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"content": "\u003cp>A new homeless outreach program pairing a social worker with a police officer in Grass Valley, a small town in the Sierra Nevada foothills, seemed to be working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state-funded effort sent the team to homeless encampments, where they helped build trust among vulnerable people and persuaded them to accept help, according to the nonprofit Hospitality House, which ran the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It blew past its goal of engaging 90 people in three years, instead meeting with more than 200. It even helped move some people directly into housing, including an 80-year-old veteran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the three-year grant paying for that outreach ended in June, there was no money to replace it. So the program came to a screeching halt, to the disappointment of all involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a profound loss to not be able to do this,” said Nancy Baglietto, executive director of Hospitality House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That loss embodies the worst fears of homeless service providers across California, as they struggle to piece together new funding sources after their state grants expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO, League of California Cities\"]‘It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many had hoped that Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders would change that dynamic in the state budget deal they announced last week by committing ongoing funds for homelessness that nonprofits, cities and counties could rely on year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom and lawmakers settled on another round of one-time funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing,” said Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO of the League of California Cities, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-homeless-cities/\">pressed Newsom’s administration for a guaranteed $3 billion a year in homelessness funding\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Unprecedented’ homelessness funding under Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As California grapples with how to provide for its massive population of more than 170,000 unhoused residents, Newsom has stepped up homelessness funding to unprecedented levels. He’s funneled nearly $21 billion into housing and homelessness since the 2018–19 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, for the third year in a row, the state budget allocates $1 billion to the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention fund, which local officials can use for housing, outreach at encampments, emergency shelters and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vast majority of Newsom’s homelessness spending has been in one-time grants, which providers say makes it difficult to fund the kind of long-term programs that could make a noticeable dent in the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954915 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg\" alt=\"There are tents, belongings scattered and stacked, RVs in the background, a random shopping cart, and more. Many blue tarps cover the tops of the encampment area.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An encampment in Los Angeles, on June 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California would need to spend \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/12/20/what-will-it-cost-to-end-homelessness-in-california-8-billion-a-year-for-12-years/\">$8.1 billion a year for a dozen years\u003c/a> to eliminate homelessness in the state, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">a report by the Corporation for Supportive Housing and the California Housing Partnership\u003c/a>, two nonprofit advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office defended this approach to funding homelessness, pointing out that the state has provided an “unprecedented” $15.3 billion for the issue since he took office at the start of 2019.[aside postID=news_11949327 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58533_080_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg']The governor has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/19/governor-newsom-proposes-modernization-of-californias-behavioral-health-system-and-more-mental-health-housing/#:~:text=Amend%20the%20Mental%20Health%20Services,people%20with%20substance%20use%20disorders.\">proposed a 2024 ballot measure to amend the Mental Health Services Act\u003c/a> that would provide $1 billion a year for housing for people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders. That amendment would require voter approval to take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget provides not just funding to address homelessness — it builds in the accountability needed to ensure that tax dollars are being maximized to produce real results,” Daniel Lopez, Newsom’s deputy communications director, said in an emailed statement. “Ultimately, the challenge of homelessness and housing must be met not only with dollars, but it also requires strong accountability coupled with financial resources to make lasting progress for our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible for homelessness funding under this budget, cities and counties must submit homeless action plans — in coordination with other jurisdictions in their region — that detail the progress they’ve made.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Short-term homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There was some momentum this year to move away from one-time spending on homelessness. More than two dozen state legislators \u003ca href=\"https://www.calcities.org/docs/default-source/advocacy/ad-67-2023-24-budget-request-housing-and-homelessness.pdf?sfvrsn=4fbcd4a9_3/AD-67-2023-24-Budget-Request-Housing-and-Homel\">signed a letter in May supporting the League of California Cities’ demand (PDF)\u003c/a> for $3 billion a year. A coalition led by the California State Association of Counties also called for ongoing funds and drafted bill language it urged legislators to adopt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proved to be a tough ask with Newsom’s office projecting a $30 billion-plus budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, city and county leaders, legislators and homelessness nonprofits have been clamoring for a source of ongoing funding to tackle the homelessness crisis. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/luz-rivas-1974/\">Assemblymember Luz Rivas, a Democrat from Arleta\u003c/a>, pushed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB71\">bill in 2021\u003c/a> that would have established ongoing homelessness funding by \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/01/13/new-bill-would-fight-homelessness-by-raising-californias-corporate-tax-rates/\">raising taxes on large businesses\u003c/a>, but the bill died without making it out of the Assembly. Last year, California voters rejected a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/01/31/could-betting-on-sports-games-help-solve-californias-homelessness-crisis/\">ballot measure to legalize sports betting\u003c/a>, which would have directed fees and taxes from those wages into a fund for homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baglietto, of Hospitality House, says that type of permanent funding could have helped save her organization’s Grass Valley outreach program.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Nancy Baglietto, executive director, Hospitality House\"]‘We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from. It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.’[/pullquote]Hospitality House and the Grass Valley Police Department received $575,000 in 2020 through a state violence intervention program. The city put the money toward homeless outreach as a way to prevent unhoused people from experiencing violence in encampments, and also to reduce confrontations between police and unhoused people. By the time the grant ran out this year, Grass Valley’s crime rate had improved and the city was no longer eligible for the money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t the first time the nonprofit was forced to scramble because of unreliable state funding. Hospitality House’s 65-bed homeless shelter was once largely funded by state grants. Several years ago, the state changed how that money was allocated — focusing on permanent housing instead of shelter — and Hospitality House’s portion dried up. So the nonprofit cobbled together funding from a dozen different sources to fill the hole left by the state money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Hospitality House keeps its shelter open through money from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">CalAIM, Newsom’s recent Medi-Cal expansion\u003c/a>. The nonprofit still has a “massive” gap, which it is temporarily filling with federal COVID funds designed to help businesses retain employees. That money runs out next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from,” Baglietto said. “It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Havoc’ for California nonprofits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Union Station Homeless Services, which coordinates programs throughout the San Gabriel Valley in Los Angeles County, faces the same issues, said CEO Anne Miskey. Every budget cycle, her team has to spend two or three months piecing together their financing as the funding they get from the state changes or ends. Sometimes, the parameters for a state grant shift and clients Union Station has been working with for years suddenly are no longer eligible.[aside label='More on California’s Unhoused Community' tag='homelessness']“This is just creating havoc in our sector,” Miskey said. “And this is why people are leaving. It’s not the clients. It’s not the work. It’s this piece.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new state budget has some new language around homelessness funding. It requires that anyone applying for a grant be part of a regional plan that lays out the specific roles and responsibilities of each participant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was something the \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/at_home_-_accountability_details_-_final_5-19-23.pdf?1684533540\">California State Association of Counties pushed for (PDF)\u003c/a>, arguing that currently cities, counties and other groups too often fight over who should be building shelters, offering mental health help or providing other homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget also promises that it is the Legislature’s “intent” to provide additional the same funding in the 2024-25 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not enough, said Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counties cannot budget based on legislative intent,” he said. “Nobody can. We certainly can’t make multi-year commitments based upon intent where there’s no clarity about what’s going to happen next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a profound loss to not be able to do this,” said Nancy Baglietto, executive director of Hospitality House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That loss embodies the worst fears of homeless service providers across California, as they struggle to piece together new funding sources after their state grants expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many had hoped that Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders would change that dynamic in the state budget deal they announced last week by committing ongoing funds for homelessness that nonprofits, cities and counties could rely on year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom and lawmakers settled on another round of one-time funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing,” said Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO of the League of California Cities, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-homeless-cities/\">pressed Newsom’s administration for a guaranteed $3 billion a year in homelessness funding\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Unprecedented’ homelessness funding under Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As California grapples with how to provide for its massive population of more than 170,000 unhoused residents, Newsom has stepped up homelessness funding to unprecedented levels. He’s funneled nearly $21 billion into housing and homelessness since the 2018–19 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, for the third year in a row, the state budget allocates $1 billion to the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention fund, which local officials can use for housing, outreach at encampments, emergency shelters and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vast majority of Newsom’s homelessness spending has been in one-time grants, which providers say makes it difficult to fund the kind of long-term programs that could make a noticeable dent in the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954915 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg\" alt=\"There are tents, belongings scattered and stacked, RVs in the background, a random shopping cart, and more. Many blue tarps cover the tops of the encampment area.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An encampment in Los Angeles, on June 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California would need to spend \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/12/20/what-will-it-cost-to-end-homelessness-in-california-8-billion-a-year-for-12-years/\">$8.1 billion a year for a dozen years\u003c/a> to eliminate homelessness in the state, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">a report by the Corporation for Supportive Housing and the California Housing Partnership\u003c/a>, two nonprofit advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office defended this approach to funding homelessness, pointing out that the state has provided an “unprecedented” $15.3 billion for the issue since he took office at the start of 2019.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/19/governor-newsom-proposes-modernization-of-californias-behavioral-health-system-and-more-mental-health-housing/#:~:text=Amend%20the%20Mental%20Health%20Services,people%20with%20substance%20use%20disorders.\">proposed a 2024 ballot measure to amend the Mental Health Services Act\u003c/a> that would provide $1 billion a year for housing for people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders. That amendment would require voter approval to take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget provides not just funding to address homelessness — it builds in the accountability needed to ensure that tax dollars are being maximized to produce real results,” Daniel Lopez, Newsom’s deputy communications director, said in an emailed statement. “Ultimately, the challenge of homelessness and housing must be met not only with dollars, but it also requires strong accountability coupled with financial resources to make lasting progress for our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible for homelessness funding under this budget, cities and counties must submit homeless action plans — in coordination with other jurisdictions in their region — that detail the progress they’ve made.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Short-term homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There was some momentum this year to move away from one-time spending on homelessness. More than two dozen state legislators \u003ca href=\"https://www.calcities.org/docs/default-source/advocacy/ad-67-2023-24-budget-request-housing-and-homelessness.pdf?sfvrsn=4fbcd4a9_3/AD-67-2023-24-Budget-Request-Housing-and-Homel\">signed a letter in May supporting the League of California Cities’ demand (PDF)\u003c/a> for $3 billion a year. A coalition led by the California State Association of Counties also called for ongoing funds and drafted bill language it urged legislators to adopt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proved to be a tough ask with Newsom’s office projecting a $30 billion-plus budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, city and county leaders, legislators and homelessness nonprofits have been clamoring for a source of ongoing funding to tackle the homelessness crisis. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/luz-rivas-1974/\">Assemblymember Luz Rivas, a Democrat from Arleta\u003c/a>, pushed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB71\">bill in 2021\u003c/a> that would have established ongoing homelessness funding by \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/01/13/new-bill-would-fight-homelessness-by-raising-californias-corporate-tax-rates/\">raising taxes on large businesses\u003c/a>, but the bill died without making it out of the Assembly. Last year, California voters rejected a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/01/31/could-betting-on-sports-games-help-solve-californias-homelessness-crisis/\">ballot measure to legalize sports betting\u003c/a>, which would have directed fees and taxes from those wages into a fund for homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baglietto, of Hospitality House, says that type of permanent funding could have helped save her organization’s Grass Valley outreach program.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hospitality House and the Grass Valley Police Department received $575,000 in 2020 through a state violence intervention program. The city put the money toward homeless outreach as a way to prevent unhoused people from experiencing violence in encampments, and also to reduce confrontations between police and unhoused people. By the time the grant ran out this year, Grass Valley’s crime rate had improved and the city was no longer eligible for the money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t the first time the nonprofit was forced to scramble because of unreliable state funding. Hospitality House’s 65-bed homeless shelter was once largely funded by state grants. Several years ago, the state changed how that money was allocated — focusing on permanent housing instead of shelter — and Hospitality House’s portion dried up. So the nonprofit cobbled together funding from a dozen different sources to fill the hole left by the state money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Hospitality House keeps its shelter open through money from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">CalAIM, Newsom’s recent Medi-Cal expansion\u003c/a>. The nonprofit still has a “massive” gap, which it is temporarily filling with federal COVID funds designed to help businesses retain employees. That money runs out next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from,” Baglietto said. “It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Havoc’ for California nonprofits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Union Station Homeless Services, which coordinates programs throughout the San Gabriel Valley in Los Angeles County, faces the same issues, said CEO Anne Miskey. Every budget cycle, her team has to spend two or three months piecing together their financing as the funding they get from the state changes or ends. Sometimes, the parameters for a state grant shift and clients Union Station has been working with for years suddenly are no longer eligible.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is just creating havoc in our sector,” Miskey said. “And this is why people are leaving. It’s not the clients. It’s not the work. It’s this piece.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new state budget has some new language around homelessness funding. It requires that anyone applying for a grant be part of a regional plan that lays out the specific roles and responsibilities of each participant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was something the \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/at_home_-_accountability_details_-_final_5-19-23.pdf?1684533540\">California State Association of Counties pushed for (PDF)\u003c/a>, arguing that currently cities, counties and other groups too often fight over who should be building shelters, offering mental health help or providing other homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget also promises that it is the Legislature’s “intent” to provide additional the same funding in the 2024-25 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not enough, said Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counties cannot budget based on legislative intent,” he said. “Nobody can. We certainly can’t make multi-year commitments based upon intent where there’s no clarity about what’s going to happen next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In June 2022, I took an early-morning Amtrak train for a five-hour trip to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/allensworth\">Allensworth\u003c/a>, a town located 30 minutes off Interstate 5 near Bakersfield. It was founded in 1908 and envisioned as a Black utopia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To escape racist violence after the Civil War, Black people built settlements known as freedmen’s towns in a number of states across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allensworth, founded by Lt. Col. Allen Allensworth, who was enslaved in Kentucky before fleeing and becoming a Union soldier, was the first of its kind in California, and it was governed entirely by Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949153\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949153\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023.jpg\" alt='A gray building with a sign out front that reads, \"Allensworth Community Center.\" A white SUV is parked in the driveway and gray clouds hover above. The road surrounding the property is visibly wet from flooding.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Allensworth Community Center in Allensworth, Tulare County, on May 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before boarding, I noticed a Black, elderly woman with a walker and a colorful knit bag. She allowed me to carry her walker as we boarded the train. We found seats across from each other and shared food, stories and songs during the ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She leaned in when she spoke, her eyes scanning the passing scenery. Our conversation was lively. Her enthusiasm and soprano voice — she sang with the Oakland Symphony Chorus, and wasn’t shy about singing on the train — featured prominently in the story KQED published a few months later \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925020/promised-land-a-historically-black-california-town-honors-its-proud-painful-past-and-fights-for-its-future\">about the history of Allensworth and the state park in town\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11905371 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CA-capitol-building-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maxine Butler died about a month after the story was published. She was 70. She died from COVID-19 and pancreatic cancer, according to her obituary. A fiercely religious woman, she told me God would take her when it was time. Yet, I couldn’t help but think of her death as part of a larger tragedy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the life expectancy for Black people was 70.8 years compared to 76.4 years for white people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/racial-equity-and-health-policy/report/key-data-on-health-and-health-care-by-race-and-ethnicity/#:~:text=Provisional%20data%20from%202021%20show,77.7%20years%20for%20Hispanic%20people.\">according to the Kaiser Family Foundation\u003c/a>. If the U.S. had a more equitable health care system, would Butler have had a few more years to live?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are over 30 pages of recommendations to address mental and physical harm in the California Reparations Task Force’s final report. The nine-member body examined California’s history over the last two years and submitted its final recommendations to the state Legislature on Thursday, June 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I attended nearly all of the meetings. I even canceled plans to be present because what we pay attention to is an expression of our values — as a society and as a media organization. Attending these meetings has been exciting, boring, confusing and heartwarming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were moments when I felt like I was at a live concert with songs, dance and verbal affirmations from the audience. At other times, it was like watching friends fight. There were family reunion vibes and also tedious moments when I started to think about my next meal. Through it all, I spent more time with this task force than I have with some of my close family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954291\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954291\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man with calm expression stands with his hands folded in front of him as he speaks to a woman with her back toward the camera. They both stand inside a church located in San Francisco. Pews surround them.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Task force member Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis speaks with an attendee during the second day of an in-person meeting of the California Reparations Task Force at the Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on April 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I know the cadence of their voices. I know to expect mini-sermons from Rev. Amos C. Brown. When needed, Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis, chair of UC Berkeley’s geography department, would calmly get members back on track by summarizing points while also posing questions. A colleague once described the skill as wizardry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis also reminded the audience to do their reading. I read and I researched. I live-tweeted the meetings. I talked to people. And then, I distilled the information into stories. Racism and systemic inequality are so deeply ingrained in society that I wondered if all the task force’s efforts will have any impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11892312 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS47078_004_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allensworth blossomed into a thriving town before racism squeezed it into submission. Once a destination where Black people from around the country moved for safety and an opportunity to flourish, Allensworth is now a dusty Central Valley outpost. Still, it was on Butler’s bucket list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can still hear her singing lyrics from a 1930s gospel hit by Sister Rosetta Tharpe that was later popularized by the folk singer Woody Guthrie. “This train is bound for glory,” she sang. “This train.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force’s report could be bound for glory — or obscurity. Whether or not the recommendations are adopted will, in part, be determined by public pressure. Here’s a timeline of the first-in-the-nation statewide body to study reparations for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954302\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with short, curly brown hair, dangly earrings and a red, blue and cream-patterned blouse sits as she poses for a portrait. A calm look on her face. She wears a simple gold pendant necklace.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Dr. Shirley Weber poses for a portrait at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco on March 8, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Feb. 21, 2020:\u003c/strong> Dr. Shirley Weber, then an Assembly member, introduces \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">AB 3121\u003c/a>, the legislation that created the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aug. 29, 2020\u003c/strong>: The legislation passes the Assembly 33-3. The Assembly floor analysis states that the bill comes at an “opportune time” when there is an “increased willingness to undertake a thoughtful and informed discussion of the issue of reparations.” It also notes that the bill “gives California the opportunity to take the lead in fostering a critically important and long overdue official discussion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aug. 30, 2020\u003c/strong>: AB 3121 passes the Senate 58-12. The final version of the bill changes the composition of the task force members from eight to nine and adds a “special consideration” clause: “Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans” with “Special Consideration for African Americans Who are Descendants of Persons Enslaved in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sept. 30, 2020\u003c/strong>: Gov. Gavin Newsom signs AB 3121.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/gavinnewsom/status/1311432334743273472?lang=en\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Feb. 1, 2021:\u003c/strong> Senate President Pro Tempore Toni G. Atkins (D-San Diego) appoints Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) and San Diego City Council member Monica Montgomery Steppe to the task force. Atkins highlights Bradford’s work as chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus and the Committee on Public Safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>May 7, 2021: \u003c/strong>Gov. Newsom announces his appointments to the task force: Dr. Cheryl Grills, Lisa Holder, Donald K. Tamaki, Rev. Amos C. Brown and Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis. “California is leading the nation, in a bipartisan way, on the issue of reparations and racial justice, which is a discussion that is long overdue and deserves our utmost attention,” Newsom said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/05/07/governor-newsom-announces-appointments-to-first-in-the-nation-task-force-to-study-reparations-for-african-americans/\">press release\u003c/a>. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon (D-Lakewood) appoints Kamilah Moore and Assemblymember Reginald Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TT_KXUR-zls\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>June 1, 2021: \u003c/strong>The task force meets for the first time. “Your task is to determine the depth of the harm and the ways in which we are to repair that harm,” Sec. of State Weber \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\">told task force members\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>July 9, 2021: \u003c/strong>At the second task force meeting, members discussed the importance of community engagement and communications strategy. Both Holder and Grills propose plans, and the members adopt a joint plan to serve as a guide for the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sept. 23-24, 2021: \u003c/strong>The task force has its first substantive meeting as the body hears from experts on national and international reparations efforts, slavery, political disenfranchisement, and the Great Migration when millions of Black Southerners left the rural South. Many settled in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11906054 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53887_GettyImages-1248797994-qut-800x505.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sept. 24, 2021:\u003c/strong> William A. Darity Jr., the co-author of \u003cem>From Here to Equality, Reparations for Black Americans in the Twenty-First Century\u003c/em>, published an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/09/24/business/reparations-wealth-gap.html\">article\u003c/a> in \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> on the racial wealth gap. Darity is one of the task force’s economic consultants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Oct. 12-13, 2021: \u003c/strong>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886031/california-reparations-task-force-holds-latest-hearings-on-discrimination-in-housing-education-and-more\">task force heard from experts on housing\u003c/a>, education, environmental racism, banking and the racial wealth gap. The task force members began discussing eligibility. Dr. William Spriggs, a professor at Howard University, and Dr. Thomas Craemer, an associate professor in the Department of Public Policy at the University of Connecticut, provided testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Craemer testified about the wealth gap and lost wages due to slavery, and Spriggs’ testimony focused on labor. Spriggs and Craemer were part of a team of economic experts working with the task force. Spriggs, 68, died earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11897977 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/College-Avenue-Apartment-complex.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dec. 7-8, 2021: \u003c/strong>The task force heard from a series of experts on infrastructure, economics, homelessness and entertainment. Members also discussed the racist and xenophobic remarks posted in the online chat. A collaboration with UCLA’s Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies to create reparations listening sessions throughout the state was approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jan. 27-28, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force listened to witnesses on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903718/from-credit-scores-to-job-applications-californias-reparations-task-force-looks-to-algorithms\">discrimination in technology\u003c/a>, public health, mental health and physical health. The members had a robust discussion on eligibility. Weber provided expert testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ttDyjWSBTTk&t=3s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Feb. 23-24, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force discussed past and current reparations efforts. Erwin Chemerinsky, the dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law, testified on the legal implications of Proposition 209, which prohibits the use of race, ethnicity or sex as criteria in public employment, public contracting and public education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Kaycea Campbell, professor of economics at Pierce College, along with Craemer, Darity and Spriggs, were unanimously approved as economic consultants by task force members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>February marked the 80th year since people of Japanese descent, many of them Americans, were incarcerated during World War II. KQED’s Annelise Finney wrote about the incarceration of Tamaki’s parents and how the Civil Rights Movement inspired organizing for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906015/how-japanese-americans-in-the-bay-area-are-carrying-forward-the-legacy-of-reparations\">Japanese reparations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-0YLFtziiPk&t=597s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>March 29-30, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force discussed the criminal legal system, anti-Black hate crimes, the history of policing and the war on drugs. It also heard from a panel on genealogy and eligibility. The body voted in favor of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909471/unpacking-reparations-eligibility-in-california\">lineage-based\u003c/a> reparations model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11944986 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63478_005_KQED_AlisonFordBerkeley_03022023-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>April 13-14, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force held the first in-person meeting at the Third Street Baptist Church in San Francisco, where Brown is the senior pastor. The meeting focused on educational institutions as well as updates on community engagement and strategic communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>June 1, 2022:\u003c/strong> The task force published an \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/reports\">interim report\u003c/a>, which examined “the compounding harms experienced by African Americans as a result of slavery and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that\">its lingering effects on American society today\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sept. 23-24, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force meeting in Los Angeles focused on examples of domestic and international reparations models and the principles for effective reparations based on human rights law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dec. 14-15, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force met in Oakland to go over a draft of the final recommendations. It heard from local reparations efforts in different cities and counties across California and also re-examined the scope of work for the communications firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11943263 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1317879072-1020x665.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jan. 27-28, 2023: \u003c/strong>The task force met in San Diego. The members heard from experts on tax law, as well as local reparations efforts in San Francisco, Berkeley and Sacramento. Discussions on recommendations for changing laws and what an apology from the state might look like continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Feb. 21, 2023:\u003c/strong> “The Reasons for Reparations,” the first episode of KQED’s five-part YouTube series on reparations, is published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vnwBMVDCx_M\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>March 3-4, 2023: \u003c/strong>Much of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945690/californias-reparations-task-force-oks-method-to-calculate-lost-wealth-whats-next\">task force\u003c/a> meeting in Sacramento served as an update from advisory committees on communications and formal apologies. The members listened to a panel on implementation plans and approved the concept for a California Freedmen’s Affairs office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>March 29-30, 2023: \u003c/strong>The task force met in Sacramento again. Brown attended the meeting from Ghana as part of Vice President Kamala Harris’ delegation. The members received the final calculations from the economic experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/lakitalki/status/1508832379971915785\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>May 6, 2023: \u003c/strong>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948385/californias-making-a-plan-for-reparations-but-will-anyone-hear-about-it\">task force held its last substantive meeting\u003c/a> in Oakland. Though more procedural in content, the audience interaction was contentious and two people were escorted out for disturbing the meeting. The draft of the final report and recommendations were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>June 29, 2023: \u003c/strong>The final task force meeting will be held in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In June 2022, I took an early-morning Amtrak train for a five-hour trip to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/allensworth\">Allensworth\u003c/a>, a town located 30 minutes off Interstate 5 near Bakersfield. It was founded in 1908 and envisioned as a Black utopia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To escape racist violence after the Civil War, Black people built settlements known as freedmen’s towns in a number of states across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allensworth, founded by Lt. Col. Allen Allensworth, who was enslaved in Kentucky before fleeing and becoming a Union soldier, was the first of its kind in California, and it was governed entirely by Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949153\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949153\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023.jpg\" alt='A gray building with a sign out front that reads, \"Allensworth Community Center.\" A white SUV is parked in the driveway and gray clouds hover above. The road surrounding the property is visibly wet from flooding.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/011_KQED_Allensworth_05042023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Allensworth Community Center in Allensworth, Tulare County, on May 4, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before boarding, I noticed a Black, elderly woman with a walker and a colorful knit bag. She allowed me to carry her walker as we boarded the train. We found seats across from each other and shared food, stories and songs during the ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She leaned in when she spoke, her eyes scanning the passing scenery. Our conversation was lively. Her enthusiasm and soprano voice — she sang with the Oakland Symphony Chorus, and wasn’t shy about singing on the train — featured prominently in the story KQED published a few months later \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925020/promised-land-a-historically-black-california-town-honors-its-proud-painful-past-and-fights-for-its-future\">about the history of Allensworth and the state park in town\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maxine Butler died about a month after the story was published. She was 70. She died from COVID-19 and pancreatic cancer, according to her obituary. A fiercely religious woman, she told me God would take her when it was time. Yet, I couldn’t help but think of her death as part of a larger tragedy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the life expectancy for Black people was 70.8 years compared to 76.4 years for white people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/racial-equity-and-health-policy/report/key-data-on-health-and-health-care-by-race-and-ethnicity/#:~:text=Provisional%20data%20from%202021%20show,77.7%20years%20for%20Hispanic%20people.\">according to the Kaiser Family Foundation\u003c/a>. If the U.S. had a more equitable health care system, would Butler have had a few more years to live?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are over 30 pages of recommendations to address mental and physical harm in the California Reparations Task Force’s final report. The nine-member body examined California’s history over the last two years and submitted its final recommendations to the state Legislature on Thursday, June 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I attended nearly all of the meetings. I even canceled plans to be present because what we pay attention to is an expression of our values — as a society and as a media organization. Attending these meetings has been exciting, boring, confusing and heartwarming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were moments when I felt like I was at a live concert with songs, dance and verbal affirmations from the audience. At other times, it was like watching friends fight. There were family reunion vibes and also tedious moments when I started to think about my next meal. Through it all, I spent more time with this task force than I have with some of my close family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954291\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954291\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man with calm expression stands with his hands folded in front of him as he speaks to a woman with her back toward the camera. They both stand inside a church located in San Francisco. Pews surround them.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55329_038_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForce_04142022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Task force member Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis speaks with an attendee during the second day of an in-person meeting of the California Reparations Task Force at the Third Baptist Church in San Francisco on April 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I know the cadence of their voices. I know to expect mini-sermons from Rev. Amos C. Brown. When needed, Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis, chair of UC Berkeley’s geography department, would calmly get members back on track by summarizing points while also posing questions. A colleague once described the skill as wizardry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis also reminded the audience to do their reading. I read and I researched. I live-tweeted the meetings. I talked to people. And then, I distilled the information into stories. Racism and systemic inequality are so deeply ingrained in society that I wondered if all the task force’s efforts will have any impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allensworth blossomed into a thriving town before racism squeezed it into submission. Once a destination where Black people from around the country moved for safety and an opportunity to flourish, Allensworth is now a dusty Central Valley outpost. Still, it was on Butler’s bucket list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can still hear her singing lyrics from a 1930s gospel hit by Sister Rosetta Tharpe that was later popularized by the folk singer Woody Guthrie. “This train is bound for glory,” she sang. “This train.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force’s report could be bound for glory — or obscurity. Whether or not the recommendations are adopted will, in part, be determined by public pressure. Here’s a timeline of the first-in-the-nation statewide body to study reparations for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954302\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with short, curly brown hair, dangly earrings and a red, blue and cream-patterned blouse sits as she poses for a portrait. A calm look on her face. She wears a simple gold pendant necklace.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Dr. Shirley Weber poses for a portrait at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco on March 8, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Feb. 21, 2020:\u003c/strong> Dr. Shirley Weber, then an Assembly member, introduces \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">AB 3121\u003c/a>, the legislation that created the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aug. 29, 2020\u003c/strong>: The legislation passes the Assembly 33-3. The Assembly floor analysis states that the bill comes at an “opportune time” when there is an “increased willingness to undertake a thoughtful and informed discussion of the issue of reparations.” It also notes that the bill “gives California the opportunity to take the lead in fostering a critically important and long overdue official discussion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aug. 30, 2020\u003c/strong>: AB 3121 passes the Senate 58-12. The final version of the bill changes the composition of the task force members from eight to nine and adds a “special consideration” clause: “Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans” with “Special Consideration for African Americans Who are Descendants of Persons Enslaved in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sept. 30, 2020\u003c/strong>: Gov. Gavin Newsom signs AB 3121.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Feb. 1, 2021:\u003c/strong> Senate President Pro Tempore Toni G. Atkins (D-San Diego) appoints Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) and San Diego City Council member Monica Montgomery Steppe to the task force. Atkins highlights Bradford’s work as chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus and the Committee on Public Safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>May 7, 2021: \u003c/strong>Gov. Newsom announces his appointments to the task force: Dr. Cheryl Grills, Lisa Holder, Donald K. Tamaki, Rev. Amos C. Brown and Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis. “California is leading the nation, in a bipartisan way, on the issue of reparations and racial justice, which is a discussion that is long overdue and deserves our utmost attention,” Newsom said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/05/07/governor-newsom-announces-appointments-to-first-in-the-nation-task-force-to-study-reparations-for-african-americans/\">press release\u003c/a>. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon (D-Lakewood) appoints Kamilah Moore and Assemblymember Reginald Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles).\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/TT_KXUR-zls'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/TT_KXUR-zls'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>June 1, 2021: \u003c/strong>The task force meets for the first time. “Your task is to determine the depth of the harm and the ways in which we are to repair that harm,” Sec. of State Weber \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\">told task force members\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>July 9, 2021: \u003c/strong>At the second task force meeting, members discussed the importance of community engagement and communications strategy. Both Holder and Grills propose plans, and the members adopt a joint plan to serve as a guide for the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sept. 23-24, 2021: \u003c/strong>The task force has its first substantive meeting as the body hears from experts on national and international reparations efforts, slavery, political disenfranchisement, and the Great Migration when millions of Black Southerners left the rural South. Many settled in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sept. 24, 2021:\u003c/strong> William A. Darity Jr., the co-author of \u003cem>From Here to Equality, Reparations for Black Americans in the Twenty-First Century\u003c/em>, published an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2021/09/24/business/reparations-wealth-gap.html\">article\u003c/a> in \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> on the racial wealth gap. Darity is one of the task force’s economic consultants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Oct. 12-13, 2021: \u003c/strong>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886031/california-reparations-task-force-holds-latest-hearings-on-discrimination-in-housing-education-and-more\">task force heard from experts on housing\u003c/a>, education, environmental racism, banking and the racial wealth gap. The task force members began discussing eligibility. Dr. William Spriggs, a professor at Howard University, and Dr. Thomas Craemer, an associate professor in the Department of Public Policy at the University of Connecticut, provided testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Craemer testified about the wealth gap and lost wages due to slavery, and Spriggs’ testimony focused on labor. Spriggs and Craemer were part of a team of economic experts working with the task force. Spriggs, 68, died earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dec. 7-8, 2021: \u003c/strong>The task force heard from a series of experts on infrastructure, economics, homelessness and entertainment. Members also discussed the racist and xenophobic remarks posted in the online chat. A collaboration with UCLA’s Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies to create reparations listening sessions throughout the state was approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jan. 27-28, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force listened to witnesses on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903718/from-credit-scores-to-job-applications-californias-reparations-task-force-looks-to-algorithms\">discrimination in technology\u003c/a>, public health, mental health and physical health. The members had a robust discussion on eligibility. Weber provided expert testimony.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/ttDyjWSBTTk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/ttDyjWSBTTk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Feb. 23-24, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force discussed past and current reparations efforts. Erwin Chemerinsky, the dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law, testified on the legal implications of Proposition 209, which prohibits the use of race, ethnicity or sex as criteria in public employment, public contracting and public education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Kaycea Campbell, professor of economics at Pierce College, along with Craemer, Darity and Spriggs, were unanimously approved as economic consultants by task force members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>February marked the 80th year since people of Japanese descent, many of them Americans, were incarcerated during World War II. KQED’s Annelise Finney wrote about the incarceration of Tamaki’s parents and how the Civil Rights Movement inspired organizing for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906015/how-japanese-americans-in-the-bay-area-are-carrying-forward-the-legacy-of-reparations\">Japanese reparations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/-0YLFtziiPk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/-0YLFtziiPk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>March 29-30, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force discussed the criminal legal system, anti-Black hate crimes, the history of policing and the war on drugs. It also heard from a panel on genealogy and eligibility. The body voted in favor of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909471/unpacking-reparations-eligibility-in-california\">lineage-based\u003c/a> reparations model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>April 13-14, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force held the first in-person meeting at the Third Street Baptist Church in San Francisco, where Brown is the senior pastor. The meeting focused on educational institutions as well as updates on community engagement and strategic communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>June 1, 2022:\u003c/strong> The task force published an \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/reports\">interim report\u003c/a>, which examined “the compounding harms experienced by African Americans as a result of slavery and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that\">its lingering effects on American society today\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sept. 23-24, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force meeting in Los Angeles focused on examples of domestic and international reparations models and the principles for effective reparations based on human rights law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dec. 14-15, 2022: \u003c/strong>The task force met in Oakland to go over a draft of the final recommendations. It heard from local reparations efforts in different cities and counties across California and also re-examined the scope of work for the communications firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jan. 27-28, 2023: \u003c/strong>The task force met in San Diego. The members heard from experts on tax law, as well as local reparations efforts in San Francisco, Berkeley and Sacramento. Discussions on recommendations for changing laws and what an apology from the state might look like continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Feb. 21, 2023:\u003c/strong> “The Reasons for Reparations,” the first episode of KQED’s five-part YouTube series on reparations, is published.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/vnwBMVDCx_M'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/vnwBMVDCx_M'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>March 3-4, 2023: \u003c/strong>Much of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945690/californias-reparations-task-force-oks-method-to-calculate-lost-wealth-whats-next\">task force\u003c/a> meeting in Sacramento served as an update from advisory committees on communications and formal apologies. The members listened to a panel on implementation plans and approved the concept for a California Freedmen’s Affairs office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>March 29-30, 2023: \u003c/strong>The task force met in Sacramento again. Brown attended the meeting from Ghana as part of Vice President Kamala Harris’ delegation. The members received the final calculations from the economic experts.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>May 6, 2023: \u003c/strong>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948385/californias-making-a-plan-for-reparations-but-will-anyone-hear-about-it\">task force held its last substantive meeting\u003c/a> in Oakland. Though more procedural in content, the audience interaction was contentious and two people were escorted out for disturbing the meeting. The draft of the final report and recommendations were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>June 29, 2023: \u003c/strong>The final task force meeting will be held in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-law\">California law\u003c/a> aimed in part at boosting salaries for fast food workers has been delayed for nearly two years following industry resistance. Now, the Democrats who control the state Legislature might have figured out how to raise worker pay anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the law last year. It created a 10-member council with the authority, among other things, to increase the state’s $15.50 minimum wage to a maximum of $22 per hour for some fast food workers. Some experts quickly \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-minimum-wage-government-and-politics-d05084d8a3ab978b02c8c8aef2d2b7ba\">hailed the law\u003c/a> as one of the “most significant pieces of employment legislation passed in a generation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike in most states, California voters have the power to overturn some laws passed by the Legislature. Business groups who opposed the law gathered enough signatures to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-sacramento-business-minimum-wage-0d475e405ca50e9d60c20a4663643b5e\">qualify for a referendum\u003c/a> in 2024. In the meantime, the law does not take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups were confident the law would ultimately be blocked at the ballot box. But tucked inside California’s more than $300-billion operating budget is a provision to resurrect a long-dormant regulatory commission that would have powers similar to that of the fast food council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Industrial Welfare Commission regulates wages, hours and working conditions in California. It has been dormant for most of this century. The Democratic-controlled Legislature stripped its funding in 2004 when Arnold Schwarzenegger was governor, making it more difficult for the Republican to influence the state’s wage regulations. The commission has not issued any orders since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s budget, scheduled to be voted on this week, includes $3 million to bring that commission back to life. The commission has the power to investigate wages paid across various employment sectors. If it finds wages are “inadequate to supply the cost of proper living,” it can convene industry-specific wage boards to gather findings and make recommendations. The commission can then issue orders specific to wages, hours and working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funding would come with conditions. It would require the commission to prioritize industries in which more than 10% of workers are at or below the federal poverty level, a definition that includes California’s fast food workers, according to the University of California-Berkeley Center for Labor Research and Education.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Matt Haller, president, International Franchise Association\"]‘We’re concerned about any attempt to create some Frankenstein version [of that law]. It speaks to [labor unions’] desire to create political control over our business model.’[/pullquote]It also ordered the commission to complete its work by the end of October 2024, days before voters are scheduled to vote on whether to uphold the fast food law. And because that funding is part of a budget bill, it could not be blocked by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Haller, president of the International Franchise Association, said he sees that as a clear attempt by the Legislature to bypass the industry’s efforts to block the law creating the fast-food council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re concerned about any attempt to create some Frankenstein version” of that law, Haller said, noting that more than a million California voters signed a petition to block it. “It speaks to [labor unions’] desire to create political control over our business model.