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"title": "Highway 1 to Big Sur Has Reopened — What to Know About Visiting from the Bay Area",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 8:40 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When will Highway 1 reopen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, that’s been the question for many Bay Area residents hoping to drive south to visit Big Sur — the remote coastal region cut off since March 30, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905691/the-uncertain-future-of-iconic-battered-highway-1\">a rockslide forced the closure of this iconic stretch of road\u003c/a>. Now, there’s an answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affected portion of Highway 1 at Rocky Creek Bridge, around 17 miles south of Monterey, reopened to traffic early on Friday, May 17 — \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/03/highway-1-targeted-to-reopen-by-may-25-as-governor-takes-action-to-support-repairs-in-topanga-canyon-and-other-communities-damaged-by-storms/\">eight days earlier than previously announced\u003c/a> — to allow 24/7 traffic south into Big Sur again. For the last two months, residents and visitors have only been allowed in and out of the region twice a day in convoys, using the still-intact northbound lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rocky Creek closure came on the heels of \u003cem>another \u003c/em>Highway 1 closure further south around the town of Lucia — a longer stretch of the coastal highway closed by a similar rockslide over a year ago. But while that Lucia closure remains in place, Friday’s reopening means Bay Area residents can once again access Big Sur from the north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve been eagerly awaiting this Highway 1 reopening and want to plan a long-delayed trip to Big Sur this summer, there are several things that prospective visitors to the region should know. Keep reading for a number of updates about visiting Big Sur this year, even if you’ve been there before — and some advice on being the best tourist to Big Sur from the Bay you can possibly be.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>You still can’t drive Highway 1 all the way to L.A. — yet\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Highway 1 closure at Paul’s Slide around the town of Lucia has been in effect since January 2023. And because it’s an entirely separate reopening operation to the Rocky Creek “slip-out” to the north, this southern stretch will remain closed after Friday even as that other part of Highway 1 reopens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of this week, there’s still no firm date for the Lucia highway closure to reopen, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-05-14/highway-1-in-big-sur-to-reopen\">Caltrans said they hope to open this stretch of Highway 1 sometime this summer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986500\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png\" alt=\"A blue and green toned map of the California Central Coast showing the closures along Highway 1.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1409\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-800x587.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1020x749.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-160x117.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1536x1127.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">What the closure along this stretch of Highway 1 through Big Sur has looked like since March 30 (as seen before Friday’s reopening at Rocky Creek.) \u003ccite>(Courtesy CalTrans)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That means until that reopening at Lucia occurs, there is simply no way to drive from the Bay Area on Highway 1 through Big Sur to the Central Coast and Southern California. And because no roads over the Santa Lucia mountains connect Highway 1 to Highway 101, anyone wanting to complete that journey from the Bay would have to double back at the Lucia closure and drive to at least Monterey to access those other routes to Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.travelandleisure.com/trip-ideas/road-trips/pacific-coast-highway-itinerary\">the San-Francisco-to-LA Pacific Coast Highway \u003c/a>road trip is a longstanding tradition not just for state residents but for countless visitors to the West Coast, the fact that it remains physically impossible to drive right now is still catching folks by surprise, said Ben Perlmutter, managing partner at the Big Sur River Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see it all the time,” he said — attributing it at least, in part, to “just the nature of the way people are when they’re on vacation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prepare for an already-slow drive to get even slower\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just because Highway 1 is now reopened at Rocky Creek as of Friday doesn’t mean it’s \u003cem>fully \u003c/em>reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead,\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/governor-newsom-announces-the-reopening-of-highway-1-ahead-of-schedule/\"> drivers approaching this area are now met with a 24/7 timed signal \u003c/a>allowing one-way alternating traffic through in both directions, using only the northbound lane that wasn’t impacted by the rockslide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Road workers from Treichert Construction finish creating a temporary one-way roadway on the site of the U.S. Highway 1 road collapse, called the Rocky Creek Slip in Big Sur, California, on Saturday, April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Melina Mara/The Washington Post via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because the signal means one direction of traffic has to “wait its turn,” you should anticipate extra journey time traveling into Big Sur — added onto an already leisurely journey where the speed limit is 55 miles per hour maximum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(But hopefully, you already know that Big Sur is not the place to visit if you’re in a hurry.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Plan for an almost total lack of cellphone service\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even for people excited to enjoy Big Sur’s remoteness, the complete lack of cellphone coverage in much of this region — and the unavailability of high-speed Wi-Fi in the region’s businesses — can still come as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter, who was born and raised in Big Sur, said that the very first thing many visitors to his hotel and restaurant do after completing the winding drive south from Carmel is to “look for cell service: ‘I need to text mom … I need to tell my significant other that I’m still alive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And, of course, they don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> cell service — and a lot of them end up getting kind of frustrated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, for many visitors, the lack of connectivity is a plus rather than a drawback. But for those who really need to find signal, Perlmutter recommends asking workers in Big Sur’s local businesses for their advice. They’ll likely know the spots, turnouts and parking lots where you might find spots of coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But also, you’re here in Big Sur,” he noted. “Maybe take a couple of breaths, relax a little bit, and soak it in — like, hey, guess what? You’re not going to get a work email when you’re down here, and that could be really awesome for the next 24–48 hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use Google Maps for navigation, consider downloading an offline map of Big Sur before you leave, which you can use without cellphone service. \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/maps/answer/6291838?hl=en&co=GENIE.Platform%3DiOS&oco=0\">Read a guide to downloading offline Google Maps on your iPhone or Android\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t underestimate the challenging drive of Highway 1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’ve never driven Highway 1 through Big Sur before, the steep and winding nature of this road can come as a shock, especially if you’re more accustomed to city or freeway driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you need to take it slower on Highway 1’s curves or simply don’t want to rush your way through the incredible ocean views, that’s OK — but remain mindful of any cars behind you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986444\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986444\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A hole is visible where a section of southbound Highway 1 broke off and fell into the ocean at Rocky Creek Bridge on April 02, 2024, near Big Sur, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Highway 1 contains many turnouts for a reason, so just pull over to allow others to pass. Not only will you get to linger and enjoy the scenery from there — or as Perlmutter said, “any turnout would be a beautiful campsite if you were allowed to camp [there]” — but you’ll be avoiding an impatient driver behind you attempting to overtake you on Big Sur’s steep winding roads which might cause a potentially dangerous situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you just want to pull over to take a picture? Make sure you’re parked in a safe place that’s \u003cem>completely \u003c/em>off the highway, totally within the white road markings — especially if you’re parked near a bend, where oncoming traffic can’t necessarily see you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Double-check Highway 1 conditions \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you leave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To stay up-to-date on the latest road conditions, and to be sure your route isn’t impacted by any new closures or delays you weren’t anticipating, consider using \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ own QuickMap site\u003c/a>, or \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/QM/app.htm\">the QuickMap app (available on the App Store and Google Play)\u003c/a>. This map uses Caltrans’ data to show you the latest road conditions and travel information so you can be prepared ahead of your journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When first using QuickMap, hit “Options” on either the website or the app, and select all the options you want to see on the map, including “Full closures” and “Highway information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once you’ve done this, you can zoom into the Big Sur area on the map, just as you would using Google Maps. You can then tap on the icons you see on the map to learn more about what they mean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember: Given the lack of cellphone coverage that awaits you in Big Sur, you’ll want to do all of this \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you enter the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leave no trace; pick up your trash\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur draws people from all around the globe for its beauty, so do your part in keeping it that way. Perlmutter said that reminding visitors to Big Sur not to litter the landscape is “first and foremost the most important thing” for residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be sure to pick up all your trash, and consider keeping a trash bag or two in your car to aid you in that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Finally: Be prepared for the unpredictable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur’s stunning coastal landscape is the very thing that makes it so vulnerable to events like these highway slip-outs.[aside postID=news_11984496 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_0768-3-1020x765.jpg']“We’re talking about the steepest mountain range along the coast in the lower 48,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905691/the-uncertain-future-of-iconic-battered-highway-1\">Jonathan Warrick, a research geologist based in Santa Cruz with the United States Geological Survey, told KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “Most of the range of Big Sur is about a thousand feet high, and it plummets straight down into the ocean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big Sur, explained Warrick, gets a lot of rainfall — which, combined with its steepness, means the landscape “erodes quite quickly,” at a rate of “about a foot a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perched right along this coast is the only road in and out of the region: Highway 1. And it’s accordingly vulnerable to “all kinds of things, from simple rock falls to massive, deep-seated landslides that are undermining the roadway,” Warrick said — and “these types of landslides that cause road closures increase during the wet winters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, if you’re planning to visit Big Sur during or after a period of wet weather, remember that this kind of rainfall has historically increased the chances of a slip-out along the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If another Highway 1 closure strikes before your trip:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s always frustrating when a much-anticipated vacation is affected by unforeseen circumstances. But don’t panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, be sure to check if any highway closures will actually affect your route using a resource like \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ QuickMap site\u003c/a>. And if they do, and you have accommodation reserved that you’re unsure you’ll be able to physically reach, the Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter recommends giving that establishment a call straightaway to see what they know about access and what’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slip-outs that force Highway 1 closures have hit local businesses hard by cutting off most tourist access — and Perlmutter suggests that travelers who want a way to keep supporting these local businesses might consider \u003cem>rescheduling\u003c/em> a reservation to a later month if they’re able, rather than canceling it outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/amadrigal\">\u003cem>Alexis Madrigal\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/avignet\">\u003cem>Anna Vignet\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 8:40 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When will Highway 1 reopen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, that’s been the question for many Bay Area residents hoping to drive south to visit Big Sur — the remote coastal region cut off since March 30, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905691/the-uncertain-future-of-iconic-battered-highway-1\">a rockslide forced the closure of this iconic stretch of road\u003c/a>. Now, there’s an answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affected portion of Highway 1 at Rocky Creek Bridge, around 17 miles south of Monterey, reopened to traffic early on Friday, May 17 — \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/03/highway-1-targeted-to-reopen-by-may-25-as-governor-takes-action-to-support-repairs-in-topanga-canyon-and-other-communities-damaged-by-storms/\">eight days earlier than previously announced\u003c/a> — to allow 24/7 traffic south into Big Sur again. For the last two months, residents and visitors have only been allowed in and out of the region twice a day in convoys, using the still-intact northbound lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rocky Creek closure came on the heels of \u003cem>another \u003c/em>Highway 1 closure further south around the town of Lucia — a longer stretch of the coastal highway closed by a similar rockslide over a year ago. But while that Lucia closure remains in place, Friday’s reopening means Bay Area residents can once again access Big Sur from the north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve been eagerly awaiting this Highway 1 reopening and want to plan a long-delayed trip to Big Sur this summer, there are several things that prospective visitors to the region should know. Keep reading for a number of updates about visiting Big Sur this year, even if you’ve been there before — and some advice on being the best tourist to Big Sur from the Bay you can possibly be.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>You still can’t drive Highway 1 all the way to L.A. — yet\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Highway 1 closure at Paul’s Slide around the town of Lucia has been in effect since January 2023. And because it’s an entirely separate reopening operation to the Rocky Creek “slip-out” to the north, this southern stretch will remain closed after Friday even as that other part of Highway 1 reopens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of this week, there’s still no firm date for the Lucia highway closure to reopen, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-05-14/highway-1-in-big-sur-to-reopen\">Caltrans said they hope to open this stretch of Highway 1 sometime this summer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986500\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png\" alt=\"A blue and green toned map of the California Central Coast showing the closures along Highway 1.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1409\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-800x587.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1020x749.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-160x117.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1536x1127.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">What the closure along this stretch of Highway 1 through Big Sur has looked like since March 30 (as seen before Friday’s reopening at Rocky Creek.) \u003ccite>(Courtesy CalTrans)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That means until that reopening at Lucia occurs, there is simply no way to drive from the Bay Area on Highway 1 through Big Sur to the Central Coast and Southern California. And because no roads over the Santa Lucia mountains connect Highway 1 to Highway 101, anyone wanting to complete that journey from the Bay would have to double back at the Lucia closure and drive to at least Monterey to access those other routes to Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.travelandleisure.com/trip-ideas/road-trips/pacific-coast-highway-itinerary\">the San-Francisco-to-LA Pacific Coast Highway \u003c/a>road trip is a longstanding tradition not just for state residents but for countless visitors to the West Coast, the fact that it remains physically impossible to drive right now is still catching folks by surprise, said Ben Perlmutter, managing partner at the Big Sur River Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see it all the time,” he said — attributing it at least, in part, to “just the nature of the way people are when they’re on vacation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prepare for an already-slow drive to get even slower\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just because Highway 1 is now reopened at Rocky Creek as of Friday doesn’t mean it’s \u003cem>fully \u003c/em>reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead,\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/governor-newsom-announces-the-reopening-of-highway-1-ahead-of-schedule/\"> drivers approaching this area are now met with a 24/7 timed signal \u003c/a>allowing one-way alternating traffic through in both directions, using only the northbound lane that wasn’t impacted by the rockslide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Road workers from Treichert Construction finish creating a temporary one-way roadway on the site of the U.S. Highway 1 road collapse, called the Rocky Creek Slip in Big Sur, California, on Saturday, April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Melina Mara/The Washington Post via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because the signal means one direction of traffic has to “wait its turn,” you should anticipate extra journey time traveling into Big Sur — added onto an already leisurely journey where the speed limit is 55 miles per hour maximum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(But hopefully, you already know that Big Sur is not the place to visit if you’re in a hurry.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Plan for an almost total lack of cellphone service\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even for people excited to enjoy Big Sur’s remoteness, the complete lack of cellphone coverage in much of this region — and the unavailability of high-speed Wi-Fi in the region’s businesses — can still come as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter, who was born and raised in Big Sur, said that the very first thing many visitors to his hotel and restaurant do after completing the winding drive south from Carmel is to “look for cell service: ‘I need to text mom … I need to tell my significant other that I’m still alive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And, of course, they don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> cell service — and a lot of them end up getting kind of frustrated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, for many visitors, the lack of connectivity is a plus rather than a drawback. But for those who really need to find signal, Perlmutter recommends asking workers in Big Sur’s local businesses for their advice. They’ll likely know the spots, turnouts and parking lots where you might find spots of coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But also, you’re here in Big Sur,” he noted. “Maybe take a couple of breaths, relax a little bit, and soak it in — like, hey, guess what? You’re not going to get a work email when you’re down here, and that could be really awesome for the next 24–48 hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use Google Maps for navigation, consider downloading an offline map of Big Sur before you leave, which you can use without cellphone service. \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/maps/answer/6291838?hl=en&co=GENIE.Platform%3DiOS&oco=0\">Read a guide to downloading offline Google Maps on your iPhone or Android\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t underestimate the challenging drive of Highway 1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’ve never driven Highway 1 through Big Sur before, the steep and winding nature of this road can come as a shock, especially if you’re more accustomed to city or freeway driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you need to take it slower on Highway 1’s curves or simply don’t want to rush your way through the incredible ocean views, that’s OK — but remain mindful of any cars behind you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986444\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986444\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A hole is visible where a section of southbound Highway 1 broke off and fell into the ocean at Rocky Creek Bridge on April 02, 2024, near Big Sur, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Highway 1 contains many turnouts for a reason, so just pull over to allow others to pass. Not only will you get to linger and enjoy the scenery from there — or as Perlmutter said, “any turnout would be a beautiful campsite if you were allowed to camp [there]” — but you’ll be avoiding an impatient driver behind you attempting to overtake you on Big Sur’s steep winding roads which might cause a potentially dangerous situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you just want to pull over to take a picture? Make sure you’re parked in a safe place that’s \u003cem>completely \u003c/em>off the highway, totally within the white road markings — especially if you’re parked near a bend, where oncoming traffic can’t necessarily see you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Double-check Highway 1 conditions \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you leave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To stay up-to-date on the latest road conditions, and to be sure your route isn’t impacted by any new closures or delays you weren’t anticipating, consider using \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ own QuickMap site\u003c/a>, or \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/QM/app.htm\">the QuickMap app (available on the App Store and Google Play)\u003c/a>. This map uses Caltrans’ data to show you the latest road conditions and travel information so you can be prepared ahead of your journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When first using QuickMap, hit “Options” on either the website or the app, and select all the options you want to see on the map, including “Full closures” and “Highway information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once you’ve done this, you can zoom into the Big Sur area on the map, just as you would using Google Maps. You can then tap on the icons you see on the map to learn more about what they mean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember: Given the lack of cellphone coverage that awaits you in Big Sur, you’ll want to do all of this \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you enter the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leave no trace; pick up your trash\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur draws people from all around the globe for its beauty, so do your part in keeping it that way. Perlmutter said that reminding visitors to Big Sur not to litter the landscape is “first and foremost the most important thing” for residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be sure to pick up all your trash, and consider keeping a trash bag or two in your car to aid you in that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Finally: Be prepared for the unpredictable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur’s stunning coastal landscape is the very thing that makes it so vulnerable to events like these highway slip-outs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re talking about the steepest mountain range along the coast in the lower 48,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905691/the-uncertain-future-of-iconic-battered-highway-1\">Jonathan Warrick, a research geologist based in Santa Cruz with the United States Geological Survey, told KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “Most of the range of Big Sur is about a thousand feet high, and it plummets straight down into the ocean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big Sur, explained Warrick, gets a lot of rainfall — which, combined with its steepness, means the landscape “erodes quite quickly,” at a rate of “about a foot a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perched right along this coast is the only road in and out of the region: Highway 1. And it’s accordingly vulnerable to “all kinds of things, from simple rock falls to massive, deep-seated landslides that are undermining the roadway,” Warrick said — and “these types of landslides that cause road closures increase during the wet winters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, if you’re planning to visit Big Sur during or after a period of wet weather, remember that this kind of rainfall has historically increased the chances of a slip-out along the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If another Highway 1 closure strikes before your trip:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s always frustrating when a much-anticipated vacation is affected by unforeseen circumstances. But don’t panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, be sure to check if any highway closures will actually affect your route using a resource like \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ QuickMap site\u003c/a>. And if they do, and you have accommodation reserved that you’re unsure you’ll be able to physically reach, the Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter recommends giving that establishment a call straightaway to see what they know about access and what’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slip-outs that force Highway 1 closures have hit local businesses hard by cutting off most tourist access — and Perlmutter suggests that travelers who want a way to keep supporting these local businesses might consider \u003cem>rescheduling\u003c/em> a reservation to a later month if they’re able, rather than canceling it outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/amadrigal\">\u003cem>Alexis Madrigal\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/avignet\">\u003cem>Anna Vignet\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "the-hidden-history-of-water-rights-in-owens-valley",
