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"content": "\u003cp>While the federal government appears content to sit back and wait, more than 40 U.S. states are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/technology-and-communication/artificial-intelligence-2024-legislation\">considering hundreds of AI regulation bills\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, with its status as a tech-forward state and huge economy, has a chance to lead the way. So much so, in fact, that the European Union is trying to coordinate with the state on AI laws. The EU opened an office in San Francisco in 2022 and dispatched a tech envoy, Gerard de Graaf, to better communicate about laws and regulations around AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We are living through what de Graaf calls “the year of AI.” De Graaf and deputy head of the EU office in San Francisco Joanna Smolinska told CalMatters that if California lawmakers pass AI regulation in the coming months, the state can emerge as a standard bearer for the regulation of AI in the United States. In other words: California’s laws could influence the future of AI as we know it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, de Graaf \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/euinsf/status/1782583754227089819?s=46&t=Wgm0bsQsE3C1xGwJEnt30w\">traveled to Sacramento\u003c/a> to speak with several state lawmakers key to AI regulation:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, a San Ramon Democrat, is author of a bill that \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2930?slug=CA_202320240AB2930\">requires businesses and state agencies report results of AI model tests\u003c/a> in an effort to prohibit automated discrimination.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener from San Francisco is author of a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1047?slug=CA_202320240SB1047\">bill to regulate generative AI\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, an East Bay Democrat, is author of a bill that would require online platforms put \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab3211?slug=CA_202320240AB3211\">watermarks on images and videos generated by AI\u003c/a> — sometimes referred to as “deepfakes” — ahead of elections this fall.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>And state Sen. Tom Umberg, chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, who was referred to \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2024/04/15/meet-californias-chief-gatekeeper-for-ai-rules-00152184\">by Politico\u003c/a> as “California’s chief gatekeeper for AI rules.”\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The meeting to discuss the bills was at least the sixth trip de Graaf or other EU officials made to Sacramento in two months. EU officials who helped write the AI Act and EU Commission Vice President Josep Fontelles also made trips to Sacramento and Silicon Valley in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, EU leaders ended a years-long process with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2024/05/21/artificial-intelligence-ai-act-council-gives-final-green-light-to-the-first-worldwide-rules-on-ai/\">passage of the AI Act\u003c/a>, which regulates use of artificial intelligence in 27 nations. It bans emotion recognition at school and in the workplace, prohibits \u003ca href=\"https://www.technologyreview.com/2022/11/22/1063605/china-announced-a-new-social-credit-law-what-does-it-mean/\">social credit scores\u003c/a> such as the kind used in China to reward or punish certain kinds of behavior and some instances of predictive policing. The AI Act applies high risk labels for AI in health care, hiring, and issuing government benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are some notable differences between the EU law and what California lawmakers are considering. The AI Act addresses how law enforcement agencies can use AI, while Bauer-Kahan’s bill does not, and Wicks’ watermarking bill could end up stronger than AI Act requirements. But the California bills and the AI Act both take a risk-based approach to regulation, both advise continued testing and assessment of forms of AI deemed high risk, and both call for watermarking generative AI outputs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you take these three bills together, you’re probably at 70%–80% of what we cover in the AI Act,” de Graaf said. “It’s a very solid relationship that we both benefit from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meeting, de Graaf said they discussed draft AI bills, AI bias and risk assessments, advanced AI models, the state of watermarking images and videos made by AI, and which issues to prioritize. The San Francisco office works under the authority of the EU delegation in Washington, D.C., to promote EU tech policy and strengthen cooperation with influential tech and policy figures in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artificial intelligence can make predictions about people including what movies they want to watch on Netflix or the next words in a sentence, but without high standards and continuous testing, AI that makes critical decisions about people’s lives can automate discrimination. AI has a history of harming people of color, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/face-recognition-software-led-to-his-arrest-it-was-dead-wrong/\">police use of face recognition\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/locked-out/2021/01/11/the-obscure-yet-powerful-tenant-screening-industry-is-finally-getting-some-scrutiny\">deciding whether to grant an apartment\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/denied/2021/08/25/the-secret-bias-hidden-in-mortgage-approval-algorithms\">home mortgage application\u003c/a>. The technology has a demonstrated ability to adversely affect the lives of most people, including women, people with disabilities, the young, the old, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/03/california-ai-purchasing-guidelines/\">people who apply for government benefits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983391/meet-the-o-c-state-senator-guiding-californias-ai-regulations\">interview with KQED\u003c/a>, Umberg talked about the importance of striking a balance, insisting “We could get this wrong.” Too little regulation could lead to catastrophic consequences for society, and too much could “strangle the AI industry” that calls California home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coordination between California and EU officials attempts to combine regulatory initiatives in two uniquely influential markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987807\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987807\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gerard de Graaf, senior envoy for digital to the US and head of the European Union office in San Francisco. Photo via Graaf’s X account. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters/iStock)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The majority of the top AI companies are \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com.au/news/innovation/ai-50-the-top-artificial-intelligence-startups/\">based in California\u003c/a>, and according to startup tracker Crunchbase, for the past eight months, companies in \u003ca href=\"https://news.crunchbase.com/ai/sf-bay-area-leads-tech-startup-funding\">the San Francisco Bay Area raised more AI investment money than the rest of the world combined\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The General Data Protection Regulation, better known as GDPR, is the European Union’s best known legislation for privacy protection. It also led to coinage of the term “the Brussels effect,” when enforcement of a single law leads to outsized influence in other countries. In this case, the EU law forced tech companies to adopt stricter user protections if they wanted access to the region’s 450 million residents. That law went into effect in 2018, the same year that California passed a similar law. \u003ca href=\"https://techpolicy.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/CTP_state-tech-policy-2023.pdf\">More than a dozen U.S. states followed suit (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-defining-ai\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Defining AI\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Coordination is necessary, de Graaf said, because technology is a global industry and it’s important to avoid policy that makes it complicated for businesses to comply with rules around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the first steps to working together is a shared definition of how to define artificial intelligence so you agree on what technology is covered under a law. De Graaf said his office worked with Bauer-Kahan and Umberg on how to define AI “because if you have very different definitions to start with then convergence or harmonization is almost impossible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the recent passage of the AI Act, the absence of federal action, and the complexity of regulating AI, the Senate Judiciary staff lawyers held numerous meetings with EU officials and staff, Umberg told CalMatters in a statement. The definition of AI used by the California Senate Judiciary committee is informed by a number of voices including federal agencies, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, and the EU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I strongly believe that we can learn from each other’s work and responsibly regulate AI without harming innovation in this dynamic and quickly-changing environment” Umberg told CalMatters in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trio of bills discussed with de Graaf in April passed their respective houses this week. He suspects questions from California lawmakers will get more specific as bills move closer to adoption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billSearchClient.xhtml?session_year=20232024&keyword=artificial%20intelligence&house=Both&author=All&lawCode=All\"> proposed more than 100 bills\u003c/a> to regulate AI in the current legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what is now the imperative for the Legislature is to whittle the bills down to a more manageable number,” he said. “I mean, there’s over 50 so that we focused particularly on the bills to these Assembly members or senators themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-state-agency-also-seeks-to-protect-californians-privacy\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">State agency also seeks to protect Californians’ privacy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Elected officials and their staff aren’t the only ones speaking with EU officials. The California Privacy Protection Agency — a state agency made to protect people’s privacy and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/04/data-broker-registry/\">require businesses comply with data deletion requests\u003c/a> — also speaks regularly with EU officials, including de Graaf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11979306,news_11976097,news_11986133\"]Most states with privacy protection laws rely on state attorneys general for enforcement. California is the only state with an independent agency with enforcement authority to audit businesses, levy fines, or bring businesses to court, said agency executive director Ashkan Soltanti, because key elements of the EU’s privacy protection law influenced the formation of California’s privacy law. De Graaf and Soltani testified about similarities between definitions of AI in California and the EU in \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257521?t=3&f=0036d9e555a8bb5dbad0926ac136f3b7\">an assembly privacy committee hearing in February\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The roots of the agency were inspired at great length by the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR),” Soltani said. “There’s an interest and a goal, and in fact \u003ca href=\"https://thecpra.org/#1798.199.40(i)\">our statute directs us\u003c/a> to, where possible, make sure that our approach is harmonious with frameworks in other jurisdictions, not just states but internationally as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soltani was hired when the agency was created in 2021. He told CalMatters international coordination is a big part of the job. After hiring staff and attorneys, one of his first orders of business was joining the Global Privacy Assembly, a group of 140 data privacy authorities from around the world. California is the only U.S. state that is a member of the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alignment is important for setting the rules of the road for businesses but also for consumers to protect themselves and their communities in a digital world where borders blur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t think whether they’re doing business with a California company or a European company or an Asian company, particularly if it’s all in English, they just think they’re interacting online, so having consistent frameworks for protection ultimately benefits consumers,” Soltani said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like California lawmakers, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/03/california-ai-rules-business/\">the California Privacy Protection Agency is in the process of writing rules for how businesses use AI\u003c/a> and protections for consumers, students and workers. And like the AI Act, draft rules call for impact assessments. Its five-member board will consider passing rules into law in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last day of the legislative calendar year for California lawmakers to pass a bill into law is Aug. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>While the federal government appears content to sit back and wait, more than 40 U.S. states are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/technology-and-communication/artificial-intelligence-2024-legislation\">considering hundreds of AI regulation bills\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, with its status as a tech-forward state and huge economy, has a chance to lead the way. So much so, in fact, that the European Union is trying to coordinate with the state on AI laws. The EU opened an office in San Francisco in 2022 and dispatched a tech envoy, Gerard de Graaf, to better communicate about laws and regulations around AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We are living through what de Graaf calls “the year of AI.” De Graaf and deputy head of the EU office in San Francisco Joanna Smolinska told CalMatters that if California lawmakers pass AI regulation in the coming months, the state can emerge as a standard bearer for the regulation of AI in the United States. In other words: California’s laws could influence the future of AI as we know it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, de Graaf \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/euinsf/status/1782583754227089819?s=46&t=Wgm0bsQsE3C1xGwJEnt30w\">traveled to Sacramento\u003c/a> to speak with several state lawmakers key to AI regulation:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, a San Ramon Democrat, is author of a bill that \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2930?slug=CA_202320240AB2930\">requires businesses and state agencies report results of AI model tests\u003c/a> in an effort to prohibit automated discrimination.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener from San Francisco is author of a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1047?slug=CA_202320240SB1047\">bill to regulate generative AI\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, an East Bay Democrat, is author of a bill that would require online platforms put \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab3211?slug=CA_202320240AB3211\">watermarks on images and videos generated by AI\u003c/a> — sometimes referred to as “deepfakes” — ahead of elections this fall.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>And state Sen. Tom Umberg, chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, who was referred to \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2024/04/15/meet-californias-chief-gatekeeper-for-ai-rules-00152184\">by Politico\u003c/a> as “California’s chief gatekeeper for AI rules.”\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The meeting to discuss the bills was at least the sixth trip de Graaf or other EU officials made to Sacramento in two months. EU officials who helped write the AI Act and EU Commission Vice President Josep Fontelles also made trips to Sacramento and Silicon Valley in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, EU leaders ended a years-long process with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2024/05/21/artificial-intelligence-ai-act-council-gives-final-green-light-to-the-first-worldwide-rules-on-ai/\">passage of the AI Act\u003c/a>, which regulates use of artificial intelligence in 27 nations. It bans emotion recognition at school and in the workplace, prohibits \u003ca href=\"https://www.technologyreview.com/2022/11/22/1063605/china-announced-a-new-social-credit-law-what-does-it-mean/\">social credit scores\u003c/a> such as the kind used in China to reward or punish certain kinds of behavior and some instances of predictive policing. The AI Act applies high risk labels for AI in health care, hiring, and issuing government benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are some notable differences between the EU law and what California lawmakers are considering. The AI Act addresses how law enforcement agencies can use AI, while Bauer-Kahan’s bill does not, and Wicks’ watermarking bill could end up stronger than AI Act requirements. But the California bills and the AI Act both take a risk-based approach to regulation, both advise continued testing and assessment of forms of AI deemed high risk, and both call for watermarking generative AI outputs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you take these three bills together, you’re probably at 70%–80% of what we cover in the AI Act,” de Graaf said. “It’s a very solid relationship that we both benefit from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meeting, de Graaf said they discussed draft AI bills, AI bias and risk assessments, advanced AI models, the state of watermarking images and videos made by AI, and which issues to prioritize. The San Francisco office works under the authority of the EU delegation in Washington, D.C., to promote EU tech policy and strengthen cooperation with influential tech and policy figures in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artificial intelligence can make predictions about people including what movies they want to watch on Netflix or the next words in a sentence, but without high standards and continuous testing, AI that makes critical decisions about people’s lives can automate discrimination. AI has a history of harming people of color, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/face-recognition-software-led-to-his-arrest-it-was-dead-wrong/\">police use of face recognition\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/locked-out/2021/01/11/the-obscure-yet-powerful-tenant-screening-industry-is-finally-getting-some-scrutiny\">deciding whether to grant an apartment\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/denied/2021/08/25/the-secret-bias-hidden-in-mortgage-approval-algorithms\">home mortgage application\u003c/a>. The technology has a demonstrated ability to adversely affect the lives of most people, including women, people with disabilities, the young, the old, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/03/california-ai-purchasing-guidelines/\">people who apply for government benefits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983391/meet-the-o-c-state-senator-guiding-californias-ai-regulations\">interview with KQED\u003c/a>, Umberg talked about the importance of striking a balance, insisting “We could get this wrong.” Too little regulation could lead to catastrophic consequences for society, and too much could “strangle the AI industry” that calls California home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coordination between California and EU officials attempts to combine regulatory initiatives in two uniquely influential markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987807\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987807\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Gerard-de-Graaf_AH_CM_01-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gerard de Graaf, senior envoy for digital to the US and head of the European Union office in San Francisco. Photo via Graaf’s X account. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters/iStock)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The majority of the top AI companies are \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com.au/news/innovation/ai-50-the-top-artificial-intelligence-startups/\">based in California\u003c/a>, and according to startup tracker Crunchbase, for the past eight months, companies in \u003ca href=\"https://news.crunchbase.com/ai/sf-bay-area-leads-tech-startup-funding\">the San Francisco Bay Area raised more AI investment money than the rest of the world combined\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The General Data Protection Regulation, better known as GDPR, is the European Union’s best known legislation for privacy protection. It also led to coinage of the term “the Brussels effect,” when enforcement of a single law leads to outsized influence in other countries. In this case, the EU law forced tech companies to adopt stricter user protections if they wanted access to the region’s 450 million residents. That law went into effect in 2018, the same year that California passed a similar law. \u003ca href=\"https://techpolicy.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/CTP_state-tech-policy-2023.pdf\">More than a dozen U.S. states followed suit (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-defining-ai\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Defining AI\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Coordination is necessary, de Graaf said, because technology is a global industry and it’s important to avoid policy that makes it complicated for businesses to comply with rules around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the first steps to working together is a shared definition of how to define artificial intelligence so you agree on what technology is covered under a law. De Graaf said his office worked with Bauer-Kahan and Umberg on how to define AI “because if you have very different definitions to start with then convergence or harmonization is almost impossible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the recent passage of the AI Act, the absence of federal action, and the complexity of regulating AI, the Senate Judiciary staff lawyers held numerous meetings with EU officials and staff, Umberg told CalMatters in a statement. The definition of AI used by the California Senate Judiciary committee is informed by a number of voices including federal agencies, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, and the EU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I strongly believe that we can learn from each other’s work and responsibly regulate AI without harming innovation in this dynamic and quickly-changing environment” Umberg told CalMatters in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trio of bills discussed with de Graaf in April passed their respective houses this week. He suspects questions from California lawmakers will get more specific as bills move closer to adoption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billSearchClient.xhtml?session_year=20232024&keyword=artificial%20intelligence&house=Both&author=All&lawCode=All\"> proposed more than 100 bills\u003c/a> to regulate AI in the current legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what is now the imperative for the Legislature is to whittle the bills down to a more manageable number,” he said. “I mean, there’s over 50 so that we focused particularly on the bills to these Assembly members or senators themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-state-agency-also-seeks-to-protect-californians-privacy\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">State agency also seeks to protect Californians’ privacy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Elected officials and their staff aren’t the only ones speaking with EU officials. The California Privacy Protection Agency — a state agency made to protect people’s privacy and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/04/data-broker-registry/\">require businesses comply with data deletion requests\u003c/a> — also speaks regularly with EU officials, including de Graaf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Most states with privacy protection laws rely on state attorneys general for enforcement. California is the only state with an independent agency with enforcement authority to audit businesses, levy fines, or bring businesses to court, said agency executive director Ashkan Soltanti, because key elements of the EU’s privacy protection law influenced the formation of California’s privacy law. De Graaf and Soltani testified about similarities between definitions of AI in California and the EU in \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257521?t=3&f=0036d9e555a8bb5dbad0926ac136f3b7\">an assembly privacy committee hearing in February\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The roots of the agency were inspired at great length by the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR),” Soltani said. “There’s an interest and a goal, and in fact \u003ca href=\"https://thecpra.org/#1798.199.40(i)\">our statute directs us\u003c/a> to, where possible, make sure that our approach is harmonious with frameworks in other jurisdictions, not just states but internationally as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soltani was hired when the agency was created in 2021. He told CalMatters international coordination is a big part of the job. After hiring staff and attorneys, one of his first orders of business was joining the Global Privacy Assembly, a group of 140 data privacy authorities from around the world. California is the only U.S. state that is a member of the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alignment is important for setting the rules of the road for businesses but also for consumers to protect themselves and their communities in a digital world where borders blur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t think whether they’re doing business with a California company or a European company or an Asian company, particularly if it’s all in English, they just think they’re interacting online, so having consistent frameworks for protection ultimately benefits consumers,” Soltani said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like California lawmakers, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/03/california-ai-rules-business/\">the California Privacy Protection Agency is in the process of writing rules for how businesses use AI\u003c/a> and protections for consumers, students and workers. And like the AI Act, draft rules call for impact assessments. Its five-member board will consider passing rules into law in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last day of the legislative calendar year for California lawmakers to pass a bill into law is Aug. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Transitional Kindergarten Staffing Ratios Are Often Unmet, Teachers Say. So Why Do Some Districts Escape Fines?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Four-year-olds, many of whom have never attended school or day care, are entering California classrooms in droves following the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2021/how-californias-new-universal-transitional-kindergarten-program-will-be-rolled-out/657818\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">rapid expansion\u003c/a> of transitional kindergarten, a grade preceding kindergarten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this grade, known as TK, young students are exposed to academics and become familiar with letters, sounds and numbers. They also acquire social, emotional and intellectual skills through play and exploration. For example, by sharing toys with their peers in a structured environment, they learn to communicate with each other and handle conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once designed to serve only children who missed the kindergarten age cutoff, TK has evolved and is now projected to reach all the state’s 4-year-olds by the 2025–26 school year. TK is the first year of a two-year kindergarten program that uses a curriculum modified for the age and developmental level of the participating children. When fully implemented, California will have the\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/what-parents-should-know-about-transitional-kindergarten/688373\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\"> largest universal preschool program\u003c/a> in the nation, serving nearly 400,000 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the state’s largest school districts, including \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/lausd-teachers-hesitant-but-hopeful-as-tk-expansion-set-to-roll-out/669620\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Los Angeles Unified \u003c/a>and Fresno Unified, are ahead of the state’s timeline in offering that access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno Unified operates 116 transitional kindergarten classes. Los Angeles Unified has not released the number of TK classes it offers, but according to\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://my.lausd.net/opendata/landing_page\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\"> district data\u003c/a>, they serve nearly 11,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though imperative for students, the expansion has created a problem: Some districts are not staffing TK classrooms with enough adults to maintain the required 1:12 staff-student ratio, a problem that educators say puts the 4-year-old pupils at risk, hampers learning and violates state legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty schools in LAUSD have been cited by the state for understaffing classes and violating the ratio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers told EdSource that 4-year-olds can’t learn if they aren’t safe and properly supervised by adults and that not having enough adults in the classroom jeopardizes children’s safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re one adult and you’re managing so many children that have never been to school before, there isn’t any teaching going on,” said David Hunter, a teacher in Fresno Unified who has taught TK for the last six years of a 17-year career. “You’re just keeping them safe as best as you can, but you’re not actually able to teach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts jeopardize state funding if they fail to meet the state-set TK requirements of the 1:12 staff-student ratio and the average class size of 24 kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/these-districts-charters-were-fined-for-violating-tk-requirements/712207\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Out of the 1,815 audit reports t\u003c/a>hat the California Department of Education reviewed, just seven school districts and 16 charter schools have been fined and will lose thousands of dollars in funding from their Local Control Funding Formula for failing to meet the staffing ratios during the 2022–23 school year. Teachers and others in the classroom say that many more districts and charters are not meeting the requirements but are managing to avoid punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Unified, which is facing multimillion-dollar fines, considers being fined because the classes do not have one additional adult unfair, district leaders said at a board meeting earlier this year. Many other penalized districts blamed the national shortage of teachers and paraprofessionals, while some districts were critical of the California Department of Education for not clearly outlining the requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some teachers, on the other hand, say that what is unfair is that TK classes are not being staffed as outlined by the legislation to support young students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Fresno Teachers Association, more than a dozen TK classes were out of compliance with staffing ratios during the 2022–23 school year, yet Fresno Unified was not fined. Fresno educators told EdSource that school districts that were not in compliance last year, such as Fresno Unified, escaped detection and fines because fiscal penalties are based on sample auditing that did not check every school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a systems issue,” Hunter said, “and I want to see the system be better for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Why do TK classes need extra staffing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Education (CDE) \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/gs/em/documents/tkrequirementswebinar.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">has outlined numerous benefits\u003c/a> of a lower adult-to-student ratio in TK classes, including opportunities for individualized instruction, additional adult support, attention and supervision at all times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation requires district staff such as paraprofessionals to work alongside teachers to meet the ratio requirement and share responsibilities of serving the students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On any given day, a TK student may need to use the restroom or have a potty accident; another may get sick, and others will require different types of attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you manage that when there’s one of you and 21 4-year-olds?” Hunter said. “You need another adult to help deal with those situations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter said he taught a class of 21 TK students without an aide from August to December 2022 during the 2022–23 school year, the first school year after the state added fiscal penalties related to TK requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said a teacher and an aide can split a large class into small groups to foster individualized learning, improve student assessment and evaluation and, ultimately, educate the young students — things that won’t happen in one large group of up to 24 4-year-olds.