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles and chair of the budget subcommittee responsible for labor issues, said lawmakers were not targeting the fast food industry by restoring the commission’s funding. She said lawmakers were seeking to improve conditions for all California workers. More than a third of California’s residents don’t make enough money to meet their basic needs, according to a report from the United Ways of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954233\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954233\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A McDonald's drive-thru is pictured where several protestors are seen holding a large yellow banner with black and red writing that reads, "Fast Food Worker Power!" A maroon SUV is pulling out of the drive-thru.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1282\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland fast food workers convened for a car caravan strike at a McDonald’s restaurant in Oakland on Jan. 15, 2021, to demand better working conditions and higher minimum wage for fast food workers around the country. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The fast food industry is one of the industries with the problem, but it’s not the only industry,” Durazo said, adding that the commission “should always be looking at what the wages [are] of workers.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, D-Los Angeles\"]‘There comes a time when they should step up and do something about it and we’re just giving them the funding to address it because it’s a much bigger problem.’[/pullquote]“There comes a time when they should step up and do something about it and we’re just giving them the funding to address it because it’s a much bigger problem,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Service Employees International Union, or SEIU, sponsored the fast food law last year. David Huerta, president of SEIU California and SEIU-United Service Workers West, did not comment on whether the union has pursued the funding as a way to accomplish the goals of the fast food law. But he said the funding is part of “workers in low-wage industries … rising up to demand the wages they need to provide for their families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SEIU members thank Governor Newsom and legislators for listening to workers and taking the bold action needed to make progress against a growing tide of inequality and poverty experienced by low-wage workers and people of color,” Huerta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s new fiscal year begins Saturday. Newsom and legislative leaders reached an agreement late Monday on a new operating budget, which includes restoring funding for the Industrial Welfare Commission. Newsom’s office declined to comment Monday on restoring funding for the commission.[aside label='More on Workers’ Rights' tag='fast-food-workers']The Industrial Welfare Commission has continued to exist despite not having any money to operate. It has 17 wage orders that are still in effect, including setting a minimum wage and other factors for the manufacturing, agricultural and housekeeping sectors, according to a legislative analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If signed into law, the Industrial Welfare Commission could have impacts beyond the fast food industry. Several business groups have come out against it, including the California Chamber of Commerce, the California Retailers’ Association, the California Manufacturers and Technology Association, the California Restaurant Association and the California Building Industry Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those groups particularly don’t like that the Legislature would limit the Industrial Welfare Commission from issuing “any standards that are less protective than existing state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This limitation will only create unnecessary confusion,” the business groups said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups were confident the law would ultimately be blocked at the ballot box. But tucked inside California’s more than $300-billion operating budget is a provision to resurrect a long-dormant regulatory commission that would have powers similar to that of the fast food council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Industrial Welfare Commission regulates wages, hours and working conditions in California. It has been dormant for most of this century. The Democratic-controlled Legislature stripped its funding in 2004 when Arnold Schwarzenegger was governor, making it more difficult for the Republican to influence the state’s wage regulations. The commission has not issued any orders since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s budget, scheduled to be voted on this week, includes $3 million to bring that commission back to life. The commission has the power to investigate wages paid across various employment sectors. If it finds wages are “inadequate to supply the cost of proper living,” it can convene industry-specific wage boards to gather findings and make recommendations. The commission can then issue orders specific to wages, hours and working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funding would come with conditions. It would require the commission to prioritize industries in which more than 10% of workers are at or below the federal poverty level, a definition that includes California’s fast food workers, according to the University of California-Berkeley Center for Labor Research and Education.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It also ordered the commission to complete its work by the end of October 2024, days before voters are scheduled to vote on whether to uphold the fast food law. And because that funding is part of a budget bill, it could not be blocked by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Haller, president of the International Franchise Association, said he sees that as a clear attempt by the Legislature to bypass the industry’s efforts to block the law creating the fast-food council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re concerned about any attempt to create some Frankenstein version” of that law, Haller said, noting that more than a million California voters signed a petition to block it. “It speaks to [labor unions’] desire to create political control over our business model.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles and chair of the budget subcommittee responsible for labor issues, said lawmakers were not targeting the fast food industry by restoring the commission’s funding. She said lawmakers were seeking to improve conditions for all California workers. More than a third of California’s residents don’t make enough money to meet their basic needs, according to a report from the United Ways of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954233\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954233\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A McDonald's drive-thru is pictured where several protestors are seen holding a large yellow banner with black and red writing that reads, "Fast Food Worker Power!" A maroon SUV is pulling out of the drive-thru.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1282\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS46642_KQED_Oakland_McDonaldsStrike_01152021-11-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland fast food workers convened for a car caravan strike at a McDonald’s restaurant in Oakland on Jan. 15, 2021, to demand better working conditions and higher minimum wage for fast food workers around the country. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The fast food industry is one of the industries with the problem, but it’s not the only industry,” Durazo said, adding that the commission “should always be looking at what the wages [are] of workers.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this special episode of Ear Hustle in honor of Pride Month.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/1109_PRIDE_FOR_PODCAST_FEED_SEG_A_16.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of incarcerated Californians requesting gender-affirming health care more than doubled last year, and the state’s corrections agency expects the trend to continue even as the overall population of imprisoned people in California is projected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The estimate comes from budget documents detailing the agency’s responsibilities for two groundbreaking policies the state adopted over the last seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, in 2017, made California the first state to set standards that would grant gender-affirmation surgery to incarcerated people in state prison. It followed the state’s approval of surgery for a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-us-news-ca-state-wire-7c3b2f14287849a18e2f9bb27362c05a\">transgender woman\u003c/a> serving a life sentence. She was later transferred to a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other, a 2021 law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, requires that every person upon entering prison be asked \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB132/2019\">gender-specific questions\u003c/a> to determine whether they should be housed in a men’s or women’s facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the changes took effect, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation found that the number of incarcerated transgender, intersex and nonbinary people consistently grew each year, rising to 1,617 last year. That’s a 234% increase over 2017, according to the documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The vulnerable, transgender and transgender diverse population in CDCR has grown and continues to grow and there are enduring needs that need to be met,” Trisha Wallis, a department senior psychologist who specializes in gender health care, said during a budget committee hearing in March.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Trisha Wallis, department senior psychologist\"]‘The vulnerable, transgender and transgender diverse population in CDCR has grown and continues to grow and there are enduring needs that need to be met.’[/pullquote]The agency this year sought a slight boost in funding — $2.2 million — to provide the mandated care. The agency’s request was not controversial and moved through the Legislature without pushback this spring. Budget negotiations between Gov. Newsom and the Legislature are expected to conclude this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wallis at the hearing said the program was originally meant to “address equitable access” to safe and optimal gender-affirming care, but she acknowledged that staff shortages led to treatment backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Backlog grows for gender-affirming care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of December, 20 incarcerated people since 2017 had received gender-affirming surgery. Another 150 surgeries had been approved, but not completed, according to the budget documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2021-22 California government budget year, 270 incarcerated people requested gender-affirming surgeries — up from 99 the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state projects 348 incarcerated people will request gender-affirming treatment this year, and 462 next year. The corrections agency says its staff can evaluate no more than three requests each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also has received over 364 housing transfer requests since 2021. Only 35 of those were approved and sent to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for transgender and nonbinary incarcerated people have urged the state to move faster in providing the surgeries and evaluating other incarcerated people’s requests to transfer to facilities that better suit their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them criticized the agency’s budget request, arguing the state’s $15 billion-a-year prison system already had plenty of money to carry out the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s ridiculous. Two million dollars for stuff they should already be doing?” said Alex Binsfield, a policy analyst with TGI Justice Project, a San Francisco nonprofit that \u003ca href=\"https://tgijp.org/\">advocates for incarcerated transgender people\u003c/a>. “I don’t think pumping any more money into CDCR is going to fix health care there.”[aside label='More on Transgender Rights' tag='transgender-prisoners']Transgender advocates also are on guard for signs that the state is refusing transfers for incarcerated people who identify as transgender but who have not received gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately the housing question should not be a medical question,” said Jen Orthwein, a psychologist who previously provided treatment to transgender incarcerated people in prisons across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terri Hardy, spokesperson for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said those fears are unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Incarcerated people are not required to have gender-affirming surgery in order to transfer to an institution consistent with their gender identity,” Hardy wrote in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lawsuit challenges California prison transfers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Capitol, some conservative-leaning and feminist groups have opposed the prison agency’s gender-affirming policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://womensliberationfront.org/chandler-v-cdcr\">Women’s Liberation Front\u003c/a>, a feminist advocacy group based in Washington, D.C., sued the state in 2021 to halt \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/540465542/Women-s-Liberation-Front-Lawsuit-against-the-California-Department-of-Corrections-and-Rehabilitation\">certain transfers to the state’s women’s prison\u003c/a> in Chowchilla. It argued the transfers put incarcerated females at greater risk of violence and sexual assault. The lawsuit is playing out in the U.S. Eastern District Court of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality that men and women are factually, materially, immutably different, in ways that disadvantage women and necessitate attention to women’s unique needs, supports protection of incarcerated women by providing women-only correctional facilities,” the lawsuit reads.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jen Orthwein, psychologist\"]‘There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people. They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.’[/pullquote]The Transgender Law Center and the American Civil Liberties Union filed a brief challenging that suit. The two liberal organizations contend the 2021 law allowing prison transfers protects vulnerable incarcerated transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several states have followed California in adopting gender-affirming policies for incarcerated people. Massachusetts and Connecticut allow incarcerated people to be transferred to facilities according to their chosen gender identity. New Jersey, New York City and Rhode Island also require that incarcerated people be housed at facilities appropriate to their gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orthwein, the psychologist, urged the state to accommodate more care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people,” Orthwein said. “They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of incarcerated Californians requesting gender-affirming health care more than doubled last year, and the state’s corrections agency expects the trend to continue even as the overall population of imprisoned people in California is projected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The estimate comes from budget documents detailing the agency’s responsibilities for two groundbreaking policies the state adopted over the last seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, in 2017, made California the first state to set standards that would grant gender-affirmation surgery to incarcerated people in state prison. It followed the state’s approval of surgery for a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-us-news-ca-state-wire-7c3b2f14287849a18e2f9bb27362c05a\">transgender woman\u003c/a> serving a life sentence. She was later transferred to a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other, a 2021 law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, requires that every person upon entering prison be asked \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB132/2019\">gender-specific questions\u003c/a> to determine whether they should be housed in a men’s or women’s facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The agency this year sought a slight boost in funding — $2.2 million — to provide the mandated care. The agency’s request was not controversial and moved through the Legislature without pushback this spring. Budget negotiations between Gov. Newsom and the Legislature are expected to conclude this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wallis at the hearing said the program was originally meant to “address equitable access” to safe and optimal gender-affirming care, but she acknowledged that staff shortages led to treatment backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Backlog grows for gender-affirming care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of December, 20 incarcerated people since 2017 had received gender-affirming surgery. Another 150 surgeries had been approved, but not completed, according to the budget documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2021-22 California government budget year, 270 incarcerated people requested gender-affirming surgeries — up from 99 the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state projects 348 incarcerated people will request gender-affirming treatment this year, and 462 next year. The corrections agency says its staff can evaluate no more than three requests each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also has received over 364 housing transfer requests since 2021. Only 35 of those were approved and sent to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for transgender and nonbinary incarcerated people have urged the state to move faster in providing the surgeries and evaluating other incarcerated people’s requests to transfer to facilities that better suit their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them criticized the agency’s budget request, arguing the state’s $15 billion-a-year prison system already had plenty of money to carry out the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s ridiculous. Two million dollars for stuff they should already be doing?” said Alex Binsfield, a policy analyst with TGI Justice Project, a San Francisco nonprofit that \u003ca href=\"https://tgijp.org/\">advocates for incarcerated transgender people\u003c/a>. “I don’t think pumping any more money into CDCR is going to fix health care there.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Transgender advocates also are on guard for signs that the state is refusing transfers for incarcerated people who identify as transgender but who have not received gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately the housing question should not be a medical question,” said Jen Orthwein, a psychologist who previously provided treatment to transgender incarcerated people in prisons across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terri Hardy, spokesperson for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said those fears are unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Incarcerated people are not required to have gender-affirming surgery in order to transfer to an institution consistent with their gender identity,” Hardy wrote in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lawsuit challenges California prison transfers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Capitol, some conservative-leaning and feminist groups have opposed the prison agency’s gender-affirming policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://womensliberationfront.org/chandler-v-cdcr\">Women’s Liberation Front\u003c/a>, a feminist advocacy group based in Washington, D.C., sued the state in 2021 to halt \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/540465542/Women-s-Liberation-Front-Lawsuit-against-the-California-Department-of-Corrections-and-Rehabilitation\">certain transfers to the state’s women’s prison\u003c/a> in Chowchilla. It argued the transfers put incarcerated females at greater risk of violence and sexual assault. The lawsuit is playing out in the U.S. Eastern District Court of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality that men and women are factually, materially, immutably different, in ways that disadvantage women and necessitate attention to women’s unique needs, supports protection of incarcerated women by providing women-only correctional facilities,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of spectators, members of the LGBTQ+ community and allies gathered to celebrate San Francisco Pride on Sunday for one of the largest and longest-running pride parades in the world. This weekend’s Pride Celebration marks the 53rd year of SF Pride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Hector Topete, parade attendee\"]‘What I like about being right here, right now is I just see myself as a normal person. I don’t see myself as being different. I just feel like I’m someone who belongs.’[/pullquote]The parade, with over 200 contingents, began at Beale Street near the Embarcadero at 10:30 a.m. Sunday morning and continued up Market Street, leading to the Pride festival at Civic Center Plaza with music and activities, food and family areas, and a lot of partying. Nonstop pumping music blared from speakers and from various instruments in the streets as members of community organizations walked and activist groups chanted messages about anti-discrimination and civil rights. The music included a full marching band playing “California Love” and a performance from a Brazilian Carnaval dance and percussion company called Fogo Na Roupa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954021\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954021 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Onlookers cheer for Queen Maisa Duke as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Onlookers cheer for Queen Maisa Duke as the Pride parade passes down Market Street. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This year’s Pride parade took on added significance in the face of an unprecedented \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legislative-attacks-on-lgbtq-rights\">spate of anti-LGBTQ+ bills\u003c/a> introduced in state legislatures across the country, increasingly \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/02/886285772/trump-and-mcconnell-via-swath-of-judges-will-affect-u-s-law-for-decades\">conservative federal judges\u003c/a>, and a U.S. Supreme Court that overturned Roe v. Wade last year — along with ongoing attacks on LGBTQ+ individuals nationwide that has been called a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/lgbtq-americans-are-under-attack-human-rights-campaign-declares-in-state-of-emergency-warning\">state of emergency\u003c/a>” by \u003ca href=\"https://give.hrc.org/page/125646/donate/1?ea.tracking.id=dr_don_mr_searchFY24\">Human Rights Campaign\u003c/a>, the largest LGBTQ+ advocacy group in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954017 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Pridegoers dressed as Emperor Norton and Countess Lola Montez pause for a photo as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pride-goers dressed as Emperor Norton and Countess Lola Montez pause for a photo. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The shameful competition within one of America’s formerly great parties to see who can more dehumanize the trans community, is a grave danger and a damning statement about the state of our country,” said U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Burbank) regarding Republicans nationally targeting LGBTQ rights during the annual \u003ca href=\"https://www.alicebtoklas.org/pride-breakfast-2023\">Alice B. Toklas LGTBQ Democratic Club Pride Breakfast\u003c/a> on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954009\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954009 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A marcher holds a sign reading “It should not be a crime to be queer” as the Pride parade gets underway in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A marcher holds a sign reading ‘It should not be a crime to be queer’ as the Pride parade gets underway in downtown San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Pride means more this year than ever,” said Gwenn Craig, former president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.milkclub.org/\">Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club\u003c/a> who also was a campaign manager for Harvey Milk in the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.glbthistory.org/briggs\">No On 6\u003c/a>” campaign in 1978. “We didn’t expect a regression in our movement, in the civil rights that we had achieved. It’s enraging. We’re having to fight again. It’s really exasperating. But here we are still at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954011\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954011 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Onlookers wave and take photos as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Onlookers wave and take photos as the Pride parade passes down Market Street. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sunday’s Pride parade is the traditional annual climax to Pride Celebration weekend, held on the final full weekend of June, also known as Pride Month in San Francisco, a four-week festival of conferences, shows, concerts, parties and political events dedicated to the celebration and advancement of LGBTQ+ rights and identity.[aside postID=news_11953672 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS31561_62418_AW_Pride_09-qut-1180x787.jpg']Paul Aguilar is a Lifetime Achievement Grand Marshal of the San Francisco Pride parade, a recognition earned for his many years of advocacy for those — like him — who live with HIV and AIDS, to which he’s lost many friends. He’s been attending pride marches since the mid-70s, and says his first Pride experience was “life-changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was one unmistakable feeling, and that was the feeling of acceptance. This was my tribe. This is what I’ve been looking for. These were my people,” said Aguilar. “We danced that pain away, and that insecurity away, and that anger away. And now we dance to remember those we’ve lost and to celebrate them. That’s also part of Pride.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954006\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954006 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Tiffany Howard, 49, of Orange County closes her eyes during a paint job as she waits for the Pride parade to begin in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tiffany Howard, 49, of Orange County closes her eyes during a paint job as she waits for the Pride parade to begin. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Pride Parade is not without its controversies, including the issue of corporate sponsorship, with many feeling that these have no place at a Pride celebration, and also because some corporations — like \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/target-lgbtq-pride-month-bathing-suits-21393e91a8eb6110b46623d17a3bf507\">Target\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/bud-light-transgender-dylan-mulvaney-nike-2fe1425ba09a3f0e271fda0ae4b67434\">Bud Light\u003c/a> — have backtracked on their support when faced with a backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954022\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954022 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Henry Aho, 34, waves to onlookers as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Aho, 34, waves to onlookers as the Pride parade passes down Market Street. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amy Sueyoshi, who is provost and vice president of academic affairs at San Francisco State University and a former member of the SF Pride board, said she thinks the founders might indeed consider today’s Pride organizers to have “sold out” and said that even today, many who attend are shocked at the level of corporate sponsorship. However, she also thinks that the Pride celebration in San Francisco has really shown how the queer community and queer liberation “can be a mainstream movement,” and that it “demonstrates how corporations and cities can invest in queer liberation and in gay pride and not have any detrimental consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sueyoshi warned against taking Pride for granted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>As much as we all can be critical of pride … the truth is that so many people come to San Francisco not just for queer liberation, but for other types of home that the city provides as well,” Sueyoshi said. “And so it’s important, I think, to invest in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954019\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954019 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Kit Lem, 47, a legislative aide for San Francisco Supervisor Joel Engardio, hands out bead necklaces as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kit Lam, 47, a legislative aide for San Francisco Supervisor Joel Engardio, hands out bead necklaces at the Pride parade. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another controversial issue involves the police. Many in the LGBTQ+ community object to uniformed SFPD officers marching — even if they are LGBTQ+ — citing a history of abuses committed by law enforcement against the LGBTQ+ community. Nevertheless, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917710/sfpd-officers-to-march-in-pride-amid-complicated-feelings-uniform-compromise\">the compromise reached between San Francisco Pride and the SFPD last year\u003c/a> held firm for 2023, whereby on-duty members of the SFPD Pride Alliance march in uniform while others march without uniforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954013\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954013 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"State Senator Scott Weiner waves to onlookers from atop a truck as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Senator Scott Wiener waves to onlookers from atop a truck at the Pride parade. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But more than anything, Pride is about celebration and the joy of just letting loose and being who you are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954007\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954007 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Cathy Webber, 66, waves a trans flag as she walks down Market Street in downtown San Francisco during the Pride parade on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cathy Webber, 66, waves a trans flag as she walks down Market Street. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We support gay marriage, we support trans marriage, we support LGBTQ rights,” said Cathy Webber, a member of the\u003cb> \u003c/b>Church Ladies for Gay Rights group that marched in the parade. “A lot of churches don’t, and we believe that that’s wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Douglas from Oakdale said the parade was an opportunity to push back against discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With everything that’s been going on in the past few months, this is just another way to say s—- it, honestly, it’s for everyone else and saying, ‘you know, we can’t have this again,'” said Douglas. “I know there’s been a lot of hate towards LGBT and like I think that this [parade] is just the opposite of that and it’s nice to see that a lot of people are against [hate].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954008 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Angel Vidaña kisses partner Hector Topete as they wait for the 2023 Pride parade to begin in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Angel Vidaña kisses partner Hector Topete as they wait for the Pride parade to begin. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hector Topete attended the parade for the first time with his partner Angel Vidaña.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a very new experience for me. So I was very nervous at first, but within minutes, I just felt so comfortable being myself around [Angel],” said Topete. “What I like about being right here, right now is I just see myself as a normal person. I don’t see myself as being different. I just feel like I’m someone who belongs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Rachael Vasquez, Annelise Finney, Kelly O’Mara, Lakshmi Sarah and Attila Pelit contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Under this year's theme of 'Looking Back and Moving Forward,' the San Francisco Pride parade draws on a proud history as it continues to be a symbol for LGBTQ+ unity, love and resistance.",
