deficit has grown to nearly $32 billion, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday, saying the state’s challenges are partly due to high federal inflation rates and the state’s decision to let some people delay filing their taxes after winter storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about $10 billion more than Newsom predicted in January, when he offered his first budget proposal. The deficit is part of Newsom’s overall proposal for a $306 billion budget, by far the largest state budget in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of the only states to have a shortfall this year. That’s mostly because its progressive tax code relies on wealthy taxpayers, whose income is closely tied to the performance of the stock market.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In January, Newsom proposed a number of ideas to cover the deficit, including about $9.6 billion in spending cuts that hit some of the state’s ambitious climate programs and other policy areas. His latest proposal includes roughly another $1 billion in spending reductions. Some of that comes from clawing back unspent money in various programs, including those designed to provide tax refunds and help people with their utility bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s making up the rest of the deficit by shifting expenses, taking some money from the state’s safety net reserve and borrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was not an easy budget, but I hope you see we will try to do our best to hold the line and take care of the most vulnerable and most needy, but still maintain prudence,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican legislative leaders blasted Newsom’s proposal as another marker of irresponsible spending by the Democrats who control Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His cuts to drought programs are dangerous, his ‘fiscal gimmicks’ are shortsighted, and his words about good government and efficiency are yet another empty promise. Californians deserve better,” Republican Assembly Leader James Gallagher said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deficit is small compared to the cash crunch the state faced during the last recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office in 2019, Newsom’s biggest budget fights with the Democratic-controlled state Legislature have been how to spend California’s record-breaking surpluses. Agreeing on what to cut could be much more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s plan in January was to cut money for \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/politics-california-state-government-gavin-newsom-b37eff81737c25479987385dd1dd8d54\">flood protection projects\u003c/a>, delaying an expansion of a subsidized \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-child-care-budget-low-income-newsom-cf0f7d5a27b2df6dd9042a97acb8ccca\">child care program\u003c/a> and canceling a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-deficit-newsom-unemployment-debt-taxes-f6588e0376703fca4398375e11639838\">$500 million plan\u003c/a> to help small businesses pay higher tax rates associated with some state debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom now plans to restore money for flood protection projects and introduce another $250 million in new spending, which includes raising \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1982460/southern-central-valley-counties-brace-for-flooding-as-heat-wave-melts-sierra-snowpack\">a levee to protect the Central Valley community of Corcoran\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not yet clear if he can or will relent on his other proposed cuts. Newsom signed off on an expansion of a subsidized child care program last year that would pay to help an extra 20,000 families. But because of the deficit, Newsom proposed delaying that funding for one year. He argued that the state was having trouble filling the child care slots it already had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That angered some Democratic lawmakers, who said the reason the state was having trouble filling its child care slots is there aren’t enough child care workers. On Monday, Democrats in the Assembly proposed $1 billion in new spending to increase the pay of child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, we just need to put a little pressure on the governor to make sure he’s on board,” Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez-Reyes said on Wednesday while speaking to a rally of parents and child care workers at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s not just child care, though. Democrats in the state Senate \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-budget-business-taxes-gavin-newsom-nancy-skinner-4cc2ed58a503c8a1365ed98cbb3bd095\">want to raise taxes on 2,500 of the largest companies so they can cut taxes by about 25% for most other businesses\u003c/a> — a plan that Newsom has already said he opposes. And environmental groups want Newsom to reverse his planned $6 billion cut to some of his climate proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has maintained most of those cuts in his revised proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s also protected spending in other key priority areas, such as expanding Medicaid to everyone who is eligible regardless of their immigration status and allowing people to use Medicaid money to pay for rent. Likewise Newsom said he planned to maintain spending to address the state’s housing and homelessness crisis and K–12 education spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also some new spending. Newsom wants to add 14 positions at the California Energy Commission to track and oversee oil prices as part of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-prices-gavin-newsom-oil-profits-penalty-price-gouging-c13eeb714b903c753882752c435dbe63\">an effort to crack down on high gas prices\u003c/a>. He also wants to redirect 10 existing positions to that project, creating the Division of Petroleum Market Oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s budget challenges are due in large part to lower tax collections due to a sagging stock market. About half of the state’s money comes from just 1% of earners. That means that the state is vulnerable to big swings in the stock market, which is the source of wealth for most rich people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The downward turn has had the biggest impact on California’s massive technology industry as companies like \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-business-sundar-pichai-covid-pandemics-c85c45231712709582b1d3fe46be5ffe\">Google\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/facebook-meta-layoffs-283a6e1c1a2e02a439d177a7acdf4296\">Facebook\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-paypal-holdings-inc-san-jose-business-a400968b107a791564d67f9e24d7b4d2\">PayPal\u003c/a> have laid off thousands of workers. Earlier this year, Silicon Valley Bank — one of the nation’s largest financial institutions, whose clients were mostly in the tech industry — failed and was bought by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/svb-banks-fdic-first-citizen-silicon-f6958f1fa87b0991cb525b0424c7a1cd\">North Carolina-based First Citizens Bank\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A series of intense winter storms that brought widespread damage also prompted state officials to give many people until October, not April, to file their taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delayed tax collection means Newsom and lawmakers will have to make a plan without knowing how much money they have to spend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "How a Local Tax Is Keeping Much-Needed Child Care in San Francisco Affordable | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>When rain from an atmospheric river storm flooded the preschool inside Corey Santillan’s hillside home in San Francisco this past winter, she thought she’d have to cancel class for weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water seeping from underground wrecked the wood floors, books, art supplies, costumes for pretend play and other classroom materials. The damage was the latest existential threat to La Bamba Preschool — a business Santillan started 16 years ago when she couldn’t find a Spanish-immersion program for her daughter in their Oceanview neighborhood. It survived a recession, a pandemic in which two of her longtime teachers quit and years of financial struggle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There have been times when I thought it was time to say goodbye to this beautiful program,” Santillan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But thanks to Baby Prop. C, a business tax to support San Francisco’s goal of providing early education and care for all of the city’s children, Santillan is starting to see some change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She received a $15,000 grant to install a water pump and repair some of the damage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948785\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948785\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A teacher reads to children gathered around her.