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Verifying compliance is difficult\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State compliance with TK requirements is verified in a district’s annual audit at the end of the school year, which is based on a representative sample of the district’s schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools that are out of compliance may go unchecked if the sampled schools in the district are compliant because the sampled schools meet compliance, even though other schools do not, some districts and charters avoid penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno Unified, Hunter’s district, was not one of the school systems fined. District spokesperson AJ Kato told EdSource that Fresno Unified has not had problems meeting the requirements other districts may be experiencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not what teachers say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 13 classes, according to Fresno Teachers Association President Manuel Bonilla, only had one adult for more than 12 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The district could have done a better job at hiring additional folks … or in an emergency term, having their administrative staff provide additional support, but that seemingly didn’t happen,” Bonilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Fresno Unified TK teacher and union leader surveyed his colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were out of compliance with the state, and ultimately, the problem is that the students aren’t getting the additional support that’s necessary,” Bonilla added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter said this is the second consecutive school year he’s been teaching out of compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This school year, Hunter has a part-time aide but is still out of compliance because he is the only adult for 16 students on days the aide isn’t scheduled to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a full-time aide or the equivalent, he said, should be the baseline and is mandated by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the state Education Department, to be counted in the staffing ratio, the “assigned” adult must be a district employee who is dedicated and available to all TK students the entire school day. Student teachers and volunteers do not count toward it, nor do staff such as a special education aide or speech therapist who are assigned to work with specific students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part-time aides can satisfy the classroom staffing ratio, but only if the working time equals 100% of the time of a full-time aide, according to the \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/fg/aa/pa/tkfiscalfaq.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">CDE\u003c/a>. Because Hunter’s class has 16 students, he needs more than one part-time aide working enough hours to equal the hours of a full-time aide. He has only had one part-time aide this school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laton Joint Unified was penalized $30,943 for having a 1:16 ratio last school year. The school had a paraprofessional scheduled for 1 hour, 45 minutes each day, and that person was not available for all students the entire school day, the audit report detailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also instances of aides being pulled for recess or cafeteria duty or other teaching responsibilities, such as removing that aide from the instructional minutes with students, teachers told EdSource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rina,” a former TK teacher who asked to be identified only by her nickname, said that when she took a job at Ballington Academy in San Bernardino City Unified in the 2023–24 school year, the school’s one TK classroom had 18 students. Rina and her aide would align with state compliance for the 18 students. About a week before school started, Rina said the school informed her that the aide, though assigned to her TK students, would be pulled to other elementary classrooms whenever a teacher was absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was wrong,” she said. She only stayed in the position for about a week after school started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some schools and districts, such as Scholarship Prep Charter School in Oceanside, Pomona Unified in eastern Los Angeles County, and Culver City Unified in Los Angeles County, said in their audit reports that staffing shortages prevented them from complying with state guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s no excuse, teachers say, because it’s up to district administration to recruit, hire and retain paraprofessionals, instead of making it the teacher’s problem, Rina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some suggest that the problem with hiring and retaining paraprofessionals is the low compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A preschool teacher’s aide at Ericson Elementary in Fresno Unified is not in the TK classroom but works with students who are the same age as those entering transitional kindergarten. Speaking with EdSource on condition of anonymity, she said aides, whether in the TK or preschool class, are dealing with the same challenge: subpar pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the day, especially when working in groups, she helps the preschoolers with writing their names and learning letters and numbers. At other times during the day, such as during reading time, the aide ensures students keep their hands to themselves and listen to the teacher. As an aide, she sees the impact and importance of her role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re like their (teacher’s) spine,” she said about paraprofessionals. “We’re there to support and help. We do so much for these kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is paid $15.90 an hour and has, over the last two years, questioned whether she should remain in the role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s not helping me,” she said. She’s had to take on side jobs in the district, such as at sporting events, or resorted to borrowing money from friends and family. “I have to buy food, pay bills and then, I have four kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re still going keep that low (salary), people are not going … to apply for a position as an aide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Can teachers do anything?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As a teacher who’s been working out of compliance, Hunter wants districts to be held accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a mechanism there, and I’d like to see that enforced,” Hunter said about the fiscal penalties outlined in legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11983586,news_11983016,news_11979071\"]While the only way to address the compliance is with fines — which Hunter called “reactive” — he said a tool to report violations throughout the year could push districts to comply sooner and stop teachers from working out of compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, there is no such system or tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if teachers are providing instruction in classrooms that are out of compliance, they would not report the violation to the state, CDE spokesperson Scott Roark said via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Complaints against a district, school, principal, teacher or school personnel are not within the jurisdiction of the CDE unless the complaint falls within the scope of the Uniform Complaint Procedures\u003cem>,” \u003c/em>Roark said, explaining that the TK requirements are under local control, with each district’s school board having authority over the complaint process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same reasoning applies to a teachers union hoping to report compliance concerns or violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the struggles teachers are experiencing shouldn’t detract from the importance of TK.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">TK expansion is necessary; schools just need support\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Patricia Lozano, executive director of the advocacy group Early Edge California and a champion for expanding transitional kindergarten,\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/what-parents-should-know-about-transitional-kindergarten/688373\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\"> told EdSource last year about the importance\u003c/a> of the program, including how it provides children who were infants during the pandemic with social and intellectual engagement as well as age- and developmentally-appropriate structure and routine to help them thrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simply put, TK is imperative for students, said many teachers interviewed by EdSource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter, who has a background in early childhood education, said TK is vital for introducing students to what school is, for teaching socialization and exposing them to academics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any child who’s been through TK is that much more ready to hit the ground running in kindergarten,” he said. “I just want to see the appropriate support that not only the state promised, but I want to see the districts live up to that support so we can show these learners the best we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/staffing-ratios-arent-being-met-teachers-say-why-are-some-districts-escaping-fines/712442\">\u003cem>This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Four-year-olds, many of whom have never attended school or day care, are entering California classrooms in droves following the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2021/how-californias-new-universal-transitional-kindergarten-program-will-be-rolled-out/657818\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">rapid expansion\u003c/a> of transitional kindergarten, a grade preceding kindergarten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this grade, known as TK, young students are exposed to academics and become familiar with letters, sounds and numbers. They also acquire social, emotional and intellectual skills through play and exploration. For example, by sharing toys with their peers in a structured environment, they learn to communicate with each other and handle conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once designed to serve only children who missed the kindergarten age cutoff, TK has evolved and is now projected to reach all the state’s 4-year-olds by the 2025–26 school year. TK is the first year of a two-year kindergarten program that uses a curriculum modified for the age and developmental level of the participating children. When fully implemented, California will have the\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/what-parents-should-know-about-transitional-kindergarten/688373\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\"> largest universal preschool program\u003c/a> in the nation, serving nearly 400,000 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the state’s largest school districts, including \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/lausd-teachers-hesitant-but-hopeful-as-tk-expansion-set-to-roll-out/669620\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Los Angeles Unified \u003c/a>and Fresno Unified, are ahead of the state’s timeline in offering that access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno Unified operates 116 transitional kindergarten classes. Los Angeles Unified has not released the number of TK classes it offers, but according to\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://my.lausd.net/opendata/landing_page\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\"> district data\u003c/a>, they serve nearly 11,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though imperative for students, the expansion has created a problem: Some districts are not staffing TK classrooms with enough adults to maintain the required 1:12 staff-student ratio, a problem that educators say puts the 4-year-old pupils at risk, hampers learning and violates state legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty schools in LAUSD have been cited by the state for understaffing classes and violating the ratio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers told EdSource that 4-year-olds can’t learn if they aren’t safe and properly supervised by adults and that not having enough adults in the classroom jeopardizes children’s safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re one adult and you’re managing so many children that have never been to school before, there isn’t any teaching going on,” said David Hunter, a teacher in Fresno Unified who has taught TK for the last six years of a 17-year career. “You’re just keeping them safe as best as you can, but you’re not actually able to teach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts jeopardize state funding if they fail to meet the state-set TK requirements of the 1:12 staff-student ratio and the average class size of 24 kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/these-districts-charters-were-fined-for-violating-tk-requirements/712207\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Out of the 1,815 audit reports t\u003c/a>hat the California Department of Education reviewed, just seven school districts and 16 charter schools have been fined and will lose thousands of dollars in funding from their Local Control Funding Formula for failing to meet the staffing ratios during the 2022–23 school year. Teachers and others in the classroom say that many more districts and charters are not meeting the requirements but are managing to avoid punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Unified, which is facing multimillion-dollar fines, considers being fined because the classes do not have one additional adult unfair, district leaders said at a board meeting earlier this year. Many other penalized districts blamed the national shortage of teachers and paraprofessionals, while some districts were critical of the California Department of Education for not clearly outlining the requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some teachers, on the other hand, say that what is unfair is that TK classes are not being staffed as outlined by the legislation to support young students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Fresno Teachers Association, more than a dozen TK classes were out of compliance with staffing ratios during the 2022–23 school year, yet Fresno Unified was not fined. Fresno educators told EdSource that school districts that were not in compliance last year, such as Fresno Unified, escaped detection and fines because fiscal penalties are based on sample auditing that did not check every school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a systems issue,” Hunter said, “and I want to see the system be better for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Why do TK classes need extra staffing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Education (CDE) \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/gs/em/documents/tkrequirementswebinar.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">has outlined numerous benefits\u003c/a> of a lower adult-to-student ratio in TK classes, including opportunities for individualized instruction, additional adult support, attention and supervision at all times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation requires district staff such as paraprofessionals to work alongside teachers to meet the ratio requirement and share responsibilities of serving the students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On any given day, a TK student may need to use the restroom or have a potty accident; another may get sick, and others will require different types of attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you manage that when there’s one of you and 21 4-year-olds?” Hunter said. “You need another adult to help deal with those situations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter said he taught a class of 21 TK students without an aide from August to December 2022 during the 2022–23 school year, the first school year after the state added fiscal penalties related to TK requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said a teacher and an aide can split a large class into small groups to foster individualized learning, improve student assessment and evaluation and, ultimately, educate the young students — things that won’t happen in one large group of up to 24 4-year-olds.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Verifying compliance is difficult\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State compliance with TK requirements is verified in a district’s annual audit at the end of the school year, which is based on a representative sample of the district’s schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools that are out of compliance may go unchecked if the sampled schools in the district are compliant because the sampled schools meet compliance, even though other schools do not, some districts and charters avoid penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno Unified, Hunter’s district, was not one of the school systems fined. District spokesperson AJ Kato told EdSource that Fresno Unified has not had problems meeting the requirements other districts may be experiencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not what teachers say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least 13 classes, according to Fresno Teachers Association President Manuel Bonilla, only had one adult for more than 12 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The district could have done a better job at hiring additional folks … or in an emergency term, having their administrative staff provide additional support, but that seemingly didn’t happen,” Bonilla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Fresno Unified TK teacher and union leader surveyed his colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were out of compliance with the state, and ultimately, the problem is that the students aren’t getting the additional support that’s necessary,” Bonilla added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter said this is the second consecutive school year he’s been teaching out of compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This school year, Hunter has a part-time aide but is still out of compliance because he is the only adult for 16 students on days the aide isn’t scheduled to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a full-time aide or the equivalent, he said, should be the baseline and is mandated by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the state Education Department, to be counted in the staffing ratio, the “assigned” adult must be a district employee who is dedicated and available to all TK students the entire school day. Student teachers and volunteers do not count toward it, nor do staff such as a special education aide or speech therapist who are assigned to work with specific students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part-time aides can satisfy the classroom staffing ratio, but only if the working time equals 100% of the time of a full-time aide, according to the \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/fg/aa/pa/tkfiscalfaq.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">CDE\u003c/a>. Because Hunter’s class has 16 students, he needs more than one part-time aide working enough hours to equal the hours of a full-time aide. He has only had one part-time aide this school year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laton Joint Unified was penalized $30,943 for having a 1:16 ratio last school year. The school had a paraprofessional scheduled for 1 hour, 45 minutes each day, and that person was not available for all students the entire school day, the audit report detailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also instances of aides being pulled for recess or cafeteria duty or other teaching responsibilities, such as removing that aide from the instructional minutes with students, teachers told EdSource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rina,” a former TK teacher who asked to be identified only by her nickname, said that when she took a job at Ballington Academy in San Bernardino City Unified in the 2023–24 school year, the school’s one TK classroom had 18 students. Rina and her aide would align with state compliance for the 18 students. About a week before school started, Rina said the school informed her that the aide, though assigned to her TK students, would be pulled to other elementary classrooms whenever a teacher was absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was wrong,” she said. She only stayed in the position for about a week after school started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some schools and districts, such as Scholarship Prep Charter School in Oceanside, Pomona Unified in eastern Los Angeles County, and Culver City Unified in Los Angeles County, said in their audit reports that staffing shortages prevented them from complying with state guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s no excuse, teachers say, because it’s up to district administration to recruit, hire and retain paraprofessionals, instead of making it the teacher’s problem, Rina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some suggest that the problem with hiring and retaining paraprofessionals is the low compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A preschool teacher’s aide at Ericson Elementary in Fresno Unified is not in the TK classroom but works with students who are the same age as those entering transitional kindergarten. Speaking with EdSource on condition of anonymity, she said aides, whether in the TK or preschool class, are dealing with the same challenge: subpar pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the day, especially when working in groups, she helps the preschoolers with writing their names and learning letters and numbers. At other times during the day, such as during reading time, the aide ensures students keep their hands to themselves and listen to the teacher. As an aide, she sees the impact and importance of her role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re like their (teacher’s) spine,” she said about paraprofessionals. “We’re there to support and help. We do so much for these kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is paid $15.90 an hour and has, over the last two years, questioned whether she should remain in the role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s not helping me,” she said. She’s had to take on side jobs in the district, such as at sporting events, or resorted to borrowing money from friends and family. “I have to buy food, pay bills and then, I have four kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re still going keep that low (salary), people are not going … to apply for a position as an aide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Can teachers do anything?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As a teacher who’s been working out of compliance, Hunter wants districts to be held accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a mechanism there, and I’d like to see that enforced,” Hunter said about the fiscal penalties outlined in legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While the only way to address the compliance is with fines — which Hunter called “reactive” — he said a tool to report violations throughout the year could push districts to comply sooner and stop teachers from working out of compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, there is no such system or tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if teachers are providing instruction in classrooms that are out of compliance, they would not report the violation to the state, CDE spokesperson Scott Roark said via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Complaints against a district, school, principal, teacher or school personnel are not within the jurisdiction of the CDE unless the complaint falls within the scope of the Uniform Complaint Procedures\u003cem>,” \u003c/em>Roark said, explaining that the TK requirements are under local control, with each district’s school board having authority over the complaint process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same reasoning applies to a teachers union hoping to report compliance concerns or violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the struggles teachers are experiencing shouldn’t detract from the importance of TK.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">TK expansion is necessary; schools just need support\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Patricia Lozano, executive director of the advocacy group Early Edge California and a champion for expanding transitional kindergarten,\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/what-parents-should-know-about-transitional-kindergarten/688373\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\"> told EdSource last year about the importance\u003c/a> of the program, including how it provides children who were infants during the pandemic with social and intellectual engagement as well as age- and developmentally-appropriate structure and routine to help them thrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simply put, TK is imperative for students, said many teachers interviewed by EdSource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter, who has a background in early childhood education, said TK is vital for introducing students to what school is, for teaching socialization and exposing them to academics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any child who’s been through TK is that much more ready to hit the ground running in kindergarten,” he said. “I just want to see the appropriate support that not only the state promised, but I want to see the districts live up to that support so we can show these learners the best we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/staffing-ratios-arent-being-met-teachers-say-why-are-some-districts-escaping-fines/712442\">\u003cem>This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Senate approved a bipartisan package of 15 bills on Wednesday that would increase penalties for organized crime rings, expand drug court programs and close a legal loophole to make it easier to prosecute \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/kia-hyundai-thefts-california-rob-bonta-tik-tok-challenge-210a258b5e6c032cea04917271146fe3\">auto thefts.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One proposal would require large online marketplaces — like eBay and Amazon — to verify the identities of sellers who make at least $5,000 profit in a year, an attempt to shut down an easy way to sell stolen goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a game,” said Senate President Mike McGuire, a Democrat who represents the North Coast, adding that he hopes to get the bills to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk within weeks. “We are working together for [a] safer California, putting aside politics and making sure we do right for our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It normally takes months for lawmakers to deliver bills to the governor in California, but the commitment to quick action is driven by a new get-tough-on-crime strategy in an election year that seeks to address the growing fears of voters while \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-retail-theft-legislation-smash-grab-4472b135a8c811cffac2d35571a99cae\">preserving progressive policies\u003c/a> designed to keep people out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large-scale thefts, in which groups of people brazenly rush into stores and take goods in plain sight, have reached a crisis level in the state, though the California Retailers Association said it’s challenging to quantify the issue because many stores don’t share their data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-sports-business-health-lifestyle-538efc664e9da0d2f0831f3f3ed9a4d7\">Bay Area\u003c/a> and Los Angeles saw a steady increase in shoplifting between 2021 and 2022, according to a study of the latest crime data by the Public Policy Institute of California. Across the state, shoplifting rates rose during the same period but were still lower than the pre-pandemic levels in 2019, while commercial burglaries and robberies have become more prevalent in urban counties, according to the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly lawmakers are also expected to vote on their own retail theft legislation on Wednesday, including a bill authored by Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas taking aim at professional theft rings. It would expand law enforcement’s authority to combine the value of goods stolen from different victims to impose harsher penalties and arrest people for shoplifting using video footage or witness statements. The measure also would create a new crime for those who sell or return stolen goods and mandate online sellers to maintain records proving the merchandise wasn’t stolen and require some retail businesses to report stolen goods data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11982393,news_11980483,news_11979533\"]The advancement of a slew of measures further cements Democratic lawmakers’ rejection of growing calls to roll back progressive policies like Proposition 47, a ballot measure approved by 60% of state voters in 2014 that reduced penalties for certain crimes, including thefts of items valued at under $950 and drug possession offenses, from felonies to misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money saved from having fewer people in prison, which totals $113 million this fiscal year, has gone to local programs to fight recidivism with much success, state officials and advocates said. But the proposition has made it harder to prosecute shoplifters and enabled brazen crime rings, law enforcement officials said. An effort to reform the measure failed in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As major national stores and local businesses in California say they continue to face rampant theft, a growing number of law enforcement officials and district attorneys, along with Republican and moderate Democratic lawmakers, say California needs to consider all options, including rolling back the measure. The coalition backing the initiative last month \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">submitted more than 900,000 signatures\u003c/a> to put it on the November ballot. The signatures are being verified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California lawmakers have advanced more than a dozen bills to address the retail theft crisis, going after online reselling schemes, repeat shoplifters and auto theft.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Senate approved a bipartisan package of 15 bills on Wednesday that would increase penalties for organized crime rings, expand drug court programs and close a legal loophole to make it easier to prosecute \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/kia-hyundai-thefts-california-rob-bonta-tik-tok-challenge-210a258b5e6c032cea04917271146fe3\">auto thefts.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One proposal would require large online marketplaces — like eBay and Amazon — to verify the identities of sellers who make at least $5,000 profit in a year, an attempt to shut down an easy way to sell stolen goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a game,” said Senate President Mike McGuire, a Democrat who represents the North Coast, adding that he hopes to get the bills to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk within weeks. “We are working together for [a] safer California, putting aside politics and making sure we do right for our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It normally takes months for lawmakers to deliver bills to the governor in California, but the commitment to quick action is driven by a new get-tough-on-crime strategy in an election year that seeks to address the growing fears of voters while \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-retail-theft-legislation-smash-grab-4472b135a8c811cffac2d35571a99cae\">preserving progressive policies\u003c/a> designed to keep people out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large-scale thefts, in which groups of people brazenly rush into stores and take goods in plain sight, have reached a crisis level in the state, though the California Retailers Association said it’s challenging to quantify the issue because many stores don’t share their data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-sports-business-health-lifestyle-538efc664e9da0d2f0831f3f3ed9a4d7\">Bay Area\u003c/a> and Los Angeles saw a steady increase in shoplifting between 2021 and 2022, according to a study of the latest crime data by the Public Policy Institute of California. Across the state, shoplifting rates rose during the same period but were still lower than the pre-pandemic levels in 2019, while commercial burglaries and robberies have become more prevalent in urban counties, according to the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly lawmakers are also expected to vote on their own retail theft legislation on Wednesday, including a bill authored by Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas taking aim at professional theft rings. It would expand law enforcement’s authority to combine the value of goods stolen from different victims to impose harsher penalties and arrest people for shoplifting using video footage or witness statements. The measure also would create a new crime for those who sell or return stolen goods and mandate online sellers to maintain records proving the merchandise wasn’t stolen and require some retail businesses to report stolen goods data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The advancement of a slew of measures further cements Democratic lawmakers’ rejection of growing calls to roll back progressive policies like Proposition 47, a ballot measure approved by 60% of state voters in 2014 that reduced penalties for certain crimes, including thefts of items valued at under $950 and drug possession offenses, from felonies to misdemeanors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money saved from having fewer people in prison, which totals $113 million this fiscal year, has gone to local programs to fight recidivism with much success, state officials and advocates said. But the proposition has made it harder to prosecute shoplifters and enabled brazen crime rings, law enforcement officials said. An effort to reform the measure failed in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As major national stores and local businesses in California say they continue to face rampant theft, a growing number of law enforcement officials and district attorneys, along with Republican and moderate Democratic lawmakers, say California needs to consider all options, including rolling back the measure. The coalition backing the initiative last month \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">submitted more than 900,000 signatures\u003c/a> to put it on the November ballot. The signatures are being verified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Special Interest Groups Spent Over $114 Million Lobbying California Officials in First Quarter of 2024",