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"title": "SF Pride 2023 Marks 53 Years of LGBTQ+ Joy, Freedom and Defiance | KQED",
"description": "Under this year's theme of 'Looking Back and Moving Forward,' the San Francisco Pride parade draws on a proud history as it continues to be a symbol for LGBTQ+ unity, love and resistance.",
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"headline": "SF Pride 2023 Marks 53 Years of LGBTQ+ Joy, Freedom and Defiance",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of spectators, members of the LGBTQ+ community and allies gathered to celebrate San Francisco Pride on Sunday for one of the largest and longest-running pride parades in the world. This weekend’s Pride Celebration marks the 53rd year of SF Pride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘What I like about being right here, right now is I just see myself as a normal person. I don’t see myself as being different. I just feel like I’m someone who belongs.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The parade, with over 200 contingents, began at Beale Street near the Embarcadero at 10:30 a.m. Sunday morning and continued up Market Street, leading to the Pride festival at Civic Center Plaza with music and activities, food and family areas, and a lot of partying. Nonstop pumping music blared from speakers and from various instruments in the streets as members of community organizations walked and activist groups chanted messages about anti-discrimination and civil rights. The music included a full marching band playing “California Love” and a performance from a Brazilian Carnaval dance and percussion company called Fogo Na Roupa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954021\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954021 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Onlookers cheer for Queen Maisa Duke as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66595_230625-sf-pride-26-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Onlookers cheer for Queen Maisa Duke as the Pride parade passes down Market Street. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This year’s Pride parade took on added significance in the face of an unprecedented \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legislative-attacks-on-lgbtq-rights\">spate of anti-LGBTQ+ bills\u003c/a> introduced in state legislatures across the country, increasingly \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/07/02/886285772/trump-and-mcconnell-via-swath-of-judges-will-affect-u-s-law-for-decades\">conservative federal judges\u003c/a>, and a U.S. Supreme Court that overturned Roe v. Wade last year — along with ongoing attacks on LGBTQ+ individuals nationwide that has been called a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/lgbtq-americans-are-under-attack-human-rights-campaign-declares-in-state-of-emergency-warning\">state of emergency\u003c/a>” by \u003ca href=\"https://give.hrc.org/page/125646/donate/1?ea.tracking.id=dr_don_mr_searchFY24\">Human Rights Campaign\u003c/a>, the largest LGBTQ+ advocacy group in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954017 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Pridegoers dressed as Emperor Norton and Countess Lola Montez pause for a photo as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66590_230625-sf-pride-23-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pride-goers dressed as Emperor Norton and Countess Lola Montez pause for a photo. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The shameful competition within one of America’s formerly great parties to see who can more dehumanize the trans community, is a grave danger and a damning statement about the state of our country,” said U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Burbank) regarding Republicans nationally targeting LGBTQ rights during the annual \u003ca href=\"https://www.alicebtoklas.org/pride-breakfast-2023\">Alice B. Toklas LGTBQ Democratic Club Pride Breakfast\u003c/a> on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954009\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954009 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A marcher holds a sign reading “It should not be a crime to be queer” as the Pride parade gets underway in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66575_230625-sf-pride-07-ks-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A marcher holds a sign reading ‘It should not be a crime to be queer’ as the Pride parade gets underway in downtown San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Pride means more this year than ever,” said Gwenn Craig, former president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.milkclub.org/\">Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club\u003c/a> who also was a campaign manager for Harvey Milk in the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.glbthistory.org/briggs\">No On 6\u003c/a>” campaign in 1978. “We didn’t expect a regression in our movement, in the civil rights that we had achieved. It’s enraging. We’re having to fight again. It’s really exasperating. But here we are still at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954011\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954011 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Onlookers wave and take photos as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66580_230625-sf-pride-13-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Onlookers wave and take photos as the Pride parade passes down Market Street. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sunday’s Pride parade is the traditional annual climax to Pride Celebration weekend, held on the final full weekend of June, also known as Pride Month in San Francisco, a four-week festival of conferences, shows, concerts, parties and political events dedicated to the celebration and advancement of LGBTQ+ rights and identity.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Paul Aguilar is a Lifetime Achievement Grand Marshal of the San Francisco Pride parade, a recognition earned for his many years of advocacy for those — like him — who live with HIV and AIDS, to which he’s lost many friends. He’s been attending pride marches since the mid-70s, and says his first Pride experience was “life-changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was one unmistakable feeling, and that was the feeling of acceptance. This was my tribe. This is what I’ve been looking for. These were my people,” said Aguilar. “We danced that pain away, and that insecurity away, and that anger away. And now we dance to remember those we’ve lost and to celebrate them. That’s also part of Pride.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954006\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954006 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Tiffany Howard, 49, of Orange County closes her eyes during a paint job as she waits for the Pride parade to begin in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66570_230625-sf-pride-04-ks-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tiffany Howard, 49, of Orange County closes her eyes during a paint job as she waits for the Pride parade to begin. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Pride Parade is not without its controversies, including the issue of corporate sponsorship, with many feeling that these have no place at a Pride celebration, and also because some corporations — like \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/target-lgbtq-pride-month-bathing-suits-21393e91a8eb6110b46623d17a3bf507\">Target\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/bud-light-transgender-dylan-mulvaney-nike-2fe1425ba09a3f0e271fda0ae4b67434\">Bud Light\u003c/a> — have backtracked on their support when faced with a backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954022\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954022 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Henry Aho, 34, waves to onlookers as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66596_230625-sf-pride-27-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Aho, 34, waves to onlookers as the Pride parade passes down Market Street. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amy Sueyoshi, who is provost and vice president of academic affairs at San Francisco State University and a former member of the SF Pride board, said she thinks the founders might indeed consider today’s Pride organizers to have “sold out” and said that even today, many who attend are shocked at the level of corporate sponsorship. However, she also thinks that the Pride celebration in San Francisco has really shown how the queer community and queer liberation “can be a mainstream movement,” and that it “demonstrates how corporations and cities can invest in queer liberation and in gay pride and not have any detrimental consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sueyoshi warned against taking Pride for granted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>As much as we all can be critical of pride … the truth is that so many people come to San Francisco not just for queer liberation, but for other types of home that the city provides as well,” Sueyoshi said. “And so it’s important, I think, to invest in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954019\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954019 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Kit Lem, 47, a legislative aide for San Francisco Supervisor Joel Engardio, hands out bead necklaces as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66593_230625-sf-pride-25-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kit Lam, 47, a legislative aide for San Francisco Supervisor Joel Engardio, hands out bead necklaces at the Pride parade. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another controversial issue involves the police. Many in the LGBTQ+ community object to uniformed SFPD officers marching — even if they are LGBTQ+ — citing a history of abuses committed by law enforcement against the LGBTQ+ community. Nevertheless, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917710/sfpd-officers-to-march-in-pride-amid-complicated-feelings-uniform-compromise\">the compromise reached between San Francisco Pride and the SFPD last year\u003c/a> held firm for 2023, whereby on-duty members of the SFPD Pride Alliance march in uniform while others march without uniforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954013\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954013 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"State Senator Scott Weiner waves to onlookers from atop a truck as the Pride parade passes down Market Street in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66582_230625-sf-pride-14-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Senator Scott Wiener waves to onlookers from atop a truck at the Pride parade. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But more than anything, Pride is about celebration and the joy of just letting loose and being who you are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954007\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954007 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Cathy Webber, 66, waves a trans flag as she walks down Market Street in downtown San Francisco during the Pride parade on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66573_230625-sf-pride-06-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cathy Webber, 66, waves a trans flag as she walks down Market Street. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We support gay marriage, we support trans marriage, we support LGBTQ rights,” said Cathy Webber, a member of the\u003cb> \u003c/b>Church Ladies for Gay Rights group that marched in the parade. “A lot of churches don’t, and we believe that that’s wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Douglas from Oakdale said the parade was an opportunity to push back against discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With everything that’s been going on in the past few months, this is just another way to say s—- it, honestly, it’s for everyone else and saying, ‘you know, we can’t have this again,'” said Douglas. “I know there’s been a lot of hate towards LGBT and like I think that this [parade] is just the opposite of that and it’s nice to see that a lot of people are against [hate].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954008 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Angel Vidaña kisses partner Hector Topete as they wait for the 2023 Pride parade to begin in downtown San Francisco on June 25, 2023.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66574_230625-sf-pride-01-ks-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Angel Vidaña kisses partner Hector Topete as they wait for the Pride parade to begin. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hector Topete attended the parade for the first time with his partner Angel Vidaña.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a very new experience for me. So I was very nervous at first, but within minutes, I just felt so comfortable being myself around [Angel],” said Topete. “What I like about being right here, right now is I just see myself as a normal person. I don’t see myself as being different. I just feel like I’m someone who belongs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Rachael Vasquez, Annelise Finney, Kelly O’Mara, Lakshmi Sarah and Attila Pelit contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>This Sunday, thousands of Bay Area residents will hit the streets as part of San Francisco’s annual Pride parade, one of the largest and longest running pride celebrations in the nation. In honor of Pride events happening throughout the Bay Area, KQED is digging into the history of the city’s Pride festivities and focusing on local efforts to celebrate and protect LGBTQ rights in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tune in to our Pride radio special on Sunday morning to hear from experts, local leaders and community members about what makes this year’s Pride celebrations especially important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump To: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#elders\">Elders speak: ‘It wasn’t a parade, it was a march’\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#travel\">Why California is considering tossing out its state-funded travel ban\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#skaters\">Queer skaters of Rockridge\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#laureate\">San Francisco’s first-ever drag laureate\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#aguilar\">Paul Aguilar: Lifetime Achievement Grand Marshal of San Francisco Pride\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#corporate\">The tension around corporate sponsorship\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#marriage\">The 10th anniversary of the end of Proposition 8 in California\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#story\">Drag King story time\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"#elders\">\u003c/a>Elders speak: ‘It wasn’t a parade, it was a march’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The voices of two elder queer people and their memories of early Pride events, how the event has changed over the years, and how they understand the value of the parade today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the summer of 1970, gay activists commemorating the uprising at Stonewall in New York, marched down San Francisco’s Polk Street. There wasn’t really a planned route and no one had a permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard about a march. And it’s very important to distinguish it wasn’t a parade, it was a march,” said former state Assemblymember Tom Ammiano, who was in his 30s at the time. He recalls how he had a little sign that said “gay teacher,” and they walked down the street with hardly anybody on the sidewalk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gwen Craigg, former president of the Harvey Milk LGBT Democratic Club, was in her twenties and had recently moved from Atlanta. Throughout the 1970s participation in the march grew, and in 1973 an estimated 42,000 people took part. Two years later that number almost doubled, and this year the City of San Francisco is expecting half a million people to participate in today’s Pride festivities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/EldersSpeak.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"travel\">\u003c/a>Why California is considering tossing out its state-funded travel ban\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At a time when nearly 300 anti-LGBTQ+ laws are being considered in state legislatures nationwide, California is considering doing away with its nearly seven-year-old ban on state-funded travel to states that discriminate against LGBTQ+ people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senator Toni Atkins introduced a bill in March proposing to undo that travel ban and replace it with something called the Bridge Project. Senator Atkins is openly lesbian and grew up in rural Virginia. She remembers what it was like growing up as a young person in a place that was hostile to gay and lesbian people. She proposes that rescinding this travel ban will enable people who support LGBTQ rights to go to these places and promote a positive message of inclusion. She adds that this would be more effective than trying to punish these states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/TravelBan.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"skaters\">\u003c/a>Queer skaters of Rockridge\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lgbtmap.org/equality-maps/youth/sports_participation_bans\">In the last two years, 22 states in the U.S.\u003c/a> have passed legislation banning transgender students from participating in a sports team aligned with their gender identity. But here in the Bay Area, a community of queer and transgender people are using skateboarding as a form of queer expression. “It’s kind of the perfect place because you have this queer mecca and this skate mecca,” said Jackie Cotteril, a skater from Southern California who now lives and skates in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was once a male-dominated sport has outgrown the gender binary in the Bay Area. Oakland-based skate collective Unity Skateboards hosts queer and trans skate meetups, while making skateboards that depict gay love.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cotteril says the queer skate community she found when she moved here helped get her back into skating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Queer-skaters-of-Rockridge.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"laureate\">\u003c/a>San Francisco’s first-ever drag laureate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco made history last month by naming its first-ever drag laureate, D’arcy Drollinger, who has been doing drag shows since the 1990’s. As drag laureate of San Francisco — not only the first title of its kind in the city, but also the nation — Drollinger says he’ll serve as an ambassador for local drag artists and the city’s nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s drag scene is one that Drollinger, who was born here, has developed a deep affection for since returning to the city in 2011, because of how local artists have changed the face of drag. Drollinger is also owner and artistic director of OASIS, an internationally acclaimed drag nightclub and cabaret that’s home to a strong, inclusive community, which, during the height of the pandemic, organized services like \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-ap-top-news-ca-state-wire-entertainment-lifestyle-590ccabde9a3be69abdb18809742d984\">Meals on Heels\u003c/a>, a drag meal delivery service for those in need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Drag_Laureate.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"aguilar\">\u003c/a>Paul Aguilar: Lifetime Achievement Grand Marshal of San Francisco Pride\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Paul Aguilar is the Lifetime Achievement Grand Marshal in this years Pride Parade. In this interview, he shares his early memories of Pride, his experience of being HIV+, of how he copes with the trauma of losing friends to the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar has been going to Pride in San Francisco for decades and can still remember his first back in 1976. He delivered newspapers back then, and after he finished his shift he rode his bike all the way down to Golden Gate Park, where the march used to end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was one feeling. One unmistakable feeling. And that was the feeling of acceptance. This was my tribe. This is what I’ve been looking for,” he said. “These were my people. It was a life-changing moment for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s Lifetime Achievement Grand Marshal recognition is in honor of his years of advocating for people living with HIV and AIDS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/PaulAguilar.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"corporate\">\u003c/a>The tension around corporate sponsorship\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After an ad for Bud Light featuring trans influencer Dylan Mulvaney caused a backlash that led to a dip in sales, the company put two marketing executives on leave. Then, Target faced its own boycott over a Pride product line. All this has had SF Pride and similar organizations thinking about the role of corporate sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers of the parade say they’re facing mounting costs, so they’ve continued to draw on financial support from corporate sponsors. The practice isn’t new, but there’s a renewed debate over the role of corporate sponsors, which have been facing heavy criticism from both conservatives and the LGBTQ community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re always trying to make sure we survive to provide a great weekend for the city, but also to do the right thing. And that’s quite a difficult position sometimes,” said Suzanne Ford, Executive Director of SF Pride. She says costs for events have gone up 40 percent post-pandemic – to about $4 million – and more than half of their funding is generated by corporate contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/The-tension-of-corporate-sponsorship.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"marriage\">\u003c/a>The 10th anniversary of the end of Proposition 8 in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>June 26th is the 10\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> anniversary of the day same-sex marriages were effectively legalized in California. The battle to overturn Proposition 8, a voter-approved measure which banned same-sex marriages in the state in 2008, was the subject of a long legal battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after it went into effect, two same-sex couples sued to block the law, in a battle that ultimately ended at the U.S. Supreme Court. Its reversal paved the way for marriage equality in the country, but the trial was contentious, and included intimate testimony from the couples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We hear from the two same-sex couples who challenged Proposition 8 in the courts, as they reflect on the legacy of that trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Prop8Anniversary.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"story\">\u003c/a>Drag King story time\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Drag story hours — where drag performers read children’s books to families at libraries and bookstores — started in San Francisco in 2015 and grew into a global phenomenon. Performers say they hope to show children a world where everyone can be themselves. But in recent months, drag story hours in the Bay Area have been targeted by anti-LGBTQ protestors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story, Worm Loves Worm, written by JJ Austrian and illustrated by Mike Curto, is performed by Drag King VERA! co-director of Drag Story Hour Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Drag-Storytime-Finney-Feature-cjbv2-1.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This weekend radio special was produced by Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, Rachael Vasquez, and Annelise Finney. This segment was mixed by Jim Bennett and Chris Beale. Digital production by Lakshmi Sarah and Attila Pelit.