"title": "California's Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They're Fighting for Its Return",
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"headTitle": "California’s Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They’re Fighting for Its Return | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Noah Williams was about a year old, his parents took him on a fateful drive through the endless desert sagebrush of the Owens Valley — which the Nüümü call Payahuunadü — in California’s Eastern Sierra. Noah was strapped into his car seat behind his mother, Teri Red Owl, and his father, Harry Williams, a Nüümü tribal elder with a sharp sense of humor who loved a teachable moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hey, look — that’s our water!” he liked to tell Noah whenever they drove past the riffling cascades of the Los Angeles Aqueduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they sped toward their home on one of the Nüümü’s reservations in the valley, the family passed the dry lakebed of Patsiata, also known as Owens Lake. In the 19th century, Patsiata was a 110-square-mile behemoth more than twice the size of San Francisco, but in the decades since it’s been largely reduced to a brine pool ringed by a vast salt flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the family sped on, the wind picked up, spinning dust from the lakebed into a volcanic gray cloud that quickly engulfed the car. Williams and Red Owl rolled up the windows and closed the vents, but the toxic dust seeped in any way, slowly clouding up the car. They could taste it, fine and metallic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982597\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982597 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family photos of Noah Williams with his father, Harry Williams, at Teri Red Owl’s home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Years later, Harry told Noah about that harrowing drive. “How do people live here?” he remembered asking himself. Then he answered his own question: \u003cem>Oh, right. We live here.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a people who have experienced a tremendous amount of grief,” said Noah, who now works as a water program coordinator for one of the Nüümü tribes. “You’ve got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it’ll really make your bones sort of chill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state shaped by water grabs, drought emergencies, and “pray for rain” billboards, Payahuunadü is the locus of California’s most infamous water war — the fight between Payahuunadü residents and the city of Los Angeles, about 270 miles away. In the early 1900s, Los Angeles was a small city that was running out of water, and Payahuunadü, which means “the land of flowing water,” had lots of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renamed the Owens Valley by white settlers — and nicknamed the “American Switzerland” — the valley was a snow-capped patchwork of pear farms and cattle ranches. Around 1904, Los Angeles city officials came up with a plan to take the valley’s water for themselves. Today, about a third of LA’s water supply comes from Payahuunadü and other parts of the Eastern Sierra, the city’s population has ballooned to nearly four million, and many of the valley’s streams and lakes — including Patsiata — have all but disappeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982603\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982603 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Wide shot of near empty lake with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The saga has been told scores of times, most famously in the Academy Award-winning movie Chinatown, but the Nüümü (also known as the Owens Valley Paiute) are often treated as a footnote to the story. The tribes have been fighting to get their water back for the better part of 170 years. And by the time Harry Williams died in 2021, he was convinced he’d discovered a way for them to do it. His strategy, he believed, would help the Nüümü win back their water in one clever move — and upend California’s arcane and inequitable water rights system along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 style=\"text-align: left\">‘Those Indians never got to be heard’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For the Nüümü, the water war started in the 1800s, with the arrival of white people in their homeland. At the time, the valley was lush and green, its river banks lined with willows and cottonwoods. The occasional fur trapper and mountain man quickly gave way to a steady stream of sheep and cattle ranchers, and by the 1860s, a community of farmers and ranchers had seized tracts of Payahuunadü for themselves. The settlers used federal laws to consolidate control of the land and the state’s fledgling water laws, passed in the 1850s, to gain control of that vital resource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s water laws govern a landowner’s legal right to divert and use water from a river, lake, or stream, and they broadly operate under three basic principles. Under “first in time, first in right,” water went to the first landowner who filed a claim to use it. Under the law’s second principle, claimants were required to make continuous use of that water, otherwise known as “use it or lose it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, this system can still quietly determine who has power in California and who does not. “It may have made sense to the people in power at the time,” said Felicia Marcus, a visiting fellow at Stanford and the former chair of California’s State Water Board, which regulates water rights across the state. However, she argues that the system is fundamentally inequitable and long overdue for reform. “There’s a day of reckoning coming where we need to think about how we’re going to rectify this very obvious wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 19th century, a flurry of explicitly racist laws prevented many people of color from participating in California’s water rights system. While California was busy awarding water rights in the 1850s, it was also bankrolling a genocidal campaign against its Native communities; the legislature also legalized Native Californians’ enslavement and sanctioned the violent removal of tribes from their traditional lands. According to Noah’s mom, Red Owl — an expert in Nüümü history who has long served as executive director of the Owens Valley Indian Water Commission — it’s likely that the Nüümü were unaware of the finer points of state water law. And even if they had filed a water rights claim, many tribes would have run afoul of the law’s third principle, “beneficial use,” which held that a water rights owner had to use their water for something that California considered worthwhile. Diversions for agriculture were considered “beneficial,” but many California Native peoples did not farm. Before they knew it, the Nüümü had no legal right to the water they’d always relied on for basic survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982596 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits at a table with decorations behind her. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teri Red Owl, Executive Director of Owens Valley Indian Water Commission, at her home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tensions in the valley continued to intensify, and war broke out between the Nüümü and the white settlers in 1861. In 1863, the U.S. Cavalry and a group of settlers drove more than thirty Nüümü into Owens Lake, then shot them as they tried to swim to safety. Later that year, the military forcibly marched nearly 1,000 Nüümü out of Payahuunadü to Fort El Tejon, more than 200 miles to the south. Many tribal members died of thirst or starvation along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time many Nüümü returned to their valley, the settlers had turned it into a constellation of cattle ranches and orchards. Some Nüümü found jobs as farm laborers and ranch hands, and by the early 1900s, a small group of tribal members had used the federal government’s Indian allotment system to recover some of the land and water they’d lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by then, a new power player had entered the valley. Through a series of technically legal maneuvers, Los Angeles officials began buying up land in Payahuunadü, and along with that land came its associated water rights. Next, they built an aqueduct to carry that water to the city — a move that would effectively drain the valley dry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the early 1930s, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ladwp.com/&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715802841175784&usg=AOvVaw0ZU-3FlpSxASlMh0X5Vt2a\">Los Angeles Department of Water and Power\u003c/a> (LADWP) owned nearly all of the valley’s farmland and water rights. It was during this period that the utility authored a report, the “Owens Valley Indian Problem,” which suggested removing the Nüümü from the valley — or, if that failed, containing them on reservations. According to both Red Owl and Sophia Borgias — an assistant professor at Boise State University and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/share/IUTPXUXS6GNSMFNNTSPA?target=10.1080/24694452.2024.2332649\">expert in this\u003c/a> period of Payahuunadü history — the federal government stepped in on the city’s behalf, and in the late 1930s, Congress created several Nüümü reservations in Payahuunadü. Through this flurry of legislation and years of political maneuvering, LADWP further consolidated its control of the valley’s land and water, including the water that flowed through the Nüümü reservations. To this day, LADWP holds the rights to the drinking water on the Bishop Paiute Reservation, where Noah grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like to consider myself [part of] a resource colony of Los Angeles, but I’m afraid that is how they view us,” Red Owl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nüümü did not quietly accept this situation. They refused to leave Payahuunadü, even when LADWP and federal officials pressured them to relocate; at one point, LADWP even hired armed guards to prevent some Nüümü landowners from using the water they had rights to. In 1937, several Nüümü tribal members traveled to Washington to plead the tribes’ case, but Congress refused to let them speak before the legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those Indians never ever got to be heard,” Red Owl said. “When I think about it, it always hurts my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘David and Goliath’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harry Williams wasn’t a particularly patient person, and the Nüümü’s endless fights against LADWP infuriated him. So, sometime in the late 1990s, he started working on an ambitious new strategy. By the time Noah was in middle school, Harry was obsessed with a network of narrow channels that crisscross, according to one estimate, at least 60 square miles of the valley’s low, rocky hills. As a kid, Harry used to play in these channels, which looked like dry, overgrown creek beds 2-to-3 feet deep. “I don’t think that he quite realized what it was at the time,” Noah said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To an untrained eye, the ditches don’t look like much, but Noah said they sometimes follow a pattern, branching off of the valley’s former creeks like veins from a leaf’s midrib. According to Harry, there’s a reason for that: the shallow ditches were part of a massive system the Nüümü had developed and maintained over hundreds of years to irrigate crops like tüpüs and nahavita, also known as yellow nutsedge and wild hyacinth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982601\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982601 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Rocks in the foreground with snow-capped mountains in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The remains of a rock wall indicate the likely direction that water once flowed at the Bishop Creek diversion in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other Nüümü knew about the tribes’ ditches, but it was Harry who obsessively researched and mapped them — and Harry who became convinced of their political implications. Under California’s water laws, many Native peoples were ineligible for water rights because they hadn’t put their water to “beneficial use” in the eyes of the state. But by diverting Payahuunadü’s water for irrigation, Harry theorized, the Nüümü had, in fact, demonstrated beneficial use, and they had done so long before white people arrived in the valley. This meant he argued that the Nüümü had been the rightful owners of the Payahuunadü’s water all along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, getting that water back would mean taking on LADWP. “It’s truly a David and Goliath sort of situation,” Noah said. “It’s going to be a huge, huge fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4HUbbwYLH6k&t=1s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry’s next step was to gather proof that the ditch system was as old and sophisticated as Nüümü traditional knowledge said it was. He enlisted researchers to help him pore over 100-year-old maps and dusty ethnographies, and he quickly realized that some government officials had known about the ditches in the 19th century. When whites first made contact with the Nüümü back in the 1800s, some were impressed enough by the tribes’ agricultural system to write about it in letters and newspapers. Academics had even published anthropological research on the Nüümü’s agricultural practices back in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least some of the white settlers who violently displaced the Nüümü had clearly known about the ditches, too. In an op-ed published by the Inyo Independent in 1870, the authors state that “many of the principle irrigating ditches now in use by the whites were originally constructed by the aborigines.” The op-ed was published not long after settlers forcibly removed the Nüümü from the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, that’s just the ultimate slap in the face,” said Greg Haverstock, an archeologist with the Bureau of Land Management who’s studied Nüümü agricultural ditches. The settlers “must have recognized that these were developed areas,” he said — even as they co-opted Nüümü irrigation systems and claimed the valley’s water for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haverstock started studying those systems because Harry contacted him in 2017; even with all of the historical documentation he’d collected, Harry still didn’t have scientific proof that the ditches predated the arrival of white settlers, which could make a Nüümü water rights claim all the more persuasive with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Toxic dust from the lakebed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Noah, Harry always had “a bit of a cough,” and as he hiked through agricultural ditches with Haverstock and pored over historical research, it was hard not to notice that his cough was getting worse. When Noah was fresh out of college, Harry was diagnosed with cystic fibrosis and interstitial lung disease. No one can pinpoint the exact cause of Harry’s illnesses, but Noah believes the toxic dust storms that whipped off Patsiata’s dried lakebed were at least partly to blame: His father was far from the only community member who developed respiratory disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982604\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982604 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"White dust covering a lakebed with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s “putting two and two together,” Noah said. “Like, ‘Hey, they say that this is such bad dust pollution. We’re starting to see people that are sick.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dust from the lakebed is laced with naturally occurring arsenic and other carcinogens, and the dust’s tiny particles have also been shown to harm human health. While there haven’t been any published studies on the long-term health impacts of Payahuunadü’s airborne dust, this kind of pollution has been studied in other places, where it was found to cause cancer, lung disease, and premature death. Since the late 1990s, LADWP said it has spent $2.5 billion on dust mitigation strategies, like putting gravel on the dried lakebed and using sprinklers to dampen the dust. The utility said it has reduced the lake’s dust emissions by more than 99 percent, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/25658/effectiveness-and-impacts-of-dust-control-measures-for-owens-lake&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715801655469723&usg=AOvVaw2G2J5EE_thb3KYF_g1Zc6H\">a 2020 National Academies of Sciences report\u003c/a> found the area still doesn’t meet air quality standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JOTI5gbq9gg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry was deeply annoyed by his illness. He had archeologists to meet and county leaders to yell at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He definitely wanted to be here longer for sure,” Noah said. “That was really sad — realizing, ‘you know, it’s too late.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2021, his oxygen levels dropped, and Noah rushed him to the emergency room. “Are you ready?” Noah remembered asking him. “And he said, ‘Yeah — I’m ready to go.’” The doctors removed his oxygen, and Noah began singing ceremonial songs he’d learned from Harry. He held his father’s hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storm clouds rolled in a few minutes after Harry’s last breath. As Noah gathered up Harry’s things, it began to rain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really comforted by some information that someone shared with me,” he said. “It only rains when the great ones pass away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rain pooled in the valley’s parched ditches, its dry creek beds, and on the dusty lakebed. Some of it coursed into the aqueduct and was taken to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A fight for reform and reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2022, Haverstock and his team published their peer-reviewed paper in the Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology. (Harry Williams is listed as a co-author and managed to review a draft before he died.) According to Haverstock’s radiocarbon dating, the Nüümü had been using the ditches to irrigate their valley for more than 400 years, long before their contact with white people. Williams had been right all along. “We tend to underestimate the ingenuity and the ecological knowledge of people before us,” Haverstock said. “That’s a big mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the paper’s publication, Noah said Nüümü tribal leaders have yet to file a water rights claim. The tribes don’t have the money to fight for Harry’s dream, Noah said, and are focusing on water fights against LADWP that are less of a legal moonshot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LADWP representatives declined interview requests, but in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1XabakxpAiq2csC9BQ7PF7pkje_JJMOXj/view?usp=drive_link\">written statement\u003c/a>, the utility said it “recognizes tribal members’ traditional knowledge” and strives to respect Eastern Sierra communities. It also noted its attempts to reduce the amount of water Los Angeles imports. The city’s population has grown rapidly in the past 30 years, but LADWP said it has still managed to reduce its water imports from the Eastern Sierra by 50 percent since the 1990s; the utility is also investing in water recycling and treating stormwater for drinking. LADWP declined to answer any questions about the Nüümü agricultural ditch system or the validity of any tribal water-rights claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several water-law experts have found Harry Williams’ argument compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes their water rights — \u003cem>in theory \u003c/em>— very senior,” said Felicia Marcus, the Stanford fellow. But the Nüümü’s claim would be vulnerable to a range of legal counterarguments. For example, the tribes didn’t file a claim within the statute of limitations, and they did not use their water “continuously,” as California water law requires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, the Nüümü likely didn’t know they needed to file a water claim in the 1800s, and the tribes stopped using the valley’s water in the 1860s because the U.S. military had forcibly driven them out of the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is clearly unjust, Marcus said, and an excellent example of why California should reform its water rights system to better include marginalized communities. The state could implement some kind of water reparations, she suggests, or the state legislature could pass a bill enabling tribes to file water rights claims retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Noah Williams, the worst-case scenario isn’t just that the Nüümü never get their water back. It’s that all the history his dad fought to recover and devoted his life to preserving could be forgotten. “It’s frustrating,” he said. “I’d ask people [in Los Angeles] time and time again, ‘Where does your water come from?’ One of the most common answers that I would get would be, ‘From the tap.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we don’t tell people what actually happened here in the Owens Valley, he added — who lived here and who made use of the water — “it could just become a memory that’s lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Teresa Cotsirilos is a staff reporter with the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://nam11.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fthefern.org%2F&data=05%7C02%7Cchendler%40motherjones.com%7C060e0b2b9d5c4958f44408dc5989c2da%7C012f9e2f06f14827a96c9a54d367d83e%7C0%7C0%7C638483695425235926%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=8myntXoebNb%2FZUUlG0vig5kACl1xI0%2FqaTw3jjLVNCY%3D&reserved=0\">\u003cem>Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an independent, nonprofit news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "'You've got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it'll really make your bones sort of chill,’ Noah Williams said, talking about the history of water rights in the Owens Valley.",
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"title": "California's Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They're Fighting for Its Return | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Noah Williams was about a year old, his parents took him on a fateful drive through the endless desert sagebrush of the Owens Valley — which the Nüümü call Payahuunadü — in California’s Eastern Sierra. Noah was strapped into his car seat behind his mother, Teri Red Owl, and his father, Harry Williams, a Nüümü tribal elder with a sharp sense of humor who loved a teachable moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hey, look — that’s our water!” he liked to tell Noah whenever they drove past the riffling cascades of the Los Angeles Aqueduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they sped toward their home on one of the Nüümü’s reservations in the valley, the family passed the dry lakebed of Patsiata, also known as Owens Lake. In the 19th century, Patsiata was a 110-square-mile behemoth more than twice the size of San Francisco, but in the decades since it’s been largely reduced to a brine pool ringed by a vast salt flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the family sped on, the wind picked up, spinning dust from the lakebed into a volcanic gray cloud that quickly engulfed the car. Williams and Red Owl rolled up the windows and closed the vents, but the toxic dust seeped in any way, slowly clouding up the car. They could taste it, fine and metallic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982597\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982597 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family photos of Noah Williams with his father, Harry Williams, at Teri Red Owl’s home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Years later, Harry told Noah about that harrowing drive. “How do people live here?” he remembered asking himself. Then he answered his own question: \u003cem>Oh, right. We live here.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a people who have experienced a tremendous amount of grief,” said Noah, who now works as a water program coordinator for one of the Nüümü tribes. “You’ve got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it’ll really make your bones sort of chill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state shaped by water grabs, drought emergencies, and “pray for rain” billboards, Payahuunadü is the locus of California’s most infamous water war — the fight between Payahuunadü residents and the city of Los Angeles, about 270 miles away. In the early 1900s, Los Angeles was a small city that was running out of water, and Payahuunadü, which means “the land of flowing water,” had lots of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renamed the Owens Valley by white settlers — and nicknamed the “American Switzerland” — the valley was a snow-capped patchwork of pear farms and cattle ranches. Around 1904, Los Angeles city officials came up with a plan to take the valley’s water for themselves. Today, about a third of LA’s water supply comes from Payahuunadü and other parts of the Eastern Sierra, the city’s population has ballooned to nearly four million, and many of the valley’s streams and lakes — including Patsiata — have all but disappeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982603\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982603 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Wide shot of near empty lake with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The saga has been told scores of times, most famously in the Academy Award-winning movie Chinatown, but the Nüümü (also known as the Owens Valley Paiute) are often treated as a footnote to the story. The tribes have been fighting to get their water back for the better part of 170 years. And by the time Harry Williams died in 2021, he was convinced he’d discovered a way for them to do it. His strategy, he believed, would help the Nüümü win back their water in one clever move — and upend California’s arcane and inequitable water rights system along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 style=\"text-align: left\">‘Those Indians never got to be heard’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For the Nüümü, the water war started in the 1800s, with the arrival of white people in their homeland. At the time, the valley was lush and green, its river banks lined with willows and cottonwoods. The occasional fur trapper and mountain man quickly gave way to a steady stream of sheep and cattle ranchers, and by the 1860s, a community of farmers and ranchers had seized tracts of Payahuunadü for themselves. The settlers used federal laws to consolidate control of the land and the state’s fledgling water laws, passed in the 1850s, to gain control of that vital resource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s water laws govern a landowner’s legal right to divert and use water from a river, lake, or stream, and they broadly operate under three basic principles. Under “first in time, first in right,” water went to the first landowner who filed a claim to use it. Under the law’s second principle, claimants were required to make continuous use of that water, otherwise known as “use it or lose it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, this system can still quietly determine who has power in California and who does not. “It may have made sense to the people in power at the time,” said Felicia Marcus, a visiting fellow at Stanford and the former chair of California’s State Water Board, which regulates water rights across the state. However, she argues that the system is fundamentally inequitable and long overdue for reform. “There’s a day of reckoning coming where we need to think about how we’re going to rectify this very obvious wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 19th century, a flurry of explicitly racist laws prevented many people of color from participating in California’s water rights system. While California was busy awarding water rights in the 1850s, it was also bankrolling a genocidal campaign against its Native communities; the legislature also legalized Native Californians’ enslavement and sanctioned the violent removal of tribes from their traditional lands. According to Noah’s mom, Red Owl — an expert in Nüümü history who has long served as executive director of the Owens Valley Indian Water Commission — it’s likely that the Nüümü were unaware of the finer points of state water law. And even if they had filed a water rights claim, many tribes would have run afoul of the law’s third principle, “beneficial use,” which held that a water rights owner had to use their water for something that California considered worthwhile. Diversions for agriculture were considered “beneficial,” but many California Native peoples did not farm. Before they knew it, the Nüümü had no legal right to the water they’d always relied on for basic survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982596 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits at a table with decorations behind her. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teri Red Owl, Executive Director of Owens Valley Indian Water Commission, at her home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tensions in the valley continued to intensify, and war broke out between the Nüümü and the white settlers in 1861. In 1863, the U.S. Cavalry and a group of settlers drove more than thirty Nüümü into Owens Lake, then shot them as they tried to swim to safety. Later that year, the military forcibly marched nearly 1,000 Nüümü out of Payahuunadü to Fort El Tejon, more than 200 miles to the south. Many tribal members died of thirst or starvation along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time many Nüümü returned to their valley, the settlers had turned it into a constellation of cattle ranches and orchards. Some Nüümü found jobs as farm laborers and ranch hands, and by the early 1900s, a small group of tribal members had used the federal government’s Indian allotment system to recover some of the land and water they’d lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by then, a new power player had entered the valley. Through a series of technically legal maneuvers, Los Angeles officials began buying up land in Payahuunadü, and along with that land came its associated water rights. Next, they built an aqueduct to carry that water to the city — a move that would effectively drain the valley dry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the early 1930s, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ladwp.com/&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715802841175784&usg=AOvVaw0ZU-3FlpSxASlMh0X5Vt2a\">Los Angeles Department of Water and Power\u003c/a> (LADWP) owned nearly all of the valley’s farmland and water rights. It was during this period that the utility authored a report, the “Owens Valley Indian Problem,” which suggested removing the Nüümü from the valley — or, if that failed, containing them on reservations. According to both Red Owl and Sophia Borgias — an assistant professor at Boise State University and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/share/IUTPXUXS6GNSMFNNTSPA?target=10.1080/24694452.2024.2332649\">expert in this\u003c/a> period of Payahuunadü history — the federal government stepped in on the city’s behalf, and in the late 1930s, Congress created several Nüümü reservations in Payahuunadü. Through this flurry of legislation and years of political maneuvering, LADWP further consolidated its control of the valley’s land and water, including the water that flowed through the Nüümü reservations. To this day, LADWP holds the rights to the drinking water on the Bishop Paiute Reservation, where Noah grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like to consider myself [part of] a resource colony of Los Angeles, but I’m afraid that is how they view us,” Red Owl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nüümü did not quietly accept this situation. They refused to leave Payahuunadü, even when LADWP and federal officials pressured them to relocate; at one point, LADWP even hired armed guards to prevent some Nüümü landowners from using the water they had rights to. In 1937, several Nüümü tribal members traveled to Washington to plead the tribes’ case, but Congress refused to let them speak before the legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those Indians never ever got to be heard,” Red Owl said. “When I think about it, it always hurts my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘David and Goliath’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harry Williams wasn’t a particularly patient person, and the Nüümü’s endless fights against LADWP infuriated him. So, sometime in the late 1990s, he started working on an ambitious new strategy. By the time Noah was in middle school, Harry was obsessed with a network of narrow channels that crisscross, according to one estimate, at least 60 square miles of the valley’s low, rocky hills. As a kid, Harry used to play in these channels, which looked like dry, overgrown creek beds 2-to-3 feet deep. “I don’t think that he quite realized what it was at the time,” Noah said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To an untrained eye, the ditches don’t look like much, but Noah said they sometimes follow a pattern, branching off of the valley’s former creeks like veins from a leaf’s midrib. According to Harry, there’s a reason for that: the shallow ditches were part of a massive system the Nüümü had developed and maintained over hundreds of years to irrigate crops like tüpüs and nahavita, also known as yellow nutsedge and wild hyacinth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982601\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982601 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Rocks in the foreground with snow-capped mountains in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The remains of a rock wall indicate the likely direction that water once flowed at the Bishop Creek diversion in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other Nüümü knew about the tribes’ ditches, but it was Harry who obsessively researched and mapped them — and Harry who became convinced of their political implications. Under California’s water laws, many Native peoples were ineligible for water rights because they hadn’t put their water to “beneficial use” in the eyes of the state. But by diverting Payahuunadü’s water for irrigation, Harry theorized, the Nüümü had, in fact, demonstrated beneficial use, and they had done so long before white people arrived in the valley. This meant he argued that the Nüümü had been the rightful owners of the Payahuunadü’s water all along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, getting that water back would mean taking on LADWP. “It’s truly a David and Goliath sort of situation,” Noah said. “It’s going to be a huge, huge fight.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/4HUbbwYLH6k'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/4HUbbwYLH6k'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Harry’s next step was to gather proof that the ditch system was as old and sophisticated as Nüümü traditional knowledge said it was. He enlisted researchers to help him pore over 100-year-old maps and dusty ethnographies, and he quickly realized that some government officials had known about the ditches in the 19th century. When whites first made contact with the Nüümü back in the 1800s, some were impressed enough by the tribes’ agricultural system to write about it in letters and newspapers. Academics had even published anthropological research on the Nüümü’s agricultural practices back in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least some of the white settlers who violently displaced the Nüümü had clearly known about the ditches, too. In an op-ed published by the Inyo Independent in 1870, the authors state that “many of the principle irrigating ditches now in use by the whites were originally constructed by the aborigines.” The op-ed was published not long after settlers forcibly removed the Nüümü from the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, that’s just the ultimate slap in the face,” said Greg Haverstock, an archeologist with the Bureau of Land Management who’s studied Nüümü agricultural ditches. The settlers “must have recognized that these were developed areas,” he said — even as they co-opted Nüümü irrigation systems and claimed the valley’s water for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haverstock started studying those systems because Harry contacted him in 2017; even with all of the historical documentation he’d collected, Harry still didn’t have scientific proof that the ditches predated the arrival of white settlers, which could make a Nüümü water rights claim all the more persuasive with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Toxic dust from the lakebed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Noah, Harry always had “a bit of a cough,” and as he hiked through agricultural ditches with Haverstock and pored over historical research, it was hard not to notice that his cough was getting worse. When Noah was fresh out of college, Harry was diagnosed with cystic fibrosis and interstitial lung disease. No one can pinpoint the exact cause of Harry’s illnesses, but Noah believes the toxic dust storms that whipped off Patsiata’s dried lakebed were at least partly to blame: His father was far from the only community member who developed respiratory disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982604\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982604 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"White dust covering a lakebed with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s “putting two and two together,” Noah said. “Like, ‘Hey, they say that this is such bad dust pollution. We’re starting to see people that are sick.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dust from the lakebed is laced with naturally occurring arsenic and other carcinogens, and the dust’s tiny particles have also been shown to harm human health. While there haven’t been any published studies on the long-term health impacts of Payahuunadü’s airborne dust, this kind of pollution has been studied in other places, where it was found to cause cancer, lung disease, and premature death. Since the late 1990s, LADWP said it has spent $2.5 billion on dust mitigation strategies, like putting gravel on the dried lakebed and using sprinklers to dampen the dust. The utility said it has reduced the lake’s dust emissions by more than 99 percent, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/25658/effectiveness-and-impacts-of-dust-control-measures-for-owens-lake&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715801655469723&usg=AOvVaw2G2J5EE_thb3KYF_g1Zc6H\">a 2020 National Academies of Sciences report\u003c/a> found the area still doesn’t meet air quality standards.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JOTI5gbq9gg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JOTI5gbq9gg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Harry was deeply annoyed by his illness. He had archeologists to meet and county leaders to yell at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He definitely wanted to be here longer for sure,” Noah said. “That was really sad — realizing, ‘you know, it’s too late.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2021, his oxygen levels dropped, and Noah rushed him to the emergency room. “Are you ready?” Noah remembered asking him. “And he said, ‘Yeah — I’m ready to go.’” The doctors removed his oxygen, and Noah began singing ceremonial songs he’d learned from Harry. He held his father’s hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storm clouds rolled in a few minutes after Harry’s last breath. As Noah gathered up Harry’s things, it began to rain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really comforted by some information that someone shared with me,” he said. “It only rains when the great ones pass away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rain pooled in the valley’s parched ditches, its dry creek beds, and on the dusty lakebed. Some of it coursed into the aqueduct and was taken to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A fight for reform and reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2022, Haverstock and his team published their peer-reviewed paper in the Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology. (Harry Williams is listed as a co-author and managed to review a draft before he died.) According to Haverstock’s radiocarbon dating, the Nüümü had been using the ditches to irrigate their valley for more than 400 years, long before their contact with white people. Williams had been right all along. “We tend to underestimate the ingenuity and the ecological knowledge of people before us,” Haverstock said. “That’s a big mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the paper’s publication, Noah said Nüümü tribal leaders have yet to file a water rights claim. The tribes don’t have the money to fight for Harry’s dream, Noah said, and are focusing on water fights against LADWP that are less of a legal moonshot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LADWP representatives declined interview requests, but in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1XabakxpAiq2csC9BQ7PF7pkje_JJMOXj/view?usp=drive_link\">written statement\u003c/a>, the utility said it “recognizes tribal members’ traditional knowledge” and strives to respect Eastern Sierra communities. It also noted its attempts to reduce the amount of water Los Angeles imports. The city’s population has grown rapidly in the past 30 years, but LADWP said it has still managed to reduce its water imports from the Eastern Sierra by 50 percent since the 1990s; the utility is also investing in water recycling and treating stormwater for drinking. LADWP declined to answer any questions about the Nüümü agricultural ditch system or the validity of any tribal water-rights claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several water-law experts have found Harry Williams’ argument compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes their water rights — \u003cem>in theory \u003c/em>— very senior,” said Felicia Marcus, the Stanford fellow. But the Nüümü’s claim would be vulnerable to a range of legal counterarguments. For example, the tribes didn’t file a claim within the statute of limitations, and they did not use their water “continuously,” as California water law requires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, the Nüümü likely didn’t know they needed to file a water claim in the 1800s, and the tribes stopped using the valley’s water in the 1860s because the U.S. military had forcibly driven them out of the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is clearly unjust, Marcus said, and an excellent example of why California should reform its water rights system to better include marginalized communities. The state could implement some kind of water reparations, she suggests, or the state legislature could pass a bill enabling tribes to file water rights claims retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Noah Williams, the worst-case scenario isn’t just that the Nüümü never get their water back. It’s that all the history his dad fought to recover and devoted his life to preserving could be forgotten. “It’s frustrating,” he said. “I’d ask people [in Los Angeles] time and time again, ‘Where does your water come from?’ One of the most common answers that I would get would be, ‘From the tap.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we don’t tell people what actually happened here in the Owens Valley, he added — who lived here and who made use of the water — “it could just become a memory that’s lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Teresa Cotsirilos is a staff reporter with the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://nam11.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fthefern.org%2F&data=05%7C02%7Cchendler%40motherjones.com%7C060e0b2b9d5c4958f44408dc5989c2da%7C012f9e2f06f14827a96c9a54d367d83e%7C0%7C0%7C638483695425235926%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=8myntXoebNb%2FZUUlG0vig5kACl1xI0%2FqaTw3jjLVNCY%3D&reserved=0\">\u003cem>Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an independent, nonprofit news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "UC Stands Firm on $32 Billion Investment Plans Amid Pro-Palestinian Calls for Withdrawal",
"headTitle": "UC Stands Firm on $32 Billion Investment Plans Amid Pro-Palestinian Calls for Withdrawal | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>The University of California disclosed Tuesday that it has $32 billion invested in assets that pro-Palestinian protesters demand the university divest from, including weapons manufacturers that sell to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The disclosure came the same day that pro-Palestinian demonstrators at UC Berkeley, who have camped out in Sproul Plaza for nearly a month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986306/uc-berkeley-encampment-is-packing-up-for-merced-heres-what-admin-agreed-to\">dismantled their tents\u003c/a> after Chancellor Carol Christ met with organizers and\u003ca href=\"https://chancellor.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/encampment_letter_051424.pdf\"> agreed to take steps\u003c/a> to review the university’s investments to make sure they align with its “core values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those values include a respect for equality, human rights, a commitment to fostering the conditions for human growth and development, and an abhorrence of war,” Christ wrote in a letter to demonstrators on Tuesday. ” We should examine whether UC Berkeley’s investments continue to align with our values or should be modified in order to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christ added that the university will also develop a transparent process for assessing whether any of its global exchange and internship programs are out of step with the UC Anti-Discrimination Policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of activists who participated in the UC Berkeley encampment said they were headed to UC Merced, where the UC Board of Regents is holding its bimonthly meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of the regents meeting, protesters at UC Merced\u003ca href=\"https://abc30.com/post/pro-palestinian-protest-underway-uc-merced-campus-encampment/14810224/\"> set up a pro-Palestinian encampment on the campus\u003c/a>, making it the latest of UC’s 10 campuses to establish such an encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement posted on Instagram, organizers of the encampment wrote that they are demanding UC to divest, call for a cease-fire in Gaza and end ties with Israel, including study-abroad programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The UC regents are meeting on our campus. … They will hear us!” the organizers wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Chief Investment Officer Jagdeep Singh Bachher outlined UC’s current investment portfolio on Tuesday, the first day of the three-day regents meeting at UC Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bachher’s list responded to specific demands from the protesters and included broader investments in U.S. treasuries, which he added in response to the request that UC divest from assets that support Israel. “The answer to that question is the U.S. government,” he said, referring to the aid and weapons that the government sends to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full list of investments include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$3.3 billion in weapons manufacturers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$12 billion in U.S. Treasurys\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$163 million in BlackRock, an asset manager that owns shares of companies that support Israel\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$2.1 billion in investments managed for UC by BlackRock\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$8.6 billion in the investment firm Blackstone, also targeted by protesters\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$3.2 billion in 24 other companies targeted by protesters, including Coca-Cola and Disney\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“So if I interpret the questions and the responses mathematically with numbers, the letter sent to us would suggest that we should sell $32 billion of assets out of the $175 billion,” Bachher said, referring to the system’s entire investment portfolio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investments committee took no action toward divestment on Tuesday, nor did it suggest they considered doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached Tuesday, a spokesperson for the system also said UC stands behind its April 26 statement opposing the idea of divestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University of California has consistently opposed calls for boycott against and divestment from Israel,” UC said at the time. “While the University affirms the right of our community members to express diverse viewpoints, a boycott of this sort impinges on the academic freedom of our students and faculty and the unfettered exchange of ideas on our campuses.”[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='israel-hamas-war']Demands for UC and other universities to divest from Israel have heightened in recent weeks as pro-Palestinian encampments and protests have swept the country since last month, including at UCLA and other UC campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving the encampments are calls for divestment from companies doing significant business with Israel. The protesters see universities as complicit in Israel’s war in Gaza. More than 35,000 people have been killed in Gaza, including many women and children, according to health authorities. Israel’s bombardment of Gaza followed the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel, which killed about 1,200 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s financial disclosures followed a lengthy public comment period in which many commenters called on UC to divest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to emphasize my support for the Palestinian encampment students and faculty and to strongly support their call for divestment from all investments in the military-industrial complex,” said Darlene Lee, a faculty member in UCLA’s teacher education program and a UCLA alum. “Educational funds should go towards education and community and not war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/uc-has-32-billion-in-assets-targeted-by-pro-palestinian-protesters-but-no-plans-to-divest/711864\">This story was first published on EdSource\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The University of California disclosed Tuesday that it has $32 billion invested in assets that pro-Palestinian protesters demand the university divest from, including weapons manufacturers that sell to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The disclosure came the same day that pro-Palestinian demonstrators at UC Berkeley, who have camped out in Sproul Plaza for nearly a month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986306/uc-berkeley-encampment-is-packing-up-for-merced-heres-what-admin-agreed-to\">dismantled their tents\u003c/a> after Chancellor Carol Christ met with organizers and\u003ca href=\"https://chancellor.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/encampment_letter_051424.pdf\"> agreed to take steps\u003c/a> to review the university’s investments to make sure they align with its “core values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those values include a respect for equality, human rights, a commitment to fostering the conditions for human growth and development, and an abhorrence of war,” Christ wrote in a letter to demonstrators on Tuesday. ” We should examine whether UC Berkeley’s investments continue to align with our values or should be modified in order to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christ added that the university will also develop a transparent process for assessing whether any of its global exchange and internship programs are out of step with the UC Anti-Discrimination Policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of activists who participated in the UC Berkeley encampment said they were headed to UC Merced, where the UC Board of Regents is holding its bimonthly meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of the regents meeting, protesters at UC Merced\u003ca href=\"https://abc30.com/post/pro-palestinian-protest-underway-uc-merced-campus-encampment/14810224/\"> set up a pro-Palestinian encampment on the campus\u003c/a>, making it the latest of UC’s 10 campuses to establish such an encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement posted on Instagram, organizers of the encampment wrote that they are demanding UC to divest, call for a cease-fire in Gaza and end ties with Israel, including study-abroad programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The UC regents are meeting on our campus. … They will hear us!” the organizers wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Chief Investment Officer Jagdeep Singh Bachher outlined UC’s current investment portfolio on Tuesday, the first day of the three-day regents meeting at UC Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bachher’s list responded to specific demands from the protesters and included broader investments in U.S. treasuries, which he added in response to the request that UC divest from assets that support Israel. “The answer to that question is the U.S. government,” he said, referring to the aid and weapons that the government sends to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full list of investments include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$3.3 billion in weapons manufacturers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$12 billion in U.S. Treasurys\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$163 million in BlackRock, an asset manager that owns shares of companies that support Israel\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$2.1 billion in investments managed for UC by BlackRock\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$8.6 billion in the investment firm Blackstone, also targeted by protesters\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$3.2 billion in 24 other companies targeted by protesters, including Coca-Cola and Disney\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“So if I interpret the questions and the responses mathematically with numbers, the letter sent to us would suggest that we should sell $32 billion of assets out of the $175 billion,” Bachher said, referring to the system’s entire investment portfolio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investments committee took no action toward divestment on Tuesday, nor did it suggest they considered doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached Tuesday, a spokesperson for the system also said UC stands behind its April 26 statement opposing the idea of divestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University of California has consistently opposed calls for boycott against and divestment from Israel,” UC said at the time. “While the University affirms the right of our community members to express diverse viewpoints, a boycott of this sort impinges on the academic freedom of our students and faculty and the unfettered exchange of ideas on our campuses.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Demands for UC and other universities to divest from Israel have heightened in recent weeks as pro-Palestinian encampments and protests have swept the country since last month, including at UCLA and other UC campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving the encampments are calls for divestment from companies doing significant business with Israel. The protesters see universities as complicit in Israel’s war in Gaza. More than 35,000 people have been killed in Gaza, including many women and children, according to health authorities. Israel’s bombardment of Gaza followed the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel, which killed about 1,200 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s financial disclosures followed a lengthy public comment period in which many commenters called on UC to divest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to emphasize my support for the Palestinian encampment students and faculty and to strongly support their call for divestment from all investments in the military-industrial complex,” said Darlene Lee, a faculty member in UCLA’s teacher education program and a UCLA alum. “Educational funds should go towards education and community and not war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/uc-has-32-billion-in-assets-targeted-by-pro-palestinian-protesters-but-no-plans-to-divest/711864\">This story was first published on EdSource\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "The UC Berkeley Professor Centering the Latino Experience on Campus",