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"headTitle": "Special Interest Groups Spent Over $114 Million Lobbying California Officials in First Quarter of 2024 | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Special interest groups spent more than $114 million lobbying California officials and legislators in the first quarter of this year, matching the pace last year, when a record $480 million was spent to influence state policy decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, nearly $600 million has been spent since the current two-year session of the Legislature started in January 2023. This year’s pace so far is about $1.25 million per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The top 10 spenders for the first quarter of 2024, revealed in the latest financial reports filed with the Secretary of State, include nine that have been on the top 10 list since 2005. The only one that wasn’t: Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the 10 organizations that invested the most in state-level lobbying between January and March of this year and how much they spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Chevron: $3 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-2\">San Ramon-based oil giant\u003c/a> continues to top the list of advocacy spenders, reporting more than $3 million spent between January and the end of March. The last time Chevron wasn’t in the top three spenders was in 2011. It has reported lobbying expenses totaling more than $77.6 million since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company lobbied the Legislature on several items, including the budget, hydrogen programs, and carbon sequestration. But that isn’t the only institution that Chevron wanted to influence. It also reported advocating before the state Energy Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Air Resources Board, the Natural Resources Agency and the Departments of Tax and Fee Administration and Fish and Wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel behemoth took a public position on just one bill so far this year: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab3155\">a proposal\u003c/a> from Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/laura-friedman-100935\">Laura Friedman\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Burbank, that would make oil well operators liable for civil penalties for health impacts on people who live in the area. Chevron opposed the bill, which is still pending after approval from two committees in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/63Ox1/5/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"625\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Western States Petroleum Association: $2.5 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">oil industry trade group\u003c/a> is Chevron’s perennial partner on the leaderboard. The association is the single-largest spender on state advocacy since 2005, reporting nearly $120 million in total expenses. To put that in some context, the SEIU state council, a labor organization and the next highest-spending group, reported $80 million over the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel lobby \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778#lobbying-representations\">testified against two \u003c/a>bills in hearings: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb559\">SB 559\u003c/a>, which died in January and would have directed state regulators to phase out offshore drilling in state waters, and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1866\">AB 1866\u003c/a>, which would require companies to develop plans to eliminate all idle oil wells. The bill is still pending in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group advocated on more than \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">25 other bills since January\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Chamber of Commerce:\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>$1.2 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-4\">Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a> spent a little less than $1.2 million to advocate on more than 100 pieces of legislation in the first quarter of 2024, as well as lobbying Cal/OSHA, the Public Utilities Commission, the relatively new Privacy Protection Agency and the Water Resources Control Board. The business trade group testified against a pending bill that would \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab82\">prevent people under 18\u003c/a> from buying diet or weight loss supplements over the counter, against a failed bill that would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">imposed a tax on residents\u003c/a> with more than $1 million in assets, and in support of a still-pending bill that \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2011\">makes permanent a family leave\u003c/a> mediation program for small employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chamber is the sixth-largest lobbyist employer since 2005, spending more than $61 million over that time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pacific Gas & Electric: $1.15 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-8937\">PG&E\u003c/a> spent nearly $1.15 million advocating for issues, such as undergrounding power lines and the Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant. It also lobbied on 85 bills, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2666\">AB 2666\u003c/a>, which would require utilities to annually report to the Public Utilities Commission the amount spent on infrastructure after each approved rate hike, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/californians-electricity-rates/\">one approved\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>two weeks ago\u003c/a>. Despite PG&E’s opposition to the bill, it passed the Assembly Committee on Utilities and Energy last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investor-owned utility, which is regulated by the state, has spent nearly $40 million since 2005 to push its point of view in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis: $1.05 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-9\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a> reported spending about $1 million in the first three months of the year. That represents an increase in advocacy by the anti-tax organization from last quarter when it spent just less than $157,000 between October and December last year. However, the spending aligns with the first quarter of 2023, when the association reported $1.15 million in advocacy receipts. The group lobbied on 12 bills this session, including against one from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/alex-lee-162481\">Alex Lee\u003c/a> of Milpitas to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">raise taxes on assets\u003c/a> worth more than $1 million. The bill died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayer Association has invested $34.5 million in pushing its point of view to government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Sywxi/2/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"575\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Hospital Association: $1 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group representing hospitals and health care systems reported spending a little more than $1 million to advocate on 61 pieces of legislation, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">a bill\u003c/a> by Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> from San Jose to create a single-payer health care system in California. The hospital association opposes the bill, which died last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the industry group has invested more than $58 million in lobbying the state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AT&T: $865,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146836&view=activity\">reported\u003c/a> advocating before the Public Utilities Commission and on two similar bills in the Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1588\">one in the Assembly\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1179\">one in the Senate\u003c/a>. Both would require state agencies to only procure internet from providers offering affordable home internet service. Though the company reported lobbying on both bills, it didn’t take a public position on either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The telecom company went on the record about a handful of education-related bills. It took public positions in support of five bills last year, four of which have to do with education-related topics, such as \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1251\">credentialing teachers\u003c/a> in computer science and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab873\">media literacy curriculums\u003c/a> for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T has reported spending more than $63 million to lobby the state government since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa County: $773,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Area county spent 65% of the total it spent last year in just the first quarter of this year and reported advocating on seven bills. It supported a bill about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab817\">hosting public meetings online\u003c/a> and another about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1245\">in-home supportive health service certifications\u003c/a> through an association called Urban Counties.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='california-law']The $570,000 quarter-over-quarter increase is due to a lobbying blitz in favor of a bill that extends \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1432\">the deadline by which hospitals\u003c/a> must be seismically retrofitted or demolished. The bill is pending in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County was the only lobbyist employer in the top 10 spenders from last quarter not to be on the same list historically. Since 2005, it has reported spending just under $18 million to push its point of view in state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SEIU State Council: $754,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Service Employees International Union, a labor organization that represents more than 700,000 state workers, including more than 180,000 state employees, spent nearly $754,000 on lobbying so far this year, advocating before the state’s public pension system, the state treasurer, and the governor as well as on 77 different bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those bills, the union reported lobbying for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab518?slug=CA_202320240AB518\">a bill\u003c/a> from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> from Oakland to expand paid family leave benefits for caretakers of seriously ill people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the council is near the bottom of this list, it has been the second-largest aggregate spender on lobbying since 2005, reporting more than $80 million in total state-level advocacy expenditures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Teachers Association: $667,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide teachers union reported advocating on more legislation than any other group in the top 10: 172 bills and resolutions in just the first three months of this year. The union also reported lobbying on the state budget and before the Commission on Teacher Credentialing, but it did not report a new public position on legislation between January and March. Perhaps that’s not surprising — it’s already on the record for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-1#bill-alignment\">203 pieces of legislation.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor group hosts the fourth largest bill lobbying effort since 2005, reporting more than $70 million in lobbying expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Special interest groups spent more than $114 million lobbying California officials and legislators in the first quarter of this year, matching the pace last year, when a record $480 million was spent to influence state policy decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, nearly $600 million has been spent since the current two-year session of the Legislature started in January 2023. This year’s pace so far is about $1.25 million per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The top 10 spenders for the first quarter of 2024, revealed in the latest financial reports filed with the Secretary of State, include nine that have been on the top 10 list since 2005. The only one that wasn’t: Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the 10 organizations that invested the most in state-level lobbying between January and March of this year and how much they spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Chevron: $3 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-2\">San Ramon-based oil giant\u003c/a> continues to top the list of advocacy spenders, reporting more than $3 million spent between January and the end of March. The last time Chevron wasn’t in the top three spenders was in 2011. It has reported lobbying expenses totaling more than $77.6 million since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company lobbied the Legislature on several items, including the budget, hydrogen programs, and carbon sequestration. But that isn’t the only institution that Chevron wanted to influence. It also reported advocating before the state Energy Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Air Resources Board, the Natural Resources Agency and the Departments of Tax and Fee Administration and Fish and Wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel behemoth took a public position on just one bill so far this year: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab3155\">a proposal\u003c/a> from Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/laura-friedman-100935\">Laura Friedman\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Burbank, that would make oil well operators liable for civil penalties for health impacts on people who live in the area. Chevron opposed the bill, which is still pending after approval from two committees in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/63Ox1/5/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"625\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Western States Petroleum Association: $2.5 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">oil industry trade group\u003c/a> is Chevron’s perennial partner on the leaderboard. The association is the single-largest spender on state advocacy since 2005, reporting nearly $120 million in total expenses. To put that in some context, the SEIU state council, a labor organization and the next highest-spending group, reported $80 million over the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel lobby \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778#lobbying-representations\">testified against two \u003c/a>bills in hearings: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb559\">SB 559\u003c/a>, which died in January and would have directed state regulators to phase out offshore drilling in state waters, and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1866\">AB 1866\u003c/a>, which would require companies to develop plans to eliminate all idle oil wells. The bill is still pending in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group advocated on more than \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">25 other bills since January\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Chamber of Commerce:\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>$1.2 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-4\">Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a> spent a little less than $1.2 million to advocate on more than 100 pieces of legislation in the first quarter of 2024, as well as lobbying Cal/OSHA, the Public Utilities Commission, the relatively new Privacy Protection Agency and the Water Resources Control Board. The business trade group testified against a pending bill that would \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab82\">prevent people under 18\u003c/a> from buying diet or weight loss supplements over the counter, against a failed bill that would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">imposed a tax on residents\u003c/a> with more than $1 million in assets, and in support of a still-pending bill that \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2011\">makes permanent a family leave\u003c/a> mediation program for small employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chamber is the sixth-largest lobbyist employer since 2005, spending more than $61 million over that time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pacific Gas & Electric: $1.15 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-8937\">PG&E\u003c/a> spent nearly $1.15 million advocating for issues, such as undergrounding power lines and the Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant. It also lobbied on 85 bills, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2666\">AB 2666\u003c/a>, which would require utilities to annually report to the Public Utilities Commission the amount spent on infrastructure after each approved rate hike, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/californians-electricity-rates/\">one approved\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>two weeks ago\u003c/a>. Despite PG&E’s opposition to the bill, it passed the Assembly Committee on Utilities and Energy last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investor-owned utility, which is regulated by the state, has spent nearly $40 million since 2005 to push its point of view in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis: $1.05 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-9\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a> reported spending about $1 million in the first three months of the year. That represents an increase in advocacy by the anti-tax organization from last quarter when it spent just less than $157,000 between October and December last year. However, the spending aligns with the first quarter of 2023, when the association reported $1.15 million in advocacy receipts. The group lobbied on 12 bills this session, including against one from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/alex-lee-162481\">Alex Lee\u003c/a> of Milpitas to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">raise taxes on assets\u003c/a> worth more than $1 million. The bill died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayer Association has invested $34.5 million in pushing its point of view to government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Sywxi/2/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"575\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Hospital Association: $1 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group representing hospitals and health care systems reported spending a little more than $1 million to advocate on 61 pieces of legislation, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">a bill\u003c/a> by Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> from San Jose to create a single-payer health care system in California. The hospital association opposes the bill, which died last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the industry group has invested more than $58 million in lobbying the state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AT&T: $865,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146836&view=activity\">reported\u003c/a> advocating before the Public Utilities Commission and on two similar bills in the Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1588\">one in the Assembly\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1179\">one in the Senate\u003c/a>. Both would require state agencies to only procure internet from providers offering affordable home internet service. Though the company reported lobbying on both bills, it didn’t take a public position on either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The telecom company went on the record about a handful of education-related bills. It took public positions in support of five bills last year, four of which have to do with education-related topics, such as \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1251\">credentialing teachers\u003c/a> in computer science and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab873\">media literacy curriculums\u003c/a> for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T has reported spending more than $63 million to lobby the state government since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa County: $773,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Area county spent 65% of the total it spent last year in just the first quarter of this year and reported advocating on seven bills. It supported a bill about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab817\">hosting public meetings online\u003c/a> and another about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1245\">in-home supportive health service certifications\u003c/a> through an association called Urban Counties.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The $570,000 quarter-over-quarter increase is due to a lobbying blitz in favor of a bill that extends \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1432\">the deadline by which hospitals\u003c/a> must be seismically retrofitted or demolished. The bill is pending in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County was the only lobbyist employer in the top 10 spenders from last quarter not to be on the same list historically. Since 2005, it has reported spending just under $18 million to push its point of view in state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SEIU State Council: $754,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Service Employees International Union, a labor organization that represents more than 700,000 state workers, including more than 180,000 state employees, spent nearly $754,000 on lobbying so far this year, advocating before the state’s public pension system, the state treasurer, and the governor as well as on 77 different bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those bills, the union reported lobbying for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab518?slug=CA_202320240AB518\">a bill\u003c/a> from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> from Oakland to expand paid family leave benefits for caretakers of seriously ill people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the council is near the bottom of this list, it has been the second-largest aggregate spender on lobbying since 2005, reporting more than $80 million in total state-level advocacy expenditures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Teachers Association: $667,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide teachers union reported advocating on more legislation than any other group in the top 10: 172 bills and resolutions in just the first three months of this year. The union also reported lobbying on the state budget and before the Commission on Teacher Credentialing, but it did not report a new public position on legislation between January and March. Perhaps that’s not surprising — it’s already on the record for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-1#bill-alignment\">203 pieces of legislation.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor group hosts the fourth largest bill lobbying effort since 2005, reporting more than $70 million in lobbying expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "4 Progressives Go Head to Head in Heated Race for Berkeley City Council Seat",
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"content": "\u003cp>Four progressive candidates, all with a few years to two decades of experience in public service, are vying for Berkeley’s District 4 City Council seat next week after Councilmember Kate Harrison announced her resignation from the seat in late January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soli Alpert, Elana Auerbach, Ruben Hernandez Story and Igor Tregub are registered for the race set for May 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District 4 includes Berkeley’s downtown district and several blocks of residential streets between Oxford Way and Sacramento Street. The L-shaped district has a population of about 15,700 residents as of the 2020 U.S. Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four candidates are using the city’s generous public financing program, which allows them to each receive a 6-to-1 match on donations to their campaign, up to $60. (So if someone donates $60 to a candidate, that candidate receives $360 in public matching funds. The city will contribute a maximum of $49,000 per candidate.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules have resulted in fairly significant war chests for all four candidates. As of the week before the election, Hernandez Story led the pack with $49,000 in matching funds from the city, followed by Auerbach’s $41,994, Alpert’s $40,050 and Tregub’s $37,728, \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/PubFi%20Tracking%20-%202024%20Special%20Election%20%28MAY%29_2.pdf\">according to city public finance records\u003c/a>. And that’s not including the individual campaign donations that triggered those matching funds from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates spoke with \u003cem>Bay City News\u003c/em> about their positions on the issues they see as most important to their community.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Harrison’s resignation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harrison announced her resignation during a Jan. 30 City Council meeting, citing dysfunction in the city’s bureaucracy, among other local issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley’s processes are broken, and I cannot in good conscience continue to serve on this body,” Harrison said during her resignation speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accountability and transparency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like Harrison, the district’s candidates expressed concerns about the city of Berkeley’s functionality. Alpert, Tregub, and Auerbach listed transparency and accountability for the City Council and management among their top five concerns for this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve seen a really big problem with the culture of City Hall, both from the City Council and senior management, that basically views the public and public processes as a distraction from their more enlightened work, rather than as like the fundamental job of the city,” said Alpert, who served as Harrison’s campaign manager for the Berkeley mayoral race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert is the current vice chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board and has worked as a legislative assistant in Berkeley since before earning his undergraduate degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Alpert and Auerbach, if elected, Tregub plans to prioritize having a transparent, accountable, participatory process around Berkeley’s city governance and management to ensure that the city’s government is fulfilling the will of its citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub served on Berkeley’s Rent Board, Zoning Adjustments Board, and its Environment and Climate Commission and is currently the chair of a local Sierra Club chapter. His professional background centers around green energy and, more recently, consulting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We [could] be darn sure that the budgets that we approve as a city are truly a reflection of our holistic community values because we [would] have heard from as many members of the community as we could,” Tregub said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mass surveillance and public safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former councilmember Harrison’s resignation was announced during a council discussion of the potential of implementing mass surveillance technology in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is considering adding six new general surveillance cameras across the city, although the two-year pilot program for existing license plate cameras hasn’t yet been completed, meaning full data on the effectiveness of cameras on crime isn’t yet available.[aside tag=\"berkeley-city-council\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]Auerbach stressed her confusion of a pilot program’s purpose if its data will not be available in the consideration of a more permanent program. Auerbach previously served on Berkeley’s Tenants Union and volunteers at the group Berkeley Copwatch; her professional background is in finance and mediation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Tregub both voiced support for the program as a potential solution to a rise in property crimes in the area in recent years. Hernandez Story currently works as Berkeley District 2 councilmember Terry Taplin’s chief of staff and previously worked for former Richmond Mayor Tom Butt for four years. He worked in the Ohio Legislature as a college student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates want to focus on reducing what they see as the core causes of crime. They identified unaffordable housing, homelessness and mental health crises as major contributors to public safety concerns in their district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates endorsed the expansion of Berkeley’s Specialized Care Unit, a non-police response force for residents experiencing mental health crises, to a 24/7 service and ending outsourcing of the program. Auerbach is one of several Berkeley residents who contributed to establishing the Specialized Care Unit, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert, Tregub and Auerbach all listed non-police response to non-criminal crises in the city as a potential solution to slow response times and understaffing issues within the Berkeley Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert and Auerbach both see corporate-owned housing projects — both for-profit and non-profit — as one of the major obstacles to affordable housing in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every tenant deserves rights, but these big venture capital, corporate owners are much more committed to trying to squeeze things dry,” Alpert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Berkeley allows housing developers to avoid installing mandatory affordable housing units by contributing to an in-lieu affordable housing fund in its place. Auerbach wants to see an end to this loophole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is detrimental to bridging the divides of class and race that permeate our city,” Auerbach said. “And not only that, but it also doesn’t create actual affordable housing, so we need to mandate that developers build those units.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez sees building starter homes — like duplexes and triplexes — alongside other housing as a potential solution to part of the housing crisis, while Tregub pointed more toward apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Revitalizing downtown and supporting small businesses\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert said that landlords pricing small businesses out of their stores is the primary cause of vacant storefronts throughout Berkeley’s Downtown district and called for a commercial vacancy tax—much like the residential vacancy tax already imposed—to encourage commercial landlords to rent out their spaces at rates affordable to local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Auerbach both want to encourage pop-up events, performances and businesses downtown to revitalize the area. Hernandez Story also suggested shutting down the portion of Center Street that is often closed for events to be used as a permanent pedestrian plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub wants a sustainable fund to support small businesses and a streamlined permitting process to cut through red tape for business owners, while Auerbach thinks the city should invest in low- and no-interest loans for small businesses in the area, investing in a future return in sales taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All candidates pointed to making the downtown area a more enjoyable public space to revitalize it economically. They pointed to recent installations of wooden benches at bus stops by community members as evidence of the lack of public spaces and seating throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This should not be in the community’s wheelbarrow,” Hernandez Story said. “They should be able to enjoy public spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Four progressive candidates, all with a few years to two decades of experience in public service, are vying for Berkeley’s District 4 City Council seat next week after Councilmember Kate Harrison announced her resignation from the seat in late January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soli Alpert, Elana Auerbach, Ruben Hernandez Story and Igor Tregub are registered for the race set for May 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District 4 includes Berkeley’s downtown district and several blocks of residential streets between Oxford Way and Sacramento Street. The L-shaped district has a population of about 15,700 residents as of the 2020 U.S. Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four candidates are using the city’s generous public financing program, which allows them to each receive a 6-to-1 match on donations to their campaign, up to $60. (So if someone donates $60 to a candidate, that candidate receives $360 in public matching funds. The city will contribute a maximum of $49,000 per candidate.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules have resulted in fairly significant war chests for all four candidates. As of the week before the election, Hernandez Story led the pack with $49,000 in matching funds from the city, followed by Auerbach’s $41,994, Alpert’s $40,050 and Tregub’s $37,728, \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/PubFi%20Tracking%20-%202024%20Special%20Election%20%28MAY%29_2.pdf\">according to city public finance records\u003c/a>. And that’s not including the individual campaign donations that triggered those matching funds from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates spoke with \u003cem>Bay City News\u003c/em> about their positions on the issues they see as most important to their community.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Harrison’s resignation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harrison announced her resignation during a Jan. 30 City Council meeting, citing dysfunction in the city’s bureaucracy, among other local issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley’s processes are broken, and I cannot in good conscience continue to serve on this body,” Harrison said during her resignation speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accountability and transparency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like Harrison, the district’s candidates expressed concerns about the city of Berkeley’s functionality. Alpert, Tregub, and Auerbach listed transparency and accountability for the City Council and management among their top five concerns for this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve seen a really big problem with the culture of City Hall, both from the City Council and senior management, that basically views the public and public processes as a distraction from their more enlightened work, rather than as like the fundamental job of the city,” said Alpert, who served as Harrison’s campaign manager for the Berkeley mayoral race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert is the current vice chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board and has worked as a legislative assistant in Berkeley since before earning his undergraduate degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Alpert and Auerbach, if elected, Tregub plans to prioritize having a transparent, accountable, participatory process around Berkeley’s city governance and management to ensure that the city’s government is fulfilling the will of its citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub served on Berkeley’s Rent Board, Zoning Adjustments Board, and its Environment and Climate Commission and is currently the chair of a local Sierra Club chapter. His professional background centers around green energy and, more recently, consulting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We [could] be darn sure that the budgets that we approve as a city are truly a reflection of our holistic community values because we [would] have heard from as many members of the community as we could,” Tregub said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mass surveillance and public safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former councilmember Harrison’s resignation was announced during a council discussion of the potential of implementing mass surveillance technology in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is considering adding six new general surveillance cameras across the city, although the two-year pilot program for existing license plate cameras hasn’t yet been completed, meaning full data on the effectiveness of cameras on crime isn’t yet available.