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This Sunday, thousands of Bay Area residents will hit the streets as part of San Francisco’s annual Pride parade, one of the largest and longest running pride celebrations in the nation. In honor of Pride events happening throughout the Bay Area, KQED is digging into the history of the city’s Pride festivities and focusing on local efforts to celebrate and protect LGBTQ rights in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tune in to our Pride radio special on Sunday morning to hear from experts, local leaders and community members about what makes this year’s Pride celebrations especially important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump To: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#elders\">Elders speak: ‘It wasn’t a parade, it was a march’\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#travel\">Why California is considering tossing out its state-funded travel ban\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#skaters\">Queer skaters of Rockridge\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#laureate\">San Francisco’s first-ever drag laureate\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#aguilar\">Paul Aguilar: Lifetime Achievement Grand Marshal of San Francisco Pride\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#corporate\">The tension around corporate sponsorship\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#marriage\">The 10th anniversary of the end of Proposition 8 in California\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#story\">Drag King story time\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"#elders\">\u003c/a>Elders speak: ‘It wasn’t a parade, it was a march’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The voices of two elder queer people and their memories of early Pride events, how the event has changed over the years, and how they understand the value of the parade today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the summer of 1970, gay activists commemorating the uprising at Stonewall in New York, marched down San Francisco’s Polk Street. There wasn’t really a planned route and no one had a permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard about a march. And it’s very important to distinguish it wasn’t a parade, it was a march,” said former state Assemblymember Tom Ammiano, who was in his 30s at the time. He recalls how he had a little sign that said “gay teacher,” and they walked down the street with hardly anybody on the sidewalk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gwen Craigg, former president of the Harvey Milk LGBT Democratic Club, was in her twenties and had recently moved from Atlanta. Throughout the 1970s participation in the march grew, and in 1973 an estimated 42,000 people took part. Two years later that number almost doubled, and this year the City of San Francisco is expecting half a million people to participate in today’s Pride festivities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"laureate\">\u003c/a>San Francisco’s first-ever drag laureate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco made history last month by naming its first-ever drag laureate, D’arcy Drollinger, who has been doing drag shows since the 1990’s. As drag laureate of San Francisco — not only the first title of its kind in the city, but also the nation — Drollinger says he’ll serve as an ambassador for local drag artists and the city’s nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s drag scene is one that Drollinger, who was born here, has developed a deep affection for since returning to the city in 2011, because of how local artists have changed the face of drag. Drollinger is also owner and artistic director of OASIS, an internationally acclaimed drag nightclub and cabaret that’s home to a strong, inclusive community, which, during the height of the pandemic, organized services like \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-ap-top-news-ca-state-wire-entertainment-lifestyle-590ccabde9a3be69abdb18809742d984\">Meals on Heels\u003c/a>, a drag meal delivery service for those in need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"aguilar\">\u003c/a>Paul Aguilar: Lifetime Achievement Grand Marshal of San Francisco Pride\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Paul Aguilar is the Lifetime Achievement Grand Marshal in this years Pride Parade. In this interview, he shares his early memories of Pride, his experience of being HIV+, of how he copes with the trauma of losing friends to the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar has been going to Pride in San Francisco for decades and can still remember his first back in 1976. He delivered newspapers back then, and after he finished his shift he rode his bike all the way down to Golden Gate Park, where the march used to end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was one feeling. One unmistakable feeling. And that was the feeling of acceptance. This was my tribe. This is what I’ve been looking for,” he said. “These were my people. It was a life-changing moment for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s Lifetime Achievement Grand Marshal recognition is in honor of his years of advocating for people living with HIV and AIDS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"corporate\">\u003c/a>The tension around corporate sponsorship\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After an ad for Bud Light featuring trans influencer Dylan Mulvaney caused a backlash that led to a dip in sales, the company put two marketing executives on leave. Then, Target faced its own boycott over a Pride product line. All this has had SF Pride and similar organizations thinking about the role of corporate sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers of the parade say they’re facing mounting costs, so they’ve continued to draw on financial support from corporate sponsors. The practice isn’t new, but there’s a renewed debate over the role of corporate sponsors, which have been facing heavy criticism from both conservatives and the LGBTQ community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re always trying to make sure we survive to provide a great weekend for the city, but also to do the right thing. And that’s quite a difficult position sometimes,” said Suzanne Ford, Executive Director of SF Pride. She says costs for events have gone up 40 percent post-pandemic – to about $4 million – and more than half of their funding is generated by corporate contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Child Care Providers Call for Higher Pay Amid Budget Talks",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gabriela Guerrero’s children are all grown and have moved out, but the former stay-at-home mom never stopped raising kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The children who attend her home day care in El Centro, in Imperial County near the Mexico border, are as young as 3 months old. Some are the children of farmworkers who drop them off at Guerrero’s house before their shifts in the predawn hours. Nearly all are from families poor enough to qualify for state subsidies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the families can’t afford basic needs, Guerrero said, so the 57-year-old makes sure to provide their children with milk, diapers and sometimes clothes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want the families to go to work knowing that (their children are) well taken care of, and they’re being loved and fed correctly,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero’s labor of love barely earns her a living. After paying two assistants and other costs, she figures she takes home about $3 or $4 an hour. She takes on credit card debt to keep her business going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/fact-sheet/profiles-of-the-california-early-care-and-education-workforce-2020/\">family child care providers — the vast majority of them women of color\u003c/a> — have said they don’t get paid enough by the state of California to cover the costs of their businesses. Their fight for better pay and benefits, a two-decades-old effort, is reaching a fever pitch in California’s capital this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re pressing Gov. Gavin Newsom to raise their pay, and they have the Legislature on their side. Lawmakers put $1 billion for raises in their \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/california-budget-legislature-2/\">version of a state budget\u003c/a> that they passed last week. That funding remains one of the key differences between Newsom and the Legislature as they hammer out a budget deal before July 1 that accounts for an estimated $32 billion deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The full cost of California child care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom deemed the child care industry critical to getting parents back to work and recovering the state’s economy from the pandemic. He signed legislation in 2019 allowing home child care providers like Guerrero \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/03/unionizing-child-care-workers-california-legislation/\">to unionize and bargain with the state over subsidized child care reimbursement rates\u003c/a>. And the state has issued multiple rounds of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/children-and-youth/2021/02/child-care-union-secures-covid-19-relief-funding-approval/\">temporary stipends\u003c/a> to providers who lost revenue during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the 40,000-member union representing the home-based providers says Newsom’s administration isn’t offering providers enough to keep them in business long term. The union’s current contract expires in less than two weeks, at the end of June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bargaining for a new one this year, the union has called for a 25% bump in reimbursement rates the state pays to providers who care for low-income families’ kids — and state funding for the union to set up a trust to issue retirement benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953745\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953745 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman holding a microphone and wearing glasses stands in front of a crowd. She's wearing a yellow shirt.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Guerrero, a family child care provider, speaks to the crowd gathered for the Child Care Providers United rally at the state Capitol in Sacramento on June 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Providers staged a rally with about 2,000 members and supporters at the Capitol last week and plan to set up camp outside the governor’s mansion this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a direct result of their action, providers are gaining ground in negotiations towards pay increases and basic benefits — but we have yet to see a fair and just contract offer from the state,” said Max Arias, chair of the Child Care Providers’ Union, in a statement. “There appears to be no interest in committing to ongoing rate increases or covering the full cost of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Family or home-based providers care for 28% of children who attend licensed facilities in California. Parents also send children to day care centers or state-funded preschools, or pay a family member or friend.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A stopgap measure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To some advocates and members of the Legislative Women’s Caucus, even winning the raises would be only a stopgap measure to keep providers in business. The child care industry has \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/brief/child-care-sector-jobs-bls-analysis/\">experienced a slow recovery\u003c/a> the past three years and still employs 5% fewer people than it did before the COVID-19 pandemic, according to a recent study by the UC Berkeley Center for the Study of Child Care Employment.[aside label=\"More Coverage\" tag=\"child-care-providers\"]They’re pushing the state to move faster to fundamentally overhaul the way it calculates reimbursement rates. Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/monique-limon-1979/\">Monique Limón\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Santa Barbara, authored a bill this year directing the state to overhaul the rates and provide the $1 billion raise in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1 billion in the Legislature’s budget “solves an immediate problem,” she said. “It doesn’t solve the full, 10-year problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2021/10/california-child-care-worker-shortage/\">state’s reimbursement rates are generally tied to how much providers charge\u003c/a> in the private market — but because many child care providers lower their prices to meet what parents can afford, the rates have ended up artificially low, in \u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/CalWORKs/CCT/CCDD/Rate%20and%20Quality%20Stakeholder%20Workgroup%20Report_August%202022_FINAL%20ADA%20(2).pdf?ver=2022-08-24-081240-333\">a system that a state-commissioned report last year described as a “market failure” (PDF)\u003c/a>. That in turn results in chronic shortages of child care for parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That report, on child care funding in California, was commissioned by a working group the state convened as part of its current contract with the child care union. In the report the national firm Prenatal to Five Fiscal Strategies, found \u003ca href=\"https://www.prenatal5fiscal.org/_files/ugd/8fd549_831af20bfb4142b59fda11194bb908fd.pdf\">California pays some day care owners as little as a quarter of what the service costs (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A new model\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the southern region of the state, where Guerrero lives, the firm estimated it costs a home-based provider like hers more than $39,000 a year to provide quality care for one infant or toddler. The state reimburses about $12,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same report recommended the state adopt a new method for calculating reimbursement rates that is based on real costs like the ones the firm calculated, rather than surveys of day care rates. It has drawn support from both business and labor: \u003ca href=\"https://www.childrennow.org/blog/rate-reform/\">a letter by the advocacy group Children Now\u003c/a> urging the state to implement the recommendations was signed this year by the Service Employees International Union and the California Chamber of Commerce.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Eric Peterson, director of client services and policy, Bananas\"]‘Everybody knows … we can’t pay the true cost of care in a year. The intent is to acknowledge the true cost and find a schedule to get there.’[/pullquote]Asked to comment on the overhaul plan, both the state Department of Finance and the Department of Social Services said the issue is being negotiated with the child care union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No new payment method has been developed yet, though the state this year restarted the working group to advise on overhauling rates. Because the current rates are so low, a new model could be dramatically more expensive for the state. In some cases, providers may have to be paid three or four times what the state currently covers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say it’s possible the state could come up with a new payment method that gradually, over several years, gets the pay closer to providers’ real costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Peterson, director of client services and policy at Bananas, an Oakland agency that helps families find child care and subsidies to pay for it, sat on the working group that commissioned the cost report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In nearly three decades in the field, Peterson said, pay for providers “has never been adequate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody knows … we can’t pay the true cost of care in a year,” he said. “The intent is to acknowledge the true cost and find a schedule to get there.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Providers say home day care businesses may need to close if the state continues paying too little in child care subsidies.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gabriela Guerrero’s children are all grown and have moved out, but the former stay-at-home mom never stopped raising kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The children who attend her home day care in El Centro, in Imperial County near the Mexico border, are as young as 3 months old. Some are the children of farmworkers who drop them off at Guerrero’s house before their shifts in the predawn hours. Nearly all are from families poor enough to qualify for state subsidies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the families can’t afford basic needs, Guerrero said, so the 57-year-old makes sure to provide their children with milk, diapers and sometimes clothes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want the families to go to work knowing that (their children are) well taken care of, and they’re being loved and fed correctly,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero’s labor of love barely earns her a living. After paying two assistants and other costs, she figures she takes home about $3 or $4 an hour. She takes on credit card debt to keep her business going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/fact-sheet/profiles-of-the-california-early-care-and-education-workforce-2020/\">family child care providers — the vast majority of them women of color\u003c/a> — have said they don’t get paid enough by the state of California to cover the costs of their businesses. Their fight for better pay and benefits, a two-decades-old effort, is reaching a fever pitch in California’s capital this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re pressing Gov. Gavin Newsom to raise their pay, and they have the Legislature on their side. Lawmakers put $1 billion for raises in their \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/california-budget-legislature-2/\">version of a state budget\u003c/a> that they passed last week. That funding remains one of the key differences between Newsom and the Legislature as they hammer out a budget deal before July 1 that accounts for an estimated $32 billion deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The full cost of California child care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom deemed the child care industry critical to getting parents back to work and recovering the state’s economy from the pandemic. He signed legislation in 2019 allowing home child care providers like Guerrero \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/03/unionizing-child-care-workers-california-legislation/\">to unionize and bargain with the state over subsidized child care reimbursement rates\u003c/a>. And the state has issued multiple rounds of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/children-and-youth/2021/02/child-care-union-secures-covid-19-relief-funding-approval/\">temporary stipends\u003c/a> to providers who lost revenue during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the 40,000-member union representing the home-based providers says Newsom’s administration isn’t offering providers enough to keep them in business long term. The union’s current contract expires in less than two weeks, at the end of June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bargaining for a new one this year, the union has called for a 25% bump in reimbursement rates the state pays to providers who care for low-income families’ kids — and state funding for the union to set up a trust to issue retirement benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953745\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953745 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman holding a microphone and wearing glasses stands in front of a crowd. She's wearing a yellow shirt.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061523-child-care-rally-jah-cm-28-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Guerrero, a family child care provider, speaks to the crowd gathered for the Child Care Providers United rally at the state Capitol in Sacramento on June 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Providers staged a rally with about 2,000 members and supporters at the Capitol last week and plan to set up camp outside the governor’s mansion this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a direct result of their action, providers are gaining ground in negotiations towards pay increases and basic benefits — but we have yet to see a fair and just contract offer from the state,” said Max Arias, chair of the Child Care Providers’ Union, in a statement. “There appears to be no interest in committing to ongoing rate increases or covering the full cost of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Family or home-based providers care for 28% of children who attend licensed facilities in California. Parents also send children to day care centers or state-funded preschools, or pay a family member or friend.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A stopgap measure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To some advocates and members of the Legislative Women’s Caucus, even winning the raises would be only a stopgap measure to keep providers in business. The child care industry has \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/brief/child-care-sector-jobs-bls-analysis/\">experienced a slow recovery\u003c/a> the past three years and still employs 5% fewer people than it did before the COVID-19 pandemic, according to a recent study by the UC Berkeley Center for the Study of Child Care Employment.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>They’re pushing the state to move faster to fundamentally overhaul the way it calculates reimbursement rates. Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/monique-limon-1979/\">Monique Limón\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Santa Barbara, authored a bill this year directing the state to overhaul the rates and provide the $1 billion raise in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1 billion in the Legislature’s budget “solves an immediate problem,” she said. “It doesn’t solve the full, 10-year problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2021/10/california-child-care-worker-shortage/\">state’s reimbursement rates are generally tied to how much providers charge\u003c/a> in the private market — but because many child care providers lower their prices to meet what parents can afford, the rates have ended up artificially low, in \u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/CalWORKs/CCT/CCDD/Rate%20and%20Quality%20Stakeholder%20Workgroup%20Report_August%202022_FINAL%20ADA%20(2).pdf?ver=2022-08-24-081240-333\">a system that a state-commissioned report last year described as a “market failure” (PDF)\u003c/a>. That in turn results in chronic shortages of child care for parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That report, on child care funding in California, was commissioned by a working group the state convened as part of its current contract with the child care union. In the report the national firm Prenatal to Five Fiscal Strategies, found \u003ca href=\"https://www.prenatal5fiscal.org/_files/ugd/8fd549_831af20bfb4142b59fda11194bb908fd.pdf\">California pays some day care owners as little as a quarter of what the service costs (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A new model\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the southern region of the state, where Guerrero lives, the firm estimated it costs a home-based provider like hers more than $39,000 a year to provide quality care for one infant or toddler. The state reimburses about $12,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same report recommended the state adopt a new method for calculating reimbursement rates that is based on real costs like the ones the firm calculated, rather than surveys of day care rates. It has drawn support from both business and labor: \u003ca href=\"https://www.childrennow.org/blog/rate-reform/\">a letter by the advocacy group Children Now\u003c/a> urging the state to implement the recommendations was signed this year by the Service Employees International Union and the California Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Asked to comment on the overhaul plan, both the state Department of Finance and the Department of Social Services said the issue is being negotiated with the child care union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No new payment method has been developed yet, though the state this year restarted the working group to advise on overhauling rates. Because the current rates are so low, a new model could be dramatically more expensive for the state. In some cases, providers may have to be paid three or four times what the state currently covers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say it’s possible the state could come up with a new payment method that gradually, over several years, gets the pay closer to providers’ real costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Peterson, director of client services and policy at Bananas, an Oakland agency that helps families find child care and subsidies to pay for it, sat on the working group that commissioned the cost report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In nearly three decades in the field, Peterson said, pay for providers “has never been adequate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody knows … we can’t pay the true cost of care in a year,” he said. “The intent is to acknowledge the true cost and find a schedule to get there.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Lack of Affordable Housing Is Driving Older Californians Into Homelessness",
"headTitle": "Lack of Affordable Housing Is Driving Older Californians Into Homelessness | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>With modern home prices out of reach for many California residents on fixed incomes, older adults have become the fastest-growing segment of the unhoused population across the state, according to \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/CASPEH\">new research released Tuesday from UCSF\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California makes up 30% of the nation’s unhoused population and is home to half of all the country’s unsheltered population, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/CASPEH\">landmark study\u003c/a>, which looks at how people in the Golden State become unhoused, experience homelessness, and exit homelessness. Nearly half of all unhoused adults in the study were age 50 or older, and Black and Native American residents were “dramatically overrepresented,” the study shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The results of the study confirm that far too many Californians experience homelessness because they cannot afford housing,” said Dr. Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative and principal investigator of the landmark study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The year-long study included responses from a sample of nearly 3,200 unhoused participants who together are representative of all adults experiencing homelessness statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Dr. Margot Kushel, director, UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative\"]‘There aren’t as many unions, pensions, and housing costs have skyrocketed. The disconnect between what people make and what it costs to live is widening and widening.’[/pullquote]Contrary to beliefs that people migrate to California for homelessness services, the report found that the vast majority — 90% — of people who are unhoused in California are from California. And 75% of survey respondents were living in the same California county where they lost their housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO of All Home, a regional homelessness policy organization, said those statistics mirror what she has encountered here in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t see a lot of those migration patterns even across the region. Rising housing costs and stagnant incomes in places where that is exacerbated is where we see significant increases in homelessness,” Moss told KQED. “We saw this in Oakland between 2017 and 2019, when housing costs rose exponentially, incomes dropped or were flat for folks, and homelessness rose 41% during that time period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most respondents, high housing prices were just unsustainable. About 21% of leaseholders cited loss of income as the main reason they lost their housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those who held a lease just prior to becoming unhoused reported they were given just 10 days’ notice before they lost their housing, and non-leaseholders had often been given just one day’s notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As structural factors get less forgiving, you need fewer individual factors to become homeless. And the structural factors have gotten worse,” Kushel said. “There aren’t as many unions, pensions, and housing costs have skyrocketed. The disconnect between what people make and what it costs to live is widening and widening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11952984,news_11953006,news_11952870\"]Nearly all participants in the study expressed interest in obtaining housing. However, 89% of all respondents said they can’t afford housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings are familiar for Patricia Wall, executive director of the Homeless Action Center, an organization that helps people including those experiencing homelessness sign up for programs like supplemental security income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have watched the population of homeless people age. Over the last 10 years particularly, we are seeing more and more clients over the age of 50,” Wall told KQED. “There isn’t the kind of safety net we like to imagine that there is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wall, who has worked closely with the unhoused population for nearly three decades, said she sees over and over again older clients get priced out of their homes and become unhoused when they don’t have a strong enough safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even some of the options that do exist for people with low or fixed incomes, such as housing vouchers and units in subsidized buildings, have grown incredibly hard to access due to increasing demand and stagnant supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What used to be a resource for seniors has become like winning the lottery,” said Wall. “It takes years to get housing. If you are on top of your game and apply immediately when you see the opening, then your name gets on a list and you’re on there for maybe five years. There just aren’t enough physical units and subsidies available to make the kind of progress we need to make to reduce the number of unsheltered homeless. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of Wall’s clients are on SSI benefits either because they are too old to work or have a disability that prevents them from working. But the state has not kept pace with population growth in terms of building new affordable housing units, or units that can be made affordable through housing vouchers, leaving many people who could qualify to become unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There aren’t enough units for affordable housing,” Wall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to highlighting barriers to exiting homelessness, the study also provides six recommendations for government and policymakers. They include increasing access to affordable units to extremely low-income households, either by building or expanding rental subsidies like housing vouchers and making it so more housing units can accept those vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also recommended is targeted homelessness prevention, such as financial assistance and legal support, and increased street-level outreach to people who are unsheltered. It also advocates for more robust services for mental health and substance use challenges for people while they are experiencing homelessness and in supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opportunities to increase household income such as employment training and support signing up for benefits also were recommended. And researchers called for racial equity to guide these recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several components of the study offer hope as well. At least 86% of respondents said that just $300–$500 could be enough to get them into housing, and 90% believed a housing voucher or a similar option could have prevented their homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no question that the current situation is untenable. The question is, how do you allocate scarce resources?” Kushel said. “It was very hard to find anyone who didn’t want housing. When we asked what gets in the way of that, they said, ‘I can’t afford it.’ Period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "'Far too many Californians experience homelessness because they cannot afford housing,' said Dr. Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With modern home prices out of reach for many California residents on fixed incomes, older adults have become the fastest-growing segment of the unhoused population across the state, according to \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/CASPEH\">new research released Tuesday from UCSF\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California makes up 30% of the nation’s unhoused population and is home to half of all the country’s unsheltered population, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/CASPEH\">landmark study\u003c/a>, which looks at how people in the Golden State become unhoused, experience homelessness, and exit homelessness. Nearly half of all unhoused adults in the study were age 50 or older, and Black and Native American residents were “dramatically overrepresented,” the study shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The results of the study confirm that far too many Californians experience homelessness because they cannot afford housing,” said Dr. Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative and principal investigator of the landmark study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The year-long study included responses from a sample of nearly 3,200 unhoused participants who together are representative of all adults experiencing homelessness statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘There aren’t as many unions, pensions, and housing costs have skyrocketed. The disconnect between what people make and what it costs to live is widening and widening.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Contrary to beliefs that people migrate to California for homelessness services, the report found that the vast majority — 90% — of people who are unhoused in California are from California. And 75% of survey respondents were living in the same California county where they lost their housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO of All Home, a regional homelessness policy organization, said those statistics mirror what she has encountered here in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t see a lot of those migration patterns even across the region. Rising housing costs and stagnant incomes in places where that is exacerbated is where we see significant increases in homelessness,” Moss told KQED. “We saw this in Oakland between 2017 and 2019, when housing costs rose exponentially, incomes dropped or were flat for folks, and homelessness rose 41% during that time period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most respondents, high housing prices were just unsustainable. About 21% of leaseholders cited loss of income as the main reason they lost their housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those who held a lease just prior to becoming unhoused reported they were given just 10 days’ notice before they lost their housing, and non-leaseholders had often been given just one day’s notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As structural factors get less forgiving, you need fewer individual factors to become homeless. And the structural factors have gotten worse,” Kushel said. “There aren’t as many unions, pensions, and housing costs have skyrocketed. The disconnect between what people make and what it costs to live is widening and widening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nearly all participants in the study expressed interest in obtaining housing. However, 89% of all respondents said they can’t afford housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings are familiar for Patricia Wall, executive director of the Homeless Action Center, an organization that helps people including those experiencing homelessness sign up for programs like supplemental security income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have watched the population of homeless people age. Over the last 10 years particularly, we are seeing more and more clients over the age of 50,” Wall told KQED. “There isn’t the kind of safety net we like to imagine that there is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wall, who has worked closely with the unhoused population for nearly three decades, said she sees over and over again older clients get priced out of their homes and become unhoused when they don’t have a strong enough safety net.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even some of the options that do exist for people with low or fixed incomes, such as housing vouchers and units in subsidized buildings, have grown incredibly hard to access due to increasing demand and stagnant supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What used to be a resource for seniors has become like winning the lottery,” said Wall. “It takes years to get housing. If you are on top of your game and apply immediately when you see the opening, then your name gets on a list and you’re on there for maybe five years. There just aren’t enough physical units and subsidies available to make the kind of progress we need to make to reduce the number of unsheltered homeless. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of Wall’s clients are on SSI benefits either because they are too old to work or have a disability that prevents them from working. But the state has not kept pace with population growth in terms of building new affordable housing units, or units that can be made affordable through housing vouchers, leaving many people who could qualify to become unhoused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There aren’t enough units for affordable housing,” Wall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to highlighting barriers to exiting homelessness, the study also provides six recommendations for government and policymakers. They include increasing access to affordable units to extremely low-income households, either by building or expanding rental subsidies like housing vouchers and making it so more housing units can accept those vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also recommended is targeted homelessness prevention, such as financial assistance and legal support, and increased street-level outreach to people who are unsheltered. It also advocates for more robust services for mental health and substance use challenges for people while they are experiencing homelessness and in supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opportunities to increase household income such as employment training and support signing up for benefits also were recommended. And researchers called for racial equity to guide these recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several components of the study offer hope as well. At least 86% of respondents said that just $300–$500 could be enough to get them into housing, and 90% believed a housing voucher or a similar option could have prevented their homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no question that the current situation is untenable. The question is, how do you allocate scarce resources?” Kushel said. “It was very hard to find anyone who didn’t want housing. When we asked what gets in the way of that, they said, ‘I can’t afford it.’ Period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Why 'Crisis Pregnancy Centers' Will Be California's Next Abortion Battleground",
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"headTitle": "Why ‘Crisis Pregnancy Centers’ Will Be California’s Next Abortion Battleground | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In California, less than two-thirds of counties have an abortion clinic. But nearly 80% have at least one “crisis pregnancy center,” according to a database compiled by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates and lawmakers have long accused these centers — also known as anti-abortion centers — of coercing vulnerable people into remaining pregnant by misleading them about abortion procedures and contraceptive methods. In rural areas with acute primary care shortages, “crisis pregnancy centers” outnumber abortion clinics 11 to 2, a CalMatters analysis shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While center supporters vehemently deny the accusations about misleading pregnant people, they’ve become the next battleground for California lawmakers bent on protecting abortion rights and offering services for people who live in states where abortion is banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the next way in which the anti-abortion movement will try to stop people from getting access to abortion here,” said Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, a Democrat from San Ramon and member of the Women’s Legislative Caucus, which has spearheaded the state’s legislative push for enhanced abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulating “crisis pregnancy centers,” however, has proven to be exceptionally challenging even in the nation’s self-proclaimed “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/\">abortion safe haven\u003c/a>.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D-San Ramon)\"]‘They’re the next way in which the anti-abortion movement will try to stop people from getting access to abortion here.’[/pullquote]This legislative session, two bills attempting to regulate the centers died quietly in the Assembly Appropriations Committee, including one authored by Bauer-Kahan. Officially, no one knows why the bills were killed in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-bills-suspense-file-2/\">the Legislature’s opaque suspense file maneuvers\u003c/a>, in which votes are not public, but it’s no secret that Democratic lawmakers are fearful of passing laws that might spur litigation from abortion opponents. Even before the U.S. Supreme Court’s conservative majority \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-abortion-roe-ruling/\">overturned Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>, abortion opponents had used the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/issues/423\">courts\u003c/a> to steadily chip away at abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even a state like California is treading very carefully,” said \u003ca href=\"https://law.scu.edu/faculty/profile/russell-margaret/\">Margaret Russell\u003c/a>, an associate constitutional law professor at Santa Clara University. “Who wants to waste public resources on a lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court with the risk that the law would become even worse?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Snyder, CEO of Life Legal Defense Foundation and former director of a pregnancy center in Santa Clarita, said the bills had clear “legal problems (and) constitutional problems” and would be “tied up in the courts at tremendous expense for the next five years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘chilling effect’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-health-committee-20230425\">an Assembly Health Committee hearing in April\u003c/a>, staff from the Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento dressed in hot pink — a color also frequently donned by the state’s abortion rights advocates — and lined up in opposition to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB710\">a bill requiring the state Public Health Department to conduct an “awareness campaign” about reproductive health and abortion options\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure made no mention of pregnancy centers opposed to abortion, but public testimony accused them of manipulating women by advertising “abortion education” or counseling services that are a means to scare them away from abortion and of falsely claiming “abortion pill reversal” is scientifically tested. Abortion pill reversal — which involves giving patients high doses of the pregnancy hormone progesterone — is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/03/22/688783130/controversial-abortion-reversal-regimen-is-put-to-the-test\">not supported by most doctors\u003c/a>, including the nation’s leading association of pregnancy and women’s health specialists. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists states the procedure is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.acog.org/advocacy/facts-are-important/medication-abortion-reversal-is-not-supported-by-science\">unproven and unethical\u003c/a>” because it has not been backed by \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">clinical studies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three weeks later the measure was dead — a rare win for the anti-abortion movement in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t go there to necessarily stop the bill. We live in California, we know that. We didn’t think that was possible, but it’s clearly possible,” said Heidi Matzke, executive director of Alternatives Pregnancy Center.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11937191,news_11934819\"]Even the measure’s author, Santa Clarita Democrat Pilar Schiavo, was surprised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was disappointed,” Schiavo said. “It literally didn’t say anything about crisis pregnancy centers. That’s as safe a bill as you can get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislators have struggled to regulate these centers since 2018, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/us-supreme-court-strikes-down-california-fact-act\">the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a state law\u003c/a> known as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2018/03/supreme-court-challenge-to-california-law-could-hand-abortion-foes-a-victory-or-backfire-on-them/\">FACT Act\u003c/a>, which required reproductive health centers to notify clients about abortion and birth control options. It also required unlicensed centers to tell clients they were not medical facilities. Anti-abortion groups opposed it, arguing “crisis pregnancy centers” should not be compelled to say something that conflicts with their religious beliefs. The justices agreed in a 5–4 vote, dealing a bruising blow to abortion rights nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s use of a “government-drafted script” violated the First Amendment’s freedom of speech protections, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/17pdf/16-1140_5368.pdf\">Justice Clarence Thomas wrote in the majority opinion (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By requiring petitioners to inform women how they can obtain state-subsidized abortions — at the same time petitioners try to dissuade women from choosing that option — the licensed notice plainly ‘alters the content’ of petitioners’ speech,” Thomas wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because we have this history of the reproductive FACT Act, I think people are really worried about creating bad precedent,” said Cathren Cohen, a staff attorney at the Williams Institute and the Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy at UCLA. “The anti-choice movement is very litigious. They know the federal courts are on their side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has resulted is a “chilling effect,” even in states like California, Cohen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one lawsuit has been filed in reaction to the flurry of abortion protections California passed last year. \u003ca href=\"https://nimbus.kern.courts.ca.gov/case-file/Complaint?documentId=kRzQGE\">The claim, filed “on behalf of pro-life pregnancy care centers”\u003c/a> by the Life Legal Defense Foundation, seeks to block the state’s requirement that health insurers cover abortion services with no out-of-pocket charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen testified in support of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB315\">Bauer-Kahan’s “crisis pregnancy center” bill\u003c/a> during an \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-judiciary-committee-20230321\">Assembly Judiciary Committee hearing in March\u003c/a>. That measure would have reinforced the state’s false advertising law to prevent facilities that provide pregnancy-related services from making false or misleading claims about abortion. It also allowed people who sought services and were harmed to later sue for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was carefully crafted to avoid the previous issue of compelled speech that prompted the Supreme Court to rebuke California, Cohen said, “but that doesn’t mean that it wouldn’t be challenged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer-Kahan, who successfully passed two abortion protection bills last session, told CalMatters it’s unlikely she’ll reintroduce this measure but remains committed to exploring future options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that we get our arms around it,” Bauer-Kahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Conflicting narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So what happens inside a “crisis pregnancy center”? It depends on who you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the national level, abortion opponents don’t mince words when it comes to the goals of the centers: They exist to stop women from getting abortions. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cosmopolitan.com/politics/a38642/heartbeat-international-conference-crisis-pregnancy-centers-abortion/\">Convention trainings\u003c/a>, e-books, and online courses from the largest anti-abortion center networks in the country offer strategies on how to talk to women who call asking about abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least three-fourths of California centers are affiliated with national organizations.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Margaret Russell, associate constitutional law professor, Santa Clara University\"]‘Who wants to waste public resources on a lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court with the risk that the law would become even worse?’[/pullquote]Proponents of the primarily faith-based nonprofits disagree with the characterization that their work is underhanded. Training materials from one of the largest networks in the country, Care Net, specifically say “manipulation is never an option,” though it recommends “speaking persuasively” as a “life advocate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Centers say they give women with unplanned pregnancies alternatives to abortion by providing material support: free diapers, parenting classes and sometimes housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a safety net for women that want to carry,” said Marie Leatherby, president of the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care and executive director of Sacramento Life Center. “(For) most women, it’s just a great place to start your pregnancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leatherby said after the Supreme Court’s ruling, the organization worked hard to root out any “bad actors” that used deceptive practices. It requires members to state whether they are medically licensed facilities, and many disclose online that they do not provide or refer for abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We set the bar so high because we’re always scrutinized,” Leatherby said. “If they want to have the abortion, they are free to come and go. We let people know we don’t do that here but they can come in and sit and figure out what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite safeguards that Leatherby and other California center proponents say are in place to ensure women aren’t misled, it still sometimes happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Numerous journalism investigations across the country have detailed instances in other states in which women were \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/how-anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-can-claim-to-be-medical-clinics/\">tricked into walking into a center\u003c/a> rather than a Planned Parenthood site, shown an altered ultrasound image, or more recently \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/6189528/anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-collect-data-investigation/\">had their data tracked\u003c/a>. Many make assertions about the risks of abortion, side effects of contraceptives, and efficacy of “abortion pill reversal” that may be grounded in research but are taken out of context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, many centers’ websites say emergency contraceptives like Plan B or ella cause early abortions of a fertilized egg, which has been debunked by \u003ca href=\"https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-abortion-medications-differ-from-plan-b-and-other-emergency-contraceptives/\">multiple research studies\u003c/a>. They also emphasize the potential for abortion to cause depression or other negative mental health impacts when decades of research indicate a wanted abortion “does not cause significant psychological problems,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-facts-abortion-mental-health\">according to the American Psychological Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel, a Sacramento-area resident, said she visited a pregnancy center in 2016 seeking an abortion. She was about six weeks pregnant with a minimum-wage job and no health insurance. She and her boyfriend struggled to provide for their toddler and knew they weren’t ready for a second kid, Gabriel said. She had already visited a Planned Parenthood but couldn’t afford its $450 out-of-pocket fee. Her boyfriend saw a pregnancy center advertisement and hoped it could do the procedure for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters agreed to use only Gabriel’s middle name to protect her privacy. Her family doesn’t know she sought an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center worker promised to help over the phone and never indicated that it did not perform abortions, she said. Gabriel didn’t realize it was a religious organization until halfway through the 45-minute appointment, she said. The staff member gave her “random scary statistics like 80% of couples who go through abortion together break up” and told stories of people who regretted the decision — and waited until the end of the appointment to tell her the center did not do abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel was so uncomfortable with her experience that she left a review on Yelp warning other women to be cautious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was definitely stressed and embarrassed. The rational part of my brain told me this was part of their fear tactic, but at the same time he and I were only like 22 or something still trying to figure our lives out,” Gabriel said. “Naturally part of me was wondering if they were right about everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center “was kind of our last resort … and them not being able to help us in the way we needed, and on top of that being talked into something I know I didn’t want, was a lot of emotional pressure,” Gabriel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reproductive health deserts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Increasingly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/8/29/20828866/obria-medical-clinics-birth-control-planned-parenthood\">“crisis pregnancy centers” across the country are seeking to be licensed by state health departments\u003c/a>. Approximately half of the centers in California are medically licensed facilities, according to the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care. Proponents say it helps fill a community need, while opponents say it gives women in reproductive health deserts even fewer choices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a looming primary care provider shortage in California,” Cohen said. “It’s apt to note that they’re filling a gap because we do need more reproductive health care providers, particularly in rural areas, low income areas, (and for) people of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953211\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953211 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A view of a one-story brick building with white columns holding up a front awning, taken from behind bushes, which are blurry in the foreground.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento on June 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The breadth of medical services offered at centers opposed to abortion varies widely, with most performing only pregnancy testing and ultrasounds. The state does not set a minimum service requirement for licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cwlc.org/download/cwlc-report-designed-to-deceive-a-study-of-the-crisis-pregnancy-center-industry-in-nine-states-2021/?wpdmdl=9854&refresh=647e0e89bd7b81685982857&ind=1666832971487&filename=CA-Alliance_CPC_Report_California-Oct-2022.pdf\">Only 10% of the California centers provide prenatal care and none offer contraceptives (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to a 2022 report by The Alliance, a national coalition of organizations supporting abortion rights. Last year, State Attorney General Rob Bonta issued \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Crisis%20Pregnancy%20Center%20Bulletin.pdf\">a consumer alert warning that the centers do not offer comprehensive reproductive health care (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are at least 176 “crisis pregnancy centers” in California, according to a CalMatters analysis. That compares to 166 abortion clinics, according to state data. At face value, the difference of 10 seems negligible, but pregnancy centers are more likely to be located in areas where there are primary care shortages. Abortion clinics, on the other hand, tend to be located in urban areas where primary care shortages are less likely. Clinics like Planned Parenthood also offer services like cervical cancer screenings, HIV treatment, gynecological care and annual exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In rural areas of the state where primary care is insufficient, people have a 25% chance of living near a “crisis pregnancy center” compared to a less than 5% chance of living near an abortion clinic, according to a CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 13.1 million state residents — roughly one third-of the state’s population — live in a primary care shortage area, according to the federal Health Resources and Services Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matzke, with Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento, takes particular issue with the claim that she runs a fake medical clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the moment they walk in the door, I want them met with medical professionals,” Matzke said. “The moment they leave, I want them being walked out by medical professionals. And that’s who we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alternatives is licensed as a free clinic by the California Department of Public Health. The staff includes three doctors, five nurses, a nurse practitioner, a phlebotomist to draw blood and several medical assistants, Matzke said. In addition to pregnancy tests and ultrasounds, Alternatives offers sexually transmitted disease tests, gynecological care and prenatal care up to 25 weeks. The clinic does not conduct or refer for abortion: It says so on the front door.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Cathren Cohen, staff attorney, Williams Institute and the Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy, UCLA\"]‘The anti-choice movement is very litigious. They know the federal courts are on their side.’[/pullquote]“Every woman knows where to go to get an abortion. You know, you can go to Planned Parenthood … but most women don’t know that free resources like ours exist,” Matzke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways Alternatives is an outlier among centers in California, offering more medical services than most. In other ways, it’s not. It does not provide contraceptives. It also advertises “abortion pill reversal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although most doctors reject abortion reversal, plenty of pregnancy center advocates claim it worked for them. Atoria Foley, a patient of Alternatives who testified against Assemblymember Schiavo’s bill, took the abortion pill mifepristone, which blocks absorption of progesterone, on two separate occasions, she said. She felt pressured into getting an abortion by her child’s father, she said, and immediately regretted it. The clinic staff got her a prescription for progesterone, she said, and her daughter was born roughly seven months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not any sort of condemnation or shame around that. It’s just, let’s take care of you and love on you and guide you through this,” Foley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a scientific review, \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">between 8% and 46% of medication abortions are unsuccessful if the pregnant person does not take the second pill\u003c/a>, which causes the uterus to contract and expel its contents, similar to a miscarriage. The first randomized \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31809439/\">control study of abortion pill reversal in the U.S. was stopped in 2020 after several participants were hospitalized for uncontrolled bleeding\u003c/a>, according to study authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates are adamant: Pregnancy centers have no place in California. They are a “physical manifestation of the anti-abortion movement,” Schiavo said. Betsy Butler, a former state senator and executive director of the Women’s Law Center at UCLA, which contributed to The Alliance report, agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we reign them in? Why are they allowed to impact women like this? What can the state do about that? We have to answer this question,” Butler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California legislators have passed a slew of laws to protect abortion rights. But after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, many fear attempting to regulate 'crisis pregnancy centers' is legally risky.",