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teacher Martha Guarnizo reads a book with her students in the back yard at La Bamba day care in San Francisco on April 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She also received stipends to boost her income — enough to allow her to hire a part-time assistant — and was able to access funding to build a structure in her back yard that will be used as a therapeutic room for kids who experience sensory overload. Since the pandemic, she’s seeing more kids with developmental delays due to social isolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel I can afford to hire an extra staff so we can do that one-on-one work with the children that need it,” Santillan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, San Francisco voters narrowly approved a commercial rent tax to expand access to child care, particularly for lower- and middle-income families, and to help pay early educators a living wage. At the time, proponents argued for a dedicated funding stream for child care to help with waitlists \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/sites/default/files/Documents/candidates/Universal_Child_Rent_Tax.pdf\">for subsidized care for children under the age of 4 (PDF)\u003c/a> and to cover pay raises for early educators, a third of whom were relying on public assistance programs to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To keep them in the workforce, the city intends to pay early educators \u003ca href=\"https://sfdec.org/mayor-breed-announces-landmark-pay-raise-initiative-for-early-educators-in-city-funded-programs/\">at least $28 per hour by 2025\u003c/a>. This far exceeds \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/workforce-index-2020/states/california/\">the $13.43 median wage for child care workers in California\u003c/a>, according to the latest data from the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948703\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948703\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Latinx woman looks up at a boy as they stand in a yard with plants.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Corey Santillan works with a student in the back yard at La Bamba day care in San Francisco on April 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Taxpayer and business groups challenged the measure and held it up in the courts but funds collected under it began reaching families and providers last year. Around the same time, Mayor London Breed launched the Department of Early Childhood, dedicating $300 million annually to support the city’s goal of providing universal early care and education to all young children. The bulk of the revenue comes from the commercial tax, although that number will likely dip \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/san-francisco-office-vacancy/3204043/#:~:text=%22The%20vacancy%20rate%20in%20San,commercial%20real%20estate%20firm%20CBRE.\">due to rising vacancy rates at downtown offices and retail spaces\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe class=\"wp-embedded-content\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" title=\"The Benefits of Investing in Early Childhood Education and Care\" src=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/the-benefits-of-investing-in-early-childhood-educa/embed#?secret=2SEccoZXfv\" data-secret=\"2SEccoZXfv\" width=\"100%\" height=\"180\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those funds \u003ca href=\"https://sfdec.org/decs-year-in-review/\">have increased wages for teachers and expanded access to child care\u003c/a>, putting San Francisco further along than the rest of the state in reforming the child care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, families making up to 110% of the San Francisco area’s median income — \u003ca href=\"https://sfdec.org/paying-for-ece/\">or up to $152,400 a year for a family of four\u003c/a> — can qualify for subsidized child care for their kids under age 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not some luxury that you can do without,” said Wei-min Wang, deputy director for the Department of Early Childhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think at this point, almost every family, every parent, every caregiver knows that early education is essential to getting kids a leg up in terms of getting ready for school — and, by virtue of that, ready for life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948712\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11948712 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023.jpg\" alt=\"A Latinx woman engaged in arts activity with two children, one boy and one girl.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teacher Martha Guarnizo engages in an art activity with her students at La Bamba day care in San Francisco on April 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since the rollout of Baby Prop. C, the waitlist for families eligible for subsidized care has gotten shorter — from the 2,000–3,000 range down to about 1,000, according to Wang — but there are lingering concerns about meeting the needs of families with babies and toddlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ability to provide subsidies for low-income families with infant and toddlers will take some time. The infrastructure needed will take time,” former Supervisor Norman Yee, who spearheaded the campaign for Baby Prop. C, told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most concern I have is the growing of the workforce,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because caring for infants and toddlers is a labor-intensive job that costs more than other types of child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the most expensive because ideally you’re in a situation where you have no more than three infants to each adult. Anything higher than that, I mean, you can just imagine … like having to care for four babies at one time,” Wang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='The True Cost of Child Care' tag='true-cost-of-child-care']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krystle Danridge-Pierson saw the acute demand when, a year ago, she opened Each One Teach One out of her home in the Bernal Heights neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The minute I opened, my waitlist filled with pregnant women trying to line up child care for the babies in their bellies,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danridge-Pierson said she received robust support from the San Francisco Children’s Council’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.childrenscouncil.org/for-child-care-programs/start-or-grow-your-business/\">Family Child Care Business Incubator program\u003c/a> to obtain a state license to open and grow her business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine months after opening, she was able to access city funding after meeting a set of high-quality standards. They include maintaining a safe and enriching environment, closely monitoring children’s development, communicating with parents about their children’s learning and keeping up with training to improve her skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also has to agree to serve lower- and middle-income parents and guardians like Keith Anderson, grandfather of a 2-year-old named Ajani — ensuring that they have access to a high-quality program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His growth in communication, his activities, the way he sings, the way he plays the piano,” Anderson said. “I can attribute that to Miss Krystle because she has a music session once a week on Fridays.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent Katie Le-Blanc said she sends her 5-year-old son, Remo, to Santillan’s small program because it offers him the opportunity to learn Spanish and focuses on developing the whole child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s growing compassionate children, she’s teaching curious children and she’s teaching them things like social justice, environmentalism, art, dance, sports,” Le-Blanc said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Santillan and Danridge-Pierson are certified to teach in elementary schools, but instead they choose to dedicate themselves to early childhood education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948823\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948823\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman holds a small child up to her face while smiling. The child touches her face.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Krystle Danridge-Pierson, founder and director at Each One Teach One Child Care, holds a small child at the San Francisco day care facility on April 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The age group that I enjoy and love pretty much the most is the babies, the beginning of all of their educational journey,” Danridge-Pierson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The longer-term goal is to pay early educators the same salary as public school teachers so they can see a future in the profession, Wang said.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Narrowly passed in 2018, Baby Prop. C has expanded access to child care, particularly for lower- and middle-income families, and is helping pay early educators a living wage.