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Auerbach stressed her confusion of a pilot program’s purpose if its data will not be available in the consideration of a more permanent program. Auerbach previously served on Berkeley’s Tenants Union and volunteers at the group Berkeley Copwatch; her professional background is in finance and mediation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Tregub both voiced support for the program as a potential solution to a rise in property crimes in the area in recent years. Hernandez Story currently works as Berkeley District 2 councilmember Terry Taplin’s chief of staff and previously worked for former Richmond Mayor Tom Butt for four years. He worked in the Ohio Legislature as a college student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates want to focus on reducing what they see as the core causes of crime. They identified unaffordable housing, homelessness and mental health crises as major contributors to public safety concerns in their district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates endorsed the expansion of Berkeley’s Specialized Care Unit, a non-police response force for residents experiencing mental health crises, to a 24/7 service and ending outsourcing of the program. Auerbach is one of several Berkeley residents who contributed to establishing the Specialized Care Unit, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert, Tregub and Auerbach all listed non-police response to non-criminal crises in the city as a potential solution to slow response times and understaffing issues within the Berkeley Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert and Auerbach both see corporate-owned housing projects — both for-profit and non-profit — as one of the major obstacles to affordable housing in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every tenant deserves rights, but these big venture capital, corporate owners are much more committed to trying to squeeze things dry,” Alpert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Berkeley allows housing developers to avoid installing mandatory affordable housing units by contributing to an in-lieu affordable housing fund in its place. Auerbach wants to see an end to this loophole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is detrimental to bridging the divides of class and race that permeate our city,” Auerbach said. “And not only that, but it also doesn’t create actual affordable housing, so we need to mandate that developers build those units.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez sees building starter homes — like duplexes and triplexes — alongside other housing as a potential solution to part of the housing crisis, while Tregub pointed more toward apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Revitalizing downtown and supporting small businesses\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert said that landlords pricing small businesses out of their stores is the primary cause of vacant storefronts throughout Berkeley’s Downtown district and called for a commercial vacancy tax—much like the residential vacancy tax already imposed—to encourage commercial landlords to rent out their spaces at rates affordable to local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Auerbach both want to encourage pop-up events, performances and businesses downtown to revitalize the area. Hernandez Story also suggested shutting down the portion of Center Street that is often closed for events to be used as a permanent pedestrian plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub wants a sustainable fund to support small businesses and a streamlined permitting process to cut through red tape for business owners, while Auerbach thinks the city should invest in low- and no-interest loans for small businesses in the area, investing in a future return in sales taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All candidates pointed to making the downtown area a more enjoyable public space to revitalize it economically. They pointed to recent installations of wooden benches at bus stops by community members as evidence of the lack of public spaces and seating throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This should not be in the community’s wheelbarrow,” Hernandez Story said. “They should be able to enjoy public spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For the first time, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/tag/monterey-bay-aquarium\">the Monterey Bay Aquarium\u003c/a> is offering free admission to anyone receiving food assistance — also known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.benefits.gov/benefit/361\">SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program) benefits\u003c/a> or food stamps, and called \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/calfresh\">CalFresh\u003c/a> in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting Memorial Day (May 27), anyone with an EBT (electronic benefit transfer) card can use this as proof of their eligibility at the Monterey Bay Aquarium’s ticketing desks to \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/newsroom/press-releases/museums-for-all\">get free tickets for up to four people\u003c/a>, as part of the nationwide \u003ca href=\"https://museums4all.org/\">Museums for All program\u003c/a>. There’s no application process, and you don’t have to reserve your free tickets in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, tickets to the Monterey Bay Aquarium cost $59.95 for adults, $49.95 for youth ages 13–17, $44.95 for children ages 5–12 and $49.95 for seniors age 70 and over (although children 4 and under can always visit the aquarium for free). Using an EBT card means a group of two adults and two children can save well over $200 on admission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what to know about using your EBT card for free admission to the Monterey Bay Aquarium — plus more ways to save even more money on your visit. And if you’re not an EBT holder, remember: You still have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943906/how-to-find-free-museum-tickets-in-the-bay-area\">several ways to find free museum tickets around the Bay Area\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Don’t currently receive SNAP benefits but think you could be eligible? \u003ca href=\"https://www.getcalfresh.org/?source=dssfood\">Find out how to apply for CalFresh.\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tip #1: Know what you need to bring to get free aquarium admission\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’re using an EBT card to get free aquarium admission for up to four people, the holder of the EBT card needs to be part of your group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As well as their physical EBT card, that person \u003cem>also \u003c/em>needs to have a valid photo ID with a name that matches the name on the EBT card.[aside postID='news_11987214,news_11986383,news_11984496,news_11979339' label='More Guides from KQED']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once you’ve got those things, all you have to do is go to the ticket desk at the aquarium with your group, show your EBT card and ask for “Museums for All tickets.” Remember, no reservation is required, and free tickets are available whenever the museum is open.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tip #2: Once you’re in Monterey, you can use a free trolley car to get around\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting Memorial Day weekend and running through Labor Day, the City of Monterey and Monterey-Salinas Transit (MST) operates \u003ca href=\"https://monterey.gov/city_hall/departments/ride_the_free_trolley_shuttle/index.php\">a free trolley car that serves Downtown Monterey, Fisherman’s Wharf, Cannery Row and the Monterey Bay Aquarium\u003c/a> — which you can use to avoid higher-cost parking garage fees closer to the aquarium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The free MST Trolley will run 10 a.m.–6 p.m. daily and connects the downtown parking garages (where all-day parking is $12) with the aquarium.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tip #3: Time your aquarium visit according to what you want to see\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Because your free admission with an EBT card isn’t restricted to particular times or days, you can choose to visit on a schedule that works for you — and offers you what you want to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to exhibits including \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/visit/exhibits/into-the-deep\">deep-sea creatures\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/visit/exhibits/sea-otters\">sea otters\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/visit/exhibits/giant-pacific-octopus\">the Giant Pacific octopus\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/visit/exhibits/kelp-forest\">kelp forest\u003c/a>, the aquarium also offers daily talks, screenings and public feeding demonstrations for the animals. \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/visit/hours-schedule\">Look at the Aquarium schedule \u003c/a>beforehand to ensure you don’t miss an event you want to catch.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tip #4: The aquarium isn’t the only place offering free admission for EBT holders in Monterey\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://museums4all.org/\">The Museums for All program\u003c/a> offers free or reduced admission to 1,300 museums around the United States — so the aquarium is by no means the only place an EBT card can save you a lot of money as a visitor. [aside postID=news_11986383 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur-1020x680.jpg']In Monterey, the following paid museums offer free or low-cost admission for up to four people with an EBT card, for you to visit before or after the aquarium:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mymuseum.org/\">Monterey County Youth Museum (MY Museum)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://montereyart.org/\">Monterey Museum of Art – Pacific Street\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://montereyart.org/\">Monterey Museum of Art – La Mirada\u003c/a> (open only for special events and programs)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://montereyhistory.org/stanton-center/\">Monterey History and Art at Stanton Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>When asking for Museums for All tickets, remember that sometimes a staff member might be newer or hasn’t received their training on the Museums for All program yet and could be less familiar with the discount. If this happens when you arrive, we recommend staying patient and showing the staffer \u003ca href=\"https://museums4all.org/#!\">museum’s listing on the Museums for All site\u003c/a> on your phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tip #5: Remember you can use your EBT card for free museum tickets around the Bay Area too\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back in the Bay, many local museums are participating in the Museums for All program, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.calacademy.org/\">California Academy of Sciences\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.exploratorium.edu/\">Exploratorium\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://deyoung.famsf.org/\">de Young Museum\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://legionofhonor.famsf.org/\">Legion of Honor\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://chabotspace.org/\">Chabot Space and Science Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://museumca.org/\">Oakland Museum of California\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://filoli.org/\">Filoli Historic House and Garden\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfhsa.org/san-francisco-museums-all\">San Francisco also has its own local version of the Museums For All program, which covers \u003c/a>over 20 museums and cultural spaces and offers free or reduced admission to SF residents who are Medi-Cal recipients, as well as to EBT users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>See a \u003ca href=\"https://museums4all.org/#!\">full list of all the Bay Area museums participating in the Museums for All program\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11915329/how-to-get-free-or-low-cost-museum-entry-this-summer-with-your-ebt-card\">read more about using your EBT card to get free museum tickets.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting by KQED’s Jasmine Garnett, Sarah Mohamad and Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the first time, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/tag/monterey-bay-aquarium\">the Monterey Bay Aquarium\u003c/a> is offering free admission to anyone receiving food assistance — also known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.benefits.gov/benefit/361\">SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program) benefits\u003c/a> or food stamps, and called \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/calfresh\">CalFresh\u003c/a> in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting Memorial Day (May 27), anyone with an EBT (electronic benefit transfer) card can use this as proof of their eligibility at the Monterey Bay Aquarium’s ticketing desks to \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/newsroom/press-releases/museums-for-all\">get free tickets for up to four people\u003c/a>, as part of the nationwide \u003ca href=\"https://museums4all.org/\">Museums for All program\u003c/a>. There’s no application process, and you don’t have to reserve your free tickets in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, tickets to the Monterey Bay Aquarium cost $59.95 for adults, $49.95 for youth ages 13–17, $44.95 for children ages 5–12 and $49.95 for seniors age 70 and over (although children 4 and under can always visit the aquarium for free). Using an EBT card means a group of two adults and two children can save well over $200 on admission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what to know about using your EBT card for free admission to the Monterey Bay Aquarium — plus more ways to save even more money on your visit. And if you’re not an EBT holder, remember: You still have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943906/how-to-find-free-museum-tickets-in-the-bay-area\">several ways to find free museum tickets around the Bay Area\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Don’t currently receive SNAP benefits but think you could be eligible? \u003ca href=\"https://www.getcalfresh.org/?source=dssfood\">Find out how to apply for CalFresh.\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tip #1: Know what you need to bring to get free aquarium admission\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’re using an EBT card to get free aquarium admission for up to four people, the holder of the EBT card needs to be part of your group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As well as their physical EBT card, that person \u003cem>also \u003c/em>needs to have a valid photo ID with a name that matches the name on the EBT card.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once you’ve got those things, all you have to do is go to the ticket desk at the aquarium with your group, show your EBT card and ask for “Museums for All tickets.” Remember, no reservation is required, and free tickets are available whenever the museum is open.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tip #2: Once you’re in Monterey, you can use a free trolley car to get around\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting Memorial Day weekend and running through Labor Day, the City of Monterey and Monterey-Salinas Transit (MST) operates \u003ca href=\"https://monterey.gov/city_hall/departments/ride_the_free_trolley_shuttle/index.php\">a free trolley car that serves Downtown Monterey, Fisherman’s Wharf, Cannery Row and the Monterey Bay Aquarium\u003c/a> — which you can use to avoid higher-cost parking garage fees closer to the aquarium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The free MST Trolley will run 10 a.m.–6 p.m. daily and connects the downtown parking garages (where all-day parking is $12) with the aquarium.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tip #3: Time your aquarium visit according to what you want to see\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Because your free admission with an EBT card isn’t restricted to particular times or days, you can choose to visit on a schedule that works for you — and offers you what you want to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to exhibits including \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/visit/exhibits/into-the-deep\">deep-sea creatures\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/visit/exhibits/sea-otters\">sea otters\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/visit/exhibits/giant-pacific-octopus\">the Giant Pacific octopus\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/visit/exhibits/kelp-forest\">kelp forest\u003c/a>, the aquarium also offers daily talks, screenings and public feeding demonstrations for the animals. \u003ca href=\"https://www.montereybayaquarium.org/visit/hours-schedule\">Look at the Aquarium schedule \u003c/a>beforehand to ensure you don’t miss an event you want to catch.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tip #4: The aquarium isn’t the only place offering free admission for EBT holders in Monterey\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://museums4all.org/\">The Museums for All program\u003c/a> offers free or reduced admission to 1,300 museums around the United States — so the aquarium is by no means the only place an EBT card can save you a lot of money as a visitor. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In Monterey, the following paid museums offer free or low-cost admission for up to four people with an EBT card, for you to visit before or after the aquarium:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mymuseum.org/\">Monterey County Youth Museum (MY Museum)\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://montereyart.org/\">Monterey Museum of Art – Pacific Street\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://montereyart.org/\">Monterey Museum of Art – La Mirada\u003c/a> (open only for special events and programs)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://montereyhistory.org/stanton-center/\">Monterey History and Art at Stanton Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>When asking for Museums for All tickets, remember that sometimes a staff member might be newer or hasn’t received their training on the Museums for All program yet and could be less familiar with the discount. If this happens when you arrive, we recommend staying patient and showing the staffer \u003ca href=\"https://museums4all.org/#!\">museum’s listing on the Museums for All site\u003c/a> on your phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tip #5: Remember you can use your EBT card for free museum tickets around the Bay Area too\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back in the Bay, many local museums are participating in the Museums for All program, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.calacademy.org/\">California Academy of Sciences\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.exploratorium.edu/\">Exploratorium\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://deyoung.famsf.org/\">de Young Museum\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://legionofhonor.famsf.org/\">Legion of Honor\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://chabotspace.org/\">Chabot Space and Science Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://museumca.org/\">Oakland Museum of California\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://filoli.org/\">Filoli Historic House and Garden\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfhsa.org/san-francisco-museums-all\">San Francisco also has its own local version of the Museums For All program, which covers \u003c/a>over 20 museums and cultural spaces and offers free or reduced admission to SF residents who are Medi-Cal recipients, as well as to EBT users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>See a \u003ca href=\"https://museums4all.org/#!\">full list of all the Bay Area museums participating in the Museums for All program\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11915329/how-to-get-free-or-low-cost-museum-entry-this-summer-with-your-ebt-card\">read more about using your EBT card to get free museum tickets.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting by KQED’s Jasmine Garnett, Sarah Mohamad and Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>About 1,500 graduate teaching assistants, researchers and others at UC Santa Cruz have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986910/uc-santa-cruz-academic-workers-strike-in-support-of-pro-palestinian-protesters\">walked off the job\u003c/a>, the first and so far only campus to take action after the union representing academic workers across the University of California authorized a strike over the recent handling of pro-Palestinian protests on its campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rolling walkout, in which campuses will be called on to join the picket line at times unbeknownst to the UC, is part of what the UAW 4811 union representing the academic workers is calling a “stand-up strike.” It’s a tactic that the local’s parent United Auto Workers union — which has roughly 100,000 members working for universities — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/11/12/1211602392/uaw-auto-strike-deals-ratified-big-three-shawn-fain\">rolled out against the Big Three automakers\u003c/a> last year.[aside postID=news_11986910,news_11986812,news_11986708,news_11985856 label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how long it will last or when other campuses will be called on, but in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/uaw_4811/status/1791512207563583777\">a video last week\u003c/a> calling on UC Santa Cruz student workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986767/uc-santa-cruz-academic-workers-to-strike-over-universitys-treatment-of-pro-palestinian-protesters\">to pause all teaching and research work\u003c/a> starting Monday, UAW 4811 President Rafael Jaime told others across the UC system to “stand by and prepare to stand up if your campus is called.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jess Fournier, the recording secretary for UAW 4811 at UC Santa Cruz, called the rolling strike a strategic move on the part of the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is very highly effective in the auto industry, and I think that one of the things that makes a strike in higher education unique is that often walking off the job for a single day does not create the kind of immediate stoppage in work [as in other industries],” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some campus groups, however, have called on the union to enact a much wider strike immediately. Rank and File for a Democratic Union, a group of UAW 4811 members at UCLA, released a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/uclarnf/status/1792648027120803938\">statement on Monday\u003c/a> urging the union to be “serious about causing ‘maximum disruption and chaos’” by calling a strike at their campus, which has the largest student population in the UC system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our actions must not be delayed, tempered, or symbolic. We affirm our strike readiness by taking action NOW,” the group said in a statement on X, formerly Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California Students for Justice in Palestine also urged the union to “immediately call a strike at all University of California Campuses” in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/NationalSJP/status/1792670620494315630\">social media post\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UAW 4811 leadership must support the demands of their rank-and-file workers and the broader grassroots movement for liberation,” the group said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, questions remain about wider support for the strike among the union representing UC academic workers. Although 79% of voting members supported authorizing a strike, voter turnout was low. Only about 19,780 of UAW 4811’s approximately 48,000 members cast ballots, compared with more than 36,000 academic workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.fairucnow.org/2022/11/02/press-release-nov-2-2022/\">participating\u003c/a> in the union’s 2022 strike authorization vote \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">during its collective bargaining process\u003c/a> with the university system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California has also filed an unfair labor practice suit against the union, calling the strike illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UAW’s decision to strike over nonlabor issues violates the no-strike clause of their contracts with UC and sets a dangerous and far-reaching precedent that social, political and cultural issues — no matter how valid — that are not labor-related can support a labor strike,” Melissa Matella, associate vice president of systemwide labor relations, said in a statement on May 16.[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UAW 4811 alleges that union members’ rights were violated by university leadership’s response to pro-Palestinian protest encampments, pointing to UCLA — where police did not intervene when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984762/ucs-campus-safety-plan-under-fire-as-violence-breaks-out-at-ucla-protest\">counter-protesters attacked overnight\u003c/a>, then violently broke up the encampment the following day, arresting more than 200 people — and to campus crackdowns at UC Irvine, where 47 protesters were arrested last week, and UC San Diego, where 64 people were arrested in early May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workplace issues in the sense that the University of California is bringing in police, allowing other people in the community to beat and mace workers in their place of work,” Fournier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re making threats about suspending or terminating workers without using the process that’s outlined in our contract, if they’re unilaterally locking workers out of their place of work on some of these campuses, all of these things are violations of our working conditions and the agreements we have with the university.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are very fired up about this,” Fournier told KQED. “We’re prepared to stay out and do this for the long haul, as long as it takes for the UC to resolve these unfair labor practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Hernandez-Jason, UC Santa Cruz’s assistant vice chancellor of communications and marketing, said in a statement on Monday that the campus’ goal throughout the strike will be to “minimize the disruptive impact, especially given the many educational and research challenges that have affected students and researchers in recent years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that multiple campus entrances were obstructed on Monday. The university transitioned to remote instruction \u003ca href=\"https://news.ucsc.edu/2024/05/slug-safe-instructional-update.html\">at least through Wednesday\u003c/a>. Many UC campuses, including Santa Cruz, have about a month left until the current academic term wraps up in mid-June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fournier told KQED that workers at Santa Cruz are prepared to picket at the campus’ two entrances daily from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. and continue a complete work stoppage until their demands are met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re ready to keep going for the long haul,” Fournier said. “We can imagine that if this does keep going, and the UC continues to be intransigent, more and more campuses are going to be out there with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>About 1,500 graduate teaching assistants, researchers and others at UC Santa Cruz have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986910/uc-santa-cruz-academic-workers-strike-in-support-of-pro-palestinian-protesters\">walked off the job\u003c/a>, the first and so far only campus to take action after the union representing academic workers across the University of California authorized a strike over the recent handling of pro-Palestinian protests on its campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rolling walkout, in which campuses will be called on to join the picket line at times unbeknownst to the UC, is part of what the UAW 4811 union representing the academic workers is calling a “stand-up strike.” It’s a tactic that the local’s parent United Auto Workers union — which has roughly 100,000 members working for universities — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/11/12/1211602392/uaw-auto-strike-deals-ratified-big-three-shawn-fain\">rolled out against the Big Three automakers\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how long it will last or when other campuses will be called on, but in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/uaw_4811/status/1791512207563583777\">a video last week\u003c/a> calling on UC Santa Cruz student workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986767/uc-santa-cruz-academic-workers-to-strike-over-universitys-treatment-of-pro-palestinian-protesters\">to pause all teaching and research work\u003c/a> starting Monday, UAW 4811 President Rafael Jaime told others across the UC system to “stand by and prepare to stand up if your campus is called.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jess Fournier, the recording secretary for UAW 4811 at UC Santa Cruz, called the rolling strike a strategic move on the part of the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is very highly effective in the auto industry, and I think that one of the things that makes a strike in higher education unique is that often walking off the job for a single day does not create the kind of immediate stoppage in work [as in other industries],” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some campus groups, however, have called on the union to enact a much wider strike immediately. Rank and File for a Democratic Union, a group of UAW 4811 members at UCLA, released a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/uclarnf/status/1792648027120803938\">statement on Monday\u003c/a> urging the union to be “serious about causing ‘maximum disruption and chaos’” by calling a strike at their campus, which has the largest student population in the UC system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our actions must not be delayed, tempered, or symbolic. We affirm our strike readiness by taking action NOW,” the group said in a statement on X, formerly Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California Students for Justice in Palestine also urged the union to “immediately call a strike at all University of California Campuses” in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/NationalSJP/status/1792670620494315630\">social media post\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UAW 4811 leadership must support the demands of their rank-and-file workers and the broader grassroots movement for liberation,” the group said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, questions remain about wider support for the strike among the union representing UC academic workers. Although 79% of voting members supported authorizing a strike, voter turnout was low. Only about 19,780 of UAW 4811’s approximately 48,000 members cast ballots, compared with more than 36,000 academic workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.fairucnow.org/2022/11/02/press-release-nov-2-2022/\">participating\u003c/a> in the union’s 2022 strike authorization vote \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">during its collective bargaining process\u003c/a> with the university system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California has also filed an unfair labor practice suit against the union, calling the strike illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UAW’s decision to strike over nonlabor issues violates the no-strike clause of their contracts with UC and sets a dangerous and far-reaching precedent that social, political and cultural issues — no matter how valid — that are not labor-related can support a labor strike,” Melissa Matella, associate vice president of systemwide labor relations, said in a statement on May 16.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UAW 4811 alleges that union members’ rights were violated by university leadership’s response to pro-Palestinian protest encampments, pointing to UCLA — where police did not intervene when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984762/ucs-campus-safety-plan-under-fire-as-violence-breaks-out-at-ucla-protest\">counter-protesters attacked overnight\u003c/a>, then violently broke up the encampment the following day, arresting more than 200 people — and to campus crackdowns at UC Irvine, where 47 protesters were arrested last week, and UC San Diego, where 64 people were arrested in early May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workplace issues in the sense that the University of California is bringing in police, allowing other people in the community to beat and mace workers in their place of work,” Fournier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re making threats about suspending or terminating workers without using the process that’s outlined in our contract, if they’re unilaterally locking workers out of their place of work on some of these campuses, all of these things are violations of our working conditions and the agreements we have with the university.