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"title": "Why 'Crisis Pregnancy Centers' Will Be California's Next Abortion Battleground | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In California, less than two-thirds of counties have an abortion clinic. But nearly 80% have at least one “crisis pregnancy center,” according to a database compiled by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates and lawmakers have long accused these centers — also known as anti-abortion centers — of coercing vulnerable people into remaining pregnant by misleading them about abortion procedures and contraceptive methods. In rural areas with acute primary care shortages, “crisis pregnancy centers” outnumber abortion clinics 11 to 2, a CalMatters analysis shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While center supporters vehemently deny the accusations about misleading pregnant people, they’ve become the next battleground for California lawmakers bent on protecting abortion rights and offering services for people who live in states where abortion is banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the next way in which the anti-abortion movement will try to stop people from getting access to abortion here,” said Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, a Democrat from San Ramon and member of the Women’s Legislative Caucus, which has spearheaded the state’s legislative push for enhanced abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulating “crisis pregnancy centers,” however, has proven to be exceptionally challenging even in the nation’s self-proclaimed “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/\">abortion safe haven\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This legislative session, two bills attempting to regulate the centers died quietly in the Assembly Appropriations Committee, including one authored by Bauer-Kahan. Officially, no one knows why the bills were killed in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-bills-suspense-file-2/\">the Legislature’s opaque suspense file maneuvers\u003c/a>, in which votes are not public, but it’s no secret that Democratic lawmakers are fearful of passing laws that might spur litigation from abortion opponents. Even before the U.S. Supreme Court’s conservative majority \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-abortion-roe-ruling/\">overturned Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>, abortion opponents had used the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/issues/423\">courts\u003c/a> to steadily chip away at abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even a state like California is treading very carefully,” said \u003ca href=\"https://law.scu.edu/faculty/profile/russell-margaret/\">Margaret Russell\u003c/a>, an associate constitutional law professor at Santa Clara University. “Who wants to waste public resources on a lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court with the risk that the law would become even worse?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Snyder, CEO of Life Legal Defense Foundation and former director of a pregnancy center in Santa Clarita, said the bills had clear “legal problems (and) constitutional problems” and would be “tied up in the courts at tremendous expense for the next five years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘chilling effect’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-health-committee-20230425\">an Assembly Health Committee hearing in April\u003c/a>, staff from the Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento dressed in hot pink — a color also frequently donned by the state’s abortion rights advocates — and lined up in opposition to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB710\">a bill requiring the state Public Health Department to conduct an “awareness campaign” about reproductive health and abortion options\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure made no mention of pregnancy centers opposed to abortion, but public testimony accused them of manipulating women by advertising “abortion education” or counseling services that are a means to scare them away from abortion and of falsely claiming “abortion pill reversal” is scientifically tested. Abortion pill reversal — which involves giving patients high doses of the pregnancy hormone progesterone — is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/03/22/688783130/controversial-abortion-reversal-regimen-is-put-to-the-test\">not supported by most doctors\u003c/a>, including the nation’s leading association of pregnancy and women’s health specialists. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists states the procedure is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.acog.org/advocacy/facts-are-important/medication-abortion-reversal-is-not-supported-by-science\">unproven and unethical\u003c/a>” because it has not been backed by \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">clinical studies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three weeks later the measure was dead — a rare win for the anti-abortion movement in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t go there to necessarily stop the bill. We live in California, we know that. We didn’t think that was possible, but it’s clearly possible,” said Heidi Matzke, executive director of Alternatives Pregnancy Center.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even the measure’s author, Santa Clarita Democrat Pilar Schiavo, was surprised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was disappointed,” Schiavo said. “It literally didn’t say anything about crisis pregnancy centers. That’s as safe a bill as you can get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislators have struggled to regulate these centers since 2018, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/us-supreme-court-strikes-down-california-fact-act\">the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a state law\u003c/a> known as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2018/03/supreme-court-challenge-to-california-law-could-hand-abortion-foes-a-victory-or-backfire-on-them/\">FACT Act\u003c/a>, which required reproductive health centers to notify clients about abortion and birth control options. It also required unlicensed centers to tell clients they were not medical facilities. Anti-abortion groups opposed it, arguing “crisis pregnancy centers” should not be compelled to say something that conflicts with their religious beliefs. The justices agreed in a 5–4 vote, dealing a bruising blow to abortion rights nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s use of a “government-drafted script” violated the First Amendment’s freedom of speech protections, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/17pdf/16-1140_5368.pdf\">Justice Clarence Thomas wrote in the majority opinion (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By requiring petitioners to inform women how they can obtain state-subsidized abortions — at the same time petitioners try to dissuade women from choosing that option — the licensed notice plainly ‘alters the content’ of petitioners’ speech,” Thomas wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because we have this history of the reproductive FACT Act, I think people are really worried about creating bad precedent,” said Cathren Cohen, a staff attorney at the Williams Institute and the Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy at UCLA. “The anti-choice movement is very litigious. They know the federal courts are on their side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has resulted is a “chilling effect,” even in states like California, Cohen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one lawsuit has been filed in reaction to the flurry of abortion protections California passed last year. \u003ca href=\"https://nimbus.kern.courts.ca.gov/case-file/Complaint?documentId=kRzQGE\">The claim, filed “on behalf of pro-life pregnancy care centers”\u003c/a> by the Life Legal Defense Foundation, seeks to block the state’s requirement that health insurers cover abortion services with no out-of-pocket charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen testified in support of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB315\">Bauer-Kahan’s “crisis pregnancy center” bill\u003c/a> during an \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-judiciary-committee-20230321\">Assembly Judiciary Committee hearing in March\u003c/a>. That measure would have reinforced the state’s false advertising law to prevent facilities that provide pregnancy-related services from making false or misleading claims about abortion. It also allowed people who sought services and were harmed to later sue for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was carefully crafted to avoid the previous issue of compelled speech that prompted the Supreme Court to rebuke California, Cohen said, “but that doesn’t mean that it wouldn’t be challenged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer-Kahan, who successfully passed two abortion protection bills last session, told CalMatters it’s unlikely she’ll reintroduce this measure but remains committed to exploring future options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that we get our arms around it,” Bauer-Kahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Conflicting narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So what happens inside a “crisis pregnancy center”? It depends on who you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the national level, abortion opponents don’t mince words when it comes to the goals of the centers: They exist to stop women from getting abortions. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cosmopolitan.com/politics/a38642/heartbeat-international-conference-crisis-pregnancy-centers-abortion/\">Convention trainings\u003c/a>, e-books, and online courses from the largest anti-abortion center networks in the country offer strategies on how to talk to women who call asking about abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least three-fourths of California centers are affiliated with national organizations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Proponents of the primarily faith-based nonprofits disagree with the characterization that their work is underhanded. Training materials from one of the largest networks in the country, Care Net, specifically say “manipulation is never an option,” though it recommends “speaking persuasively” as a “life advocate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Centers say they give women with unplanned pregnancies alternatives to abortion by providing material support: free diapers, parenting classes and sometimes housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a safety net for women that want to carry,” said Marie Leatherby, president of the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care and executive director of Sacramento Life Center. “(For) most women, it’s just a great place to start your pregnancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leatherby said after the Supreme Court’s ruling, the organization worked hard to root out any “bad actors” that used deceptive practices. It requires members to state whether they are medically licensed facilities, and many disclose online that they do not provide or refer for abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We set the bar so high because we’re always scrutinized,” Leatherby said. “If they want to have the abortion, they are free to come and go. We let people know we don’t do that here but they can come in and sit and figure out what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite safeguards that Leatherby and other California center proponents say are in place to ensure women aren’t misled, it still sometimes happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Numerous journalism investigations across the country have detailed instances in other states in which women were \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/how-anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-can-claim-to-be-medical-clinics/\">tricked into walking into a center\u003c/a> rather than a Planned Parenthood site, shown an altered ultrasound image, or more recently \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/6189528/anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-collect-data-investigation/\">had their data tracked\u003c/a>. Many make assertions about the risks of abortion, side effects of contraceptives, and efficacy of “abortion pill reversal” that may be grounded in research but are taken out of context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, many centers’ websites say emergency contraceptives like Plan B or ella cause early abortions of a fertilized egg, which has been debunked by \u003ca href=\"https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-abortion-medications-differ-from-plan-b-and-other-emergency-contraceptives/\">multiple research studies\u003c/a>. They also emphasize the potential for abortion to cause depression or other negative mental health impacts when decades of research indicate a wanted abortion “does not cause significant psychological problems,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-facts-abortion-mental-health\">according to the American Psychological Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel, a Sacramento-area resident, said she visited a pregnancy center in 2016 seeking an abortion. She was about six weeks pregnant with a minimum-wage job and no health insurance. She and her boyfriend struggled to provide for their toddler and knew they weren’t ready for a second kid, Gabriel said. She had already visited a Planned Parenthood but couldn’t afford its $450 out-of-pocket fee. Her boyfriend saw a pregnancy center advertisement and hoped it could do the procedure for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters agreed to use only Gabriel’s middle name to protect her privacy. Her family doesn’t know she sought an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center worker promised to help over the phone and never indicated that it did not perform abortions, she said. Gabriel didn’t realize it was a religious organization until halfway through the 45-minute appointment, she said. The staff member gave her “random scary statistics like 80% of couples who go through abortion together break up” and told stories of people who regretted the decision — and waited until the end of the appointment to tell her the center did not do abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel was so uncomfortable with her experience that she left a review on Yelp warning other women to be cautious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was definitely stressed and embarrassed. The rational part of my brain told me this was part of their fear tactic, but at the same time he and I were only like 22 or something still trying to figure our lives out,” Gabriel said. “Naturally part of me was wondering if they were right about everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center “was kind of our last resort … and them not being able to help us in the way we needed, and on top of that being talked into something I know I didn’t want, was a lot of emotional pressure,” Gabriel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reproductive health deserts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Increasingly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/8/29/20828866/obria-medical-clinics-birth-control-planned-parenthood\">“crisis pregnancy centers” across the country are seeking to be licensed by state health departments\u003c/a>. Approximately half of the centers in California are medically licensed facilities, according to the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care. Proponents say it helps fill a community need, while opponents say it gives women in reproductive health deserts even fewer choices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a looming primary care provider shortage in California,” Cohen said. “It’s apt to note that they’re filling a gap because we do need more reproductive health care providers, particularly in rural areas, low income areas, (and for) people of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953211\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953211 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A view of a one-story brick building with white columns holding up a front awning, taken from behind bushes, which are blurry in the foreground.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento on June 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The breadth of medical services offered at centers opposed to abortion varies widely, with most performing only pregnancy testing and ultrasounds. The state does not set a minimum service requirement for licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cwlc.org/download/cwlc-report-designed-to-deceive-a-study-of-the-crisis-pregnancy-center-industry-in-nine-states-2021/?wpdmdl=9854&refresh=647e0e89bd7b81685982857&ind=1666832971487&filename=CA-Alliance_CPC_Report_California-Oct-2022.pdf\">Only 10% of the California centers provide prenatal care and none offer contraceptives (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to a 2022 report by The Alliance, a national coalition of organizations supporting abortion rights. Last year, State Attorney General Rob Bonta issued \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Crisis%20Pregnancy%20Center%20Bulletin.pdf\">a consumer alert warning that the centers do not offer comprehensive reproductive health care (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are at least 176 “crisis pregnancy centers” in California, according to a CalMatters analysis. That compares to 166 abortion clinics, according to state data. At face value, the difference of 10 seems negligible, but pregnancy centers are more likely to be located in areas where there are primary care shortages. Abortion clinics, on the other hand, tend to be located in urban areas where primary care shortages are less likely. Clinics like Planned Parenthood also offer services like cervical cancer screenings, HIV treatment, gynecological care and annual exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In rural areas of the state where primary care is insufficient, people have a 25% chance of living near a “crisis pregnancy center” compared to a less than 5% chance of living near an abortion clinic, according to a CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 13.1 million state residents — roughly one third-of the state’s population — live in a primary care shortage area, according to the federal Health Resources and Services Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matzke, with Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento, takes particular issue with the claim that she runs a fake medical clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the moment they walk in the door, I want them met with medical professionals,” Matzke said. “The moment they leave, I want them being walked out by medical professionals. And that’s who we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alternatives is licensed as a free clinic by the California Department of Public Health. The staff includes three doctors, five nurses, a nurse practitioner, a phlebotomist to draw blood and several medical assistants, Matzke said. In addition to pregnancy tests and ultrasounds, Alternatives offers sexually transmitted disease tests, gynecological care and prenatal care up to 25 weeks. The clinic does not conduct or refer for abortion: It says so on the front door.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The anti-choice movement is very litigious. They know the federal courts are on their side.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Every woman knows where to go to get an abortion. You know, you can go to Planned Parenthood … but most women don’t know that free resources like ours exist,” Matzke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways Alternatives is an outlier among centers in California, offering more medical services than most. In other ways, it’s not. It does not provide contraceptives. It also advertises “abortion pill reversal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although most doctors reject abortion reversal, plenty of pregnancy center advocates claim it worked for them. Atoria Foley, a patient of Alternatives who testified against Assemblymember Schiavo’s bill, took the abortion pill mifepristone, which blocks absorption of progesterone, on two separate occasions, she said. She felt pressured into getting an abortion by her child’s father, she said, and immediately regretted it. The clinic staff got her a prescription for progesterone, she said, and her daughter was born roughly seven months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not any sort of condemnation or shame around that. It’s just, let’s take care of you and love on you and guide you through this,” Foley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a scientific review, \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">between 8% and 46% of medication abortions are unsuccessful if the pregnant person does not take the second pill\u003c/a>, which causes the uterus to contract and expel its contents, similar to a miscarriage. The first randomized \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31809439/\">control study of abortion pill reversal in the U.S. was stopped in 2020 after several participants were hospitalized for uncontrolled bleeding\u003c/a>, according to study authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates are adamant: Pregnancy centers have no place in California. They are a “physical manifestation of the anti-abortion movement,” Schiavo said. Betsy Butler, a former state senator and executive director of the Women’s Law Center at UCLA, which contributed to The Alliance report, agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we reign them in? Why are they allowed to impact women like this? What can the state do about that? We have to answer this question,” Butler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After State Farm \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.statefarm.com/state-farm-general-insurance-company-california-new-business-update//\">declared\u003c/a> in late May that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/05/state-farm-california-insurance/\">it wouldn’t sell any new home insurance policies in California\u003c/a>, people shopping around for new insurance had one fewer option. When days later \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/insurance-allstate-fires-18130622.php\">it was revealed\u003c/a> that Allstate had quietly made the same decision last year, Californians are now left wondering: How bad is this? And how should the state respond?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “crisis” in California’s insurance market was caused by “a laser focus only on affordability,” said Nancy Watkins, a principal at Milliman, an actuarial firm, at a legislative hearing on Wednesday. The companies are operating with “very crude tools” at the expense of availability and reliability, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the current regulatory system is too rigid. “It’s like you’ve got your steering wheel locked straight ahead, you’ve got your speed set on cruise control, and now you find yourself on the Pacific Coast Highway,” she said. “What insurance company would agree to that?”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Nancy Watkins, principal, Milliman\"]‘It’s like you’ve got your steering wheel locked straight ahead, you’ve got your speed set on cruise control, and now you find yourself on the Pacific Coast Highway. What insurance company would agree to that?’[/pullquote]Home insurance premiums in California are a little cheaper than the national average — and much lower than premiums in other disaster-prone states like Florida and Louisiana. That’s without accounting for the fact that California has some of the most expensive housing in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California still has about 115 companies offering home insurance, said Michael Soller, a deputy commissioner for the state’s insurance department. As for whether more companies are likely to follow State Farm and Allstate, “we don’t think that will happen,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer and insurance industry groups and other experts have ideas for what they’d like to see California do in the wake of the news — few of which they agree upon. Here’s the debate over four of those ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. Require State Farm to keep issuing new policies\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There’s disagreement whether this idea, backed by the group Consumer Watchdog, is legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea hinges on how insurance prices are regulated in California. Under current laws, insurance companies can’t just charge whatever they want: They have to submit their proposed rates to the insurance department, which they back up by explaining their projected costs, losses, revenue and more. State regulators can approve a company’s proposed rates, or deny them, if they think, for example, the rates are unjustifiably high, or so low that they could put the company’s finances at risk.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"forum_2010101893331,news_11951923,news_11937459\"]Harvey Rosenfield, founder of Consumer Watchdog, said if a company suddenly says that it’s not going to take the same number of customers that it had projected when it got the department’s approval, then it has changed the assumptions on which the approval was based.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They granted themselves a de facto rate increase by reducing the risk” in a state where that’s illegal, said Rosenfield. The department could issue a notice to State Farm, he said, and tell the company it needs to keep selling new home insurance policies until it submits new rates and those rates are approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance department disputes that it has the power to do this. “Their claims are not supported by law,” said Soller, the deputy commissioner. “There’s a reason why it hasn’t been done by any insurance commissioner before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. Let insurance companies use forward-looking catastrophe models\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The kinds of data and statistical models insurance companies can use to set prices may sound like a nighttime sleep aid, but it’s a matter of lively discussion in insurance circles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a company tries to justify rate changes, it is required to rely on past losses to project future losses. It can’t use factors like the locations of new homes it is covering — whether they’re in downtown San Francisco or rural wine country — or the increased risk of wildfires due to climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do it in a very old-fashioned way, and it needs to be updated,” said Rex Frazier, president of the Personal Insurance Federation of California, an insurance industry group that counts State Farm as a member. He supports the use of forward-looking models, which are generally provided by other private companies. California already permits insurers to use models for earthquake insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a company is trying to figure out how much it should charge for earthquake coverage, it would look at proximity to fault lines, Frazier said, but for wildfire insurance, California doesn’t do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For wildfire it just says ‘Well, looking backward, what have you paid over the last 20 years for wildfire clients?’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer groups generally oppose letting insurance companies use models, fearing that companies will use them to justify extreme price hikes, and that complex math will make scrutiny a challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re just very sophisticated crystal balls,” said Amy Bach, executive director for United Policyholders, a consumer group. Modeling companies generally see their models as intellectual property, which can pose a challenge for transparency. “Our fear is that they overstate risk,” said Bach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a week and a half after State Farm’s announcement, the insurance department said it would host a public workshop on use of models in insurance pricing, ahead of considering regulations. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.insurance.ca.gov/0250-insurers/0500-legal-info/0300-workshop-insurers/upload/California-Department-of-Insurance-Invitation-to-Workshop-Examining-Catastrophe-Modeling-and-Insurance.pdf\">workshop will take place on July 13 (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the Assembly’s insurance committee held a hearing on models. When asked by a legislator whether the department was moving toward incorporating catastrophe models, a department representative confirmed that it was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historic losses do not fully account for growing wildfire risks, or risk mitigation measures taken by communities,” said Michael Peterson, a deputy commissioner at the insurance department, during the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. Address the increasing cost of insurance — for insurance companies\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies are just like us: They buy insurance! When insurance companies buy it, it’s called “reinsurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ft.com/content/f5f9d450-c539-47a7-bc5c-44a8db57e74e\">cost of reinsurance has risen dramatically\u003c/a>, and State Farm cited “a challenging reinsurance market” as one of the reasons it decided to stop selling new home insurance policies in California.