"headTitle": "The UC Berkeley Professor Centering the Latino Experience on Campus | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>I met UC Berkeley professor G. Cristina Mora a year ago when she invited me to one of her classes about Latinos in the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She created Latino Sociology, a course that “examines the historical and contemporary experiences of Latinxs in the United States.” It’s exactly the kind of class Mora wished she had been able to take as an undergraduate at Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I wanted to learn more about what she is doing to make Berkeley a place that welcomes and celebrates the Latinx experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mora, a UC Berkeley graduate, arrived for her freshman year, she thought she would become a teacher and maybe a principal. Growing up in Pacoima, a city in the San Fernando Valley, the only people she knew who had college degrees worked in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her first two years at Berkeley, she took some part-time jobs working with middle school students and quickly realized she didn’t want to be a teacher. In her junior year, the ambition to become a professor materialized. She knew she was facing difficult odds. Higher education is a competitive field, especially for a first-generation college student from a working-class, Mexican American background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Berkeley and across academia, Latinx college students need institutions to recognize Latinidad as an academic discipline, Mora told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 50% of students who graduate from high school in California are Latino. Meanwhile, Latinos make up about \u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/latinx-thriving-initiatives-lti/hsi-data\">19% of Berkeley undergraduate students\u003c/a>. The university has a \u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/lti/overview\">goal of reaching 25%\u003c/a> by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/latinx-thriving-initiatives-lti/hsi-data\">However, Latinos only make up 7% of Berkeley’s core faculty\u003c/a>. Mora recalled that when she was an undergraduate majoring in sociology, she took a lot of amazing classes that completely left out the Latinx experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hardly ever got to read texts about my own community,” she said. “I always remember thinking there was this huge gap. I ask myself, ‘What are the things that I can produce and do that I would have loved to read?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora graduated in 2003 and earned a doctorate in sociology from Princeton University. She is now a tenured professor of sociology and co-director of UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies, which conducts research and polls on politics and policy issues. As a Latina in higher education, she feels a duty to also fight against the erasure of our value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lrc.berkeley.edu/2023/04/05/latino-studies-stagnation/\">2023 report\u003c/a> she co-authored found that only 4% of colleges and universities in the U.S. offer a major centered on the Latinx experience. She and her fellow researchers scoured course catalogs for majors such as Latino Studies, Mexican American Studies, Chicano Studies and Puerto Rican Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s incredibly easy for [academia] to write off Latinos as foreigners, as newcomers, as people that live in the outside over there and to overlook the tremendous contributions of Latino communities in the founding history and development of the country,” Mora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, schools such as San Francisco State University and San Jose State University were pioneers in establishing robust Chicano and Latino studies programs, whereas more prestigious schools such as Berkeley and Stanford have lagged, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Latinx students go to college to land a well-paying job. So why would it matter if a school offers a Latinx-centered major, given that it may not lead directly into a career?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The world is complex,” Mora said. “To really understand engineering, you probably need to know society really well, right? You probably need to understand what are the social dynamics around what happens when a freeway is constructed or a bridge is constructed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She shared her insights in her office in the social sciences building. I sat on the same couch as dozens of students who had unburdened themselves to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even students not enrolled in her classes, who hear about her through word of mouth, seek her out for guidance and support. They see a part of themselves in her, whether because she’s a child of immigrants or because she, too, had to juggle working multiple jobs while attending Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I see some of myself in Mora. We are both in our early 40s, moms and live in the East Bay. I felt like an outsider on my college campus. I want future generations of Latinx students, including my own children, to feel welcomed and represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talking with Mora made me think of how complicated higher education is for many Latinos. On one hand, attending college allows you to access knowledge, pursue careers, achieve financial stability and become a more conscious member of society. On the other hand, you might feel like you have to find a way to blend in or constantly feel at odds with your surroundings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I attended Vanderbilt University 20 years ago, the percentage of Hispanic students was 3.4 to 4.1% (now close to 12%). I majored in English and minored in Latin American Studies, with an emphasis on Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only class I took that centered on the Latino experience in the U.S., as opposed to Latin America, was a Latino literature course taught by acclaimed Puerto Rican writer Judith Ortiz Cofer, who was a visiting professor. It exposed me to a world of writers I had never encountered and showed me that Latino literature was a thriving genre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chicana writer Lorraine Lopez was the only professor who encouraged me to go to graduate school. I earned a master’s in creative writing from Mills College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mention all of this to second what Mora told me: The ability for students to see themselves reflected in faculty and course material isn’t the be-all and end-all, but it can lead to meaningful, life-altering connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I really admire about Mora is that she is focused on changing how Latino students experience higher education in ways that benefit non-Latino students and faculty, too. Still, revamping any longstanding, powerful institution is challenging and daunting. I asked what keeps her going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have an option but to keep pushing,” Mora said. “I’ve had the chance to move to the East Coast or become a professor at an elite private school. I choose to stay here, and many of my colleagues choose to stay here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We stay here because we believe in teaching the students here. We believe in the future of California. We believe that this place can be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Latinos are roughly 19% of UC Berkeley's undergraduate students. The university has a goal of reaching 25% in three years. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>I met UC Berkeley professor G. Cristina Mora a year ago when she invited me to one of her classes about Latinos in the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She created Latino Sociology, a course that “examines the historical and contemporary experiences of Latinxs in the United States.” It’s exactly the kind of class Mora wished she had been able to take as an undergraduate at Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I wanted to learn more about what she is doing to make Berkeley a place that welcomes and celebrates the Latinx experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mora, a UC Berkeley graduate, arrived for her freshman year, she thought she would become a teacher and maybe a principal. Growing up in Pacoima, a city in the San Fernando Valley, the only people she knew who had college degrees worked in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her first two years at Berkeley, she took some part-time jobs working with middle school students and quickly realized she didn’t want to be a teacher. In her junior year, the ambition to become a professor materialized. She knew she was facing difficult odds. Higher education is a competitive field, especially for a first-generation college student from a working-class, Mexican American background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Berkeley and across academia, Latinx college students need institutions to recognize Latinidad as an academic discipline, Mora told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 50% of students who graduate from high school in California are Latino. Meanwhile, Latinos make up about \u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/latinx-thriving-initiatives-lti/hsi-data\">19% of Berkeley undergraduate students\u003c/a>. The university has a \u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/lti/overview\">goal of reaching 25%\u003c/a> by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://thriving.berkeley.edu/initiatives/latinx-thriving-initiatives-lti/hsi-data\">However, Latinos only make up 7% of Berkeley’s core faculty\u003c/a>. Mora recalled that when she was an undergraduate majoring in sociology, she took a lot of amazing classes that completely left out the Latinx experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hardly ever got to read texts about my own community,” she said. “I always remember thinking there was this huge gap. I ask myself, ‘What are the things that I can produce and do that I would have loved to read?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora graduated in 2003 and earned a doctorate in sociology from Princeton University. She is now a tenured professor of sociology and co-director of UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies, which conducts research and polls on politics and policy issues. As a Latina in higher education, she feels a duty to also fight against the erasure of our value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lrc.berkeley.edu/2023/04/05/latino-studies-stagnation/\">2023 report\u003c/a> she co-authored found that only 4% of colleges and universities in the U.S. offer a major centered on the Latinx experience. She and her fellow researchers scoured course catalogs for majors such as Latino Studies, Mexican American Studies, Chicano Studies and Puerto Rican Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s incredibly easy for [academia] to write off Latinos as foreigners, as newcomers, as people that live in the outside over there and to overlook the tremendous contributions of Latino communities in the founding history and development of the country,” Mora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, schools such as San Francisco State University and San Jose State University were pioneers in establishing robust Chicano and Latino studies programs, whereas more prestigious schools such as Berkeley and Stanford have lagged, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Latinx students go to college to land a well-paying job. So why would it matter if a school offers a Latinx-centered major, given that it may not lead directly into a career?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The world is complex,” Mora said. “To really understand engineering, you probably need to know society really well, right? You probably need to understand what are the social dynamics around what happens when a freeway is constructed or a bridge is constructed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She shared her insights in her office in the social sciences building. I sat on the same couch as dozens of students who had unburdened themselves to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even students not enrolled in her classes, who hear about her through word of mouth, seek her out for guidance and support. They see a part of themselves in her, whether because she’s a child of immigrants or because she, too, had to juggle working multiple jobs while attending Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I see some of myself in Mora. We are both in our early 40s, moms and live in the East Bay. I felt like an outsider on my college campus. I want future generations of Latinx students, including my own children, to feel welcomed and represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talking with Mora made me think of how complicated higher education is for many Latinos. On one hand, attending college allows you to access knowledge, pursue careers, achieve financial stability and become a more conscious member of society. On the other hand, you might feel like you have to find a way to blend in or constantly feel at odds with your surroundings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I attended Vanderbilt University 20 years ago, the percentage of Hispanic students was 3.4 to 4.1% (now close to 12%). I majored in English and minored in Latin American Studies, with an emphasis on Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only class I took that centered on the Latino experience in the U.S., as opposed to Latin America, was a Latino literature course taught by acclaimed Puerto Rican writer Judith Ortiz Cofer, who was a visiting professor. It exposed me to a world of writers I had never encountered and showed me that Latino literature was a thriving genre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chicana writer Lorraine Lopez was the only professor who encouraged me to go to graduate school. I earned a master’s in creative writing from Mills College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mention all of this to second what Mora told me: The ability for students to see themselves reflected in faculty and course material isn’t the be-all and end-all, but it can lead to meaningful, life-altering connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I really admire about Mora is that she is focused on changing how Latino students experience higher education in ways that benefit non-Latino students and faculty, too. Still, revamping any longstanding, powerful institution is challenging and daunting. I asked what keeps her going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have an option but to keep pushing,” Mora said. “I’ve had the chance to move to the East Coast or become a professor at an elite private school. I choose to stay here, and many of my colleagues choose to stay here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We stay here because we believe in teaching the students here. We believe in the future of California. We believe that this place can be better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a meeting room at a hotel in California’s crop-rich Central Valley, a fight is taking place that could help shape the future of farm labor in fields that grow a chunk of the country’s food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The battle between a unit of the Wonderful Co. — one of the state’s most well-known farm companies that grows pistachios, pomegranates and citrus — and United Farm Workers — the country’s biggest farm worker union — comes after California \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-business-california-kamala-harris-gavin-newsom-d9ec4ee77d9430c4bf8ec7b17b68c3fc\">passed a law\u003c/a> in 2022 aimed at making it easier for agricultural laborers to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several hundred workers filed papers this year to unionize at Wonderful Nurseries in Wasco, California, a move the company claimed was fraudulent. The allegations are being heard in proceedings that could uphold the newly formed union or revoke its certification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, farmer and labor advocates are watching closely to determine the new law’s impact in a state where most farmworkers are not organized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four groups of California farmworkers have so far organized under the law, marking the UFW’s first successful attempts at farmworker unionization since 2016, said Elizabeth Strater, the union’s director of strategic campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to see a continued rise in California of farmworker organizing because there is a tremendous need,” Strater said. “Every time there’s a union win in the community, that raises the standard for other employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers aren’t covered by federal rules for labor organizing in the United States. However, California, which harvests much of the country’s produce, enacted a law and created a special board in 1975 to protect their right to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-business-california-kamala-harris-gavin-newsom-d9ec4ee77d9430c4bf8ec7b17b68c3fc\">The 2022 law lets the workers unionize\u003c/a> by collecting a majority of signatures without holding an election at a polling place — a move proponents said would protect workers from union busting and employers said lacked safeguards to prevent fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom reluctantly approved the changes with a nudge from the White House after farmworkers led a weekslong march to the state Capitol.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='immigration']Farmworkers in California are overwhelmingly Latino and among the state’s poorest and most vulnerable residents. Many are seasonal workers, which makes it tough to organize a job site, and many lack legal status in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law could lead to a rise in union influence and a resurgence of the UFW, which represented tens of thousands of farmworkers at its peak but has seen its numbers dwindle, said Christian Paiz, a professor of ethnic studies at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is one of the most dangerous jobs in the country,” Paiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an absurdity to the claim these individuals would say, ‘No, I’m cool, I trust my employer.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm industry leaders contend that the lack of a secret ballot makes workers vulnerable to coercion by unions and fraud. They want farmworkers to be able to revoke their signatures if they change their mind about organizing, and they want unions to clarify in writing that a signature essentially constitutes a worker’s vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan Little, director of labor policy for the California Farm Bureau Federation, said he expects more union filings under the new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our members are very concerned about it,” Little said. “You have a union, and all of a sudden, you have a business partner in effect telling you how to operate your business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clash at Wonderful Nurseries began when a group of workers filed in February to organize over concerns about assignments and scheduling, Strater said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 640-worker unit was certified by the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board. But Wonderful filed a complaint saying its workers didn’t want a union and thought cards they signed were to access $600 payments under a federal pandemic relief program the UFW helps administer. The UFW denied it and claimed Wonderful was calling meetings to try to get workers to withdraw their cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue is now before the board with an administrative law judge taking testimony from workers during a weekslong hearing that started in person and continues remotely with lawyers sparring over computer screens while farmworkers speak from a Bakersfield meeting room with help from a Spanish interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wonderful Nurseries contends the board has failed to ensure an honest process for the unit’s 60 permanent employees and as many as 1,500 seasonal workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our company’s history of working with agricultural workers is rooted in mutual trust, collaboration, and respect, all of which stands in contrast to the UFW actions,” Rob Yraceburu, president of Wonderful Nurseries, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Agricultural Labor Relations Board had no immediate comment on the case but said the hearing would allow all parties to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push to organize farm labor follows a \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-starbucks-corp-labor-unions-amazoncom-inc-business-1d9ce765edef24211b5160d55b3f9c90\">decadeslong decline in union membership\u003c/a> in the United States. However, public support for unions has recently grown, and the National Labor Relations Board, which governs non-farmworkers’ right to organize, reported the \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/unions-membership-rates-uaw-government-a3fc7bc50dd59a89f414230e8837d7e6\">highest number of filings\u003c/a> for union representation in eight years during the 2023 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other California companies where farmworkers have organized are much smaller than Wonderful, a $6 billion company founded by Stewart and Lynda Resnick, who have donated to \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-farm-workers-union-endorsement-2024-labor-issues-b3259c0bfaede763c122e53c505ffa82\">President Joe Biden\u003c/a> and Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At DMB Packing, Guadalupe Luna said he signed up to form a union because he previously worked at a unionized farm where he earned 5 cents more for each bucket of tomatoes picked. Now, he said a contract may soon be signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think this year things are going to be better for us,” the 55-year-old said. “We want better pay and benefits; that’s what we’re asking the ranchers for, and they seem willing to negotiate with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four groups of California farmworkers have so far organized under the law, marking the UFW’s first successful attempts at farmworker unionization since 2016, said Elizabeth Strater, the union’s director of strategic campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to see a continued rise in California of farmworker organizing because there is a tremendous need,” Strater said. “Every time there’s a union win in the community, that raises the standard for other employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers aren’t covered by federal rules for labor organizing in the United States. However, California, which harvests much of the country’s produce, enacted a law and created a special board in 1975 to protect their right to unionize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-business-california-kamala-harris-gavin-newsom-d9ec4ee77d9430c4bf8ec7b17b68c3fc\">The 2022 law lets the workers unionize\u003c/a> by collecting a majority of signatures without holding an election at a polling place — a move proponents said would protect workers from union busting and employers said lacked safeguards to prevent fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom reluctantly approved the changes with a nudge from the White House after farmworkers led a weekslong march to the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Farmworkers in California are overwhelmingly Latino and among the state’s poorest and most vulnerable residents. Many are seasonal workers, which makes it tough to organize a job site, and many lack legal status in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law could lead to a rise in union influence and a resurgence of the UFW, which represented tens of thousands of farmworkers at its peak but has seen its numbers dwindle, said Christian Paiz, a professor of ethnic studies at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is one of the most dangerous jobs in the country,” Paiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an absurdity to the claim these individuals would say, ‘No, I’m cool, I trust my employer.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm industry leaders contend that the lack of a secret ballot makes workers vulnerable to coercion by unions and fraud. They want farmworkers to be able to revoke their signatures if they change their mind about organizing, and they want unions to clarify in writing that a signature essentially constitutes a worker’s vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan Little, director of labor policy for the California Farm Bureau Federation, said he expects more union filings under the new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our members are very concerned about it,” Little said. “You have a union, and all of a sudden, you have a business partner in effect telling you how to operate your business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clash at Wonderful Nurseries began when a group of workers filed in February to organize over concerns about assignments and scheduling, Strater said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 640-worker unit was certified by the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board. But Wonderful filed a complaint saying its workers didn’t want a union and thought cards they signed were to access $600 payments under a federal pandemic relief program the UFW helps administer. The UFW denied it and claimed Wonderful was calling meetings to try to get workers to withdraw their cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue is now before the board with an administrative law judge taking testimony from workers during a weekslong hearing that started in person and continues remotely with lawyers sparring over computer screens while farmworkers speak from a Bakersfield meeting room with help from a Spanish interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wonderful Nurseries contends the board has failed to ensure an honest process for the unit’s 60 permanent employees and as many as 1,500 seasonal workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our company’s history of working with agricultural workers is rooted in mutual trust, collaboration, and respect, all of which stands in contrast to the UFW actions,” Rob Yraceburu, president of Wonderful Nurseries, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Agricultural Labor Relations Board had no immediate comment on the case but said the hearing would allow all parties to be heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push to organize farm labor follows a \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-starbucks-corp-labor-unions-amazoncom-inc-business-1d9ce765edef24211b5160d55b3f9c90\">decadeslong decline in union membership\u003c/a> in the United States. However, public support for unions has recently grown, and the National Labor Relations Board, which governs non-farmworkers’ right to organize, reported the \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/unions-membership-rates-uaw-government-a3fc7bc50dd59a89f414230e8837d7e6\">highest number of filings\u003c/a> for union representation in eight years during the 2023 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other California companies where farmworkers have organized are much smaller than Wonderful, a $6 billion company founded by Stewart and Lynda Resnick, who have donated to \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-farm-workers-union-endorsement-2024-labor-issues-b3259c0bfaede763c122e53c505ffa82\">President Joe Biden\u003c/a> and Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At DMB Packing, Guadalupe Luna said he signed up to form a union because he previously worked at a unionized farm where he earned 5 cents more for each bucket of tomatoes picked. Now, he said a contract may soon be signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think this year things are going to be better for us,” the 55-year-old said. “We want better pay and benefits; that’s what we’re asking the ranchers for, and they seem willing to negotiate with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Bay Area Rock Climber Beth Rodden Shares Triumphs, Traumas in New Memoir",