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are very fired up about this,” Fournier told KQED. “We’re prepared to stay out and do this for the long haul, as long as it takes for the UC to resolve these unfair labor practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Hernandez-Jason, UC Santa Cruz’s assistant vice chancellor of communications and marketing, said in a statement on Monday that the campus’ goal throughout the strike will be to “minimize the disruptive impact, especially given the many educational and research challenges that have affected students and researchers in recent years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that multiple campus entrances were obstructed on Monday. The university transitioned to remote instruction \u003ca href=\"https://news.ucsc.edu/2024/05/slug-safe-instructional-update.html\">at least through Wednesday\u003c/a>. Many UC campuses, including Santa Cruz, have about a month left until the current academic term wraps up in mid-June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fournier told KQED that workers at Santa Cruz are prepared to picket at the campus’ two entrances daily from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. and continue a complete work stoppage until their demands are met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re ready to keep going for the long haul,” Fournier said. “We can imagine that if this does keep going, and the UC continues to be intransigent, more and more campuses are going to be out there with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As California Forever continues its campaign to build a new city in Solano County, the billionaire-backed company announced on Tuesday that it had paid $500,000 in grants to 45 nonprofits working within the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The awardees include Dixon Family Services, the Food Bank of Contra Costa and Solano, Journey Downtown Theater and the Boys & Girls Empowerment Group in Vallejo. A representative from California Forever said the money has already been distributed, though they did not disclose how much each organization received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before announcing the grant program in December, company representatives “listened to what the community wanted and needed,” said Michael Fortney, who was part of California Forever’s citizens advisory committee last year and later became the company’s director of partnerships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the team heard over and over, ‘We need nonprofit money,’” he said. “And a lot of people came back and said, ‘We don’t want [the money] to be tied to the ballot initiative. You need to prove to us that you’re willing to come in and be a good partner and a good stakeholder in the community.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the grants announced Tuesday are only the first round of community funding, according to California Forever, all future money is tied to the November ballot initiative that would clear the way for the new city. That includes $500 million in what the company is calling “community benefits commitments” that would go toward housing, education, parks and family farms, and $200 million that would go toward investing in and renovating homes, offices and shops in downtown Benicia, Dixon, Fairfield, Rio Vista, Suisun City, Vacaville and Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initial round of funding comes with no strings attached, Fortney said, and some of the organizations have not publicly expressed their support for the ballot initiative yet. Others offered their thanks to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so few direct services available for unhoused transitional-aged youth in Vallejo,” said Adjoa McDonald, the founder of the youth services organization Vallejo Project. “[California Forever]’s resources will ensure that a handful of the many vulnerable youth in our community have the skills and mentors needed to establish gainful employment.”[aside tag=\"california-forever\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986569/california-forever-says-12-start-ups-will-open-workplaces-in-its-new-city\">California Forever announced a partnership with 12 companies\u003c/a> that promised to open factories, farms and offices in the new town if approved. Representatives also announced plans to build one of the largest solar farms in the state, using local labor to construct and operate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many of the companies are based in California, some are start-ups, and some skeptics of the plan wonder whether those companies will still be able to fulfill their promise after a decade, when the town will potentially be built and ready to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the coming weeks, company representatives have said California Forever will announce another round of employer partnerships and more details about its promises of increased recreation and entertainment opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California Forever continues its campaign to build a new city in Solano County, the billionaire-backed company announced on Tuesday that it had paid $500,000 in grants to 45 nonprofits working within the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The awardees include Dixon Family Services, the Food Bank of Contra Costa and Solano, Journey Downtown Theater and the Boys & Girls Empowerment Group in Vallejo. A representative from California Forever said the money has already been distributed, though they did not disclose how much each organization received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before announcing the grant program in December, company representatives “listened to what the community wanted and needed,” said Michael Fortney, who was part of California Forever’s citizens advisory committee last year and later became the company’s director of partnerships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the team heard over and over, ‘We need nonprofit money,’” he said. “And a lot of people came back and said, ‘We don’t want [the money] to be tied to the ballot initiative. You need to prove to us that you’re willing to come in and be a good partner and a good stakeholder in the community.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the grants announced Tuesday are only the first round of community funding, according to California Forever, all future money is tied to the November ballot initiative that would clear the way for the new city. That includes $500 million in what the company is calling “community benefits commitments” that would go toward housing, education, parks and family farms, and $200 million that would go toward investing in and renovating homes, offices and shops in downtown Benicia, Dixon, Fairfield, Rio Vista, Suisun City, Vacaville and Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initial round of funding comes with no strings attached, Fortney said, and some of the organizations have not publicly expressed their support for the ballot initiative yet. Others offered their thanks to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so few direct services available for unhoused transitional-aged youth in Vallejo,” said Adjoa McDonald, the founder of the youth services organization Vallejo Project. “[California Forever]’s resources will ensure that a handful of the many vulnerable youth in our community have the skills and mentors needed to establish gainful employment.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "BONUS: The Whistleblower Playbook | S2: New Folsom",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sukey sits down with Mary Inman and Poppy Alexander, two whistleblower attorneys who talk about the cost of speaking up, and unpack the playbook that employers use to keep people quiet. They also discuss a shift in thinking that can protect both whistleblowers and their organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC4625892902\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Whistleblower resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblower.law/\">Whistleblower Partners, LLP\u003c/a> (where Mary and Poppy are partners)\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://www.thelamplighterproject.org\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Lamplighter Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://thesignalsnetwork.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Signals Network\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://empowr.us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">EMPOWR\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowersofamerica.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblowers of America\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistleblower.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Government Accountability Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowers.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">National Whistleblower Center\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistlebloweraid.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblower Aid\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Mary Inman was profiled in the New Yorker piece, \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2019/02/04/the-personal-toll-of-whistle-blowing\">“The Personal Toll of Whistleblowing.”\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Chris Egusa: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we start, I just wanted to give you a heads up that this episode references suicide. If you or someone you know needs support, we’ve got links to resources in the episode description. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi, listeners, it’s Sukey. We’re back. Over the next few weeks, we’re going to be bringing you some brand new bonus episodes. We’re going to dip into some of the stories that didn’t make it in the podcast, and talk to some experts to help us understand Correctional Officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele in a broader light. We’re starting off this week with a really interesting conversation about what it means to be a whistleblower. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When my colleague Julie first spoke to Val Senior about his son and his friend, Sergeant Kevin Steele, he was hesitant to call them whistleblowers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That name doesn’t do justice to people that have come forward, for me. When we were kids, being a whistleblower is tattletale. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oh, see I think of it as heroic. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The term and its many fraught interpretations are woven throughout our story. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dion Green: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But I’m a whistleblower rat for ex- exposing this ongoing corruption of staff and that I need to be taken out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sgt. Kevin Steele: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It can take on a bad connotation sometimes, but it is, again, a government program intended to expose corruption. That’s what it’s designed for. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tinkerbell: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I still haven’t been confirmed with whistleblower status, so that’s another reason why I’m a little still… I mean, I would venture to say that hopefully, the legal system would protect me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so we wanted to spend some time talking to two people who can help us understand this term and the challenges of coming forward. Thank you both so much for coming in. Could we just start off by having you each introduce yourselves? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sure. My name’s Mary Inman. I’m a partner at the law firm Whistleblower Partners, and I’m in the San Francisco office, and we specialize in representing whistleblowers under the various U.S. whistleblower reward programs. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I am Poppy Alexander. I am Mary’s partner here at Whistleblower Partners in the San Francisco office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We wanted to talk to Mary and Poppy to better understand the journey that Officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele went through to become whistleblowers, and to see if they had any solutions for how to better support people like them in the future. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, yeah, these were two correctional officers. Well, one was a correctional officer, the other was a correctional sergeant, who both took it upon themselves to report the misconduct of their fellow officers, which is, you know, a very difficult thing to do. And, you know, had pretty serious consequences because of it. And I was just wondering, Mary, if you can put their stories in a broader context, you know, how common are experiences like theirs, among whistleblowers that you speak to or that you have, you know, studied? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Unfortunately, the experiences that both Valentino and Sergeant Steele had are incredibly common. There seems to be a playbook that organizations — whether they’re private or public — have when someone blows the whistle. It’s often people reverting to what I call a ‘medieval mindset,’ where the playbook says we shoot the messenger to divert attention from the message. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that certainly seems very much to be the case that happened here. But it happens regardless of industry or sector. Poppy and I have represented whistleblowers in the tech sector, in health care, in transportation, in finance, and it’s very similar. When you would hope that what a whistleblower does is just shine a light on a fraud for people to look at it or wrongdoing for people to examine it is incredibly demoralizing to a whistleblower that the spotlight gets moved away from that and shown solidly on them. And that can be incredibly disorienting and incredibly demoralizing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mary is absolutely right. We see this all the time in every industry. But I do think that there’s something special about the prison context here. We’re talking about folks who are literally locked up, whether you are a guard or you’re a prisoner, you’re in the same space. You’re sort of stuck together. That is inevitably going to lead to a different mentality that is very much about, you know, circling up, guarding the wagons. That is more extreme even than what we see in sort of the normal context as well. There is a real incentive in these kinds of spaces to guard the institution, to shoot the messenger, to keep the doors closed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s all these perceptions from very- when we’re a very young age that, you know, you don’t rat out or you don’t tattle. That is just magnified a thousand fold when you enter the scenario of military or security or in this case, prison guards. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And peace officers as well, kind of have, you know, a unique bind or perhaps a unique bind, which is that they’re often both required by policy to report misconduct and not insulated from retaliation if they do so. And if they end up stepping outside the chain of command to report misconduct, you know, to the media, for example, they can get disciplined for sharing confidential information. And I think it also just makes it so difficult for peace officers, in particular, to know what the right thing to do is, you know, they’re they’re bound by all these conflicting rules. And then where does their own moral compass come into things? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I totally agree, and I think, as you were pointing out, Sukey, the the fact that there can be all of these competing obligations that you have… One of the things that can be most difficult is what was present here — is that the wrongdoing that both Valentino and Sergeant Steele were trying to expose went to the very top. And so it can be- it feels like it’s, it’s futile in a way to expose that internally when you’re exposing it to the very chain of command that’s engaged in the wrongdoing. I do understand that, you know, the Office of Internal Affairs is supposed to be, you know, playing a particular ro- role, but it’s incredibly fraught when the fraud has really been designed, and the architects of the fraud are the people who really control your fate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And as you’re saying, you know, if the whistleblower is exposed internally, that can create incredible psychological and emotional pressures on them. And I think we saw that with both Sergeant Kevin Steele and Valentino Rodriguez, in that kind of isolation and ostracization that they experienced. There are also a number of other officers, you know, who have died by suicide after reporting misconduct and feeling like everyone has turned against them, and I think also that their efforts aren’t aren’t- don’t amount to anything. So that frustration that, ‘I did risk so much, I did put my ass on the line to expose the misconduct. And still there’s nothing being done.’ I know you have, you know, this is an area that’s near and dear to your work, Mary. Can you talk a little bit about the psychosocial impacts of whistleblowing and, you know, these very, very serious, you know, deadly consequences? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. I mean, I think we’ve seen this, you’re alluding to, unfortunately, I’ve had the great tragedy of losing two clients in my life. And one of them, The New Yorker did an article talking about the personal toll of whistleblowing. But we’ve also seen it very recently with John Barnett, who’s the whistleblower in the, in the, in the Boeing case, who it appears that he took his life. There’s still, you know, I think some questions about that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So I think one of the hardest pieces, and where I think we would all be really well served, is creating a level of psychosocial support, not just for whistleblowers, which I think is vital, but also for the first responders, for the people who deal with whistleblowers — for lawyers like myself. I learned the hard way on having to know more about resources that whistleblowers need. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the best things that anyone can do when they’re first dealing with a whistleblower, whether it’s someone in H.R., or it’s the lawyers who they ultimately come to, or even the media, is to say, ‘I believe you.’ Right? Because that’s the issue, is that they have been in this unreality where, you know, they have been made the problem, and the problem they’re seeking to expose has been swept under the rug. So their whole world has been turned upside down and they’ve lost their support network. So everyone at work now knows that they are, you know, they’re radioactive. ‘Don’t do what you know, Valentino did because it’s not it’s not going to inure to your benefit.’ \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So all of a sudden you’re- you’re isolated. You’ve lost your support network. Then you magnify this by going at home and you’ve lost your job, and your spouse is now or your significant other is incredibly angry, and resentful. So you, you know, the walls do start to feel like they’re closing in. And that’s why I think society we’re at a point — we need whistleblowers so much. They’re often I, I like to say the ‘Fifth Estate.’ They’re they’re a lot of the folks who are actually exposing and holding people to account, but yet we don’t have the even most basic, psycho- psychosocial supports for these people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it feels like this kind of vicious cycle as well, too, that, you know, then because you’re under the psychological pressure and you, you know, begin to feel gaslit or what have you or you do take your life, then we see these cases where the employer or the organization can point at them and say, ‘Look, see, we don’t have to believe what they said. They were the ones having trouble. They were the one, you know, they were in mental distress. They were crazy.’ And so discount their reports even after, you know, their deaths. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, first of all, that’s not good logic. And secondly, I hope that the folks, the other folks that that message is directed to, which, of course, is the other employees can recognize how circular that logic is and how self-serving, and how it simply doesn’t reflect the truth. And again, that’s why it’s so important that those whistleblowers who are in a position to do so can be public and can come forward and say, ‘Look: I did this. I survived, and this is what the process looks like.’ No one sets out to be a whistleblower. No one. You know, this is not anyone’s life goal or career aspiration. It happens. You’re forced into it for all sorts of different reasons. And knowing that people have come before and have made it through to the other side is really important. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Totally agree. And I think one of the one of the hardest things for whistleblowers that results in these, very desperate situations in terms of whistleblowers taking their own lives, I think, is that whistleblowers start out not thinking that they’re whistleblowers at all. They’re just trying to expose wrongdoing. And then the world gets turned upside down and the wrongdoing is ignored and the spotlight gets turned on them, that they’re the problem. What makes it so difficult is that I think they have an abiding sense of, ‘There’s an injustice, there’s something wrong, and it hasn’t been addressed. And yet all of this energy, like enormous amounts of energy and resources which could have been used to address the problem, are now being focused on me as the problem.’\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think those are just- it’s so hard to reconcile that. And I think one of the best services that Poppy and I can offer is to describe the playbook to the whistleblower and say, ‘If you talk to me early on, I’m going to spell out for you how this is going to go.’ And then at least it takes some of the sting out of it. And it’s, it’s really quite ironic. Our clients are like, ‘You are completely prescient. Do you have a crystal ball? Like, how did you know this was going to happen?’ And we just said, unfortunately, this is just the path. And so if you know that that’s going to happen and you can try and plan for it, it does help whistleblowers to at least absorb those blows. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I think that, like you’re talking about the psychological journey of the whistleblower. And I think, you know, especially for Sergeant Kevin Steele, he… he really did you kind of see this arc of his, you know, disillusionment with his institution and that the place that he begins in is one of such faith in these, you know, pillars that he believed in and that were of, you know, fairness and accountability. And, you know, he’s just so kind of by the book, dude. And the betrayal that he experienced when he did try to report misconduct and having that not be taken seriously was incredibly crushing to him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. I mean, I think with Sergeant Steele, it’s a particularly acute scenario because in addition to him feeling, you know, having the expectation that all of these policies and, you know, oaths that they took would be taken seriously. And to have the scales fall from your eyes is, you know, it’s a very disillusioning process. But I think what magnified it for him and amplified it, is that he became close with Valentino’s father and he was really traumatized by Valentino’s death, and this question of whether or not this was, you know, a suspicious death. Whether he died under particular circumstances. So I think there was also a level of guilt, because Valentino was on his team and someone that he should protect. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is absolutely the same thing we see. I- we see this day in and day out with whistleblowers in terms of the journeys that they have. And I think that a lot of us have observed this that there’s sort of this culture, at least, at least in the United States, as to whistleblowing that they’re either heroes or villains. And I think a lot of us believe that one of the best things, psychologically, for whistleblowers is if we could normalize it. They don’t want to be either. And I think that that is probably one of the things that they get caught up in \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Laughs]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is in this, in this sort of dilemma. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We saw with the MeToo movement that a lot of this is- the psychological journey can also involve gaslighting and starting to doubt yourself. I think that’s what we see with Sergeant Steele is that he believed all of these things to be true. And then his reality started to change. And then that really makes you start to doubt yourself. And, and the circling the wagons phenomenon that Poppy talked about just makes this worse, is that everybody else is trying to suggest that this is not how it happened. And you start to then that makes even more self-doubt, which can be a very vicious cycle. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s interesting. There’s some studies that talk a lot about what happens to whistleblowers. Because of the pressures they lose their friends, they lose their social network. And so the New England Journal of Medicine did a study on pharmaceutical whistleblowers who expose the pharmaceutical industry. You know, they’re seeing higher incidences of divorce, of depression, anxiety, substance abuse. I think these are all outward indicators of tools that- and the occasion of what happens when, you know, you expose something and then, instead of it being corrected, it gets covered up. And then you yourself, as the whistleblower, often become persona non grata. The retaliation is done by your employer as a way to send a signal to other whistleblowers, ‘You shouldn’t do this.’ So your sort of almost made, basically made an example of. So I think all of these are, you know, is an environment that’s just incredibly difficult. And it adds insult to injury. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You mentioned the MeToo movement, and I think one of the things that we have found in our reporting as well, is how, you know, discrimination, misogyny, racism also become tools to enforce the code of silence and to keep people from speaking up. I mean, I know as a woman, that feeling of like, oh, I’ve got to be cool to get along. You know, I’m not going to like, rock the boat or push back if somebody makes an inappropriate comment — you know, taken to a much more serious level, obviously, with Valentino Rodriguez. But does that translate to other contexts outside the prison as well? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Absolutely. Unfortunately, we see this a lot. It is rarer than any of us would like to see female whistleblowers, to see whistleblowers of color. And so much of that has to do with that mentality you just mentioned. That, you know, ‘we’re trained to get along,’ and we’re trained that ‘to get along’ means to value the traditional workplace culture of white cis men. And that obviously is amplified in the prison context. But that’s true everywhere. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I- this is my completely uneducated guess, but I do feel like we’re starting to see a shift there. And certainly starting to see more female whistleblowers just coming in the door. And I do wonder how much of that is the MeToo movement. I wonder how much of that is people just being fed up with that attitude. But it still is very much a problem. And, you know, as Mary said, we have this tradition of we either see whistleblowers as heroes or villains, but either way, it’s oftentimes this sort of mentality of, you know, the single man standing alone on the hilltop shouting, you know, shouting the truth. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And that’s not true. Women have been whistleblowers forever. People of color have been whistleblowers forever. They have found other ways to make sure that that information gets out. You know, some have been very public about it. Erin Brockovich is, you know, maybe the quintessential example on some level. But, and other people do it in different ways. They help their community. They make sure that the information gets out via a whisper network, what have you. There’s all sorts of strategies to make sure that the truth gets told. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But when it comes to this sort of ‘in-group outgroup mentality’ of making sure that you were sort of getting along in a confined space, whether that’s a workplace, whether that’s a prison, whether that’s whatever it might be, there certainly are added incentives to put your head down, do your work, ignore what is oftentimes right in front of your face as a wrong. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I agree, the power differential is something that is really significant, right? In terms of you see, a lot of studies have shown that women and people of color are more likely to leave an organization than to report. And I do think that MeToo started to show us a way that, if we can create a solidarity among whistleblowers, I think that’s one of the strongest way we can encourage, reporting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I would love to see us have more avenues to find ways to bring whistleblowers together. So it isn’t, just that lone wolf as Poppy said. But that there are multiple people linking arms, saying that this happened to them as well. And then you really do have to pay, give it more credence than if it’s just one sole person. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Ad break]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think within, you know, the California Department of Corrections and going back to the policy of their, you know, ban on the code of silence, there’s been an unintended consequence, at least according — or maybe it’s intended, I don’t know — but at least according to the correctional officers that we spoke to, which is that if you don’t report right away, you can then get in trouble when you report later. Like, if you see an incident happen, excessive use of force, maybe you’re fearful to come forward initially, and then you- you gather that internal fortitude and you decide to make that report, you can often then get disciplined for, you know, holding to the code of silence thus far. And it creates a disincentive to come forward rather than, you know, the stated purpose of this policy, which is to create an incentive to come forward. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s such a challenge. You know, we have clients who come forward sometimes and tell us about information that’s many, many years old. And there’s lots of reasons why they might suddenly wake up one day and say, ‘Now’s the time. I have to tell someone.’ Of course, it’s probably better in terms of trying to solve problems, when people come to us with fresh information, we can usually do more with it. But that doesn’t mean that that’s a less valid whistleblower simply because they waited. It usually means that there’s something else going on in their lives that prevented them from coming forward first. And we need to recognize that in how we design our policies and how we think through this. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, we’ve heard from a number of correctional officers since the podcast came out saying that just hearing these stories made them feel like, you know, they might have an opportunity to speak up. \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Laughs]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And that’s, you know, really heartening, obviously, in terms of just the rewarding work of getting these voices out into the world. But I’ve also talked to correctional officers who have, you know, tried to get whistleblower protections, and often they want to do it before they blow the whistle. They want to know, like, ‘Oh, I’m going to be protected ahead of time. Like, where do I go to, you know, get my whistleblower card or whatever.’ \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Laughs]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And, you know, from my understanding, it really doesn’t work like that. Like it’s very based on, you know, retroactive retaliation. And if you can prove that you were retaliated against, maybe you can get some retroactive protection. But can either of you address that issue? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think there really, it can be very difficult to prove retaliation. Sort of the statistics of the ability of someone to succeed in a retaliation claim in the United States are very dire. \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Laughs]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They’re not great. And I think part of that is because it’s very difficult to prove that you were retaliated against for speaking up as compared to some- any other reason that someone can pretextual come up with, right? Like, oh, you’re chronically late, even though your chronic lateness was something that everyone tolerated for years. But until you spoke up, then all of a sudden that becomes a problem. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is there something that needs to change in the law to make that an easier argument to make, or to, you know, the lower the standard of proof that you have to reach in order to prove that retaliation happened? What are some fixes that you see for that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, it’s interesting, in Europe there’s now something called the European Whistleblowing Directive. And one of the changes that they made that I would love to see being made across all of the various retaliation protections laws, is this burden- shifting the burden of proof. That the burden initially, and for too long, remains on the plaintiff. To have to prove that, you know, they were retaliated against because they spoke up. And if we can reverse- shift that burden of proof and put it on the employer, actually, to prove that, you know, they did do it for a legitimate reason, I think that would be one concrete way that we could improve the odds that people could succeed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think the, you know, looking domestically, I think the SEC also provides a really excellent model here where the SEC takes very seriously any accusations of retaliation related to someone who has reported securities fraud to the, to the agency. And they take it very seriously and they, you know, will tell employers at every opportunity that they take it very seriously. And that public messaging has been extremely important and protective. And then oftentimes it then puts whistleblowers in the somewhat uncomfortable position of having to decide where they’re going to publicly declare to the company that they, in fact, did report to the SEC, because then that does provide them some level of protection. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That only applies to some small subset of the whistle blowing world. But there’s no reason that has to be true. There’s lots of other ways to try to build off of that same level of protection that we see. There’s other agencies that are involved and whistle-blowing in all sorts of forms, we have- you know, OSHA is involved in many of these cases. There’s- we have lots of agencies here. So I think there’s lots of other strategies to try to build in more of a protection. But it does. It always starts with culture. Right? And that’s culture both from the government side of telling companies and telling organizations what’s important. And then of course, it starts on the company side. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. I think the- the long tail of fear that correctional officers experience after- even after they leave… Like, they’ve retired for years, but they’re still afraid to speak up. They don’t know if their pension can be taken away. They don’t know what power the institution still has over them. There’s also, you know, obviously just their their friendship groups and their culture that they’re afraid of losing. But there’s just this very long tail of oppression, I would say, that they experience psychologically and that it’s not entirely dissipated when they leave the prison at all. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Absolutely. And you know, so, so many times prisons, right, are and very small towns. And so even if you’re not working at the prison, you’re still- most other people in the town are going to be. And that then means there’s really no way to sort of escape that. But of course, you shouldn’t have to. You shouldn’t have to lose all your friends and community simply because you’re willing to take a stand and tell the truth. That should never be a consequence of telling the truth. And- but of course it acts as a disincentive for coming forward, for speaking out against the pack, for what have you, which can only be remedied by changing the culture, can only be remedied by encouraging people to see that as a good. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And Sukey, you’re right that the retaliation doesn’t stop when they leave the prison. And there’s sort of a long tail of retaliation, right? Which is often when you go to that next job, unfortunately that next employer will often call for a recommendation or a reference to your existing employer. And, we often see that even if they’re not doing it directly, there’s word of mouth that, ‘You don’t want this person. This is, this person is disloyal. They, you know, they’ve exposed us and created all this difficulty. They’re a troublemaker and you shouldn’t hire them.’ \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so that certainly, you know, in the case of my whistleblower client that was featured in \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The New Yorker\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, that was really ultimately his undoing, right? Is that he ended up, because he couldn’t leave the, the part of Florida where he was practicing. He would get interviews and get to a certain place, and then in, in getting his next job position. And when it got to that reference point and they’d say like, ‘Oh, he seems great.’ And you get all these signals. And then all of a sudden when it came to closing the deal, they would never hire him. So that ends up in you draining your 401K, you now don’t have, you know, you’re no longer gainfully employed, and now you’re blocklisted or blacklisted. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So I think that is one of the other problems that just makes it, again, incredibly insidious that… I always talk about there’s this ‘Scarlet W’ on your chest that’s emblazoned. And that you may want to put it down, you may even want to put down the mantle of whistleblower, but often you’re not allowed to. And that is a cross that you are bearing again and again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, one of the things that really struck me just doing this reporting is the disconnect between the formal institutional stance, which says, you know, ‘The code of silence is banned. And we want, you know, we take all reports of employee misconduct very seriously, and we want people to come forward.’ And then that what actually happens in response to that. And I’m just wondering if either of you can speak to… is there a policy change that can fix this? Or because there is this disconnect already between policy and action, you know, do we need a different intervention? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is a cultural problem much more than a policy problem. Though the policies obviously are then tied together because if you know that the company’s policy is that they’re going to, you know, they’re going to take every whistleblower complaint with this huge grain of salt, they’re not going to start from the presumption that the whistleblower is correct. They’re not going to start from the presumption, which is usually true, that the whistleblower is reporting this because they love the company or the organization or, you know, the group. They’re doing it out of love. They’re doing it because they want it to be better. They’ve, you know, they found a problem and they want to fix the problem, and they want to do it before someone from the outside finds out about the problem. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That so often is what the energy is that our clients bring when they’re coming forward. And what they’re met with is this culture of silence there. You know, you talk into a black box, you never hear what happens again. All too often, our clients say to us that we are the first person to ever listen to them about what they’re talking about. And that’s sad because we are never someone’s first call. We really aren’t. They’re always trying to get some change to happen before they resort to calling a whistleblower attorney — as as they should be, quite honestly. And if smart organizations and smart companies would just listen to their whistleblowers, they would put us out of a job. But that’s good. That would be better for everybody. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I agree, and there’s some really great empirical data and research coming out of George Washington University and the University of Utah that really reinforces this idea that whistleblowers are actually your best risk management tool. They’re the canaries in the coal mine that actually help you see a problem before we’re all overtaken by noxious fumes. And this research really basically underscores that companies that actually see whistleblowers in this way as, as, you know, people who can help mitigate risks and deal with problems before they metastasize into something like a big public relations scandal… If you use them in this way, it actually allows companies to be more profitable. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So I think one of the biggest things that needs to happen is just an education on who whistleblowers really are. As Poppy said, whistleblowers are- not only are they not disloyal, they are your \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">most\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> loyal employees because it takes a lot of intestinal fortitude to be the type of employee who is going to tell you the hard truths at considerable potential risk to themselves. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you for coming into the studio and just lending your expertise and your empathy to this conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, it’s been a real pleasure to be on this podcast. It’s a real testament that the only way we’re going to get change is, is to, you know, point to really great investigative journalists like this. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Absolutely. It’s, it’s a horrible topic, but it brings great joy to talk about it because it’s so important and so misunderstood, quite honestly, I think, so much about the process of whistleblowing. And so every opportunity to be able to talk about it and really go in depth as you are in this podcast series is just invaluable. And it’s invaluable for the future whistleblowers, for the next person who finds themself in an uncomfortable situation where they really need to speak up and they don’t know what it means and they don’t know how. You know, the education of learning what that process looks like is something we all need to work on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Again, that was Poppy Alexander and Mary Inman. They are also working right now with federal legislators to try and introduce a bill that would provide mental health support for whistleblowers. We have a link to Mary and Poppy’s website in our episode description, along with other resources for whistleblowers. Please continue to send tips or feedback about the series to On Our Watch at K-Q-E-D dot O-R-G. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This episode was hosted by me, Sukey Lewis. It was edited by Jen Chien, who is also KQED’s Director of Podcasts. It was produced, scored, and cut by Chris Egusa. Final mixing by Christopher Beale. Original music by Ramtin Arablouei, including our theme song. Additional music from APM Music and Audio Network. Funding for On Our Watch is provided in part by Arnold Ventures and the California Endowment. Thank you to Katie Sprenger, our Podcast Operations Manager, our Managing Editor of News and Enterprise, Otis, R. Taylor, Jr., Ethan Toven-Lindsay, our Vice President of News, and KQED Chief Content Officer Holly Kernan. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And thanks to all of you for listening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sukey sits down with Mary Inman and Poppy Alexander, two whistleblower attorneys who talk about the cost of speaking up, and unpack the playbook that employers use to keep people quiet. They also discuss a shift in thinking that can protect both whistleblowers and their organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC4625892902\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Whistleblower resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblower.law/\">Whistleblower Partners, LLP\u003c/a> (where Mary and Poppy are partners)\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://www.thelamplighterproject.org\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Lamplighter Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://thesignalsnetwork.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Signals Network\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://empowr.us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">EMPOWR\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowersofamerica.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblowers of America\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistleblower.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Government Accountability Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.whistleblowers.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">National Whistleblower Center\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://whistlebloweraid.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whistleblower Aid\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Mary Inman was profiled in the New Yorker piece, \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2019/02/04/the-personal-toll-of-whistle-blowing\">“The Personal Toll of Whistleblowing.”\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Chris Egusa: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we start, I just wanted to give you a heads up that this episode references suicide. If you or someone you know needs support, we’ve got links to resources in the episode description. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi, listeners, it’s Sukey. We’re back. Over the next few weeks, we’re going to be bringing you some brand new bonus episodes. We’re going to dip into some of the stories that didn’t make it in the podcast, and talk to some experts to help us understand Correctional Officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele in a broader light. We’re starting off this week with a really interesting conversation about what it means to be a whistleblower. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When my colleague Julie first spoke to Val Senior about his son and his friend, Sergeant Kevin Steele, he was hesitant to call them whistleblowers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Valentino Rodriguez, Sr.: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That name doesn’t do justice to people that have come forward, for me. When we were kids, being a whistleblower is tattletale. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oh, see I think of it as heroic. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The term and its many fraught interpretations are woven throughout our story. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dion Green: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But I’m a whistleblower rat for ex- exposing this ongoing corruption of staff and that I need to be taken out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sgt. Kevin Steele: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It can take on a bad connotation sometimes, but it is, again, a government program intended to expose corruption. That’s what it’s designed for. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tinkerbell: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I still haven’t been confirmed with whistleblower status, so that’s another reason why I’m a little still… I mean, I would venture to say that hopefully, the legal system would protect me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so we wanted to spend some time talking to two people who can help us understand this term and the challenges of coming forward. Thank you both so much for coming in. Could we just start off by having you each introduce yourselves? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sure. My name’s Mary Inman. I’m a partner at the law firm Whistleblower Partners, and I’m in the San Francisco office, and we specialize in representing whistleblowers under the various U.S. whistleblower reward programs. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I am Poppy Alexander. I am Mary’s partner here at Whistleblower Partners in the San Francisco office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We wanted to talk to Mary and Poppy to better understand the journey that Officer Valentino Rodriguez and Sergeant Kevin Steele went through to become whistleblowers, and to see if they had any solutions for how to better support people like them in the future. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, yeah, these were two correctional officers. Well, one was a correctional officer, the other was a correctional sergeant, who both took it upon themselves to report the misconduct of their fellow officers, which is, you know, a very difficult thing to do. And, you know, had pretty serious consequences because of it. And I was just wondering, Mary, if you can put their stories in a broader context, you know, how common are experiences like theirs, among whistleblowers that you speak to or that you have, you know, studied? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Unfortunately, the experiences that both Valentino and Sergeant Steele had are incredibly common. There seems to be a playbook that organizations — whether they’re private or public — have when someone blows the whistle. It’s often people reverting to what I call a ‘medieval mindset,’ where the playbook says we shoot the messenger to divert attention from the message. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that certainly seems very much to be the case that happened here. But it happens regardless of industry or sector. Poppy and I have represented whistleblowers in the tech sector, in health care, in transportation, in finance, and it’s very similar. When you would hope that what a whistleblower does is just shine a light on a fraud for people to look at it or wrongdoing for people to examine it is incredibly demoralizing to a whistleblower that the spotlight gets moved away from that and shown solidly on them. And that can be incredibly disorienting and incredibly demoralizing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mary is absolutely right. We see this all the time in every industry. But I do think that there’s something special about the prison context here. We’re talking about folks who are literally locked up, whether you are a guard or you’re a prisoner, you’re in the same space. You’re sort of stuck together. That is inevitably going to lead to a different mentality that is very much about, you know, circling up, guarding the wagons. That is more extreme even than what we see in sort of the normal context as well. There is a real incentive in these kinds of spaces to guard the institution, to shoot the messenger, to keep the doors closed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s all these perceptions from very- when we’re a very young age that, you know, you don’t rat out or you don’t tattle. That is just magnified a thousand fold when you enter the scenario of military or security or in this case, prison guards. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And peace officers as well, kind of have, you know, a unique bind or perhaps a unique bind, which is that they’re often both required by policy to report misconduct and not insulated from retaliation if they do so. And if they end up stepping outside the chain of command to report misconduct, you know, to the media, for example, they can get disciplined for sharing confidential information. And I think it also just makes it so difficult for peace officers, in particular, to know what the right thing to do is, you know, they’re they’re bound by all these conflicting rules. And then where does their own moral compass come into things? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I totally agree, and I think, as you were pointing out, Sukey, the the fact that there can be all of these competing obligations that you have… One of the things that can be most difficult is what was present here — is that the wrongdoing that both Valentino and Sergeant Steele were trying to expose went to the very top. And so it can be- it feels like it’s, it’s futile in a way to expose that internally when you’re exposing it to the very chain of command that’s engaged in the wrongdoing. I do understand that, you know, the Office of Internal Affairs is supposed to be, you know, playing a particular ro- role, but it’s incredibly fraught when the fraud has really been designed, and the architects of the fraud are the people who really control your fate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And as you’re saying, you know, if the whistleblower is exposed internally, that can create incredible psychological and emotional pressures on them. And I think we saw that with both Sergeant Kevin Steele and Valentino Rodriguez, in that kind of isolation and ostracization that they experienced. There are also a number of other officers, you know, who have died by suicide after reporting misconduct and feeling like everyone has turned against them, and I think also that their efforts aren’t aren’t- don’t amount to anything. So that frustration that, ‘I did risk so much, I did put my ass on the line to expose the misconduct. And still there’s nothing being done.’ I know you have, you know, this is an area that’s near and dear to your work, Mary. Can you talk a little bit about the psychosocial impacts of whistleblowing and, you know, these very, very serious, you know, deadly consequences? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. I mean, I think we’ve seen this, you’re alluding to, unfortunately, I’ve had the great tragedy of losing two clients in my life. And one of them, The New Yorker did an article talking about the personal toll of whistleblowing. But we’ve also seen it very recently with John Barnett, who’s the whistleblower in the, in the, in the Boeing case, who it appears that he took his life. There’s still, you know, I think some questions about that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So I think one of the hardest pieces, and where I think we would all be really well served, is creating a level of psychosocial support, not just for whistleblowers, which I think is vital, but also for the first responders, for the people who deal with whistleblowers — for lawyers like myself. I learned the hard way on having to know more about resources that whistleblowers need. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the best things that anyone can do when they’re first dealing with a whistleblower, whether it’s someone in H.R., or it’s the lawyers who they ultimately come to, or even the media, is to say, ‘I believe you.’ Right? Because that’s the issue, is that they have been in this unreality where, you know, they have been made the problem, and the problem they’re seeking to expose has been swept under the rug. So their whole world has been turned upside down and they’ve lost their support network. So everyone at work now knows that they are, you know, they’re radioactive. ‘Don’t do what you know, Valentino did because it’s not it’s not going to inure to your benefit.’ \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So all of a sudden you’re- you’re isolated. You’ve lost your support network. Then you magnify this by going at home and you’ve lost your job, and your spouse is now or your significant other is incredibly angry, and resentful. So you, you know, the walls do start to feel like they’re closing in. And that’s why I think society we’re at a point — we need whistleblowers so much. They’re often I, I like to say the ‘Fifth Estate.’ They’re they’re a lot of the folks who are actually exposing and holding people to account, but yet we don’t have the even most basic, psycho- psychosocial supports for these people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it feels like this kind of vicious cycle as well, too, that, you know, then because you’re under the psychological pressure and you, you know, begin to feel gaslit or what have you or you do take your life, then we see these cases where the employer or the organization can point at them and say, ‘Look, see, we don’t have to believe what they said. They were the ones having trouble. They were the one, you know, they were in mental distress. They were crazy.’ And so discount their reports even after, you know, their deaths. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, first of all, that’s not good logic. And secondly, I hope that the folks, the other folks that that message is directed to, which, of course, is the other employees can recognize how circular that logic is and how self-serving, and how it simply doesn’t reflect the truth. And again, that’s why it’s so important that those whistleblowers who are in a position to do so can be public and can come forward and say, ‘Look: I did this. I survived, and this is what the process looks like.’ No one sets out to be a whistleblower. No one. You know, this is not anyone’s life goal or career aspiration. It happens. You’re forced into it for all sorts of different reasons. And knowing that people have come before and have made it through to the other side is really important. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Totally agree. And I think one of the one of the hardest things for whistleblowers that results in these, very desperate situations in terms of whistleblowers taking their own lives, I think, is that whistleblowers start out not thinking that they’re whistleblowers at all. They’re just trying to expose wrongdoing. And then the world gets turned upside down and the wrongdoing is ignored and the spotlight gets turned on them, that they’re the problem. What makes it so difficult is that I think they have an abiding sense of, ‘There’s an injustice, there’s something wrong, and it hasn’t been addressed. And yet all of this energy, like enormous amounts of energy and resources which could have been used to address the problem, are now being focused on me as the problem.’\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think those are just- it’s so hard to reconcile that. And I think one of the best services that Poppy and I can offer is to describe the playbook to the whistleblower and say, ‘If you talk to me early on, I’m going to spell out for you how this is going to go.’ And then at least it takes some of the sting out of it. And it’s, it’s really quite ironic. Our clients are like, ‘You are completely prescient. Do you have a crystal ball? Like, how did you know this was going to happen?’ And we just said, unfortunately, this is just the path. And so if you know that that’s going to happen and you can try and plan for it, it does help whistleblowers to at least absorb those blows. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I think that, like you’re talking about the psychological journey of the whistleblower. And I think, you know, especially for Sergeant Kevin Steele, he… he really did you kind of see this arc of his, you know, disillusionment with his institution and that the place that he begins in is one of such faith in these, you know, pillars that he believed in and that were of, you know, fairness and accountability. And, you know, he’s just so kind of by the book, dude. And the betrayal that he experienced when he did try to report misconduct and having that not be taken seriously was incredibly crushing to him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. I mean, I think with Sergeant Steele, it’s a particularly acute scenario because in addition to him feeling, you know, having the expectation that all of these policies and, you know, oaths that they took would be taken seriously. And to have the scales fall from your eyes is, you know, it’s a very disillusioning process. But I think what magnified it for him and amplified it, is that he became close with Valentino’s father and he was really traumatized by Valentino’s death, and this question of whether or not this was, you know, a suspicious death. Whether he died under particular circumstances. So I think there was also a level of guilt, because Valentino was on his team and someone that he should protect. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is absolutely the same thing we see. I- we see this day in and day out with whistleblowers in terms of the journeys that they have. And I think that a lot of us have observed this that there’s sort of this culture, at least, at least in the United States, as to whistleblowing that they’re either heroes or villains. And I think a lot of us believe that one of the best things, psychologically, for whistleblowers is if we could normalize it. They don’t want to be either. And I think that that is probably one of the things that they get caught up in \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Laughs]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is in this, in this sort of dilemma. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We saw with the MeToo movement that a lot of this is- the psychological journey can also involve gaslighting and starting to doubt yourself. I think that’s what we see with Sergeant Steele is that he believed all of these things to be true. And then his reality started to change. And then that really makes you start to doubt yourself. And, and the circling the wagons phenomenon that Poppy talked about just makes this worse, is that everybody else is trying to suggest that this is not how it happened. And you start to then that makes even more self-doubt, which can be a very vicious cycle. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s interesting. There’s some studies that talk a lot about what happens to whistleblowers. Because of the pressures they lose their friends, they lose their social network. And so the New England Journal of Medicine did a study on pharmaceutical whistleblowers who expose the pharmaceutical industry. You know, they’re seeing higher incidences of divorce, of depression, anxiety, substance abuse. I think these are all outward indicators of tools that- and the occasion of what happens when, you know, you expose something and then, instead of it being corrected, it gets covered up. And then you yourself, as the whistleblower, often become persona non grata. The retaliation is done by your employer as a way to send a signal to other whistleblowers, ‘You shouldn’t do this.’ So your sort of almost made, basically made an example of. So I think all of these are, you know, is an environment that’s just incredibly difficult. And it adds insult to injury. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You mentioned the MeToo movement, and I think one of the things that we have found in our reporting as well, is how, you know, discrimination, misogyny, racism also become tools to enforce the code of silence and to keep people from speaking up. I mean, I know as a woman, that feeling of like, oh, I’ve got to be cool to get along. You know, I’m not going to like, rock the boat or push back if somebody makes an inappropriate comment — you know, taken to a much more serious level, obviously, with Valentino Rodriguez. But does that translate to other contexts outside the prison as well? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Absolutely. Unfortunately, we see this a lot. It is rarer than any of us would like to see female whistleblowers, to see whistleblowers of color. And so much of that has to do with that mentality you just mentioned. That, you know, ‘we’re trained to get along,’ and we’re trained that ‘to get along’ means to value the traditional workplace culture of white cis men. And that obviously is amplified in the prison context. But that’s true everywhere. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I- this is my completely uneducated guess, but I do feel like we’re starting to see a shift there. And certainly starting to see more female whistleblowers just coming in the door. And I do wonder how much of that is the MeToo movement. I wonder how much of that is people just being fed up with that attitude. But it still is very much a problem. And, you know, as Mary said, we have this tradition of we either see whistleblowers as heroes or villains, but either way, it’s oftentimes this sort of mentality of, you know, the single man standing alone on the hilltop shouting, you know, shouting the truth. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And that’s not true. Women have been whistleblowers forever. People of color have been whistleblowers forever. They have found other ways to make sure that that information gets out. You know, some have been very public about it. Erin Brockovich is, you know, maybe the quintessential example on some level. But, and other people do it in different ways. They help their community. They make sure that the information gets out via a whisper network, what have you. There’s all sorts of strategies to make sure that the truth gets told. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But when it comes to this sort of ‘in-group outgroup mentality’ of making sure that you were sort of getting along in a confined space, whether that’s a workplace, whether that’s a prison, whether that’s whatever it might be, there certainly are added incentives to put your head down, do your work, ignore what is oftentimes right in front of your face as a wrong. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I agree, the power differential is something that is really significant, right? In terms of you see, a lot of studies have shown that women and people of color are more likely to leave an organization than to report. And I do think that MeToo started to show us a way that, if we can create a solidarity among whistleblowers, I think that’s one of the strongest way we can encourage, reporting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I would love to see us have more avenues to find ways to bring whistleblowers together. So it isn’t, just that lone wolf as Poppy said. But that there are multiple people linking arms, saying that this happened to them as well. And then you really do have to pay, give it more credence than if it’s just one sole person. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Ad break]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think within, you know, the California Department of Corrections and going back to the policy of their, you know, ban on the code of silence, there’s been an unintended consequence, at least according — or maybe it’s intended, I don’t know — but at least according to the correctional officers that we spoke to, which is that if you don’t report right away, you can then get in trouble when you report later. Like, if you see an incident happen, excessive use of force, maybe you’re fearful to come forward initially, and then you- you gather that internal fortitude and you decide to make that report, you can often then get disciplined for, you know, holding to the code of silence thus far. And it creates a disincentive to come forward rather than, you know, the stated purpose of this policy, which is to create an incentive to come forward. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s such a challenge. You know, we have clients who come forward sometimes and tell us about information that’s many, many years old. And there’s lots of reasons why they might suddenly wake up one day and say, ‘Now’s the time. I have to tell someone.’ Of course, it’s probably better in terms of trying to solve problems, when people come to us with fresh information, we can usually do more with it. But that doesn’t mean that that’s a less valid whistleblower simply because they waited. It usually means that there’s something else going on in their lives that prevented them from coming forward first. And we need to recognize that in how we design our policies and how we think through this. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, we’ve heard from a number of correctional officers since the podcast came out saying that just hearing these stories made them feel like, you know, they might have an opportunity to speak up. \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Laughs]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And that’s, you know, really heartening, obviously, in terms of just the rewarding work of getting these voices out into the world. But I’ve also talked to correctional officers who have, you know, tried to get whistleblower protections, and often they want to do it before they blow the whistle. They want to know, like, ‘Oh, I’m going to be protected ahead of time. Like, where do I go to, you know, get my whistleblower card or whatever.’ \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Laughs]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And, you know, from my understanding, it really doesn’t work like that. Like it’s very based on, you know, retroactive retaliation. And if you can prove that you were retaliated against, maybe you can get some retroactive protection. But can either of you address that issue? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think there really, it can be very difficult to prove retaliation. Sort of the statistics of the ability of someone to succeed in a retaliation claim in the United States are very dire. \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Laughs]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They’re not great. And I think part of that is because it’s very difficult to prove that you were retaliated against for speaking up as compared to some- any other reason that someone can pretextual come up with, right? Like, oh, you’re chronically late, even though your chronic lateness was something that everyone tolerated for years. But until you spoke up, then all of a sudden that becomes a problem. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is there something that needs to change in the law to make that an easier argument to make, or to, you know, the lower the standard of proof that you have to reach in order to prove that retaliation happened? What are some fixes that you see for that? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, it’s interesting, in Europe there’s now something called the European Whistleblowing Directive. And one of the changes that they made that I would love to see being made across all of the various retaliation protections laws, is this burden- shifting the burden of proof. That the burden initially, and for too long, remains on the plaintiff. To have to prove that, you know, they were retaliated against because they spoke up. And if we can reverse- shift that burden of proof and put it on the employer, actually, to prove that, you know, they did do it for a legitimate reason, I think that would be one concrete way that we could improve the odds that people could succeed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think the, you know, looking domestically, I think the SEC also provides a really excellent model here where the SEC takes very seriously any accusations of retaliation related to someone who has reported securities fraud to the, to the agency. And they take it very seriously and they, you know, will tell employers at every opportunity that they take it very seriously. And that public messaging has been extremely important and protective. And then oftentimes it then puts whistleblowers in the somewhat uncomfortable position of having to decide where they’re going to publicly declare to the company that they, in fact, did report to the SEC, because then that does provide them some level of protection. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That only applies to some small subset of the whistle blowing world. But there’s no reason that has to be true. There’s lots of other ways to try to build off of that same level of protection that we see. There’s other agencies that are involved and whistle-blowing in all sorts of forms, we have- you know, OSHA is involved in many of these cases. There’s- we have lots of agencies here. So I think there’s lots of other strategies to try to build in more of a protection. But it does. It always starts with culture. Right? And that’s culture both from the government side of telling companies and telling organizations what’s important. And then of course, it starts on the company side. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. I think the- the long tail of fear that correctional officers experience after- even after they leave… Like, they’ve retired for years, but they’re still afraid to speak up. They don’t know if their pension can be taken away. They don’t know what power the institution still has over them. There’s also, you know, obviously just their their friendship groups and their culture that they’re afraid of losing. But there’s just this very long tail of oppression, I would say, that they experience psychologically and that it’s not entirely dissipated when they leave the prison at all. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Absolutely. And you know, so, so many times prisons, right, are and very small towns. And so even if you’re not working at the prison, you’re still- most other people in the town are going to be. And that then means there’s really no way to sort of escape that. But of course, you shouldn’t have to. You shouldn’t have to lose all your friends and community simply because you’re willing to take a stand and tell the truth. That should never be a consequence of telling the truth. And- but of course it acts as a disincentive for coming forward, for speaking out against the pack, for what have you, which can only be remedied by changing the culture, can only be remedied by encouraging people to see that as a good. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And Sukey, you’re right that the retaliation doesn’t stop when they leave the prison. And there’s sort of a long tail of retaliation, right? Which is often when you go to that next job, unfortunately that next employer will often call for a recommendation or a reference to your existing employer. And, we often see that even if they’re not doing it directly, there’s word of mouth that, ‘You don’t want this person. This is, this person is disloyal. They, you know, they’ve exposed us and created all this difficulty. They’re a troublemaker and you shouldn’t hire them.’ \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And so that certainly, you know, in the case of my whistleblower client that was featured in \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The New Yorker\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, that was really ultimately his undoing, right? Is that he ended up, because he couldn’t leave the, the part of Florida where he was practicing. He would get interviews and get to a certain place, and then in, in getting his next job position. And when it got to that reference point and they’d say like, ‘Oh, he seems great.’ And you get all these signals. And then all of a sudden when it came to closing the deal, they would never hire him. So that ends up in you draining your 401K, you now don’t have, you know, you’re no longer gainfully employed, and now you’re blocklisted or blacklisted. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So I think that is one of the other problems that just makes it, again, incredibly insidious that… I always talk about there’s this ‘Scarlet W’ on your chest that’s emblazoned. And that you may want to put it down, you may even want to put down the mantle of whistleblower, but often you’re not allowed to. And that is a cross that you are bearing again and again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, one of the things that really struck me just doing this reporting is the disconnect between the formal institutional stance, which says, you know, ‘The code of silence is banned. And we want, you know, we take all reports of employee misconduct very seriously, and we want people to come forward.’ And then that what actually happens in response to that. And I’m just wondering if either of you can speak to… is there a policy change that can fix this? Or because there is this disconnect already between policy and action, you know, do we need a different intervention? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is a cultural problem much more than a policy problem. Though the policies obviously are then tied together because if you know that the company’s policy is that they’re going to, you know, they’re going to take every whistleblower complaint with this huge grain of salt, they’re not going to start from the presumption that the whistleblower is correct. They’re not going to start from the presumption, which is usually true, that the whistleblower is reporting this because they love the company or the organization or, you know, the group. They’re doing it out of love. They’re doing it because they want it to be better. They’ve, you know, they found a problem and they want to fix the problem, and they want to do it before someone from the outside finds out about the problem. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That so often is what the energy is that our clients bring when they’re coming forward. And what they’re met with is this culture of silence there. You know, you talk into a black box, you never hear what happens again. All too often, our clients say to us that we are the first person to ever listen to them about what they’re talking about. And that’s sad because we are never someone’s first call. We really aren’t. They’re always trying to get some change to happen before they resort to calling a whistleblower attorney — as as they should be, quite honestly. And if smart organizations and smart companies would just listen to their whistleblowers, they would put us out of a job. But that’s good. That would be better for everybody. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I agree, and there’s some really great empirical data and research coming out of George Washington University and the University of Utah that really reinforces this idea that whistleblowers are actually your best risk management tool. They’re the canaries in the coal mine that actually help you see a problem before we’re all overtaken by noxious fumes. And this research really basically underscores that companies that actually see whistleblowers in this way as, as, you know, people who can help mitigate risks and deal with problems before they metastasize into something like a big public relations scandal… If you use them in this way, it actually allows companies to be more profitable. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So I think one of the biggest things that needs to happen is just an education on who whistleblowers really are. As Poppy said, whistleblowers are- not only are they not disloyal, they are your \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">most\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> loyal employees because it takes a lot of intestinal fortitude to be the type of employee who is going to tell you the hard truths at considerable potential risk to themselves. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you for coming into the studio and just lending your expertise and your empathy to this conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mary Inman: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, it’s been a real pleasure to be on this podcast. It’s a real testament that the only way we’re going to get change is, is to, you know, point to really great investigative journalists like this. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Poppy Alexander: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Absolutely. It’s, it’s a horrible topic, but it brings great joy to talk about it because it’s so important and so misunderstood, quite honestly, I think, so much about the process of whistleblowing. And so every opportunity to be able to talk about it and really go in depth as you are in this podcast series is just invaluable. And it’s invaluable for the future whistleblowers, for the next person who finds themself in an uncomfortable situation where they really need to speak up and they don’t know what it means and they don’t know how. You know, the education of learning what that process looks like is something we all need to work on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Again, that was Poppy Alexander and Mary Inman. They are also working right now with federal legislators to try and introduce a bill that would provide mental health support for whistleblowers. We have a link to Mary and Poppy’s website in our episode description, along with other resources for whistleblowers. Please continue to send tips or feedback about the series to On Our Watch at K-Q-E-D dot O-R-G. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This episode was hosted by me, Sukey Lewis. It was edited by Jen Chien, who is also KQED’s Director of Podcasts. It was produced, scored, and cut by Chris Egusa. Final mixing by Christopher Beale. Original music by Ramtin Arablouei, including our theme song. Additional music from APM Music and Audio Network. Funding for On Our Watch is provided in part by Arnold Ventures and the California Endowment. Thank you to Katie Sprenger, our Podcast Operations Manager, our Managing Editor of News and Enterprise, Otis, R. Taylor, Jr., Ethan Toven-Lindsay, our Vice President of News, and KQED Chief Content Officer Holly Kernan. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And thanks to all of you for listening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"slug": "tough-on-crime-ballot-measure-claims-to-tackle-housing-crisis-experts-doubtful",
"title": "Tough-on-Crime Ballot Measure Claims to Tackle Housing Crisis, Experts Doubtful",
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"headTitle": "Tough-on-Crime Ballot Measure Claims to Tackle Housing Crisis, Experts Doubtful | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Homelessness gets top billing in a measure likely to make it onto your November ballot. Whether the measure has anything to do with homelessness is debatable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative proponents are calling the “\u003ca href=\"https://casafecommunities.com/\">Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act\u003c/a>” would increase penalties for some drug and theft crimes by rolling back\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Proposition 47\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>— the criminal justice changes California voters passed a decade ago. It also would force some people arrested three or more times for drug crimes into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But where does \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homelessness\u003c/a> factor into this tough-on-crime measure? The initiative includes no money for housing, shelter or treatment beds — leading some experts to question how it would help get California’s more than 181,000 unhoused residents off the street in a state where recent research shows\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\"> loss of income is the leading cause\u003c/a> of homelessness. Nor does the measure allocate or create new funding sources to pay cities or counties to enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped author the proposed ballot measure, the philosophy is simple: The measure would slash the homeless population by pushing those struggling with drug addiction into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big part of this, which is the key to the program, is it’s going to be compelled,” Reisig said. “People are going to have to go through the program or accept the consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, according to Elliott Currie, a professor of criminology, law and society at the University of California Irvine, the measure is based on a false assumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The theory is that people are homeless because we’ve been too lenient with drug addiction,” Currie said. “I think I can safely say that I don’t see one shred of serious evidence that that’s what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Proposition 47 increase homelessness in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed ballot measure targets Proposition 47, which, when passed by voters in 2014, reduced certain theft and drug crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. In some circles, Proposition 47 is now being blamed for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/04/california-crime-oakland-san-francisco-businesses-residents/\">perceived increase in crime\u003c/a> — and a fierce debate is raging over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/california-crime-progressives-bills/\">whether and how to change it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the measure, which is likely to qualify for the ballot after it recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">submitted more than 900,000 signatures\u003c/a> (about 547,000 valid ones are required), also blame Proposition 47 for California’s dire homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decade that Proposition 47 has been in effect, homelessness in California has grown by more than half — and backers of the proposed ballot measure say the two are “directly connected.” They argue by watering down the legal consequences for drug use, Proposition 47 removed the incentives for homeless Californians to participate in mental health and drug treatment, and as a result, fewer are. Because of that, they argue, more people are living on the streets.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='housing']“One of the primary root causes of homelessness is serious addiction, which is debilitating and results in people not being able to function or even hold a job,” Reisig said in an interview with CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s true that \u003ca href=\"https://www.innovatingjustice.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2020-03/report_sentencingreform_03262020.pdf\">participation in drug courts dropped\u003c/a> throughout the state in the wake of Proposition 47. In San Diego County, for example, more than 650 people went through drug court in the year before Proposition 47 passed. By 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/07/california-drug-courts-prop-47/#:~:text=A%202020%20paper%20from%20the,67%25%20between%202014%20and%202018\">it was down to just 255\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As evidence Proposition 47 is tied to homelessness, backers of the measure point to states with stronger drug laws and smaller homeless populations. Illinois, for example, has a homeless rate about five times less than California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a lot of other factors — especially housing costs — contributing to the state’s homelessness crisis. Fair market rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">two-bedroom in Chicago is just $1,714\u003c/a> — nearly half the going rate in San Francisco. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">San Francisco area rate\u003c/a> increased by 72% since Proposition 47 passed, hitting $3,359 this year, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some experts who study crime and homelessness, the ballot measure is baffling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not aware of any data that shows a connection between Prop. 47 and homelessness,” said Charis Kubrin, a professor of criminology at UC Irvine. “So it’s a bit of a puzzle to me why they’re together like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blaming the state’s spike in homelessness on Proposition 47 is “preposterous,” said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “All of the changes that the (ballot measure) is proposing have nothing, nothing whatsoever, to do with homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization hasn’t even taken an official position on the measure because, Rapport said, it’s not related to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">The number one reason Californians end up homeless\u003c/a> is a loss of income — not drug use, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/our-impact/studies/california-statewide-study-people-experiencing-homelessness\">UC San Francisco study\u003c/a> that provides the most comprehensive look yet at the state’s homelessness crisis. And in the six months before becoming homeless, the people surveyed were making a median income of just $960 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean drug use has nothing to do with homelessness. Nearly a third of people surveyed reported using methamphetamines three times a week, while 11% used non-prescribed opioids. Other studies have had varying results: a 2022 Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research study, which cited research from multiple surveys across several states, showed that \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/homelessness-california-causes-and-policy-considerations#footnote-1\">43% to 88%\u003c/a> of the homeless population struggled with drug abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug and alcohol overdoses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/02/homeless-mortality-report/#:~:text=Nationwide%2C%20drug%20and%20alcohol%20overdoses,a%20488%25%20increase%20from%202011.\">are also the leading cause of death\u003c/a> for homeless people nationwide, according to a February study examining mortality rates among unhoused people between 2011 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear not everyone on the streets has an addiction. Therefore, the proposed ballot measure would leave out a large chunk of the state’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure helps even a third of California’s 181,000 unhoused residents — that’s a huge number, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll take that,” he said. “I’ll take that number to try and get those people well, and to get them reintegrated, and to keep them out of jail and prison, and keep them from dying on the street of overdose or murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure might help some people get sober, said Benjamin Henwood, director of the USC Center for Homelessness, Housing and Health Equity Research. But for many people, that won’t be enough to end their homelessness, he said. While being sober might make someone more likely to get a job, it won’t make housing any less expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is: Once treatment is up, where do they go?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under this measure, the answer to that question will depend on each individual county and how much, if any, housing they make available for people coming out of treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would the Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If voters approve the proposed ballot measure, certain repeat drug offenses could be prosecuted as a “treatment-mandated felony.” That means the third time someone is arrested for a drug offense, they could be given a choice between jail or mandatory addiction and mental health treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure says people participating in mandatory treatment also would be offered “shelter, job training, and other services designed to break the cycle of addiction and homelessness.” But it doesn’t say how any of that would be paid for. It would be up to counties to decide whether to offer shelter and other services and how to fund them, Reisig said.[aside postID=news_11986380 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-15-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']“That will have to be deployed in each county to the extent they can do it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without guaranteeing those housing services, the measure could actually worsen homelessness, Currie said. There’s already a robust jail-to-homelessness pipeline in California: 43% of those surveyed in the UCSF study were in jail or prison or on probation or parole in the six months before they became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody who says you’ve got to solve the problem by putting more people behind bars, but you then don’t say anything about how you’re going to help them re-enter when they come out — I think that’s pretty bogus,” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also doesn’t specify how the mandatory drug and mental health treatment would be funded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resources for treatment are already stretched thin in California. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Assessing-the-Continuum-of-Care-for-BH-Services-in-California.pdf\">2022 survey\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Health Care Services, 70% of California counties reported “urgently” needing more residential addiction treatment, while nearly 40% didn’t have any residential facilities at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to providing no new funding, the proposed ballot measure could actually end up \u003cem>reducing \u003c/em>funds for the very programs it’s trying to bolster, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/fiscal-impact-estimate-report%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">report from the independent Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>. That’s because Proposition 47 saved the state money in criminal justice costs by diverting people away from prison and jail. Those savings are earmarked for projects that provide mental health and substance use treatment (\u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Prop-47-C1-final-evaluation-report.pdf\">nearly $104 million was awarded\u003c/a> between 2017 and 2020, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">another $96 million\u003c/a> between 2019 and 2023).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By gutting Proposition 47 and funneling more people into the state’s jails and prisons, the Legislative Analyst estimates the proposed ballot measure would eat away at those savings and increase criminal justice costs by as much as tens of millions of dollars per year. That could mean less money for mental health services and addiction treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig dismissed that worry, saying, at least in Yolo County, where he is district attorney, Proposition 47 savings haven’t made much difference. “There’s literally nothing that I fear losing through this program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some new money available from other pots. In March, California voters approved a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-prop-1/\">$6.4 billion bond\u003c/a> to pay for 6,800 beds in facilities treating mental illness and addiction and as many as 4,350 housing units for people who need those services. The state is \u003ca href=\"https://mentalhealth.ca.gov/\">set to start awarding that money\u003c/a> in the spring and summer of 2025, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/california-moves-faster-to-transform-mental-health-system-for-all-with-urgent-focus-on-most-seriously-ill-homeless/\">Newsom said this month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, to plug a yawning budget deficit, Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">proposed cutting funds\u003c/a> from the Behavioral Health Bridge Housing Program, which provides beds for people who need mental health and addiction services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currie said he is “skeptical” of the lack of funding mechanisms for treatment programs and other services to ensure homeless people stay off the streets post-treatment. That, he said, could burden counties that already struggle with insufficient funding for such services — one in five homeless people surveyed by UCSF researchers said they sought substance abuse treatment but failed to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just say, ‘OK, you counties. Since you are swimming in so much money after all … we are going to mandate drug treatment for some people on top of the existing number of clients,’” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The politics of homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some political strategists say the measure’s tie to homelessness represents the campaign’s attempt to capitalize on public concern about the problem. Homelessness is a top issue on California voters’ minds, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-february-2024/\">February 2024 statewide survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This notion somehow that it addresses homelessness is deceptive and downright farcical,” said Garry South, a longtime Democratic consultant who has worked on ballot measures for more than 20 years.[aside postID=news_11986281 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/ALAS_1_WEB-KQED-1020x675.jpg']Homelessness is ultimately due to a lack of housing, he argued, and measures aiming to address the problem without providing housing are “disingenuous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve heard the old saying ‘Putting lipstick on a pig,’” South said. “I’m not saying that this measure is a pig, but what I’m saying is it’s a standard procedure … to try to gussy it up with some reference or some provision that really strikes a responsive chord with voters when that’s not really what the initiative is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure appears before voters in November, “homelessness” won’t be in the title they see on their ballots. The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/Title%20and%20Summary%20%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">official title\u003c/a> of the measure, chosen by the state attorney general, is: “Allows felony charges and increases sentences for certain drug and theft crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of thought, politics, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/08/california-proposition-descriptions-lawsuits-attorney-general/\">sometimes even litigation\u003c/a> goes into drafting the title and summary of a ballot measure. While proponents of a proposition want to entice voters with their description, it’s ultimately the state attorney general’s job to make sure the language is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even without mentioning homelessness, South said the ballot measure could still “pass on its own merits.” He, for one, would likely vote for it as a way to decrease crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Drugs and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tom Wolf, who has experienced both homelessness and addiction firsthand in San Francisco, said the proposed ballot measure has great potential to help people who were like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An opioid addiction cost Wolf his job and his home and landed him on the streets of San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood in 2018. He said he worked as a “holder” for nearby drug dealers, safeguarding their stash of narcotics in case they were busted by the police. Sometimes, he stole razor blades from a nearby Target and sold them for money to buy heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolf said he was arrested on drug charges five times within three months and was released back to the street each time. The sixth time he was arrested, the judge let him sit in jail for three months, where he got sober. Wolf finally called his brother, who said he would bail him out if Wolf went to drug treatment. Wolf agreed. He said that if he had been given the choice between jail and treatment the last time he was picked up, he would have chosen treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Wolf will have six years sober. He’s now an advocate for drug policy reform and works as director of West Coast initiatives for the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That accountability piece was the key to me getting off the street,” he said, “getting sober, becoming willing to accept an opportunity to go to treatment and give recovery an honest try.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Backers of the California ballot measure emphasize housing issues in their campaign to roll back Proposition 47. But would the measure actually help people get housed?",
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"title": "Tough-on-Crime Ballot Measure Claims to Tackle Housing Crisis, Experts Doubtful | KQED",
"description": "Backers of the California ballot measure emphasize housing issues in their campaign to roll back Proposition 47. But would the measure actually help people get housed?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Homelessness gets top billing in a measure likely to make it onto your November ballot. Whether the measure has anything to do with homelessness is debatable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative proponents are calling the “\u003ca href=\"https://casafecommunities.com/\">Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act\u003c/a>” would increase penalties for some drug and theft crimes by rolling back\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Proposition 47\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>— the criminal justice changes California voters passed a decade ago. It also would force some people arrested three or more times for drug crimes into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But where does \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homelessness\u003c/a> factor into this tough-on-crime measure? The initiative includes no money for housing, shelter or treatment beds — leading some experts to question how it would help get California’s more than 181,000 unhoused residents off the street in a state where recent research shows\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\"> loss of income is the leading cause\u003c/a> of homelessness. Nor does the measure allocate or create new funding sources to pay cities or counties to enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped author the proposed ballot measure, the philosophy is simple: The measure would slash the homeless population by pushing those struggling with drug addiction into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big part of this, which is the key to the program, is it’s going to be compelled,” Reisig said. “People are going to have to go through the program or accept the consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, according to Elliott Currie, a professor of criminology, law and society at the University of California Irvine, the measure is based on a false assumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The theory is that people are homeless because we’ve been too lenient with drug addiction,” Currie said. “I think I can safely say that I don’t see one shred of serious evidence that that’s what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Proposition 47 increase homelessness in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed ballot measure targets Proposition 47, which, when passed by voters in 2014, reduced certain theft and drug crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. In some circles, Proposition 47 is now being blamed for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/04/california-crime-oakland-san-francisco-businesses-residents/\">perceived increase in crime\u003c/a> — and a fierce debate is raging over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/california-crime-progressives-bills/\">whether and how to change it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the measure, which is likely to qualify for the ballot after it recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">submitted more than 900,000 signatures\u003c/a> (about 547,000 valid ones are required), also blame Proposition 47 for California’s dire homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decade that Proposition 47 has been in effect, homelessness in California has grown by more than half — and backers of the proposed ballot measure say the two are “directly connected.” They argue by watering down the legal consequences for drug use, Proposition 47 removed the incentives for homeless Californians to participate in mental health and drug treatment, and as a result, fewer are. Because of that, they argue, more people are living on the streets.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“One of the primary root causes of homelessness is serious addiction, which is debilitating and results in people not being able to function or even hold a job,” Reisig said in an interview with CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s true that \u003ca href=\"https://www.innovatingjustice.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2020-03/report_sentencingreform_03262020.pdf\">participation in drug courts dropped\u003c/a> throughout the state in the wake of Proposition 47. In San Diego County, for example, more than 650 people went through drug court in the year before Proposition 47 passed. By 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/07/california-drug-courts-prop-47/#:~:text=A%202020%20paper%20from%20the,67%25%20between%202014%20and%202018\">it was down to just 255\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As evidence Proposition 47 is tied to homelessness, backers of the measure point to states with stronger drug laws and smaller homeless populations. Illinois, for example, has a homeless rate about five times less than California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a lot of other factors — especially housing costs — contributing to the state’s homelessness crisis. Fair market rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">two-bedroom in Chicago is just $1,714\u003c/a> — nearly half the going rate in San Francisco. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">San Francisco area rate\u003c/a> increased by 72% since Proposition 47 passed, hitting $3,359 this year, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some experts who study crime and homelessness, the ballot measure is baffling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not aware of any data that shows a connection between Prop. 47 and homelessness,” said Charis Kubrin, a professor of criminology at UC Irvine. “So it’s a bit of a puzzle to me why they’re together like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blaming the state’s spike in homelessness on Proposition 47 is “preposterous,” said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “All of the changes that the (ballot measure) is proposing have nothing, nothing whatsoever, to do with homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization hasn’t even taken an official position on the measure because, Rapport said, it’s not related to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">The number one reason Californians end up homeless\u003c/a> is a loss of income — not drug use, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/our-impact/studies/california-statewide-study-people-experiencing-homelessness\">UC San Francisco study\u003c/a> that provides the most comprehensive look yet at the state’s homelessness crisis. And in the six months before becoming homeless, the people surveyed were making a median income of just $960 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean drug use has nothing to do with homelessness. Nearly a third of people surveyed reported using methamphetamines three times a week, while 11% used non-prescribed opioids. Other studies have had varying results: a 2022 Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research study, which cited research from multiple surveys across several states, showed that \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/homelessness-california-causes-and-policy-considerations#footnote-1\">43% to 88%\u003c/a> of the homeless population struggled with drug abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug and alcohol overdoses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/02/homeless-mortality-report/#:~:text=Nationwide%2C%20drug%20and%20alcohol%20overdoses,a%20488%25%20increase%20from%202011.