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rex Frazier, president, Personal Insurance Federation of California\"]‘What are insurers supposed to do when, on the one hand, the Department of Insurance is telling them ‘maintain your solvency,’ and then, on the other hand, when their costs go up, you can’t charge for it?’[/pullquote]When insurance companies explain their costs to the insurance department as part of the process for justifying their prices, they aren’t allowed to include the cost of reinsurance. The department hasn’t historically permitted it, Soller said, because it doesn’t regulate reinsurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What are insurers supposed to do when, on the one hand, the Department of Insurance is telling them ‘maintain your solvency,’ and then, on the other hand, when their costs go up, you can’t charge for it?” said Frazier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance industry groups say it would help if they could incorporate the cost of reinsurance into their prices. But consumer groups say that the move would cause premiums to spike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians would see immediate massive rate hikes — both as soon as that went into effect and ongoing,” said Carmen Balber executive director of Consumer Watchdog. A reinsurance provider regulated by California would address problems she sees with the reinsurance market, Balber said, but that doesn’t exist currently.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. Reduce the risk of disasters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The underlying problem is that disasters happen in California — at an increasing rate thanks to climate change — and that homes are at risk. They’re in the middle of the woods, or surrounded by flammable grasslands, or on the edge of bluffs that are expected to erode. Making homes less likely to burn, flood or collapse would be good for homeowners and would also make California feel less risky to insurers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no shortage of ideas for how to reduce risk, and there’s been action on this front in recent years. The insurance department, for example, has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/05/fire-insurance-rules/\">required insurance companies to consider whether homeowners take certain steps to protect their homes\u003c/a> — like installing fire-resistant vents and clearing out vegetation under decks — in their prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has set aside $2.7 billion for wildfire resilience over the past three years, according to the insurance department. When the department convened a group of environmental advocates, researchers, and public policy and insurance experts to make recommendations on how to reduce the risks of climate change, \u003ca href=\"https://www.insurance.ca.gov/CCI/docs/climate-insurance-report.pdf\">they came up with a long list (PDF)\u003c/a>. Among the recommendations:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Create statewide hazard maps so that future risks are more clear to the public.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increase funding to retrofit homes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Apply fire-resistant building codes in areas with moderate to higher fire risk.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Cutting greenhouse gas emissions would ultimately be the best way to reduce the risk, said Alice Hill, chair of the group convened by the department and a senior fellow for energy and the environment at the Council on Foreign Relations. But the world will get warmer even if we reduce emissions, she said, so focusing on where and how homes are built remains important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That could mean not building in areas that are just becoming too risky,” Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After State Farm \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.statefarm.com/state-farm-general-insurance-company-california-new-business-update//\">declared\u003c/a> in late May that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/05/state-farm-california-insurance/\">it wouldn’t sell any new home insurance policies in California\u003c/a>, people shopping around for new insurance had one fewer option. When days later \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/insurance-allstate-fires-18130622.php\">it was revealed\u003c/a> that Allstate had quietly made the same decision last year, Californians are now left wondering: How bad is this? And how should the state respond?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “crisis” in California’s insurance market was caused by “a laser focus only on affordability,” said Nancy Watkins, a principal at Milliman, an actuarial firm, at a legislative hearing on Wednesday. The companies are operating with “very crude tools” at the expense of availability and reliability, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the current regulatory system is too rigid. “It’s like you’ve got your steering wheel locked straight ahead, you’ve got your speed set on cruise control, and now you find yourself on the Pacific Coast Highway,” she said. “What insurance company would agree to that?”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Home insurance premiums in California are a little cheaper than the national average — and much lower than premiums in other disaster-prone states like Florida and Louisiana. That’s without accounting for the fact that California has some of the most expensive housing in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California still has about 115 companies offering home insurance, said Michael Soller, a deputy commissioner for the state’s insurance department. As for whether more companies are likely to follow State Farm and Allstate, “we don’t think that will happen,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer and insurance industry groups and other experts have ideas for what they’d like to see California do in the wake of the news — few of which they agree upon. Here’s the debate over four of those ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. Require State Farm to keep issuing new policies\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There’s disagreement whether this idea, backed by the group Consumer Watchdog, is legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea hinges on how insurance prices are regulated in California. Under current laws, insurance companies can’t just charge whatever they want: They have to submit their proposed rates to the insurance department, which they back up by explaining their projected costs, losses, revenue and more. State regulators can approve a company’s proposed rates, or deny them, if they think, for example, the rates are unjustifiably high, or so low that they could put the company’s finances at risk.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Harvey Rosenfield, founder of Consumer Watchdog, said if a company suddenly says that it’s not going to take the same number of customers that it had projected when it got the department’s approval, then it has changed the assumptions on which the approval was based.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They granted themselves a de facto rate increase by reducing the risk” in a state where that’s illegal, said Rosenfield. The department could issue a notice to State Farm, he said, and tell the company it needs to keep selling new home insurance policies until it submits new rates and those rates are approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance department disputes that it has the power to do this. “Their claims are not supported by law,” said Soller, the deputy commissioner. “There’s a reason why it hasn’t been done by any insurance commissioner before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. Let insurance companies use forward-looking catastrophe models\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The kinds of data and statistical models insurance companies can use to set prices may sound like a nighttime sleep aid, but it’s a matter of lively discussion in insurance circles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a company tries to justify rate changes, it is required to rely on past losses to project future losses. It can’t use factors like the locations of new homes it is covering — whether they’re in downtown San Francisco or rural wine country — or the increased risk of wildfires due to climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do it in a very old-fashioned way, and it needs to be updated,” said Rex Frazier, president of the Personal Insurance Federation of California, an insurance industry group that counts State Farm as a member. He supports the use of forward-looking models, which are generally provided by other private companies. California already permits insurers to use models for earthquake insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a company is trying to figure out how much it should charge for earthquake coverage, it would look at proximity to fault lines, Frazier said, but for wildfire insurance, California doesn’t do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For wildfire it just says ‘Well, looking backward, what have you paid over the last 20 years for wildfire clients?’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer groups generally oppose letting insurance companies use models, fearing that companies will use them to justify extreme price hikes, and that complex math will make scrutiny a challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re just very sophisticated crystal balls,” said Amy Bach, executive director for United Policyholders, a consumer group. Modeling companies generally see their models as intellectual property, which can pose a challenge for transparency. “Our fear is that they overstate risk,” said Bach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a week and a half after State Farm’s announcement, the insurance department said it would host a public workshop on use of models in insurance pricing, ahead of considering regulations. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.insurance.ca.gov/0250-insurers/0500-legal-info/0300-workshop-insurers/upload/California-Department-of-Insurance-Invitation-to-Workshop-Examining-Catastrophe-Modeling-and-Insurance.pdf\">workshop will take place on July 13 (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the Assembly’s insurance committee held a hearing on models. When asked by a legislator whether the department was moving toward incorporating catastrophe models, a department representative confirmed that it was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historic losses do not fully account for growing wildfire risks, or risk mitigation measures taken by communities,” said Michael Peterson, a deputy commissioner at the insurance department, during the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. Address the increasing cost of insurance — for insurance companies\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies are just like us: They buy insurance! When insurance companies buy it, it’s called “reinsurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ft.com/content/f5f9d450-c539-47a7-bc5c-44a8db57e74e\">cost of reinsurance has risen dramatically\u003c/a>, and State Farm cited “a challenging reinsurance market” as one of the reasons it decided to stop selling new home insurance policies in California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When insurance companies explain their costs to the insurance department as part of the process for justifying their prices, they aren’t allowed to include the cost of reinsurance. The department hasn’t historically permitted it, Soller said, because it doesn’t regulate reinsurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What are insurers supposed to do when, on the one hand, the Department of Insurance is telling them ‘maintain your solvency,’ and then, on the other hand, when their costs go up, you can’t charge for it?” said Frazier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance industry groups say it would help if they could incorporate the cost of reinsurance into their prices. But consumer groups say that the move would cause premiums to spike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians would see immediate massive rate hikes — both as soon as that went into effect and ongoing,” said Carmen Balber executive director of Consumer Watchdog. A reinsurance provider regulated by California would address problems she sees with the reinsurance market, Balber said, but that doesn’t exist currently.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. Reduce the risk of disasters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The underlying problem is that disasters happen in California — at an increasing rate thanks to climate change — and that homes are at risk. They’re in the middle of the woods, or surrounded by flammable grasslands, or on the edge of bluffs that are expected to erode. Making homes less likely to burn, flood or collapse would be good for homeowners and would also make California feel less risky to insurers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no shortage of ideas for how to reduce risk, and there’s been action on this front in recent years. The insurance department, for example, has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/05/fire-insurance-rules/\">required insurance companies to consider whether homeowners take certain steps to protect their homes\u003c/a> — like installing fire-resistant vents and clearing out vegetation under decks — in their prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has set aside $2.7 billion for wildfire resilience over the past three years, according to the insurance department. When the department convened a group of environmental advocates, researchers, and public policy and insurance experts to make recommendations on how to reduce the risks of climate change, \u003ca href=\"https://www.insurance.ca.gov/CCI/docs/climate-insurance-report.pdf\">they came up with a long list (PDF)\u003c/a>. Among the recommendations:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Create statewide hazard maps so that future risks are more clear to the public.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increase funding to retrofit homes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Apply fire-resistant building codes in areas with moderate to higher fire risk.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Cutting greenhouse gas emissions would ultimately be the best way to reduce the risk, said Alice Hill, chair of the group convened by the department and a senior fellow for energy and the environment at the Council on Foreign Relations. But the world will get warmer even if we reduce emissions, she said, so focusing on where and how homes are built remains important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That could mean not building in areas that are just becoming too risky,” Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'We Still Are Lacking True Allies': California Sen. Steven Bradford on the Challenges Reparations Face in the Legislature",
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"headTitle": "‘We Still Are Lacking True Allies’: California Sen. Steven Bradford on the Challenges Reparations Face in the Legislature | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>The statewide task force studying reparations for Black Californians will submit its final report to the Legislature on June 29. This conversation was produced as part of KQED’s Juneteenth reparations radio special on June 17. For more on reparations in California, visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">\u003cem>kqed.org/reparations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As one of nine people appointed to design the nation’s first statewide reparations plan for Black people, state Sen. Steven Bradford’s work is visionary. But he’ll be the first to tell you he is a realist. The task force studying reparations for Black residents with enslaved ancestors will submit its final report to the Legislature at the end of this month. Early drafts detail a comprehensive plan to compensate Black residents for discriminatory state policies and to prevent discrimination moving forward.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]The Los Angeles Democrat and 14-year veteran of the Legislature says the plan is overdue, but emphasizes that it doesn’t mean the changes the report proposes — a formal apology, dozens of policies, direct payments to descendants and a new state agency to manage those payments — will become a reality overnight. To make it happen, he wants to see more lawmakers take the initiative to educate themselves about the state’s history. He urges lawmakers who say they support racial justice to walk the walk for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I sat down with Bradford to talk about what awaits the reparations proposal when it reaches the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: The state decided to study reparations back in 2020 in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd and at a moment when there was a lot of energy behind calls for racial justice. It’s now three years later. How would you characterize the appetite for reparations in the Legislature today? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sen. Steven Bradford: \u003c/strong>I would say it’s the same that it was a couple of years ago. I don’t think there was ever a strong appetite for reparations here in California or anywhere else in this nation. But the climate was right to move it forward. I’m a realist and I believe that we still have major hurdles. We still are lacking true allies on this issue. I mean, it’s easy to take a knee, as we did three years ago, almost 80 members at the west steps of the Capitol in solidarity for George Floyd and police reform. But that same year, we couldn’t get a police decertification bill out of the Legislature. So it’s one thing to have optics and [another to have] a real movement. Only time will tell how far we can move with this package of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You mentioned the need for allies in this fight. What would allyship in the Legislature look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Folks standing up and embracing and having a clear understanding that reparations is not charity, it’s not a handout, it’s not a gift. It’s something that is owed and due to those descendants of slavery here in this country. We had over 250 years of free labor. What built this nation was agriculture and the cotton industry. That’s what made America the wealthy country that it is today, and that was done on the backs of African descendants. People need to understand that. But it’s a lot of folks here in California that still have their head in the sand as to the reality of what slavery meant to this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can legislators like yourself pick and choose parts of the report, or do they have to adopt the entire thing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s probably going to be a selection of things. I think it’s going to be far too detailed for us to do everything in this report. I’m just being realistic here. There’s a lot of detail. And my first challenge is hoping that the Legislature will read the report — first the interim report and then the final report that gives a clear validation and road map as to why these recommendations are being made and why they should be implemented into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you get more legislators to read the report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If I could answer that, I’d be a rich man. I would hope they want to educate themselves and understand how we got here as a state and how we got here as a nation and the impact that slavery has had and continues to have on this county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the legislative timeline here? How long might this all take and what’s the earliest we might see legislation from the report put into practice? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earliest you’re going to probably see legislation is December of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What do you expect to be part of what’s introduced this December? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can’t speak to that. It’s going to be a working group of the Legislative Black Caucus. We will dissect and determine what we can move forward in a comprehensive manner. So I can’t speak to that until we see the final report and we all come together and collaborate and decide how we move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The two legislators that helped develop the state’s reparations plan — you and Assemblymember Reginald Jones-Sawyer — both term out of the Legislature next year. Do you think your departure will impact the push for reparations in California? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hope not, because if we’re succeeded by more African Americans, it will be at least 12 members of the Legislature who are part of the Black Caucus who have the same commitment and passion for bringing reparations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And is the Legislative Black Caucus united in its support of the reparations report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a doubt. Many that were there when [Secretary of State] Dr. [Shirley] Weber passed the legislation [to create the reparations task force] are still here. So, yes, we’re in full support of moving a package of bills based on what that final report recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Got it. And when you and Assemblymember Jones-Sawyer leave the Legislature, is there anybody in particular you expect to take up the mantle in leading this push?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would hope all the members who are left behind would take up the mantle. It’s not up to one or two individuals to fight for reparations. I would hope our non-African American allies will pick up the mantle, too, and be vocal and courageous in fighting to make sure that we have a substantive reparations package here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A lot of work has gone into the process of creating this reparations plan. How are you feeling right now about the possibility of enacting these ideas into law? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m hopeful that, at the end of the day, if California is the progressive leading state that we claim to be, then we should want to take the mantle, lead and show the rest of the nation what reparations looks like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>The statewide task force studying reparations for Black Californians will submit its final report to the Legislature on June 29. This conversation was produced as part of KQED’s Juneteenth reparations radio special on June 17. For more on reparations in California, visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">\u003cem>kqed.org/reparations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As one of nine people appointed to design the nation’s first statewide reparations plan for Black people, state Sen. Steven Bradford’s work is visionary. But he’ll be the first to tell you he is a realist. The task force studying reparations for Black residents with enslaved ancestors will submit its final report to the Legislature at the end of this month. Early drafts detail a comprehensive plan to compensate Black residents for discriminatory state policies and to prevent discrimination moving forward.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Los Angeles Democrat and 14-year veteran of the Legislature says the plan is overdue, but emphasizes that it doesn’t mean the changes the report proposes — a formal apology, dozens of policies, direct payments to descendants and a new state agency to manage those payments — will become a reality overnight. To make it happen, he wants to see more lawmakers take the initiative to educate themselves about the state’s history. He urges lawmakers who say they support racial justice to walk the walk for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I sat down with Bradford to talk about what awaits the reparations proposal when it reaches the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: The state decided to study reparations back in 2020 in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd and at a moment when there was a lot of energy behind calls for racial justice. It’s now three years later. How would you characterize the appetite for reparations in the Legislature today? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sen. Steven Bradford: \u003c/strong>I would say it’s the same that it was a couple of years ago. I don’t think there was ever a strong appetite for reparations here in California or anywhere else in this nation. But the climate was right to move it forward. I’m a realist and I believe that we still have major hurdles. We still are lacking true allies on this issue. I mean, it’s easy to take a knee, as we did three years ago, almost 80 members at the west steps of the Capitol in solidarity for George Floyd and police reform. But that same year, we couldn’t get a police decertification bill out of the Legislature. So it’s one thing to have optics and [another to have] a real movement. Only time will tell how far we can move with this package of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You mentioned the need for allies in this fight. What would allyship in the Legislature look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Folks standing up and embracing and having a clear understanding that reparations is not charity, it’s not a handout, it’s not a gift. It’s something that is owed and due to those descendants of slavery here in this country. We had over 250 years of free labor. What built this nation was agriculture and the cotton industry. That’s what made America the wealthy country that it is today, and that was done on the backs of African descendants. People need to understand that. But it’s a lot of folks here in California that still have their head in the sand as to the reality of what slavery meant to this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can legislators like yourself pick and choose parts of the report, or do they have to adopt the entire thing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s probably going to be a selection of things. I think it’s going to be far too detailed for us to do everything in this report. I’m just being realistic here. There’s a lot of detail. And my first challenge is hoping that the Legislature will read the report — first the interim report and then the final report that gives a clear validation and road map as to why these recommendations are being made and why they should be implemented into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you get more legislators to read the report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If I could answer that, I’d be a rich man. I would hope they want to educate themselves and understand how we got here as a state and how we got here as a nation and the impact that slavery has had and continues to have on this county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the legislative timeline here? How long might this all take and what’s the earliest we might see legislation from the report put into practice? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earliest you’re going to probably see legislation is December of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What do you expect to be part of what’s introduced this December? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can’t speak to that. It’s going to be a working group of the Legislative Black Caucus. We will dissect and determine what we can move forward in a comprehensive manner. So I can’t speak to that until we see the final report and we all come together and collaborate and decide how we move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The two legislators that helped develop the state’s reparations plan — you and Assemblymember Reginald Jones-Sawyer — both term out of the Legislature next year. Do you think your departure will impact the push for reparations in California? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hope not, because if we’re succeeded by more African Americans, it will be at least 12 members of the Legislature who are part of the Black Caucus who have the same commitment and passion for bringing reparations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And is the Legislative Black Caucus united in its support of the reparations report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a doubt. Many that were there when [Secretary of State] Dr. [Shirley] Weber passed the legislation [to create the reparations task force] are still here. So, yes, we’re in full support of moving a package of bills based on what that final report recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Got it. And when you and Assemblymember Jones-Sawyer leave the Legislature, is there anybody in particular you expect to take up the mantle in leading this push?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would hope all the members who are left behind would take up the mantle. It’s not up to one or two individuals to fight for reparations. I would hope our non-African American allies will pick up the mantle, too, and be vocal and courageous in fighting to make sure that we have a substantive reparations package here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A lot of work has gone into the process of creating this reparations plan. How are you feeling right now about the possibility of enacting these ideas into law? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m hopeful that, at the end of the day, if California is the progressive leading state that we claim to be, then we should want to take the mantle, lead and show the rest of the nation what reparations looks like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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