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"content": "\u003cp>Beth Rodden is considered rock climbing royalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has a reputation for conquering some of the most treacherous climbs in the world. In some cases, she was the first person ever to scale such heights. In a long list of accomplishments, a few things stand out. She was the first woman to complete two routes up \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalgeographic.com/adventure/article/beth-rodden-mom-climber\">Yosemite’s notorious El Capitan\u003c/a>, with no gear helping to pull her up. She was also the first person ever to climb one of the hardest routes in Yosemite, a route called “Meltdown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YAMuoSiEiM4\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite her success, she was battling injuries, raging self-doubt and trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She chronicles these challenges and her extraordinary climbing career in her new memoir, \u003cem>A Light Through the Cracks: A Climber’s Story\u003c/em>. Beth spoke about it with The California Report Magazine’s Bianca Taylor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Below are excerpts from their conversation. For the full interview, listen to the audio at the top of this story on The California Report Magazine.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985174\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1292px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985174\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1995-BETH-MISSION-CLIFFS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1292\" height=\"1078\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1995-BETH-MISSION-CLIFFS-KQED.jpg 1292w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1995-BETH-MISSION-CLIFFS-KQED-800x667.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1995-BETH-MISSION-CLIFFS-KQED-1020x851.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1995-BETH-MISSION-CLIFFS-KQED-160x133.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1292px) 100vw, 1292px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rodden at Mission Cliffs in 1995. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Beth Rodden)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bianca Taylor: \u003c/strong>How did you first get hooked on rock climbing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Beth Rodden:\u003c/strong> My dad took me to the local climbing gym in Davis. He was a recreational climber. I loved the actual movement of climbing. I also really liked the social aspect of it, especially back then. It was much less structured. It was a much scrappier sport back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was totally self-driven because there were no coaches or anything — and I really liked that. There [were] perhaps one or two women on each climbing team versus, you know, a dozen men or something like that. So it was kind of like this alternative sport, you know, it was this sport that was born out of pushing against social norms. [It was] much smaller, much harder for women to make their name in it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1999, one of my climbing heroes, Lynn Hill, invited me on this climbing expedition, all female at the time, which [was] unheard of, to Madagascar to pioneer these first routes and these first ascents. And I feel like on that trip, I just thought, this is what I want to do. I’m all in from here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>In your memoir, you describe harrowing moments during a climbing expedition in Kyrgyzstan in 2000, where you were kidnapped. What happened?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I was 20, and at the time, I remember feeling so grown up. But looking back at it now, it’s like you’re just a child. I didn’t want to recount the entire ordeal [in my memoir], but I wanted to recount my personal experience and how it impacted me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DijlYnO8YL8&t=16s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honestly, I don’t think I could have done that until recently. I was very unaware and naive about how much it permeated my life and where it would bubble up. I think it took 20 years for me to be able to really dig back into those memories and those details and know how they impacted me personally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tell me about the significance of completing Meltdown.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, it had never been done before. So I was trying to do the first ascent of it, which means people had maybe tried it, but nobody had completed it. It was the hardest thing that I ever did. I had worked harder on it than any other climb. [But] I don’t think I appreciated how hard it was for me or the climbing world until it started to get repeated in the past handful of years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a lot more pressure as a female to go out on a limb and say it’s the hardest crack climb in the world, which is traditionally a very male-dominated part of the sport. And so to say that here’s this, you know, small in stature, quiet female that’s now established one of the hardest crack climbs in the world was a pretty big statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s your experience as far as sexism and machismo within the climbing industry?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in the ’90s and climbing in the early 2000s, it was a very big community of bravado and that type of thing. So, I just subscribed to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985176\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985176\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rodden and her son in Yosemite. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Beth Rodden)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Do we still have a long ways to go? Yes, but it’s absolutely changing. And I see women and all genders being portrayed differently. I see all body types being portrayed differently, more equity in what’s being marketed and who’s being taken on to teams. So it’s definitely changing. But does that still exist? Absolutely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honestly, becoming a mother has helped because you’re just this person who now is trying to set an example for your child, but then also realizing that, wait, why did I subscribe to this when these aren’t necessarily great things? And why is this something that is so celebrated in the climbing community when we could be kinder to ourselves and each other?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Has climbing ever taken a toll on your mental health? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yeah. I don’t think it’s a good thing, honestly. It’s not good to totally deny all your feelings and all your emotions. In terms of physical things, I was just like this little processor, like, OK, well, that’s going to require a Band-Aid, not a big deal, or that’s going to be really dangerous, maybe a big deal. I was pretty good at thinking, that’s OK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think what really started to build inside me was just trying to shove down and ignore the fear that it would constantly come up. I just assumed that I was always so close to death when I was climbing. You know, that the other shoe would drop, that something terrible would happen. Because it had happened. But it definitely filled my brain all the time, which was an interesting conflict because it was something that I loved, and it was something that I was really driven to do, but it was also something that totally terrified me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are your future climbing goals? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gosh, I feel like I definitely have a list that I always have there. And depending on what season it is, where I find myself in the world, what shape I’m in, then I’ll kind of pursue those. But I, thankfully, feel like I’m also at a point where if I never get to any of them, I’ll still be climbing. I’ll still be happy about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beth Rodden now lives with her family near Yosemite. Her memoir, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bethrodden.com/\">\u003cem>A Light Through the Cracks: A Climber’s Story,\u003c/em>\u003c/a> is available now. You can see her speak at \u003ca href=\"https://www.sausalitobooksbythebay.com/\">Sausalito Books by the Bay\u003c/a> on May 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Beth Rodden is considered rock climbing royalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has a reputation for conquering some of the most treacherous climbs in the world. In some cases, she was the first person ever to scale such heights. In a long list of accomplishments, a few things stand out. She was the first woman to complete two routes up \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalgeographic.com/adventure/article/beth-rodden-mom-climber\">Yosemite’s notorious El Capitan\u003c/a>, with no gear helping to pull her up. She was also the first person ever to climb one of the hardest routes in Yosemite, a route called “Meltdown.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/YAMuoSiEiM4'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/YAMuoSiEiM4'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>But despite her success, she was battling injuries, raging self-doubt and trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She chronicles these challenges and her extraordinary climbing career in her new memoir, \u003cem>A Light Through the Cracks: A Climber’s Story\u003c/em>. Beth spoke about it with The California Report Magazine’s Bianca Taylor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Below are excerpts from their conversation. For the full interview, listen to the audio at the top of this story on The California Report Magazine.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985174\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1292px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985174\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1995-BETH-MISSION-CLIFFS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1292\" height=\"1078\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1995-BETH-MISSION-CLIFFS-KQED.jpg 1292w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1995-BETH-MISSION-CLIFFS-KQED-800x667.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1995-BETH-MISSION-CLIFFS-KQED-1020x851.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1995-BETH-MISSION-CLIFFS-KQED-160x133.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1292px) 100vw, 1292px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rodden at Mission Cliffs in 1995. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Beth Rodden)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bianca Taylor: \u003c/strong>How did you first get hooked on rock climbing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Beth Rodden:\u003c/strong> My dad took me to the local climbing gym in Davis. He was a recreational climber. I loved the actual movement of climbing. I also really liked the social aspect of it, especially back then. It was much less structured. It was a much scrappier sport back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was totally self-driven because there were no coaches or anything — and I really liked that. There [were] perhaps one or two women on each climbing team versus, you know, a dozen men or something like that. So it was kind of like this alternative sport, you know, it was this sport that was born out of pushing against social norms. [It was] much smaller, much harder for women to make their name in it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1999, one of my climbing heroes, Lynn Hill, invited me on this climbing expedition, all female at the time, which [was] unheard of, to Madagascar to pioneer these first routes and these first ascents. And I feel like on that trip, I just thought, this is what I want to do. I’m all in from here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>In your memoir, you describe harrowing moments during a climbing expedition in Kyrgyzstan in 2000, where you were kidnapped. What happened?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I was 20, and at the time, I remember feeling so grown up. But looking back at it now, it’s like you’re just a child. I didn’t want to recount the entire ordeal [in my memoir], but I wanted to recount my personal experience and how it impacted me.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/DijlYnO8YL8'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/DijlYnO8YL8'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Honestly, I don’t think I could have done that until recently. I was very unaware and naive about how much it permeated my life and where it would bubble up. I think it took 20 years for me to be able to really dig back into those memories and those details and know how they impacted me personally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tell me about the significance of completing Meltdown.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, it had never been done before. So I was trying to do the first ascent of it, which means people had maybe tried it, but nobody had completed it. It was the hardest thing that I ever did. I had worked harder on it than any other climb. [But] I don’t think I appreciated how hard it was for me or the climbing world until it started to get repeated in the past handful of years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a lot more pressure as a female to go out on a limb and say it’s the hardest crack climb in the world, which is traditionally a very male-dominated part of the sport. And so to say that here’s this, you know, small in stature, quiet female that’s now established one of the hardest crack climbs in the world was a pretty big statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s your experience as far as sexism and machismo within the climbing industry?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in the ’90s and climbing in the early 2000s, it was a very big community of bravado and that type of thing. So, I just subscribed to that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985176\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985176\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BETH-AND-HER-SON-IN-YOSEMITE-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rodden and her son in Yosemite. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Beth Rodden)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Do we still have a long ways to go? Yes, but it’s absolutely changing. And I see women and all genders being portrayed differently. I see all body types being portrayed differently, more equity in what’s being marketed and who’s being taken on to teams. So it’s definitely changing. But does that still exist? Absolutely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honestly, becoming a mother has helped because you’re just this person who now is trying to set an example for your child, but then also realizing that, wait, why did I subscribe to this when these aren’t necessarily great things? And why is this something that is so celebrated in the climbing community when we could be kinder to ourselves and each other?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Has climbing ever taken a toll on your mental health? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yeah. I don’t think it’s a good thing, honestly. It’s not good to totally deny all your feelings and all your emotions. In terms of physical things, I was just like this little processor, like, OK, well, that’s going to require a Band-Aid, not a big deal, or that’s going to be really dangerous, maybe a big deal. I was pretty good at thinking, that’s OK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think what really started to build inside me was just trying to shove down and ignore the fear that it would constantly come up. I just assumed that I was always so close to death when I was climbing. You know, that the other shoe would drop, that something terrible would happen. Because it had happened. But it definitely filled my brain all the time, which was an interesting conflict because it was something that I loved, and it was something that I was really driven to do, but it was also something that totally terrified me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are your future climbing goals? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gosh, I feel like I definitely have a list that I always have there. And depending on what season it is, where I find myself in the world, what shape I’m in, then I’ll kind of pursue those. But I, thankfully, feel like I’m also at a point where if I never get to any of them, I’ll still be climbing. I’ll still be happy about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beth Rodden now lives with her family near Yosemite. Her memoir, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bethrodden.com/\">\u003cem>A Light Through the Cracks: A Climber’s Story,\u003c/em>\u003c/a> is available now. You can see her speak at \u003ca href=\"https://www.sausalitobooksbythebay.com/\">Sausalito Books by the Bay\u003c/a> on May 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "californias-central-coast-nears-first-indigenous-named-marine-sanctuary-in-us",
"title": "California's Central Coast Could Gain First Indigenous-Named Marine Sanctuary in US",
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"headTitle": "California’s Central Coast Could Gain First Indigenous-Named Marine Sanctuary in US | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s Central Coast is home to one of the world’s most \u003ca href=\"https://opc.ca.gov/marine-protected-areas/research-and-monitoring/regional-baseline-monitoring/regional-baseline-monitoring-central-coast/#:~:text=Central%20Coast%20waters%20are%20home,than%20450%20marine%20algae%20species.\">biodiverse stretches of ocean\u003c/a>. It’s full of rare and endangered species like gray whales, peregrine falcons and sea otters. It’s also the ancestral homeland of Native American tribes, including the Indigenous Chumash and Salinan peoples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the Northern Chumash have been working to create a new national marine sanctuary that would protect these waters from offshore oil drilling and other development. If the federal government approves the designation this summer, it would be the first marine sanctuary in the U.S. to be nominated by, and named after, an Indigenous tribe. It’s the culmination of decades of tribal conservation work — but it’s also the legacy of a father and daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A sanctuary decades in the making\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1972, the federal government created the\u003ca href=\"https://sanctuaries.noaa.gov/about/history/\"> National Marine Sanctuary system\u003c/a>. Within the next few decades, two sanctuaries were designated on California’s Central Coast: \u003ca href=\"https://montereybay.noaa.gov/intro/welcome.html\">Monterey Bay\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://channelislands.noaa.gov/about/\">Channel Islands\u003c/a>. Together, they protect about 7,500 square miles of ocean. \u003ca href=\"https://sanctuaries.noaa.gov/chumash-heritage/faqs.html\">Sanctuary status bans \u003c/a>new offshore oil and gas development, disturbing wildlife and historical resources, discharging sewage and more. It allows fishing and recreational activities like boating within certain limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Northern Chumash tribal members have been lobbying for a third protected stretch of ocean, which would be called the Chumash Heritage National Marine Sanctuary off the coasts of San Luis Obispo and Santa Barbara Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985182\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985182\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Violet Sage Walker, Chairwoman of the Northern Chumash Tribal Council. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gina Cinardo, Northern Chumash Tribal Council)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This has been an ongoing dream of the Chumash people and the community for more than my lifetime — almost 50 years now,” said Violet Sage Walker, chair of the \u003ca href=\"https://northernchumash.org/our-story/\">Northern Chumash Tribal Council\u003c/a> (NCTC).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sage Walker is the daughter of the late Fred Collins, a former tribal chair famous for his environmental activism \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940494/a-step-towards-healing-chumash-members-reunite-sacred-rock\">around the Central Coast\u003c/a>. He proposed a new sanctuary to join the existing Channel Islands and Monterey Bay sanctuaries to create one continuous 20,000-square-mile stretch of protected ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue here is so big that we need another layer of protection so that my grandsons and my great-grandchildren won’t see oil wells off of our coast here,” said Collins, in 2015, the year he proposed the sanctuary to the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a legacy I intended to leave here, that our children will never see oil drilling going on, [or] fracking off of our coast,” he told the crowd at a \u003ca href=\"https://northernchumash.org/watch-nctc-chief-fred-collins-how-diablo-canyon-nuclear-power-plant-got-its-name/\">renewable energy conference in San Luis Obispo.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/ySBYGN1Ki14?si=-m6429UJJJw2RoV6\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government accepted Collins’ proposal that same year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It was the] first tribally-led tribal nomination of a National Marine Sanctuary ever,” Sage Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal was stuck in bureaucratic limbo until 2021, when the Biden administration gave the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) the green light to begin exploring the designation, an extensive, multi-year process of scientific evaluation and gathering public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Fred Collins died just before NOAA began taking these steps — and long before he could see the sanctuary become official. Three years later, the federal government is expected to announce its final decision on designating the sanctuary this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s a catch: If approved, the new marine sanctuary may not look as Collins originally intended. Last fall, the federal government proposed a change that surprised many tribal members.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Minding the ‘gap’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After receiving tens of thousands of public comments, NOAA released an \u003ca href=\"https://sanctuaries.noaa.gov/chumash-heritage/\">“agency-preferred alternative”\u003c/a> in August 2023. It includes a new map that would remove Morro Bay, Cayucos and Cambria from the sanctuary boundaries. This gap would leave the ocean around Morro Rock, a Chumash sacred site, out of federal protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NOAA cited \u003ca href=\"https://sanctuaries.noaa.gov/chumash-heritage/faqs.html\">several reasons\u003c/a> for the new proposal. One is that members of another Central Coast Indigenous tribe, the Salinan, voiced their opposition to a marine sanctuary named after the Chumash tribe in an area the Salinan also consider their ancestral waters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985187\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985187\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-MAP-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"647\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-MAP-KQED.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-MAP-KQED-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-MAP-KQED-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Map of the Agency-Preferred Alternative boundary of the area NOAA proposes to designate as Chumash Heritage National Marine Sanctuary. \u003ccite>(Courtesy NOAA )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another key concern is the plan to build renewable wind energy sites in the region. Three companies now have leases to put massive floating offshore wind turbines into the waters of Morro Bay, which would require laying underwater cables to channel that energy back to shore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked at that and thought that might be just too much industrial development within a National Marine Sanctuary,” said Paul Michel, Regional Policy Coordinator for NOAA’s West Coast sanctuary program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michel said the gap in the proposed boundary is one possible solution to balance the interests of all ocean users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot that sanctuaries bring to communities, especially in this stretch of coast where there’s just so many issues and complexities and uses — from Department of Defense to nuclear power plants to launching missiles at Vandenberg [Space Force Base], offshore wind energy,” Michel said. “This is a busy coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, some Chumash tribal members balked at leaving a gap in the sanctuary boundaries, especially excluding Morro Rock, an area sacred to their tribe. Shortly after the announcement, they held an event called \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/Cxb1islB9mI/?img_index=1\">Rally at the Rock\u003c/a> to advocate for Morro Bay’s inclusion in the zone protected by the sanctuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985185\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985185\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The shore at the base of Morro Rock. \u003ccite>(Benjamin Purper/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sage Walker and other Chumash tribal members sang songs, met with local leaders and called for people to submit public comments asking NOAA to close the gap. Morro Rock is not only sacred to the Chumash but other Indigenous tribes, and the waters around it would otherwise be left out of sanctuary protection in NOAA’s counter-proposal.