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When rain from an atmospheric river storm flooded the preschool inside Corey Santillan’s hillside home in San Francisco this past winter, she thought she’d have to cancel class for weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water seeping from underground wrecked the wood floors, books, art supplies, costumes for pretend play and other classroom materials. The damage was the latest existential threat to La Bamba Preschool — a business Santillan started 16 years ago when she couldn’t find a Spanish-immersion program for her daughter in their Oceanview neighborhood. It survived a recession, a pandemic in which two of her longtime teachers quit and years of financial struggle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There have been times when I thought it was time to say goodbye to this beautiful program,” Santillan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But thanks to Baby Prop. C, a business tax to support San Francisco’s goal of providing early education and care for all of the city’s children, Santillan is starting to see some change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She received a $15,000 grant to install a water pump and repair some of the damage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948785\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948785\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A teacher reads to children gathered around her.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/RS64791_015_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teacher Martha Guarnizo reads a book with her students in the back yard at La Bamba day care in San Francisco on April 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She also received stipends to boost her income — enough to allow her to hire a part-time assistant — and was able to access funding to build a structure in her back yard that will be used as a therapeutic room for kids who experience sensory overload. Since the pandemic, she’s seeing more kids with developmental delays due to social isolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel I can afford to hire an extra staff so we can do that one-on-one work with the children that need it,” Santillan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, San Francisco voters narrowly approved a commercial rent tax to expand access to child care, particularly for lower- and middle-income families, and to help pay early educators a living wage. At the time, proponents argued for a dedicated funding stream for child care to help with waitlists \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/sites/default/files/Documents/candidates/Universal_Child_Rent_Tax.pdf\">for subsidized care for children under the age of 4 (PDF)\u003c/a> and to cover pay raises for early educators, a third of whom were relying on public assistance programs to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To keep them in the workforce, the city intends to pay early educators \u003ca href=\"https://sfdec.org/mayor-breed-announces-landmark-pay-raise-initiative-for-early-educators-in-city-funded-programs/\">at least $28 per hour by 2025\u003c/a>. This far exceeds \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/workforce-index-2020/states/california/\">the $13.43 median wage for child care workers in California\u003c/a>, according to the latest data from the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948703\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948703\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Latinx woman looks up at a boy as they stand in a yard with plants.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64799_029_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Corey Santillan works with a student in the back yard at La Bamba day care in San Francisco on April 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Taxpayer and business groups challenged the measure and held it up in the courts but funds collected under it began reaching families and providers last year. Around the same time, Mayor London Breed launched the Department of Early Childhood, dedicating $300 million annually to support the city’s goal of providing universal early care and education to all young children. The bulk of the revenue comes from the commercial tax, although that number will likely dip \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/san-francisco-office-vacancy/3204043/#:~:text=%22The%20vacancy%20rate%20in%20San,commercial%20real%20estate%20firm%20CBRE.\">due to rising vacancy rates at downtown offices and retail spaces\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe class=\"wp-embedded-content\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" title=\"The Benefits of Investing in Early Childhood Education and Care\" src=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/the-benefits-of-investing-in-early-childhood-educa/embed#?secret=2SEccoZXfv\" data-secret=\"2SEccoZXfv\" width=\"100%\" height=\"180\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those funds \u003ca href=\"https://sfdec.org/decs-year-in-review/\">have increased wages for teachers and expanded access to child care\u003c/a>, putting San Francisco further along than the rest of the state in reforming the child care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, families making up to 110% of the San Francisco area’s median income — \u003ca href=\"https://sfdec.org/paying-for-ece/\">or up to $152,400 a year for a family of four\u003c/a> — can qualify for subsidized child care for their kids under age 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not some luxury that you can do without,” said Wei-min Wang, deputy director for the Department of Early Childhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think at this point, almost every family, every parent, every caregiver knows that early education is essential to getting kids a leg up in terms of getting ready for school — and, by virtue of that, ready for life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948712\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11948712 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023.jpg\" alt=\"A Latinx woman engaged in arts activity with two children, one boy and one girl.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/022_KQED_LaBombaPreschool_04202023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teacher Martha Guarnizo engages in an art activity with her students at La Bamba day care in San Francisco on April 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since the rollout of Baby Prop. C, the waitlist for families eligible for subsidized care has gotten shorter — from the 2,000–3,000 range down to about 1,000, according to Wang — but there are lingering concerns about meeting the needs of families with babies and toddlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ability to provide subsidies for low-income families with infant and toddlers will take some time. The infrastructure needed will take time,” former Supervisor Norman Yee, who spearheaded the campaign for Baby Prop. C, told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most concern I have is the growing of the workforce,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because caring for infants and toddlers is a labor-intensive job that costs more than other types of child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the most expensive because ideally you’re in a situation where you have no more than three infants to each adult. Anything higher than that, I mean, you can just imagine … like having to care for four babies at one time,” Wang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krystle Danridge-Pierson saw the acute demand when, a year ago, she opened Each One Teach One out of her home in the Bernal Heights neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The minute I opened, my waitlist filled with pregnant women trying to line up child care for the babies in their bellies,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danridge-Pierson said she received robust support from the San Francisco Children’s Council’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.childrenscouncil.org/for-child-care-programs/start-or-grow-your-business/\">Family Child Care Business Incubator program\u003c/a> to obtain a state license to open and grow her business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine months after opening, she was able to access city funding after meeting a set of high-quality standards. They include maintaining a safe and enriching environment, closely monitoring children’s development, communicating with parents about their children’s learning and keeping up with training to improve her skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also has to agree to serve lower- and middle-income parents and guardians like Keith Anderson, grandfather of a 2-year-old named Ajani — ensuring that they have access to a high-quality program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His growth in communication, his activities, the way he sings, the way he plays the piano,” Anderson said. “I can attribute that to Miss Krystle because she has a music session once a week on Fridays.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent Katie Le-Blanc said she sends her 5-year-old son, Remo, to Santillan’s small program because it offers him the opportunity to learn Spanish and focuses on developing the whole child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s growing compassionate children, she’s teaching curious children and she’s teaching them things like social justice, environmentalism, art, dance, sports,” Le-Blanc said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Santillan and Danridge-Pierson are certified to teach in elementary schools, but instead they choose to dedicate themselves to early childhood education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948823\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948823\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman holds a small child up to her face while smiling. The child touches her face.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/018_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Krystle Danridge-Pierson, founder and director at Each One Teach One Child Care, holds a small child at the San Francisco day care facility on April 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The age group that I enjoy and love pretty much the most is the babies, the beginning of all of their educational journey,” Danridge-Pierson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The longer-term goal is to pay early educators the same salary as public school teachers so they can see a future in the profession, Wang said.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-lawmakers-fast-track-a-loan-program-to-prevent-hospital-closures",