\">are also the leading cause of death\u003c/a> for homeless people nationwide, according to a February study examining mortality rates among unhoused people between 2011 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear not everyone on the streets has an addiction. Therefore, the proposed ballot measure would leave out a large chunk of the state’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure helps even a third of California’s 181,000 unhoused residents — that’s a huge number, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll take that,” he said. “I’ll take that number to try and get those people well, and to get them reintegrated, and to keep them out of jail and prison, and keep them from dying on the street of overdose or murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure might help some people get sober, said Benjamin Henwood, director of the USC Center for Homelessness, Housing and Health Equity Research. But for many people, that won’t be enough to end their homelessness, he said. While being sober might make someone more likely to get a job, it won’t make housing any less expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is: Once treatment is up, where do they go?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under this measure, the answer to that question will depend on each individual county and how much, if any, housing they make available for people coming out of treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would the Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If voters approve the proposed ballot measure, certain repeat drug offenses could be prosecuted as a “treatment-mandated felony.” That means the third time someone is arrested for a drug offense, they could be given a choice between jail or mandatory addiction and mental health treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure says people participating in mandatory treatment also would be offered “shelter, job training, and other services designed to break the cycle of addiction and homelessness.” But it doesn’t say how any of that would be paid for. It would be up to counties to decide whether to offer shelter and other services and how to fund them, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“That will have to be deployed in each county to the extent they can do it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without guaranteeing those housing services, the measure could actually worsen homelessness, Currie said. There’s already a robust jail-to-homelessness pipeline in California: 43% of those surveyed in the UCSF study were in jail or prison or on probation or parole in the six months before they became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody who says you’ve got to solve the problem by putting more people behind bars, but you then don’t say anything about how you’re going to help them re-enter when they come out — I think that’s pretty bogus,” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also doesn’t specify how the mandatory drug and mental health treatment would be funded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resources for treatment are already stretched thin in California. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Assessing-the-Continuum-of-Care-for-BH-Services-in-California.pdf\">2022 survey\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Health Care Services, 70% of California counties reported “urgently” needing more residential addiction treatment, while nearly 40% didn’t have any residential facilities at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to providing no new funding, the proposed ballot measure could actually end up \u003cem>reducing \u003c/em>funds for the very programs it’s trying to bolster, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/fiscal-impact-estimate-report%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">report from the independent Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>. That’s because Proposition 47 saved the state money in criminal justice costs by diverting people away from prison and jail. Those savings are earmarked for projects that provide mental health and substance use treatment (\u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Prop-47-C1-final-evaluation-report.pdf\">nearly $104 million was awarded\u003c/a> between 2017 and 2020, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">another $96 million\u003c/a> between 2019 and 2023).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By gutting Proposition 47 and funneling more people into the state’s jails and prisons, the Legislative Analyst estimates the proposed ballot measure would eat away at those savings and increase criminal justice costs by as much as tens of millions of dollars per year. That could mean less money for mental health services and addiction treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig dismissed that worry, saying, at least in Yolo County, where he is district attorney, Proposition 47 savings haven’t made much difference. “There’s literally nothing that I fear losing through this program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some new money available from other pots. In March, California voters approved a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-prop-1/\">$6.4 billion bond\u003c/a> to pay for 6,800 beds in facilities treating mental illness and addiction and as many as 4,350 housing units for people who need those services. The state is \u003ca href=\"https://mentalhealth.ca.gov/\">set to start awarding that money\u003c/a> in the spring and summer of 2025, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/california-moves-faster-to-transform-mental-health-system-for-all-with-urgent-focus-on-most-seriously-ill-homeless/\">Newsom said this month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, to plug a yawning budget deficit, Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">proposed cutting funds\u003c/a> from the Behavioral Health Bridge Housing Program, which provides beds for people who need mental health and addiction services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currie said he is “skeptical” of the lack of funding mechanisms for treatment programs and other services to ensure homeless people stay off the streets post-treatment. That, he said, could burden counties that already struggle with insufficient funding for such services — one in five homeless people surveyed by UCSF researchers said they sought substance abuse treatment but failed to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just say, ‘OK, you counties. Since you are swimming in so much money after all … we are going to mandate drug treatment for some people on top of the existing number of clients,’” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The politics of homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some political strategists say the measure’s tie to homelessness represents the campaign’s attempt to capitalize on public concern about the problem. Homelessness is a top issue on California voters’ minds, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-february-2024/\">February 2024 statewide survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This notion somehow that it addresses homelessness is deceptive and downright farcical,” said Garry South, a longtime Democratic consultant who has worked on ballot measures for more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Homelessness is ultimately due to a lack of housing, he argued, and measures aiming to address the problem without providing housing are “disingenuous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve heard the old saying ‘Putting lipstick on a pig,’” South said. “I’m not saying that this measure is a pig, but what I’m saying is it’s a standard procedure … to try to gussy it up with some reference or some provision that really strikes a responsive chord with voters when that’s not really what the initiative is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure appears before voters in November, “homelessness” won’t be in the title they see on their ballots. The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/Title%20and%20Summary%20%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">official title\u003c/a> of the measure, chosen by the state attorney general, is: “Allows felony charges and increases sentences for certain drug and theft crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of thought, politics, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/08/california-proposition-descriptions-lawsuits-attorney-general/\">sometimes even litigation\u003c/a> goes into drafting the title and summary of a ballot measure. While proponents of a proposition want to entice voters with their description, it’s ultimately the state attorney general’s job to make sure the language is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even without mentioning homelessness, South said the ballot measure could still “pass on its own merits.” He, for one, would likely vote for it as a way to decrease crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Drugs and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tom Wolf, who has experienced both homelessness and addiction firsthand in San Francisco, said the proposed ballot measure has great potential to help people who were like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An opioid addiction cost Wolf his job and his home and landed him on the streets of San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood in 2018. He said he worked as a “holder” for nearby drug dealers, safeguarding their stash of narcotics in case they were busted by the police. Sometimes, he stole razor blades from a nearby Target and sold them for money to buy heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolf said he was arrested on drug charges five times within three months and was released back to the street each time. The sixth time he was arrested, the judge let him sit in jail for three months, where he got sober. Wolf finally called his brother, who said he would bail him out if Wolf went to drug treatment. Wolf agreed. He said that if he had been given the choice between jail and treatment the last time he was picked up, he would have chosen treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Wolf will have six years sober. He’s now an advocate for drug policy reform and works as director of West Coast initiatives for the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That accountability piece was the key to me getting off the street,” he said, “getting sober, becoming willing to accept an opportunity to go to treatment and give recovery an honest try.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Deficit Forces Lawmakers to Shelve Bills on Psychedelic Therapy, Reparations",
"headTitle": "California Deficit Forces Lawmakers to Shelve Bills on Psychedelic Therapy, Reparations | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>California’s budget crunch is forcing the Legislature to scale back its agenda this session, with bills to legalize psychedelic therapy, offer reparations to the descendants of enslaved people, and require more transparency around who is paying for lawmakers’ sponsored travel among the early carnage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">estimated deficits of tens of billions of dollars\u003c/a> over the next two years, leaders of the Legislature’s appropriations committees said on Thursday that they had to make especially difficult decisions as they held or amended hundreds of proposals with a significant cost during the biannual culling process \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\">known as the suspense file\u003c/a> — though most of the bills in each committee still passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The budget had a huge impact on what we did,” state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/anna-caballero-101330\">Anna Caballero\u003c/a>, a Salinas Democrat who leads Senate appropriations, told CalMatters. “We were trying to keep costs down and really trying to live within our means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the \u003ca href=\"https://sapro.senate.ca.gov/sites/sapro.senate.ca.gov/files/2024%20Senate%20Suspense%20Bills%20%28Unofficial%20Results%20for%20Posting%29.pdf\">341 bills on the Senate suspense file\u003c/a>, 87 — or about 25.5% — were held, in line with the average over the past decade. But another 121 were amended, even as they advanced to the floor before a crucial deadline next Friday for measures to pass their house of origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Authors were asked to amend their bills to take out the more expensive stuff,” Caballero said. “We don’t have the money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly’s appropriations committee held 233 of the \u003ca href=\"https://apro.assembly.ca.gov/system/files/2024-05/unofficial-results-may-16-2024.pdf\">668 bills on its suspense file\u003c/a>, or about 34.5% — slightly higher than last May \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/california-budget-suspense-file/\">when 29% were shelved\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those included Assembly Bill 2751 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Matt Haney\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat, which would have barred employers from \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2751\">contacting workers outside of scheduled hours\u003c/a>, and AB 2808 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a>, an Oakland Democrat who chairs the committee, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2808?slug=CA_202320240AB2808\">limited companies such as Ticketmaster\u003c/a> from being able to resell event tickets exclusively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have an obligation to balance the budget here in California — we can’t go into debt,” Wicks told reporters after the hearing, where she killed another attempt to establish a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">single-payer health care system\u003c/a> in California, a policy she has supported in the past. “We needed to be responsible with taxpayers’ money, so that’s why we had to make some tough calls today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a>, who authored the single-payer bill, said after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/02/california-single-payer-legislature/\">two years of negotiations\u003c/a>, he was confident it would have passed\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the Assembly.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am deeply disappointed the Assembly Appropriations Committee failed to recognize the significant cost-saving potential of AB 2200,” he said in a statement. “Study after study has shown that a single-payer system will not only cost less than our current system but can safeguard the State from future deficits while stimulating economic growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Caballero and Wicks are newly in charge of their respective committees this year, overseeing their first suspense file hearings as the state works through how to close a massive deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">unveiled his proposed spending plan\u003c/a> last week to address the looming shortfall, estimated at $56 billion over the next two fiscal years — and more by legislative finance officials — even after he and lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">took early action to reduce it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more than $30 billion in cuts to education, public health, environmental and other programs on the line, Newsom is likely to have little appetite this year for pricey new legislation. He has already urged discipline over the past two sessions as California’s finances softened, vetoing dozens of bills that he said would add unaccounted costs to the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspense file, where all legislation with a major fiscal impact is considered concurrently and dispensed within a rapid-fire hearing, has also long provided the Legislature with an easier way to kill controversial or undesirable bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero refused to discuss any of her specific decisions, citing only cost considerations, including shelving Senate Bill 1012, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/psychedelic-therapy-legalize/\">legalized the use of hallucinogenic drugs in therapeutic settings\u003c/a>. Newsom vetoed a broader decriminalization of psychedelics last year, and supporters hoped their focus on therapy would provide a path forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Senate appropriations committee hearing on May 16, 2024. On Thursday, the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees held their first round of suspense file hearings. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Psychedelics have massive promise in helping people heal and get their lives back on track,” Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/scott-wiener-100936\">Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat who carried the bill, said in a statement. “I’m highly committed to this issue, and we’ll continue to work on expanding access to psychedelics.” [aside label='Related Coverage' tag='california-law']The Senate also killed SB 1422, a transparency measure to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1422?slug=CA_202320240SB1422\">require more reporting\u003c/a> about who is paying for legislators’ sponsored travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, from Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/benjamin-allen-70\">Ben Allen\u003c/a>, a Santa Monica Democrat, followed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-legislators-travel-disclosure/\">reporting last year by CalMatters that found\u003c/a> a 2015 law requiring the organizers of these legislative trips to disclose their major donors annually had only been used twice, despite interest groups paying for millions of dollars in travel for lawmakers during that time. Allen’s measure aimed to tighten the eligibility criteria for reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the same day that the Assembly passed a bill requiring California to apologize for its role in perpetuating slavery, the Senate appropriations committee held two other measures that would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/04/reparations-california-legislature/\">provided more direct reparations\u003c/a> to the descendants of enslaved people: SB 1007, a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1007?slug=CA_202320240SB1007\">housing assistance program\u003c/a>, and SB 1013, a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1013?slug=CA_202320240SB1013\">property tax assistance program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were carried by Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-bradford-100945\">Steven Bradford\u003c/a>, an Inglewood Democrat and member of the state reparations task force, who has been critical of legislative efforts that he said do not go far enough to address systemic inequities. Several other proposals of his, including SB 1403 to establish a state agency that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/reparations-california/\">carry out the task force’s recommendations\u003c/a>, continue to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the words of Dr. Martin Luther King, you need to accept finite disappointment but have infinite hope,” Bradford told reporters following the hearing. “We have a good foundation to work from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s budget crunch is forcing the Legislature to scale back its agenda this session, with bills to legalize psychedelic therapy, offer reparations to the descendants of enslaved people, and require more transparency around who is paying for lawmakers’ sponsored travel among the early carnage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">estimated deficits of tens of billions of dollars\u003c/a> over the next two years, leaders of the Legislature’s appropriations committees said on Thursday that they had to make especially difficult decisions as they held or amended hundreds of proposals with a significant cost during the biannual culling process \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\">known as the suspense file\u003c/a> — though most of the bills in each committee still passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The budget had a huge impact on what we did,” state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/anna-caballero-101330\">Anna Caballero\u003c/a>, a Salinas Democrat who leads Senate appropriations, told CalMatters. “We were trying to keep costs down and really trying to live within our means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the \u003ca href=\"https://sapro.senate.ca.gov/sites/sapro.senate.ca.gov/files/2024%20Senate%20Suspense%20Bills%20%28Unofficial%20Results%20for%20Posting%29.pdf\">341 bills on the Senate suspense file\u003c/a>, 87 — or about 25.5% — were held, in line with the average over the past decade. But another 121 were amended, even as they advanced to the floor before a crucial deadline next Friday for measures to pass their house of origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Authors were asked to amend their bills to take out the more expensive stuff,” Caballero said. “We don’t have the money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly’s appropriations committee held 233 of the \u003ca href=\"https://apro.assembly.ca.gov/system/files/2024-05/unofficial-results-may-16-2024.pdf\">668 bills on its suspense file\u003c/a>, or about 34.5% — slightly higher than last May \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/california-budget-suspense-file/\">when 29% were shelved\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those included Assembly Bill 2751 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Matt Haney\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat, which would have barred employers from \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2751\">contacting workers outside of scheduled hours\u003c/a>, and AB 2808 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a>, an Oakland Democrat who chairs the committee, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2808?slug=CA_202320240AB2808\">limited companies such as Ticketmaster\u003c/a> from being able to resell event tickets exclusively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have an obligation to balance the budget here in California — we can’t go into debt,” Wicks told reporters after the hearing, where she killed another attempt to establish a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">single-payer health care system\u003c/a> in California, a policy she has supported in the past. “We needed to be responsible with taxpayers’ money, so that’s why we had to make some tough calls today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a>, who authored the single-payer bill, said after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/02/california-single-payer-legislature/\">two years of negotiations\u003c/a>, he was confident it would have passed\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the Assembly.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am deeply disappointed the Assembly Appropriations Committee failed to recognize the significant cost-saving potential of AB 2200,” he said in a statement. “Study after study has shown that a single-payer system will not only cost less than our current system but can safeguard the State from future deficits while stimulating economic growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Caballero and Wicks are newly in charge of their respective committees this year, overseeing their first suspense file hearings as the state works through how to close a massive deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">unveiled his proposed spending plan\u003c/a> last week to address the looming shortfall, estimated at $56 billion over the next two fiscal years — and more by legislative finance officials — even after he and lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">took early action to reduce it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more than $30 billion in cuts to education, public health, environmental and other programs on the line, Newsom is likely to have little appetite this year for pricey new legislation. He has already urged discipline over the past two sessions as California’s finances softened, vetoing dozens of bills that he said would add unaccounted costs to the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspense file, where all legislation with a major fiscal impact is considered concurrently and dispensed within a rapid-fire hearing, has also long provided the Legislature with an easier way to kill controversial or undesirable bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero refused to discuss any of her specific decisions, citing only cost considerations, including shelving Senate Bill 1012, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/psychedelic-therapy-legalize/\">legalized the use of hallucinogenic drugs in therapeutic settings\u003c/a>. Newsom vetoed a broader decriminalization of psychedelics last year, and supporters hoped their focus on therapy would provide a path forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Senate appropriations committee hearing on May 16, 2024. On Thursday, the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees held their first round of suspense file hearings. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Psychedelics have massive promise in helping people heal and get their lives back on track,” Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/scott-wiener-100936\">Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat who carried the bill, said in a statement. “I’m highly committed to this issue, and we’ll continue to work on expanding access to psychedelics.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s state Assembly voted Thursday to offer a formal apology for the state’s role in supporting chattel slavery, marking a key milestone in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">first-in-the-nation effort to provide state-level reparations\u003c/a> to Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea for an apology was born from the state’s Reparations Task Force, which studied the harms committed by the state government against Black residents and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">published dozens of policy recommendations for the Legislature\u003c/a>. The apology bill, Assembly Bill 3089, requires an acknowledgment of the actions of members of the state’s government in advancing slavery and decades of discriminatory policies — and requires a plaque memorializing the apology to be installed at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot possibly move forward without acknowledging our role in evil behavior,” said Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), the bill’s author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly approved the bill 62–0, with a dozen of the chamber’s 17 Republican members not voting. After the final vote, members broke out in applause and walked over to congratulate Jones-Sawyer, who served on the Reparations Task Force and is in his final term in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though our state entered the union as a free state, every branch of government has had a hand in perpetrating the oppression of Black folks,” Jones-Sawyer said. “This bill is an opportunity to confront those tough truths in a meaningful way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the vote, legislators recounted \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that\">the role state lawmakers played in advancing chattel slavery during the state’s early days\u003c/a>. In 1852, the state Assembly passed California’s fugitive slave law, which allowed enslavers to recapture formerly enslaved people they had brought to California before the state’s entrance into the union — and forcibly remove them to slaveholding states in the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A leading supporter of the fugitive slave bill in the state Senate, Sen. James Estill, owned fourteen slaves on his Solano County farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in 1854, the state Legislature approved a non-binding resolution supporting the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the explosive federal law allowing the expansion of slavery nationwide into U.S. territories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is undeniable that our systems of government have been complicit in the oppression of African-Americans,” Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas (D-Hollister) said. “Our courts, our schools, even this Legislature. California’s history is tarnished by the subjugation of Black people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11981271,news_11982724,news_11975584\"]AB 3089 now heads to the state Senate. The bill is one of more than a dozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976617/state-lawmakers-propose-14-bills-to-provide-reparations-for-black-californians\">included in a reparations package of bills supported by the California Legislative Black Caucus\u003c/a>. Earlier this year, the state Assembly approved a resolution acknowledging many of the harms inflicted by state leaders against Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bills in the reparations package are focused on repairing that harm, including proposals to compensate Black residents for land taken by eminent domain and another requiring state licensing boards to prioritize Black applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those bills and a handful of others cleared a key hurdle on Thursday, winning the backing of the Legislature’s powerful appropriations committees. But two other reparations-related proposals were quietly shelved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 1007 and Senate Bill 1013 would take a first step toward providing homeowner assistance and property tax relief, respectively, to the descendants of slaves. Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) wrote both bills, but the Black Caucus designated neither as a priority bill for its members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s state Assembly voted Thursday to offer a formal apology for the state’s role in supporting chattel slavery, marking a key milestone in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">first-in-the-nation effort to provide state-level reparations\u003c/a> to Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea for an apology was born from the state’s Reparations Task Force, which studied the harms committed by the state government against Black residents and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">published dozens of policy recommendations for the Legislature\u003c/a>. The apology bill, Assembly Bill 3089, requires an acknowledgment of the actions of members of the state’s government in advancing slavery and decades of discriminatory policies — and requires a plaque memorializing the apology to be installed at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot possibly move forward without acknowledging our role in evil behavior,” said Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), the bill’s author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly approved the bill 62–0, with a dozen of the chamber’s 17 Republican members not voting. After the final vote, members broke out in applause and walked over to congratulate Jones-Sawyer, who served on the Reparations Task Force and is in his final term in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though our state entered the union as a free state, every branch of government has had a hand in perpetrating the oppression of Black folks,” Jones-Sawyer said. “This bill is an opportunity to confront those tough truths in a meaningful way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the vote, legislators recounted \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that\">the role state lawmakers played in advancing chattel slavery during the state’s early days\u003c/a>. In 1852, the state Assembly passed California’s fugitive slave law, which allowed enslavers to recapture formerly enslaved people they had brought to California before the state’s entrance into the union — and forcibly remove them to slaveholding states in the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A leading supporter of the fugitive slave bill in the state Senate, Sen. James Estill, owned fourteen slaves on his Solano County farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in 1854, the state Legislature approved a non-binding resolution supporting the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the explosive federal law allowing the expansion of slavery nationwide into U.S. territories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is undeniable that our systems of government have been complicit in the oppression of African-Americans,” Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas (D-Hollister) said. “Our courts, our schools, even this Legislature. California’s history is tarnished by the subjugation of Black people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>AB 3089 now heads to the state Senate. The bill is one of more than a dozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976617/state-lawmakers-propose-14-bills-to-provide-reparations-for-black-californians\">included in a reparations package of bills supported by the California Legislative Black Caucus\u003c/a>. Earlier this year, the state Assembly approved a resolution acknowledging many of the harms inflicted by state leaders against Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bills in the reparations package are focused on repairing that harm, including proposals to compensate Black residents for land taken by eminent domain and another requiring state licensing boards to prioritize Black applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those bills and a handful of others cleared a key hurdle on Thursday, winning the backing of the Legislature’s powerful appropriations committees. But two other reparations-related proposals were quietly shelved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 1007 and Senate Bill 1013 would take a first step toward providing homeowner assistance and property tax relief, respectively, to the descendants of slaves. Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) wrote both bills, but the Black Caucus designated neither as a priority bill for its members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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