[aside postID=news_11940494 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62630_rock2018-qut-1020x728.jpg']In April, the Northern Chumash Tribal Council \u003ca href=\"https://chumashsanctuary.org/2024/04/23/joint-support-for-sanctuary-designation/\">announced a compromise\u003c/a> with the wind companies. In a joint statement, they asked NOAA for a phased approach of leaving the gap in place for now, then later, expanding the sanctuary to include Morro Bay and connecting the boundary with the existing Monterey Bay Sanctuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sage Walker said it’s a way for offshore wind to co-exist and protect Central Coast waters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No compromise makes everyone come out perfectly happy, or else it wouldn’t be a compromise,” she said. “But I think that this shows that we’re able and willing to work together. And we really need to focus on … protecting the planet and protecting the ocean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Offshore wind farms have never been built on the West Coast, so it isn’t clear how long a phased-in plan would take. In the meantime, Tribal Council leaders said this is the best way forward to get the sanctuary designated this year and eventually expand the boundaries to protect an unbroken stretch of ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can get a marine sanctuary designated now, we see that as a win,” Sage Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A history of tribal activism on the Central Coast\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1978, Chumash tribal members occupied an area north of Santa Barbara to protest a planned liquefied natural gas plant. This was less than 10 years after a devastating oil spill contaminated Santa Barbara waters, and Chumash protesters were determined to stop more fossil fuel development in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985184\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985184\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morro Bay may be left out of the Chumash Heritage National Marine Sanctuary due to concerns over offshore wind development. \u003ccite>(Benjamin Purper/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Today, you don’t see a natural liquefied plant there,” said Slo’w Gutierrez, a Northern Chumash elder who was part of the 1978 occupation. “We stopped it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Gutierrez, the new marine sanctuary would be a logical next step in the Chumash tribes’ centuries-long history of protecting the coast. He said it would go a long way to prevent fossil fuel development, just like the 1979 protests did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to keep that as natural as possible because, in the future, we want our kids to see what we’ve seen and do what we did when we were young,” Gutierrez said. “[If] you have people drilling out there … sooner or later, there’s an accident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fred Collins’ legacy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Collins died in 2021, the Chumash held a ceremony for him in Montaña de Oro, just south of Morro Bay. They placed his ashes in a tomol (a plank-built boat) and rowed it into the sea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a good ceremony for my dad. It was worthy of his stature,” Sage Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985181\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985181\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The late Chief Fred Collins, former Chair of the Northern Chumash Tribal Council. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jeremy Bishop, Northern Chumash Tribal Council)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>PJ Webb was there, too. She’s the Northern Chumash Tribal Council’s legal advisor and helped Collins write the original proposal for the sanctuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The ceremony] was triumphant. It was something that I may never see again in my life,” Webb said. “It was just a beautiful thing. And it was special because this was one of Fred’s favorite places. To have all these different Chumash elders come out here and hold ceremony was very moving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the marine sanctuary is designated this summer, Webb said it will be a fitting tribute to Fred Collins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He said it many times. He said it as he was dying — that ‘It’s the most important thing I’ve done in my life.’ That’s a pretty incredible accomplishment,” Webb said. “That’s a legacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s Central Coast is home to one of the world’s most \u003ca href=\"https://opc.ca.gov/marine-protected-areas/research-and-monitoring/regional-baseline-monitoring/regional-baseline-monitoring-central-coast/#:~:text=Central%20Coast%20waters%20are%20home,than%20450%20marine%20algae%20species.\">biodiverse stretches of ocean\u003c/a>. It’s full of rare and endangered species like gray whales, peregrine falcons and sea otters. It’s also the ancestral homeland of Native American tribes, including the Indigenous Chumash and Salinan peoples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the Northern Chumash have been working to create a new national marine sanctuary that would protect these waters from offshore oil drilling and other development. If the federal government approves the designation this summer, it would be the first marine sanctuary in the U.S. to be nominated by, and named after, an Indigenous tribe. It’s the culmination of decades of tribal conservation work — but it’s also the legacy of a father and daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A sanctuary decades in the making\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1972, the federal government created the\u003ca href=\"https://sanctuaries.noaa.gov/about/history/\"> National Marine Sanctuary system\u003c/a>. Within the next few decades, two sanctuaries were designated on California’s Central Coast: \u003ca href=\"https://montereybay.noaa.gov/intro/welcome.html\">Monterey Bay\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://channelislands.noaa.gov/about/\">Channel Islands\u003c/a>. Together, they protect about 7,500 square miles of ocean. \u003ca href=\"https://sanctuaries.noaa.gov/chumash-heritage/faqs.html\">Sanctuary status bans \u003c/a>new offshore oil and gas development, disturbing wildlife and historical resources, discharging sewage and more. It allows fishing and recreational activities like boating within certain limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Northern Chumash tribal members have been lobbying for a third protected stretch of ocean, which would be called the Chumash Heritage National Marine Sanctuary off the coasts of San Luis Obispo and Santa Barbara Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985182\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985182\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Violet Sage Walker, Chairwoman of the Northern Chumash Tribal Council. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gina Cinardo, Northern Chumash Tribal Council)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This has been an ongoing dream of the Chumash people and the community for more than my lifetime — almost 50 years now,” said Violet Sage Walker, chair of the \u003ca href=\"https://northernchumash.org/our-story/\">Northern Chumash Tribal Council\u003c/a> (NCTC).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sage Walker is the daughter of the late Fred Collins, a former tribal chair famous for his environmental activism \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940494/a-step-towards-healing-chumash-members-reunite-sacred-rock\">around the Central Coast\u003c/a>. He proposed a new sanctuary to join the existing Channel Islands and Monterey Bay sanctuaries to create one continuous 20,000-square-mile stretch of protected ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue here is so big that we need another layer of protection so that my grandsons and my great-grandchildren won’t see oil wells off of our coast here,” said Collins, in 2015, the year he proposed the sanctuary to the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a legacy I intended to leave here, that our children will never see oil drilling going on, [or] fracking off of our coast,” he told the crowd at a \u003ca href=\"https://northernchumash.org/watch-nctc-chief-fred-collins-how-diablo-canyon-nuclear-power-plant-got-its-name/\">renewable energy conference in San Luis Obispo.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/ySBYGN1Ki14'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/ySBYGN1Ki14'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The federal government accepted Collins’ proposal that same year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It was the] first tribally-led tribal nomination of a National Marine Sanctuary ever,” Sage Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal was stuck in bureaucratic limbo until 2021, when the Biden administration gave the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) the green light to begin exploring the designation, an extensive, multi-year process of scientific evaluation and gathering public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Fred Collins died just before NOAA began taking these steps — and long before he could see the sanctuary become official. Three years later, the federal government is expected to announce its final decision on designating the sanctuary this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s a catch: If approved, the new marine sanctuary may not look as Collins originally intended. Last fall, the federal government proposed a change that surprised many tribal members.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Minding the ‘gap’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After receiving tens of thousands of public comments, NOAA released an \u003ca href=\"https://sanctuaries.noaa.gov/chumash-heritage/\">“agency-preferred alternative”\u003c/a> in August 2023. It includes a new map that would remove Morro Bay, Cayucos and Cambria from the sanctuary boundaries. This gap would leave the ocean around Morro Rock, a Chumash sacred site, out of federal protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NOAA cited \u003ca href=\"https://sanctuaries.noaa.gov/chumash-heritage/faqs.html\">several reasons\u003c/a> for the new proposal. One is that members of another Central Coast Indigenous tribe, the Salinan, voiced their opposition to a marine sanctuary named after the Chumash tribe in an area the Salinan also consider their ancestral waters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985187\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985187\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-MAP-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"647\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-MAP-KQED.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-MAP-KQED-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-MAP-KQED-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Map of the Agency-Preferred Alternative boundary of the area NOAA proposes to designate as Chumash Heritage National Marine Sanctuary. \u003ccite>(Courtesy NOAA )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another key concern is the plan to build renewable wind energy sites in the region. Three companies now have leases to put massive floating offshore wind turbines into the waters of Morro Bay, which would require laying underwater cables to channel that energy back to shore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked at that and thought that might be just too much industrial development within a National Marine Sanctuary,” said Paul Michel, Regional Policy Coordinator for NOAA’s West Coast sanctuary program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michel said the gap in the proposed boundary is one possible solution to balance the interests of all ocean users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot that sanctuaries bring to communities, especially in this stretch of coast where there’s just so many issues and complexities and uses — from Department of Defense to nuclear power plants to launching missiles at Vandenberg [Space Force Base], offshore wind energy,” Michel said. “This is a busy coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, some Chumash tribal members balked at leaving a gap in the sanctuary boundaries, especially excluding Morro Rock, an area sacred to their tribe. Shortly after the announcement, they held an event called \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/Cxb1islB9mI/?img_index=1\">Rally at the Rock\u003c/a> to advocate for Morro Bay’s inclusion in the zone protected by the sanctuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985185\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985185\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The shore at the base of Morro Rock. \u003ccite>(Benjamin Purper/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sage Walker and other Chumash tribal members sang songs, met with local leaders and called for people to submit public comments asking NOAA to close the gap. Morro Rock is not only sacred to the Chumash but other Indigenous tribes, and the waters around it would otherwise be left out of sanctuary protection in NOAA’s counter-proposal.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In April, the Northern Chumash Tribal Council \u003ca href=\"https://chumashsanctuary.org/2024/04/23/joint-support-for-sanctuary-designation/\">announced a compromise\u003c/a> with the wind companies. In a joint statement, they asked NOAA for a phased approach of leaving the gap in place for now, then later, expanding the sanctuary to include Morro Bay and connecting the boundary with the existing Monterey Bay Sanctuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sage Walker said it’s a way for offshore wind to co-exist and protect Central Coast waters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No compromise makes everyone come out perfectly happy, or else it wouldn’t be a compromise,” she said. “But I think that this shows that we’re able and willing to work together. And we really need to focus on … protecting the planet and protecting the ocean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Offshore wind farms have never been built on the West Coast, so it isn’t clear how long a phased-in plan would take. In the meantime, Tribal Council leaders said this is the best way forward to get the sanctuary designated this year and eventually expand the boundaries to protect an unbroken stretch of ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can get a marine sanctuary designated now, we see that as a win,” Sage Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A history of tribal activism on the Central Coast\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1978, Chumash tribal members occupied an area north of Santa Barbara to protest a planned liquefied natural gas plant. This was less than 10 years after a devastating oil spill contaminated Santa Barbara waters, and Chumash protesters were determined to stop more fossil fuel development in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985184\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985184\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-05-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morro Bay may be left out of the Chumash Heritage National Marine Sanctuary due to concerns over offshore wind development. \u003ccite>(Benjamin Purper/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Today, you don’t see a natural liquefied plant there,” said Slo’w Gutierrez, a Northern Chumash elder who was part of the 1978 occupation. “We stopped it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Gutierrez, the new marine sanctuary would be a logical next step in the Chumash tribes’ centuries-long history of protecting the coast. He said it would go a long way to prevent fossil fuel development, just like the 1979 protests did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to keep that as natural as possible because, in the future, we want our kids to see what we’ve seen and do what we did when we were young,” Gutierrez said. “[If] you have people drilling out there … sooner or later, there’s an accident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fred Collins’ legacy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Collins died in 2021, the Chumash held a ceremony for him in Montaña de Oro, just south of Morro Bay. They placed his ashes in a tomol (a plank-built boat) and rowed it into the sea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a good ceremony for my dad. It was worthy of his stature,” Sage Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985181\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985181\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Chumash-Sanctuary-02-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The late Chief Fred Collins, former Chair of the Northern Chumash Tribal Council. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jeremy Bishop, Northern Chumash Tribal Council)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>PJ Webb was there, too. She’s the Northern Chumash Tribal Council’s legal advisor and helped Collins write the original proposal for the sanctuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The ceremony] was triumphant. It was something that I may never see again in my life,” Webb said. “It was just a beautiful thing. And it was special because this was one of Fred’s favorite places. To have all these different Chumash elders come out here and hold ceremony was very moving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the marine sanctuary is designated this summer, Webb said it will be a fitting tribute to Fred Collins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He said it many times. He said it as he was dying — that ‘It’s the most important thing I’ve done in my life.’ That’s a pretty incredible accomplishment,” Webb said. “That’s a legacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California could soon deploy generative artificial intelligence tools to help reduce traffic jams, make roads safer and provide tax guidance, among other things, under new agreements announced Thursday as part of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s efforts to harness the power of new technologies for public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is partnering with five companies to create generative AI tools using technologies developed by tech giants such as Microsoft-backed OpenAI and Google-backed Anthropic that would ultimately help the state provide better services to the public, administration officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a very good sign that a lot of these companies are putting their focus on using GenAI for governmental service delivery,” said Amy Tong, secretary of government operations for California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies will start a six-month internal trial during which state workers test and evaluate the tools. The companies will be paid $1 for their proposals. The state, which faces a significant budget deficit, can then reassess whether any tools could be fully implemented under new contracts. All the tools are considered low risk, meaning they don’t interact with confidential data or personal information, an administration spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, a Democrat, touts California as a global hub for AI technology, noting that 35 of the world’s top 50 AI companies are in the state. He signed an executive order last year requiring the state to start exploring responsible ways to incorporate generative AI by this summer, with the goal of positioning California as an AI leader. In January, the state started asking technology companies to come up with generative AI tools for public services. Last month, California was among the first states to roll out guidelines on when and how state agencies could buy such tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generative AI, a branch of AI that can create new content such as text, audio and photos, has significant potential to help government agencies become more efficient, but there’s also an urgent need for safeguards and oversight to limit risks, state officials and experts said. In New York City, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/new-york-city-chatbot-misinformation-6ebc71db5b770b9969c906a7ee4fae21\">an AI-powered chatbot\u003c/a> created by the city to help small businesses was found to dole out false guidance and advise companies to violate the law. The rapidly growing technology has also raised concerns about job loss, misinformation, privacy and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-ai-explained-policy-technology-regulations-discrimination-d3226c9139d3d06af263e7ff467d0666\">automation bias\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While state governments \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lobbying-artificial-intelligence-regulation-bias-discrimination-58eab95d279648e759f9099ca4249f00\">struggle to regulate AI in private sectors\u003c/a>, many are exploring how public agencies can leverage the powerful technology for the public good. California’s approach, which also requires companies to disclose what large language models they use to develop AI tools, is meant to build public trust, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s efforts of testing the tools extensively and allowing state workers to provide feedback are some of the best practices to limit potential risks, said Meredith Lee, chief technical advisor for UC Berkeley’s College of Computing, Data Science, and Society. The challenge is ensuring the state continues testing and learning the tools’ potential risks after deployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not something where you just work on testing for some small amount of time, and that’s it,” Lee said. “Putting in the structures for people to be able to revisit and better understand the deployments further down the line is really crucial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11976097,news_11983752,news_11979306\"]The California Department of Transportation is looking for tools that would analyze traffic data and come up with solutions to reduce highway traffic and make roads safer. The state’s Department of Tax and Fee Administration, which administers more than 40 programs, wants an AI tool to help its call center cut wait times and call length. The state is also seeking technologies to provide non-English speakers information about health and social services benefits in their language and to streamline the inspection process for health care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tool is designed to assist state workers, not replace them, said Nick Maduros, director of the Department of Tax and Fee Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Call center workers there took more than 660,000 calls last year. The state envisions AI technology listening to those calls and pulling up specific tax code information associated with the problem the caller is describing. The worker could decide whether to use the information. Currently, call center workers must simultaneously listen to the call and manually look up the code, Maduros said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it turns out it doesn’t serve the public better, then we’re out $1,” Maduros said. “And I think that’s a pretty good deal for the citizens of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tong wouldn’t say when a successfully vetted tool would be deployed but added that the state is moving as fast as it can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole essence of using GenAI is it doesn’t take years,” Tong said. “GenAI doesn’t wait for you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California could soon deploy generative artificial intelligence tools to help reduce traffic jams, make roads safer and provide tax guidance, among other things, under new agreements announced Thursday as part of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s efforts to harness the power of new technologies for public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is partnering with five companies to create generative AI tools using technologies developed by tech giants such as Microsoft-backed OpenAI and Google-backed Anthropic that would ultimately help the state provide better services to the public, administration officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a very good sign that a lot of these companies are putting their focus on using GenAI for governmental service delivery,” said Amy Tong, secretary of government operations for California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies will start a six-month internal trial during which state workers test and evaluate the tools. The companies will be paid $1 for their proposals. The state, which faces a significant budget deficit, can then reassess whether any tools could be fully implemented under new contracts. All the tools are considered low risk, meaning they don’t interact with confidential data or personal information, an administration spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, a Democrat, touts California as a global hub for AI technology, noting that 35 of the world’s top 50 AI companies are in the state. He signed an executive order last year requiring the state to start exploring responsible ways to incorporate generative AI by this summer, with the goal of positioning California as an AI leader. In January, the state started asking technology companies to come up with generative AI tools for public services. Last month, California was among the first states to roll out guidelines on when and how state agencies could buy such tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Generative AI, a branch of AI that can create new content such as text, audio and photos, has significant potential to help government agencies become more efficient, but there’s also an urgent need for safeguards and oversight to limit risks, state officials and experts said. In New York City, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/new-york-city-chatbot-misinformation-6ebc71db5b770b9969c906a7ee4fae21\">an AI-powered chatbot\u003c/a> created by the city to help small businesses was found to dole out false guidance and advise companies to violate the law. The rapidly growing technology has also raised concerns about job loss, misinformation, privacy and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-ai-explained-policy-technology-regulations-discrimination-d3226c9139d3d06af263e7ff467d0666\">automation bias\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While state governments \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lobbying-artificial-intelligence-regulation-bias-discrimination-58eab95d279648e759f9099ca4249f00\">struggle to regulate AI in private sectors\u003c/a>, many are exploring how public agencies can leverage the powerful technology for the public good. California’s approach, which also requires companies to disclose what large language models they use to develop AI tools, is meant to build public trust, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s efforts of testing the tools extensively and allowing state workers to provide feedback are some of the best practices to limit potential risks, said Meredith Lee, chief technical advisor for UC Berkeley’s College of Computing, Data Science, and Society. The challenge is ensuring the state continues testing and learning the tools’ potential risks after deployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not something where you just work on testing for some small amount of time, and that’s it,” Lee said. “Putting in the structures for people to be able to revisit and better understand the deployments further down the line is really crucial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The California Department of Transportation is looking for tools that would analyze traffic data and come up with solutions to reduce highway traffic and make roads safer. The state’s Department of Tax and Fee Administration, which administers more than 40 programs, wants an AI tool to help its call center cut wait times and call length. The state is also seeking technologies to provide non-English speakers information about health and social services benefits in their language and to streamline the inspection process for health care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tool is designed to assist state workers, not replace them, said Nick Maduros, director of the Department of Tax and Fee Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Call center workers there took more than 660,000 calls last year. The state envisions AI technology listening to those calls and pulling up specific tax code information associated with the problem the caller is describing. The worker could decide whether to use the information. Currently, call center workers must simultaneously listen to the call and manually look up the code, Maduros said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it turns out it doesn’t serve the public better, then we’re out $1,” Maduros said. “And I think that’s a pretty good deal for the citizens of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tong wouldn’t say when a successfully vetted tool would be deployed but added that the state is moving as fast as it can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole essence of using GenAI is it doesn’t take years,” Tong said. “GenAI doesn’t wait for you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Biden Expands 2 National Monuments in California Significant to Tribal Nations",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Joe Biden on Thursday expanded two national monuments in California following calls from tribal nations, Indigenous community leaders and others for the permanent protection of nearly 120,000 acres of important cultural and environmental land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The designations play a role in federal and state goals to conserve 30% of public lands by 2030, a move aimed at honoring tribal heritage and addressing climate change, the White House said in a news release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have opposed some of Biden’s previous protection measures, alleging he exceeded his legal authority. Some of the president’s past actions have included \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/donald-trump-joe-biden-utah-environment-and-nature-b763897fc47136339bd12360a90079c0\">restoring monuments or conservation land\u003c/a> that former President Donald Trump had canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Southern California near Pasadena, Biden expanded the San Gabriel Mountains National Monument, driven by calls from Indigenous peoples, including the Fernandeño Tataviam Band of Mission Indians and the Gabrieleno San Gabriel Band of Mission Indians. Both are the original stewards of the culturally rich and diverse lands, advocates noted in a separate news release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president also expanded Berryessa Snow Mountain National Monument in Lake County in Northern California to include Molok Luyuk or Condor Ridge. The ridge has been significant to tribal nations such as the Yocha Dehe Wintun Nation for thousands of years. It is a central site for religious ceremonies and was once important to key trading routes, advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expansion of both sites makes nature more accessible for Californians while protecting many species, including black bears, mountain lions and tule elk, the White House release said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians are calling on the Biden administration to make a total of five monument designations this year. The other three include the designation of a new Chuckwalla National Monument, a new Kw’tsán National Monument and a call to protect and name Sáttítla, known as the Medicine Lake Highlands, as a national monument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Against the backdrop of Biden’s reelection campaign, the White House emphasized the role of Vice President Kamala Harris in ensuring protections in her home state, including Thursday’s.