"title": "California Legislators Fast-Track a Loan Program to Prevent Hospital Closures",
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"headTitle": "California Legislators Fast-Track a Loan Program to Prevent Hospital Closures | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/hospital-closures-california/\">hospitals in financial trouble\u003c/a> will soon be able to apply for interest-free state loans, although key questions about the selection process aren’t yet resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature on Thursday approved \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB112\">a bill that will allocate a one-time sum of $150 million from the general fund to aid hospitals\u003c/a> that are facing severe financial distress and are at risk of closure, or that have closed but have a plan to reopen. The loans would have to be paid back within six years, although loans may be forgiven for hospitals that meet certain requirements. Gov. Gavin Newsom needs to sign the bill to enact the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators and hospital administrators have acknowledged a loan program is only a stopgap for a number of hospitals that for months have warned of their precarious fiscal situations. Legislators fast-tracked action following \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/01/hospital-closure/\">the closure of Madera Community Hospital\u003c/a> at the start of this year, which left this San Joaquin Valley county of 160,000 people without a local emergency room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, another hospital, Beverly Hospital in the city of Montebello, has filed for bankruptcy.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"science_1981588,news_11947640,news_11937928\"]“This bill, this money, will keep them (Beverly Hospital) open long enough to be able to perhaps sell, regroup, whatever, but they will keep their doors open,” Sen. Bob Archuleta, a Cerritos Democrat whose district includes Montebello, said on the Senate floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loans under the new program would be available to nonprofit and public hospitals. Those that would most likely need and could benefit from the loans are independent and rural hospitals, some of which were struggling even prior to the pandemic, and that have had a difficult time managing cash flow after they stopped receiving federal COVID relief funds. Hospitals that apply will have to demonstrate need and viability to the California Department of Health Care Access and Information, which will oversee the program in conjunction with the state’s health department and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.treasurer.ca.gov/chffa/introduction.asp\">California Health Facilities Financing Authority\u003c/a>, a financing program within the State Treasurer’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear exactly how many hospitals could qualify and how much each would get, according to officials from the state Department of Finance who testified in a budget committee hearing earlier this week. That will be determined by the agencies in charge, who will have to create eligibility criteria for these loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In hearings leading to Thursday’s vote, lawmakers asked why the state wasn’t conducting its own analysis of hospitals’ current situation so that the Legislature knows exactly which hospitals are in immediate need of relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know how many hospitals, we don’t know which hospitals. We don’t know which areas those hospitals are (in), we don’t know anything. And now we’re asked to approve $150 million to be doled out without access to plans, without access to the finances that would give us the evidence to feel comfortable with this,” said Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, a Los Angeles Democrat, during a Senate budget committee hearing on Tuesday.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Sen. Bob Archuleta (D-Cerritos)\"]‘This bill, this money, will keep them (Beverly Hospital) open long enough to be able to perhaps sell, regroup, whatever, but they will keep their doors open.’[/pullquote]Much of the information available to legislators has come from the California Hospital Association, whose job is to lobby on behalf of hospitals. According to a report commissioned by the association, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kaufmanhall.com/sites/default/files/2023-04/CHA-Financial-Impact-Report.pdf\">1 in 5 hospitals is at risk of closure (PDF)\u003c/a>, and half of California’s hospitals are losing money. The report did not list which hospitals are in immediate danger. The association has also not identified facilities, noting that when a hospital announces its financial troubles it can prematurely begin to lose workers and patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But aside from the now defunct Madera Community Hospital, at least seven other hospitals have publicly spoken about their financial troubles, either through op-ed pieces, news reports, notices on their website or communication to their staff. These include: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/local-news/2023-01-06/kaweah-medical-center-limping-toward-recovery-as-pandemic-costs-strain-the-hospital\">Kaweah Health Medical Center\u003c/a> in Visalia, \u003ca href=\"https://inewsource.org/2023/05/02/imperial-county-el-centro-hospital-money-problems-new-leader/\">El Centro Regional Medical Center\u003c/a> in Imperial County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-04-20/beverly-hospital-in-montebello-files-for-bankruptcy-in-effort-to-avoid-closure\">Beverly Hospital\u003c/a> in Montebello, \u003ca href=\"https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/finance/20-of-california-hospitals-at-risk-of-closure-4-leaders-react.html\">MLK Jr. Community Hospital\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/hospital-closures-california/\">Hazel Hawkins Memorial Hospital\u003c/a> in Hollister, \u003ca href=\"https://www.recorderonline.com/news/sierra-view-other-hospitals-face-financial-trouble/article_e9788152-da2d-11ed-bb7e-73821570dc31.html\">Sierra View Medical Center\u003c/a> in Porterville and \u003ca href=\"https://lostcoastoutpost.com/2023/feb/14/mad-river-hospital-suspends-home-health-services/\">Mad River Community Hospital\u003c/a> in Humboldt County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During this week’s hearings, legislators also questioned how the state came up with the $150 million figure, given that the state does not yet know how many hospitals need a loan or would qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One hundred fifty million is something that we believe we can absorb at this time,” said Erika Li, with the state’s Department of Finance, during Tuesday’s budget hearing. “Trying to address an issue during fiscal constraints is always difficult because you’re always balancing lots of priorities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With eyes on the upcoming fiscal year, the California Hospital Association has asked the state for $1.5 billion in one-time relief, a tough request in a deficit year. But Senate Democrats are in support, \u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/sites/sbud.senate.ca.gov/files/Protect%20Our%20Progress%20Senate%20Budget%20Plan.pdf\">proposing that hospitals get $400 million annually for four years (PDF)\u003c/a> that would come with requirements and conditions, according to their budget proposal that is to be finalized this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the California Hospital Association said the loan program is welcome news and promising for hospitals on the financial brink, but more state support is necessary. Specifically, the association has been advocating to increase reimbursements for services provided to patients covered by Medi-Cal, the health insurance program for people with lower income, which covers about 15 million people in the state.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jan Emerson-Shea, spokesperson, California Hospital Association\"]‘Beyond this short-term relief, a sustainable and systemic solution will be needed to protect care for Medi-Cal patients throughout the state for years to come.’