[aside postID=news_11978645 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-2067239298-1020x680.jpg']“These expansions will increase access to nature, boost our outdoor economy, and honor areas of significance to Tribal Nations and Indigenous peoples as we continue to safeguard our public lands for all Americans and for generations to come,” Harris said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expansion and designation efforts are made under the Antiquities Act of 1906, which authorizes the president to “provide general legal protection of cultural and natural resources of historic or scientific interest on Federal lands,” according to the Department of the Interior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the nation, \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/grand-canyon-tribes-mining-sacred-land-fef09420fab86d1169ae93a371ce17ca\">coalitions of tribes and conservation groups\u003c/a> have urged Biden to make several other designations over the past three years. \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/05/02/fact-sheet-president-biden-expands-san-gabriel-mountains-national-monument-and-berryessa-snow-mountain-national-monument/\">With Thursday’s news\u003c/a>, the administration has established or expanded seven national monuments, restored protections for three more and taken other measures, the White House said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden signed a national monument designation \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/grand-canyon-national-monument-biden-9382960f18408dce7aec52f103404e11\">outside Grand Canyon National Park\u003c/a> called Baaj Nwaavjo I’tah Kukveni last August, a move which the top two Republicans in Arizona’s Legislature are \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/grand-canyon-national-monument-biden-lawsuit-arizona-e6385c4bbcf0a4e11d6c4087fa22d01f\">currently challenging\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Biden restored two sprawling national monuments in Utah and a marine conservation area in New England where Trump had cut environmental protections. The move was also \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-bears-ears-lawsuit-dismissed-0e3e0805ba3fe5756c32a944bd7d29bb\">challenged in court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-travel-mountains-arizona-las-vegas-ca156c74cf5b1d5778dda292e52fa57e\">Avi Kwa Ame National Monument\u003c/a>, sacred to Native Americans in southern Nevada, was designated in 2023 along with the \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-avi-kwa-ame-nevada-conservation-willow-7378dadd793195bcedcc8562241cf54f\">Castner Range in El Paso, Texas\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Joe Biden on Thursday expanded two national monuments in California following calls from tribal nations, Indigenous community leaders and others for the permanent protection of nearly 120,000 acres of important cultural and environmental land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The designations play a role in federal and state goals to conserve 30% of public lands by 2030, a move aimed at honoring tribal heritage and addressing climate change, the White House said in a news release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have opposed some of Biden’s previous protection measures, alleging he exceeded his legal authority. Some of the president’s past actions have included \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/donald-trump-joe-biden-utah-environment-and-nature-b763897fc47136339bd12360a90079c0\">restoring monuments or conservation land\u003c/a> that former President Donald Trump had canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Southern California near Pasadena, Biden expanded the San Gabriel Mountains National Monument, driven by calls from Indigenous peoples, including the Fernandeño Tataviam Band of Mission Indians and the Gabrieleno San Gabriel Band of Mission Indians. Both are the original stewards of the culturally rich and diverse lands, advocates noted in a separate news release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president also expanded Berryessa Snow Mountain National Monument in Lake County in Northern California to include Molok Luyuk or Condor Ridge. The ridge has been significant to tribal nations such as the Yocha Dehe Wintun Nation for thousands of years. It is a central site for religious ceremonies and was once important to key trading routes, advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expansion of both sites makes nature more accessible for Californians while protecting many species, including black bears, mountain lions and tule elk, the White House release said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians are calling on the Biden administration to make a total of five monument designations this year. The other three include the designation of a new Chuckwalla National Monument, a new Kw’tsán National Monument and a call to protect and name Sáttítla, known as the Medicine Lake Highlands, as a national monument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Against the backdrop of Biden’s reelection campaign, the White House emphasized the role of Vice President Kamala Harris in ensuring protections in her home state, including Thursday’s.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“These expansions will increase access to nature, boost our outdoor economy, and honor areas of significance to Tribal Nations and Indigenous peoples as we continue to safeguard our public lands for all Americans and for generations to come,” Harris said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expansion and designation efforts are made under the Antiquities Act of 1906, which authorizes the president to “provide general legal protection of cultural and natural resources of historic or scientific interest on Federal lands,” according to the Department of the Interior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the nation, \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/grand-canyon-tribes-mining-sacred-land-fef09420fab86d1169ae93a371ce17ca\">coalitions of tribes and conservation groups\u003c/a> have urged Biden to make several other designations over the past three years. \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/05/02/fact-sheet-president-biden-expands-san-gabriel-mountains-national-monument-and-berryessa-snow-mountain-national-monument/\">With Thursday’s news\u003c/a>, the administration has established or expanded seven national monuments, restored protections for three more and taken other measures, the White House said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden signed a national monument designation \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/grand-canyon-national-monument-biden-9382960f18408dce7aec52f103404e11\">outside Grand Canyon National Park\u003c/a> called Baaj Nwaavjo I’tah Kukveni last August, a move which the top two Republicans in Arizona’s Legislature are \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/grand-canyon-national-monument-biden-lawsuit-arizona-e6385c4bbcf0a4e11d6c4087fa22d01f\">currently challenging\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Biden restored two sprawling national monuments in Utah and a marine conservation area in New England where Trump had cut environmental protections. The move was also \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-bears-ears-lawsuit-dismissed-0e3e0805ba3fe5756c32a944bd7d29bb\">challenged in court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-travel-mountains-arizona-las-vegas-ca156c74cf5b1d5778dda292e52fa57e\">Avi Kwa Ame National Monument\u003c/a>, sacred to Native Americans in southern Nevada, was designated in 2023 along with the \u003ca style=\"font-weight: var(--font-weight-reg)\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-avi-kwa-ame-nevada-conservation-willow-7378dadd793195bcedcc8562241cf54f\">Castner Range in El Paso, Texas\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-jose-adding-hundreds-of-license-plate-readers-amid-privacy-and-efficacy-concerns",
"title": "San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns",
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"headTitle": "San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In an effort to address crime, San José is rapidly blanketing the city with hundreds of automated license plate readers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Matt Mahan helped install the city’s 235th device this week and said San José aims to have 500 up and running by the summer. Leaders say the ALPRs from Atlanta-based Flock Safety are a critical support for investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has already proven an incredible tool for our thinly staffed police department,” Mahan said Tuesday during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the network of cameras in 2023 alone helped recover $2 million worth of stolen vehicles and led to the arrests of nearly 200 people suspected of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Police Chief Paul Joseph said the ALPRs have been invaluable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cameras make a difference by helping to identify and apprehend suspects, curbing criminal activity and providing crime victims with a feeling of closure and justice,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some privacy advocates and residents say the cameras aren’t actually effective at reducing crime and instead create massive logs about the movements of locals and visitors. They worry about the amount of data police are keeping, the length of time it’s retained, and how it is shared across law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Complicated issues like safety deserve really well thought out and focused solutions,” said Nick Hidalgo, a staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Installing hundreds of expensive devices that effectively turn San José into a surveillance city is like using a bazooka instead of a fly swatter. It’s expensive, unnecessary, ineffective and does a lot more harm than good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Flock devices capture not only license plates but also a car’s make and model and other characteristics like customizations or bumper stickers. Flock’s software pings police when a car matching a “hotlist” crosses the path of the cameras, and police can also search the data logs for specific cars and plates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say the cameras do not have facial recognition features, nor do they photograph inside a car. City officials said they are proud of the data privacy protections San José follows and noted that the data, under state law requirements, is only shared with other California law enforcement agencies and is prohibited from being used for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danny Garza, a 65-year resident of East San José’s Plata Arroyo neighborhood, trusted the police to handle the information securely and said he and others have requested cameras be put up in the area for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re asking that these license plate readers help protect layer upon layer of community gains,” Garza said. “All we’re interested in is community safety. We’ve had shootings in the past, and they’ve gotten away. Nobody knows where they went.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though police leaders say the technology is effective and has helped capture people suspected of car theft, rape, and homicide, among other crimes, the department declined to use a specific metric to measure the success of the program over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle aged man speaks into microphones wearing a blue suit and a white collared shirt with no tie.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed on Tuesday, April 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We like to measure our success in terms of usefulness in our pursuit of public safety by solving and reducing crime,” Sgt. Jorge Garibay, a department spokesperson, told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime trends fluctuate, as do crime types. What most of these have in common is a mode of transportation to and from the scene of crime. When that mode is a vehicle, ALPR success is achieved when a hit has been broadcasted and officers have a tangible lead to follow up on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cameras installed to date — 241 of them as of this writing — are already amassing huge troves of data about the cars driving in San José. The current camera network has detected nearly 3 million unique cars per month, according to the city’s Flock portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just an 18-day period in December 2022, the city’s cameras captured nearly 16 million total scans, which can include multiple scans of the same vehicle in different locations, according to police. The total scans will only increase as the city’s arsenal of cameras more than doubles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It casts a net over the entire community, tracking where drivers go and allowing law enforcement to, if they chose, create maps of where drivers work, live, worship, seek medical care, and travel,” said Hidalgo of ACLU Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His research into San José’s ALPR program from 2022 showed that more than 99.99% of the plates scanned do not match any hotlists for police. If the car or plate is not implicated in an investigation, the SJPD then keeps every plate scanned for a year before purging it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many law enforcement agencies using similar Flock systems purge license plate data every 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidalgo said it’s not just invasive that police track that much data on people who aren’t suspected of any crimes, but by keeping it for a year, the city puts the data at further risk for misuse or to be inadvertently disclosed in a data breach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph, the police chief, said the department keeps the data for one year based on the recommendation of the city attorney’s office, indicating the law requires it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11983106,news_11983119,news_11966615\"]Albert Gehami, San José’s privacy officer, said the city is aware other agencies do not keep similar data for as long as San José does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it has nothing to do with an investigation, a year is excessive,” Gehami said of the data. “Police departments up and down, everyone that we speak to, [say] there is no need for that information. It is strictly what our attorney’s office has decided is the current interpretation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Nora Frimann said the retention period has been in place for more than a decade, going back to when the police department trialed other license plate reader technology and before the state required cities to have formal ALPR policies in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just made sense to keep it for a year,” Frimann said. However, she noted the retention time is a policy question that the city council can change if it sees fit. “As a city, we can revisit the time frame,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra time San José police choose to keep the data also costs the city more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José police could not immediately provide total cost estimates for the program but noted that each camera costs the city about $2,500 per year to lease from Flock, along with a $350 one-time fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock’s head of policy and communication, Josh Thomas, said San José pays an extra $300 per camera each year for the longer data retention periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The city’s cameras scan millions of license plates per month and helped recover $2 million in stolen vehicles last year. However, privacy advocates say they don’t help reduce crime.",
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"title": "San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns | KQED",
"description": "The city’s cameras scan millions of license plates per month and helped recover $2 million in stolen vehicles last year. However, privacy advocates say they don’t help reduce crime.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In an effort to address crime, San José is rapidly blanketing the city with hundreds of automated license plate readers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Matt Mahan helped install the city’s 235th device this week and said San José aims to have 500 up and running by the summer. Leaders say the ALPRs from Atlanta-based Flock Safety are a critical support for investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has already proven an incredible tool for our thinly staffed police department,” Mahan said Tuesday during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the network of cameras in 2023 alone helped recover $2 million worth of stolen vehicles and led to the arrests of nearly 200 people suspected of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Police Chief Paul Joseph said the ALPRs have been invaluable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cameras make a difference by helping to identify and apprehend suspects, curbing criminal activity and providing crime victims with a feeling of closure and justice,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some privacy advocates and residents say the cameras aren’t actually effective at reducing crime and instead create massive logs about the movements of locals and visitors. They worry about the amount of data police are keeping, the length of time it’s retained, and how it is shared across law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Complicated issues like safety deserve really well thought out and focused solutions,” said Nick Hidalgo, a staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Installing hundreds of expensive devices that effectively turn San José into a surveillance city is like using a bazooka instead of a fly swatter. It’s expensive, unnecessary, ineffective and does a lot more harm than good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Flock devices capture not only license plates but also a car’s make and model and other characteristics like customizations or bumper stickers. Flock’s software pings police when a car matching a “hotlist” crosses the path of the cameras, and police can also search the data logs for specific cars and plates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say the cameras do not have facial recognition features, nor do they photograph inside a car. City officials said they are proud of the data privacy protections San José follows and noted that the data, under state law requirements, is only shared with other California law enforcement agencies and is prohibited from being used for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danny Garza, a 65-year resident of East San José’s Plata Arroyo neighborhood, trusted the police to handle the information securely and said he and others have requested cameras be put up in the area for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re asking that these license plate readers help protect layer upon layer of community gains,” Garza said. “All we’re interested in is community safety. We’ve had shootings in the past, and they’ve gotten away. Nobody knows where they went.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though police leaders say the technology is effective and has helped capture people suspected of car theft, rape, and homicide, among other crimes, the department declined to use a specific metric to measure the success of the program over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle aged man speaks into microphones wearing a blue suit and a white collared shirt with no tie.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed on Tuesday, April 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We like to measure our success in terms of usefulness in our pursuit of public safety by solving and reducing crime,” Sgt. Jorge Garibay, a department spokesperson, told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime trends fluctuate, as do crime types. What most of these have in common is a mode of transportation to and from the scene of crime. When that mode is a vehicle, ALPR success is achieved when a hit has been broadcasted and officers have a tangible lead to follow up on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cameras installed to date — 241 of them as of this writing — are already amassing huge troves of data about the cars driving in San José. The current camera network has detected nearly 3 million unique cars per month, according to the city’s Flock portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just an 18-day period in December 2022, the city’s cameras captured nearly 16 million total scans, which can include multiple scans of the same vehicle in different locations, according to police. The total scans will only increase as the city’s arsenal of cameras more than doubles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It casts a net over the entire community, tracking where drivers go and allowing law enforcement to, if they chose, create maps of where drivers work, live, worship, seek medical care, and travel,” said Hidalgo of ACLU Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His research into San José’s ALPR program from 2022 showed that more than 99.99% of the plates scanned do not match any hotlists for police. If the car or plate is not implicated in an investigation, the SJPD then keeps every plate scanned for a year before purging it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many law enforcement agencies using similar Flock systems purge license plate data every 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidalgo said it’s not just invasive that police track that much data on people who aren’t suspected of any crimes, but by keeping it for a year, the city puts the data at further risk for misuse or to be inadvertently disclosed in a data breach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph, the police chief, said the department keeps the data for one year based on the recommendation of the city attorney’s office, indicating the law requires it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Albert Gehami, San José’s privacy officer, said the city is aware other agencies do not keep similar data for as long as San José does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it has nothing to do with an investigation, a year is excessive,” Gehami said of the data. “Police departments up and down, everyone that we speak to, [say] there is no need for that information. It is strictly what our attorney’s office has decided is the current interpretation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Nora Frimann said the retention period has been in place for more than a decade, going back to when the police department trialed other license plate reader technology and before the state required cities to have formal ALPR policies in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just made sense to keep it for a year,” Frimann said. However, she noted the retention time is a policy question that the city council can change if it sees fit. “As a city, we can revisit the time frame,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra time San José police choose to keep the data also costs the city more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José police could not immediately provide total cost estimates for the program but noted that each camera costs the city about $2,500 per year to lease from Flock, along with a $350 one-time fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock’s head of policy and communication, Josh Thomas, said San José pays an extra $300 per camera each year for the longer data retention periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "alameda-the-island-that-almost-wasnt",