[/pullquote]“Beyond this short-term relief, a sustainable and systemic solution will be needed to protect care for Medi-Cal patients throughout the state for years to come,” said Jan Emerson-Shea, a spokesperson for the California Hospital Association. “As California continues to reel from the long-lasting and negative impacts COVID-19 has wrought on the state’s health care system, the work must continue if we are to preserve critical hospital services in all communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking longer-term relief, Sen. Anna Caballero, a Merced Democrat whose district includes Madera, is also pushing separate legislation that calls for the state to renew a tax on managed care organizations that expired last year. That money would be used to increase Medi-Cal payments to hospitals and other providers, helping hospitals that disproportionately serve patients with lower income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ensuring that our hospitals remain open and able to serve patients has been priority number one for me this year. The hospital closure in Madera and other looming closures would be catastrophic in both rural and urban communities,” Caballero said in a statement following Thursday’s vote. “To ensure proper oversight of public funds, I will continue to seek more transparency and frankly more accountability on hospital operations to ensure California preserves health care access for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Several hospitals have warned that they are struggling financially after the strains of the pandemic. A new loan program, if approved, could offer short-term relief, but legislators acknowledge the loans are a stopgap.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/hospital-closures-california/\">hospitals in financial trouble\u003c/a> will soon be able to apply for interest-free state loans, although key questions about the selection process aren’t yet resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature on Thursday approved \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB112\">a bill that will allocate a one-time sum of $150 million from the general fund to aid hospitals\u003c/a> that are facing severe financial distress and are at risk of closure, or that have closed but have a plan to reopen. The loans would have to be paid back within six years, although loans may be forgiven for hospitals that meet certain requirements. Gov. Gavin Newsom needs to sign the bill to enact the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators and hospital administrators have acknowledged a loan program is only a stopgap for a number of hospitals that for months have warned of their precarious fiscal situations. Legislators fast-tracked action following \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/01/hospital-closure/\">the closure of Madera Community Hospital\u003c/a> at the start of this year, which left this San Joaquin Valley county of 160,000 people without a local emergency room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, another hospital, Beverly Hospital in the city of Montebello, has filed for bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This bill, this money, will keep them (Beverly Hospital) open long enough to be able to perhaps sell, regroup, whatever, but they will keep their doors open,” Sen. Bob Archuleta, a Cerritos Democrat whose district includes Montebello, said on the Senate floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loans under the new program would be available to nonprofit and public hospitals. Those that would most likely need and could benefit from the loans are independent and rural hospitals, some of which were struggling even prior to the pandemic, and that have had a difficult time managing cash flow after they stopped receiving federal COVID relief funds. Hospitals that apply will have to demonstrate need and viability to the California Department of Health Care Access and Information, which will oversee the program in conjunction with the state’s health department and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.treasurer.ca.gov/chffa/introduction.asp\">California Health Facilities Financing Authority\u003c/a>, a financing program within the State Treasurer’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear exactly how many hospitals could qualify and how much each would get, according to officials from the state Department of Finance who testified in a budget committee hearing earlier this week. That will be determined by the agencies in charge, who will have to create eligibility criteria for these loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In hearings leading to Thursday’s vote, lawmakers asked why the state wasn’t conducting its own analysis of hospitals’ current situation so that the Legislature knows exactly which hospitals are in immediate need of relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know how many hospitals, we don’t know which hospitals. We don’t know which areas those hospitals are (in), we don’t know anything. And now we’re asked to approve $150 million to be doled out without access to plans, without access to the finances that would give us the evidence to feel comfortable with this,” said Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, a Los Angeles Democrat, during a Senate budget committee hearing on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Much of the information available to legislators has come from the California Hospital Association, whose job is to lobby on behalf of hospitals. According to a report commissioned by the association, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kaufmanhall.com/sites/default/files/2023-04/CHA-Financial-Impact-Report.pdf\">1 in 5 hospitals is at risk of closure (PDF)\u003c/a>, and half of California’s hospitals are losing money. The report did not list which hospitals are in immediate danger. The association has also not identified facilities, noting that when a hospital announces its financial troubles it can prematurely begin to lose workers and patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But aside from the now defunct Madera Community Hospital, at least seven other hospitals have publicly spoken about their financial troubles, either through op-ed pieces, news reports, notices on their website or communication to their staff. These include: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/local-news/2023-01-06/kaweah-medical-center-limping-toward-recovery-as-pandemic-costs-strain-the-hospital\">Kaweah Health Medical Center\u003c/a> in Visalia, \u003ca href=\"https://inewsource.org/2023/05/02/imperial-county-el-centro-hospital-money-problems-new-leader/\">El Centro Regional Medical Center\u003c/a> in Imperial County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-04-20/beverly-hospital-in-montebello-files-for-bankruptcy-in-effort-to-avoid-closure\">Beverly Hospital\u003c/a> in Montebello, \u003ca href=\"https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/finance/20-of-california-hospitals-at-risk-of-closure-4-leaders-react.html\">MLK Jr. Community Hospital\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/hospital-closures-california/\">Hazel Hawkins Memorial Hospital\u003c/a> in Hollister, \u003ca href=\"https://www.recorderonline.com/news/sierra-view-other-hospitals-face-financial-trouble/article_e9788152-da2d-11ed-bb7e-73821570dc31.html\">Sierra View Medical Center\u003c/a> in Porterville and \u003ca href=\"https://lostcoastoutpost.com/2023/feb/14/mad-river-hospital-suspends-home-health-services/\">Mad River Community Hospital\u003c/a> in Humboldt County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During this week’s hearings, legislators also questioned how the state came up with the $150 million figure, given that the state does not yet know how many hospitals need a loan or would qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One hundred fifty million is something that we believe we can absorb at this time,” said Erika Li, with the state’s Department of Finance, during Tuesday’s budget hearing. “Trying to address an issue during fiscal constraints is always difficult because you’re always balancing lots of priorities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With eyes on the upcoming fiscal year, the California Hospital Association has asked the state for $1.5 billion in one-time relief, a tough request in a deficit year. But Senate Democrats are in support, \u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/sites/sbud.senate.ca.gov/files/Protect%20Our%20Progress%20Senate%20Budget%20Plan.pdf\">proposing that hospitals get $400 million annually for four years (PDF)\u003c/a> that would come with requirements and conditions, according to their budget proposal that is to be finalized this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the California Hospital Association said the loan program is welcome news and promising for hospitals on the financial brink, but more state support is necessary. Specifically, the association has been advocating to increase reimbursements for services provided to patients covered by Medi-Cal, the health insurance program for people with lower income, which covers about 15 million people in the state.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Beyond this short-term relief, a sustainable and systemic solution will be needed to protect care for Medi-Cal patients throughout the state for years to come,” said Jan Emerson-Shea, a spokesperson for the California Hospital Association. “As California continues to reel from the long-lasting and negative impacts COVID-19 has wrought on the state’s health care system, the work must continue if we are to preserve critical hospital services in all communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking longer-term relief, Sen. Anna Caballero, a Merced Democrat whose district includes Madera, is also pushing separate legislation that calls for the state to renew a tax on managed care organizations that expired last year. That money would be used to increase Medi-Cal payments to hospitals and other providers, helping hospitals that disproportionately serve patients with lower income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ensuring that our hospitals remain open and able to serve patients has been priority number one for me this year. The hospital closure in Madera and other looming closures would be catastrophic in both rural and urban communities,” Caballero said in a statement following Thursday’s vote. “To ensure proper oversight of public funds, I will continue to seek more transparency and frankly more accountability on hospital operations to ensure California preserves health care access for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California has joined law firms and advocacy groups to create a hotline that provides access to information and pro bono services for people who need legal help related to abortion, as the state seeks to become a safe haven for reproductive rights since Roe v. Wade was overturned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Attorney General Rob Bonta and officials with the Southern California Legal Alliance for Reproductive Justice made the announcement Tuesday, one year since the U.S. Supreme Court draft decision reversing Roe was leaked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calling it a “dark anniversary,” Bonta said that in the ensuing year the national legal landscape surrounding abortion has become “confusing and, frankly, scary.”[aside postID=science_1982345 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/35/2023/04/RS64651_GettyImages-1481952226-qut-1020x680.jpg']He said the new coalition seeks to put patients and care providers at ease by providing a wide range of legal services to people in places where abortion is restricted — including pro bono representation for anyone facing civil or criminal penalties for seeking, providing or assisting in reproductive care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They aren’t alone. We’re here. We have support. We have resources. We have guidance, we have counsel for you,” Bonta said at a news conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, legal experts will offer guidance about compliance amid shifting restrictions in various states, advice about protecting sensitive health data and support for amicus briefs to advance reproductive rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unforgiving abortion bans and the devastating health consequences that follow are galvanizing advocates, providers and law firms,” said Lara Stemple, director of the Legal Alliance for Reproductive Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Threats of jail time, fines or protracted legal battles have already caused providers to deny critical care and forced patients to turn to unsafe measures, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state and the legal alliance will get support from groups including Planned Parenthood, Access Reproductive Justice, the National Women’s Law Center and the UCLA Law Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Attorney General Rob Bonta\"]‘They aren’t alone. We’re here. We have support. We have resources. We have guidance, we have counsel for you.’[/pullquote]The California coalition will align with the Abortion Defense Network, a national nonprofit that provides similar advice, representation and funding to help pay legal expenses related to abortion care, Stemple said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the network is vast and growing,” she said. “I’m confident that we would be able to connect any abortion provider in any place in the United States with lawyers who would be willing to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last June, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, the 1973 decision that had provided a constitutional right to abortion. The ruling has led to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-abortion-ruling-states-a767801145ad01617100e57410a0a21d\">abortion bans\u003c/a> in roughly half the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In anticipation of the decision, California and other states led by Democrats have taken steps to protect abortion access. The high court’s decision also set up the potential for legal fights among the states over whether providers and those who help people obtain abortions can be sued or prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He said the new coalition seeks to put patients and care providers at ease by providing a wide range of legal services to people in places where abortion is restricted — including pro bono representation for anyone facing civil or criminal penalties for seeking, providing or assisting in reproductive care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They aren’t alone. We’re here. We have support. We have resources. We have guidance, we have counsel for you,” Bonta said at a news conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, legal experts will offer guidance about compliance amid shifting restrictions in various states, advice about protecting sensitive health data and support for amicus briefs to advance reproductive rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unforgiving abortion bans and the devastating health consequences that follow are galvanizing advocates, providers and law firms,” said Lara Stemple, director of the Legal Alliance for Reproductive Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Threats of jail time, fines or protracted legal battles have already caused providers to deny critical care and forced patients to turn to unsafe measures, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state and the legal alliance will get support from groups including Planned Parenthood, Access Reproductive Justice, the National Women’s Law Center and the UCLA Law Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The California coalition will align with the Abortion Defense Network, a national nonprofit that provides similar advice, representation and funding to help pay legal expenses related to abortion care, Stemple said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the network is vast and growing,” she said. “I’m confident that we would be able to connect any abortion provider in any place in the United States with lawyers who would be willing to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last June, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, the 1973 decision that had provided a constitutional right to abortion. The ruling has led to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-abortion-ruling-states-a767801145ad01617100e57410a0a21d\">abortion bans\u003c/a> in roughly half the states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In anticipation of the decision, California and other states led by Democrats have taken steps to protect abortion access. The high court’s decision also set up the potential for legal fights among the states over whether providers and those who help people obtain abortions can be sued or prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "the-construction-industry-wants-to-hire-more-women-but-child-care-barriers-are-getting-in-the-way",
"title": "The Construction Industry Wants to Hire More Women, but Child Care ‘Barriers’ Are Getting in the Way",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tamarra Hayward, 36, is a single mother of three with two dead-end jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At night, she works the graveyard shift at an Amazon warehouse in the Sacramento area, picking out merchandise people have ordered online and sending it off to be packed and delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job pays $19 per hour, which she said isn’t enough to make ends meet. So she delivers food for DoorDash on the side, and while she’s working, she relies on family members to look after her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Tamarra Hayward, apprentice construction worker\"]‘Two years of receiving a child care stipend will allow me to save two years of income that I would have taken away from my household for child care.’[/pullquote]“I’ve got someone different watching my kids every single day, and I’m struggling paycheck to paycheck right now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an aunt, who is a longtime carpenter, suggested she pursue a career in construction, Hayward jumped at the chance and signed up for a pre-apprenticeship — a boot camp-like program that teaches the basics of carpentry before a four-year apprenticeship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948324\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11948324\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A group of women wearing construction equipment survey a building area.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An all-female group gets ready to pack up for the day. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hayward is among a small but growing group of women California is trying to attract to the trades. The construction industry has historically been male-dominated, and the state is trying to get more women and nonbinary people into the pipeline by promoting state-regulated apprenticeships that will lead to better-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry itself needs \u003ca href=\"https://www.abc.org/News-Media/News-Releases/entryid/19777/construction-workforce-shortage-tops-half-a-million-in-2023-says-abc\">hundreds of thousands of skilled workers\u003c/a> to replace older workers who are retiring, and to meet the rising demand for new construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But only 3.5% of people enrolled in construction apprenticeships are women, and access to child care is keeping many of them from joining the trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you talk to women in the industry, they will likely share the challenge of finding affordable and accessible child care as a significant barrier,” said Katie Hagen, director of the California Department of Industrial Relations, at a news conference in March announcing $25 million in grants to help cover the cost of child care for women starting their careers in construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11948322\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two women wearing construction uniforms hold hammers near wooden boards at a construction site.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oshen Turman practices nailing techniques during the six-week training program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Apprenticeships offer participants who don’t necessarily have a college degree a chance to earn money while they undergo training in various jobs. They’re a key part of the state’s strategy to develop a skilled workforce by offering apprenticeships to a half-million people by 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graduates from a construction apprenticeship program can expect to make $75,000 or more per year, said Hagen.[aside postID=\"news_11948283\" label=\"Related Post\"]“There aren’t very many jobs where you finish your training program and you can earn such a high wage,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Builders are trying to bolster the effort by supporting legislation that would \u003ca href=\"https://sd19.senate.ca.gov/news/2023/february/senator-limon-and-assembly-majority-leader-reyes-introduce-child-care-reform\">invest in more child care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrew Meredith, president of the State Building and Construction Trades Council, said construction workers often get to job sites before dawn, so they need child care that falls outside of normal working hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women are actually looking for programs that can take their children at 5 or 5:30 in the morning or, God forbid, even sometimes earlier than that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11948323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people wearing construction equipment hold a wooden structure as one person looks on while another works on a different wooden structure.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Participants of the pre-apprenticeship working to become carpenters. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Parents had a hard time finding flexible child care hours long before the pandemic hit. Between 2008 and 2017, the number of home-based family child care sites that typically offered care beyond the 9-to-5 schedule \u003ca href=\"https://rrnetwork.org/publications/nontraditional-hours-and-child-care-study\">steadily declined by 30%\u003c/a>, according to the California Child Care Resource and Referral Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Gemma DiMatteo, research director for the network, these small businesses often struggle to stay afloat financially, and would have taken a harder hit during the pandemic if they hadn’t received federal aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayward said she anticipates that she’ll be on multiple waitlists for child care for her 12-month-old daughter, but it’s a step up from not being able to afford child care at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For six grueling weeks, Hayward drove 90 miles each way from her home in Sacramento to the Nor Cal Carpenters Training facility in the East Bay city of Pleasanton to undergo training with 10 other women. They’d start by running 1.5 miles around the massive building while wearing heavy tool belts and then spend the rest of the day learning how to use tools and machinery safely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After graduating from the pre-apprenticeship, Hayward will receive $10,000 in stipends from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DAS/Grants/ERICA.html\">Equal Representation in Construction Apprenticeship\u003c/a>, or ERiCA, grant to help her get through the next phase of training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11948321\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two women wearing construction uniforms hold hammers near wooden boards at a construction site.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamarra Hayward practices nailing techniques. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As an apprentice, she’ll continue with classroom learning and be on call when a construction job comes up. The stipends are expected to cover the first two years of the apprenticeship, when starting pay ranges from $30 to $37 per hour, depending on the location of the job site. But as the program continues, workers will see their pay rise. By the fourth year, they could earn up to $47 to $54 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means Hayward will make enough money to support her family with this one job — and child care will be subsidized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two years of receiving a child care stipend will allow me to save two years of income that I would have taken away from my household for child care,” she said. “I’m also going to be able to save money to buy a house for my children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the final day of the boot camp, Hayward said she woke up early, prepared bottles of milk for her baby, gave her a kiss and got in her car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948326\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11948326\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people wearing construction uniforms pose holding certificates in a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamarra Hayward (kneeling in orange jacket) and Oshen Turman (second row, far right), alongside their classmates, pose for a portrait after receiving their certificates of completion. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I just finished giving her the last of the breast milk that I made. But I remind myself the reason why I came to this program is so that I don’t have to continue the cycle of struggle,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her kids and the promise of a better future motivate her to keep going.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Carpenters Training Committee for Northern California, a state-supported apprenticeship program, is seeking to attract women and nonbinary people into the male-dominated construction and building industry by offering child care resources and stipends.",
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"title": "The Construction Industry Wants to Hire More Women, but Child Care ‘Barriers’ Are Getting in the Way | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tamarra Hayward, 36, is a single mother of three with two dead-end jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At night, she works the graveyard shift at an Amazon warehouse in the Sacramento area, picking out merchandise people have ordered online and sending it off to be packed and delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job pays $19 per hour, which she said isn’t enough to make ends meet. So she delivers food for DoorDash on the side, and while she’s working, she relies on family members to look after her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’ve got someone different watching my kids every single day, and I’m struggling paycheck to paycheck right now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an aunt, who is a longtime carpenter, suggested she pursue a career in construction, Hayward jumped at the chance and signed up for a pre-apprenticeship — a boot camp-like program that teaches the basics of carpentry before a four-year apprenticeship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948324\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11948324\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A group of women wearing construction equipment survey a building area.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/029_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An all-female group gets ready to pack up for the day. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hayward is among a small but growing group of women California is trying to attract to the trades. The construction industry has historically been male-dominated, and the state is trying to get more women and nonbinary people into the pipeline by promoting state-regulated apprenticeships that will lead to better-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry itself needs \u003ca href=\"https://www.abc.org/News-Media/News-Releases/entryid/19777/construction-workforce-shortage-tops-half-a-million-in-2023-says-abc\">hundreds of thousands of skilled workers\u003c/a> to replace older workers who are retiring, and to meet the rising demand for new construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But only 3.5% of people enrolled in construction apprenticeships are women, and access to child care is keeping many of them from joining the trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you talk to women in the industry, they will likely share the challenge of finding affordable and accessible child care as a significant barrier,” said Katie Hagen, director of the California Department of Industrial Relations, at a news conference in March announcing $25 million in grants to help cover the cost of child care for women starting their careers in construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11948322\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two women wearing construction uniforms hold hammers near wooden boards at a construction site.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/024_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oshen Turman practices nailing techniques during the six-week training program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Apprenticeships offer participants who don’t necessarily have a college degree a chance to earn money while they undergo training in various jobs. They’re a key part of the state’s strategy to develop a skilled workforce by offering apprenticeships to a half-million people by 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graduates from a construction apprenticeship program can expect to make $75,000 or more per year, said Hagen.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There aren’t very many jobs where you finish your training program and you can earn such a high wage,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Builders are trying to bolster the effort by supporting legislation that would \u003ca href=\"https://sd19.senate.ca.gov/news/2023/february/senator-limon-and-assembly-majority-leader-reyes-introduce-child-care-reform\">invest in more child care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andrew Meredith, president of the State Building and Construction Trades Council, said construction workers often get to job sites before dawn, so they need child care that falls outside of normal working hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women are actually looking for programs that can take their children at 5 or 5:30 in the morning or, God forbid, even sometimes earlier than that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11948323\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people wearing construction equipment hold a wooden structure as one person looks on while another works on a different wooden structure.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/026_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Participants of the pre-apprenticeship working to become carpenters. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Parents had a hard time finding flexible child care hours long before the pandemic hit. Between 2008 and 2017, the number of home-based family child care sites that typically offered care beyond the 9-to-5 schedule \u003ca href=\"https://rrnetwork.org/publications/nontraditional-hours-and-child-care-study\">steadily declined by 30%\u003c/a>, according to the California Child Care Resource and Referral Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Gemma DiMatteo, research director for the network, these small businesses often struggle to stay afloat financially, and would have taken a harder hit during the pandemic if they hadn’t received federal aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayward said she anticipates that she’ll be on multiple waitlists for child care for her 12-month-old daughter, but it’s a step up from not being able to afford child care at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For six grueling weeks, Hayward drove 90 miles each way from her home in Sacramento to the Nor Cal Carpenters Training facility in the East Bay city of Pleasanton to undergo training with 10 other women. They’d start by running 1.5 miles around the massive building while wearing heavy tool belts and then spend the rest of the day learning how to use tools and machinery safely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After graduating from the pre-apprenticeship, Hayward will receive $10,000 in stipends from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DAS/Grants/ERICA.html\">Equal Representation in Construction Apprenticeship\u003c/a>, or ERiCA, grant to help her get through the next phase of training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11948321\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two women wearing construction uniforms hold hammers near wooden boards at a construction site.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/017_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamarra Hayward practices nailing techniques. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As an apprentice, she’ll continue with classroom learning and be on call when a construction job comes up. The stipends are expected to cover the first two years of the apprenticeship, when starting pay ranges from $30 to $37 per hour, depending on the location of the job site. But as the program continues, workers will see their pay rise. By the fourth year, they could earn up to $47 to $54 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means Hayward will make enough money to support her family with this one job — and child care will be subsidized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two years of receiving a child care stipend will allow me to save two years of income that I would have taken away from my household for child care,” she said. “I’m also going to be able to save money to buy a house for my children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the final day of the boot camp, Hayward said she woke up early, prepared bottles of milk for her baby, gave her a kiss and got in her car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948326\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11948326\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people wearing construction uniforms pose holding certificates in a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/047_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamarra Hayward (kneeling in orange jacket) and Oshen Turman (second row, far right), alongside their classmates, pose for a portrait after receiving their certificates of completion. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I just finished giving her the last of the breast milk that I made. But I remind myself the reason why I came to this program is so that I don’t have to continue the cycle of struggle,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her kids and the promise of a better future motivate her to keep going.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Preparing for California’s ‘Big Melt’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This past winter saw waves of atmospheric river storms unleash nearly unprecedented levels of rain on California. And while the storms left a multibillion-dollar trail of damage in their wake, they also finally brought about the end of a years-long drought that had gripped the Golden State. Now as we head toward summer, the water from those same winter storms is gearing up for its next act: “The Big Melt.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Dan Brekke, KQED editor and reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gerry D\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">í\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">az, \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> newsroom meteorologist \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>AIDS/LifeCycle Race\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The AIDS/LifeCycle kicks off this June, and this year participants will travel from San Francisco to Santa Monica in a seven-day, 545-mile bicycle ride. We talk about the event’s history and why it has long been billed as much more than a race.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tracy Evans, AIDS/LifeCycle senior director\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tyler TerMeer, San Francisco AIDS Foundation CEO\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Youth Takeover and Mount Diablo\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, we have a guest host: a high schooler who is a member of KQED’s Youth Advisory Board. All week, KQED has been including young people in our programming, as part of our commitment to education and engaging with our community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week’s look at Something Beautiful is Mount Diablo, which is visible from most of the Bay Area. Once there, visitors can opt to picnic at the summit or hike through Rock City. Several Indigenous tribes including the Ohlone, Nisenan, and Miwok consider it sacred ground.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/26099305-72af-4542-9dde-ac1807fe36d5/kqed-s-the-california-report",
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},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"here-and-now": {
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
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