"title": "Alameda: The Island That Almost Wasn’t",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Alameda has all the sure signs of an island. To get there, you have to use a bridge, a tunnel or a boat. Locals talk about going “on and off island.” And residents, like Nate Puckett, wear Alameda-themed T-shirts that say “Islander.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t leave the island for, like, weeks,” says Puckett, who lives, works and raises two kids in the Bay Area city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recently, Puckett’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was enjoying an ice cream at a favorite local spot — Tucker’s — when he looked up at a historical map on the wall. It showed Alameda connected to the mainland. That must be wrong, he thought; Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the map was not wrong — it was just old. In fact, Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It kind of felt like we’ve been living a lie,” Puckett says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puckett asked Bay Curious to find out more about Alameda’s island origin story. The project took nearly 30 years to complete and had enough twists and turns to make anyone dizzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>When it all began\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandlibrary.org/ohc/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11983868 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg\" alt=\"An old map shows what is now Alameda Island as connected to the mainland.\" width=\"999\" height=\"752\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg 999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 999px) 100vw, 999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of Alameda from 1877 shows it as a connected peninsula, not an island. \u003ccite>(Oakland Public Library, Oakland History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula that jutted out from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood like an outstretched arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet in that part of the East Bay (it wasn’t Oakland until later). The marshy region was not very populated; the landscape was mostly wide open fields and the estates of a few wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Oakland’s inner harbor was nearby, and it was quickly becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. Once the Gold Rush started, more and more ships arrived, bringing in all sorts of goods. And Oakland itself was growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But navigation to the budding port was tricky. Boats had to traverse a wild waterway that hadn’t seen much development yet. Sediment on the harbor’s bottom would shift with the tides, causing sandbars to move in unpredictable patterns that caused problems for navigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The sandbars] were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, [and then] they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday,” Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky says. “It impeded the shipping traffic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983870\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983870\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg\" alt=\"Older man in blue sweater stands next to a younger one in brown.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1536x1021.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dennis Evanosky (left) with Nate Puckett next to the Alameda canal. The Park Street bridge looms in the background. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland was never going to become the shipping destination it wanted to be if the waterways remained so unpredictable and the port so difficult to reach. And Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a \u003ca href=\"https://geography.berkeley.edu/professor-emeritus-richard-walker\">professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley\u003c/a> and author of several books about California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sense of competition with San Francisco [was] intense,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the late 1800s, Oakland was coming into its own politically and economically, developing its own banks, businesses and shipping companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That grows and grows so that Oakland, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to local lobbying, Congressmen worked to bring in millions of federal dollars to pay the Army Corps of Engineers to improve the harbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since shifting sandbars on the bottom was the biggest problem, \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/pnp/habshaer/ca/ca2600/ca2606/data/ca2606data.pdf\">the initial plan\u003c/a> was to cut through the marshy area of the Alameda peninsula, where it was connected to the mainland, to create a canal. Engineers thought if they built a dam at one end, they could release powerful torrents of water through the canal to flush out built-up sediment in the harbor. That would clear the way for bigger ships to come and go more easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project got the green light in the early 1870s, but over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Resistance to the project\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">Eleven families owned land where the government wanted to dredge the canal\u003c/a>. Oakland officials offered families $40,000 at the time, more than $1.2 million today. But one person refused — \u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/about-6\">A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney\u003c/a> who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were screwing with his kingdom,” says Patty Donald, Cohen’s great-great-granddaughter and manager of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/history\"> Cohen Bray house\u003c/a>, a historic Victorian building in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. The Cohen family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had bought a failing rail system,” Donald says. “He built it up in two years and created another one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the canal project progressed despite Cohen’s legal challenge, and by 1889 the excavation was underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>The setbacks pile up\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Quickly, the canal project suffered another setback — flooding. The winter of 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote historian Woody Minor in the Alameda Museum newslette\u003c/a>r. “It took two months to pump out the water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, the project’s proponents had to deal with public opinion and perhaps the very first complaints from Alamedans about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People complain, ‘Well if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?’” Evanosky says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dredged canal cut across one of the main thoroughfares, leading to the Alameda peninsula, disrupting traffic \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">for two years\u003c/a>. The Park Street bridge opened in 1891, and Alameda’s two other bridges, at High Street and Fruitvale Avenue, were built the following decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, there was an economic depression in the 1890s. Funding for the canal project dried up. And then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corp of Engineers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.spn.usace.army.mil/Portals/68/docs/History/Engineers%20at%20the%20Golden%20Gate.pdf?ver=2019-10-24-161149-027\">Major George Mendell\u003c/a>, retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the nail in the coffin for the dam/canal combo plan came from \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">new research suggesting that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage\u003c/a> than this idea of flushing sediment away using a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While government officials debated the next steps, a partially dug, unfinished giant trench was left.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘Fetid water awash with dead fish’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At this point, 20 years after the project began, raw sewage in the area’s waterways had become a real problem. In the late 1800s, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems, and the waste flowed right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. The unfinished canal became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote Minor in his history of the island\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda’s health officer at the time, Dr. John T. McClean, became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In a letter to Washington, published by the Oakland Enquirer in 1897, McLean argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posed a health hazard. Better water circulation through the canal would help flush away foul substances, he argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work ripping through the marsh between Alameda and modern-day Oakland. They finished dredging the canal in 1902, nearly 30 years after the plan was first hatched. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was no dam. … but residents celebrated anyway — through days of fireworks, carnival acts and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>A failed idea? \u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The scale and ambition of the Alameda Island project don’t impress geographer Richard Walker. In the grand scheme of things, he says, the project was actually pretty small. There are very few parts of the San Francisco Bay that humans haven’t somehow altered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is California,” Walker says. “California [is] one of the most monumentally re-engineered landscapes on Earth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century after the project was completed, the water in the neatly engineered tidal canal that separates Alameda from Oakland is relatively still, looking like a moat around a castle. People mostly use it for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nate Puckett says it doesn’t bother him that Alameda isn’t naturally an island. Residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays and over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>One of the best parts about a deep and long-running friendship is you can poke a little fun at each other for your quirks. Like how you’re a diehard fan for a chronically losing sports team or how you put ketchup on everything – gross. For Nate Puckett, his friends rib him about how he never leaves the city of Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So I work here, I live here, my kids go to school here. I have a 4-year-old and a 6-year-old. So I don’t leave the island for like weeks. And people make fun of me for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Alameda is an island, in case you didn’t know, and that fact is pretty wrapped up in the identity of some people who live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> I have a T-shirt that says Islander. That’s, like, Alameda themed. There’s Alameda Island Brewing. Like, you talk about whether, you know, you’re on the island or not on the island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But recently, Nate’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was eating ice cream at a local spot – Tuckers. He glanced up at a historical map hanging on the wall. And there, he saw something that shook him to the core. Alameda was connected to what is now mainland Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> It kind of felt like we’ve been all living a lie. It kind of felt like, no, that’s wrong. Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But no. The map was not wrong. It was just \u003ci>old\u003c/i>. Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>On this episode of Bay Curious, we’re going to find out how and \u003ci>why \u003c/i>Alameda was sliced off the mainland. It’s a story with enough twists and turns to make your head spin. I’m Olivia Allen Price. We’ll dive in just after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sponsor break\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Making Alameda into an island took nearly 30 years. And in the end, the original idea for the massive excavation, didn’t quite pan out as planned. KQED Producer Pauline Bartolone tells us all about the bumpy journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Flooding, legal battles, an economic slump and raw sewage. They’re all part of Alameda’s island origin story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all starts back in the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula, jutting out like an outstretched arm from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet where Alameda connected with the mainland. Not many people lived in this marshy region. Think open fields and maybe just a few estates of wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just to the west was a waterway, the Oakland harbor, that opened up to the San Francisco Bay. And it was becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. More and more ships were arriving since the Gold Rush, bringing all sorts of goods. But navigation in this waterway was tricky. Sediment on its floor would shift — a lot! — causing all sorts of problems for boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music ends. We hear the sounds of street traffic and outside noises.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> The trouble is, there were sandbars. And there were all kinds of impediments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky took me and our question-asker, Nate Puckett, on a tour along Alameda’s waterfront. He says around what is now the Port of Oakland, the waterway was wild and untouched, with sandbars that would ebb and flow with the tide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, then they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday, this place else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Oh, yeah, haha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And it impeded the shipping traffic!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The unpredictable nature of the waterway didn’t work for the shipping industry, which wanted to get more boats into the port. Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker: \u003c/b>Then, the sense of competition with San Francisco is intense, even though there’s a lot of San Francisco investment in Oakland. But you start to create Oakland having its own capitalist class, its own leadership who have banks in Oakland, have businesses, you know, have shipping companies, and they actually have a local interest. And that grows and grows so that Oakland, you know, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Local Congressmen made deals to bring in millions of federal dollars to improve the harbor. Evanosky says the big idea was to dredge a canal all the way across the north side of Alameda, turning the peninsula into an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>We hear sounds of traffic near the canal\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They planned to build this tidal canal as a scouring channel. What they planned to do was build a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> The dam would be built on the far east side of Alameda. And then during ebb tide, when the water is naturally flowing out to the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are going to open that dam, and we’re going to have the water to, I say, “whoosh” through the scouring channel here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> Engineers thought this would harness the natural power of tides to flush sediment out of the Oakland estuary and toward the Bay, learning the passage for boats coming in and out of the narrow waterway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And these aren’t necessarily big, huge ships. These could be smaller ships, but they need a place to navigate and turn around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> So, that was the plan. … in the beginning. The project got the green light in the early 1870s but had a slow start. And over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock. Early on, the government had to buy out 11 families who would lose part of their estates to the canal. They were offered $40,000 at the time, what is more than $1.2 million today. But one family refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> They were screwing with his kingdom. If you put it that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Patty Donald is the great-great-granddaughter of A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion on Alameda. A.A. Cohen’s family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had started, he had bought a failing rail system in 1876, I think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>He sued to stop the canal project and lost. And it went forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1889, the excavation was underway. But quickly suffered another setback. A deluge, literally. The winter that started in 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year. That’s according to a history written by Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>Voice actor reading:\u003c/i>\u003c/b> Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment. It took two months to pump out the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Then, they had to deal with public opinion. And perhaps the very first complaints from Alameda residents about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are digging this canal. And there’s a problem. People complain, well, if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The canal dredging was disrupting traffic to one of Alameda’s main entrances, Evanosky says. So, the Park Street Bridge was built first, and then two other bridges came.. in the decade that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>As if legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, the canal project suffered more roadblocks in the 1890s. According to the Alameda Museum’s Woody Minor, funding dried up during an economic depression. Then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corps of Engineers retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then — this one’s big — new research suggested that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage than this idea of flushing sediment out using a dam. While government officials debated next steps, a partially dug unfinished canal was left. A big giant trench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> So they had to stop. And this is all done, and they had to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, this is where the raw sewage comes into the picture. Right around this time, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems. And the waste was flowing right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. By the Alameda Museum’s account, the waterway became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice Actor:\u003c/b> Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda’s health officer became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In 1897, he argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posing a health hazard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work and finish that canal excavation once and for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound of a big machine starting up\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In case you’re wondering if, during this era, anyone ever chimed in about the ecological impacts of ripping through this marshy area?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> No, no, no, no, no, it’s nothing like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Richard Walker says there wasn’t really an environmental movement at this time. Maybe an oysterman was concerned about declining catches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> The conservationists at that time would be, I think, entirely obsessed with creating the first state parks. Saving the redwoods. They’re worried about mine debris in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1902, the dredging was done. And 30 years after the plan was first hatched, the canal filled with water. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents in the city of Alameda were ready to celebrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sounds of a marching band, crowd noise and fireworks\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In September of 1902, there were days of fireworks, parades, brass bands, carnival acts, fancy diving and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things were different from what was originally envisioned, of course. For one, there was no dam to help flush water out of the estuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> In my view, they didn’t build the dam because they were just tired of this whole thing, and a lot of people didn’t think the dam was going to work anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, more than a century later, as I walk along the canal with Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky near the Park Street Bridge, the canal water is relatively still. A few boats are docked, but none sail by. This neatly engineered waterway looks like a moat around a castle. It’s mostly used for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> This wasn’t natural. It looks very not natural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right? Right? Right, right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Our question asker, Nate Puckett, has been walking with us, listening to Evanosky this whole time. He looks slightly unsettled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So it sounds like the reason it’s an island was a failed idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Yeah, exactly. Yeah. I would say, “The island city, sort of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Yeah, yeah, the island city by accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right, right. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Nate clarified later that he found Alameda’s island origin story “surprising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> You kind of always assume big projects like this are for a very clear and thought-out purpose. And to find that it was kind of an accident or the plan changed so many times is definitely surprising. Especially just, you know, because Alameda is so into being an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The fact that Alameda isn’t naturally an island doesn’t bother Nate Puckett too much now. After all, it’s been that way for a while, and residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays. And over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Co.\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003ci>Island-themed music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>That story was produced by Pauline Bartolone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big shout out and thanks to Liam O’Donoghue of the \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayyesterday.com/\">East Bay Yesterday podcast \u003c/a>and UC Davis geographer Javier Arbona for their help on this story. Facts in this story came from Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum and historical documents from the Army Corp of Engineers and the National Park Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s still time to vote in our April voting round. Here are your choices:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 1:\u003c/b> I was recently at the Morcom Rose Garden in Oakland and saw three different official Oakland signs that read, “No glitter.” I would love to know what happened at the rose garden to warrant so many signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 2:\u003c/b> Yesterday, I walked with a fellow science teacher on the Great Hwy. We commented on the blackish sand, made of iron filings. Where does the iron come from?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 3:\u003c/b> Who are the de Youngs? I think they have some crazy stories!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Vote for which question you think we should tackle next at baycurious.org. While you’re there, sign up for our monthly newsletter, ask your own question or get lost listening through the Bay Curious archive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Our show is made by:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Katrina Schwartz\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christopher Beale: \u003c/b>Christopher Beale\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan:\u003c/b> Katherine Monahan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>and me, Olivia Allen Price. Additional support from:\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>Jen Chien: \u003c/b>Jen Chien\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katie Springer: \u003c/b>Katie Springer\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Cesar Saldana: \u003c/b>Cesar Saldana\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Maha Sanad: \u003c/b>Maha Sanad\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Holly Kernan:\u003c/b> Holly Kernan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Crowd:\u003c/b> And the whole KQED family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back next week.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Alameda has all the sure signs of an island. To get there, you have to use a bridge, a tunnel or a boat. Locals talk about going “on and off island.” And residents, like Nate Puckett, wear Alameda-themed T-shirts that say “Islander.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t leave the island for, like, weeks,” says Puckett, who lives, works and raises two kids in the Bay Area city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recently, Puckett’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was enjoying an ice cream at a favorite local spot — Tucker’s — when he looked up at a historical map on the wall. It showed Alameda connected to the mainland. That must be wrong, he thought; Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the map was not wrong — it was just old. In fact, Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It kind of felt like we’ve been living a lie,” Puckett says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puckett asked Bay Curious to find out more about Alameda’s island origin story. The project took nearly 30 years to complete and had enough twists and turns to make anyone dizzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>When it all began\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandlibrary.org/ohc/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11983868 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg\" alt=\"An old map shows what is now Alameda Island as connected to the mainland.\" width=\"999\" height=\"752\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg 999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 999px) 100vw, 999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of Alameda from 1877 shows it as a connected peninsula, not an island. \u003ccite>(Oakland Public Library, Oakland History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula that jutted out from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood like an outstretched arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet in that part of the East Bay (it wasn’t Oakland until later). The marshy region was not very populated; the landscape was mostly wide open fields and the estates of a few wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Oakland’s inner harbor was nearby, and it was quickly becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. Once the Gold Rush started, more and more ships arrived, bringing in all sorts of goods. And Oakland itself was growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But navigation to the budding port was tricky. Boats had to traverse a wild waterway that hadn’t seen much development yet. Sediment on the harbor’s bottom would shift with the tides, causing sandbars to move in unpredictable patterns that caused problems for navigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The sandbars] were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, [and then] they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday,” Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky says. “It impeded the shipping traffic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983870\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983870\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg\" alt=\"Older man in blue sweater stands next to a younger one in brown.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1536x1021.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dennis Evanosky (left) with Nate Puckett next to the Alameda canal. The Park Street bridge looms in the background. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland was never going to become the shipping destination it wanted to be if the waterways remained so unpredictable and the port so difficult to reach. And Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a \u003ca href=\"https://geography.berkeley.edu/professor-emeritus-richard-walker\">professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley\u003c/a> and author of several books about California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sense of competition with San Francisco [was] intense,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the late 1800s, Oakland was coming into its own politically and economically, developing its own banks, businesses and shipping companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That grows and grows so that Oakland, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to local lobbying, Congressmen worked to bring in millions of federal dollars to pay the Army Corps of Engineers to improve the harbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since shifting sandbars on the bottom was the biggest problem, \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/pnp/habshaer/ca/ca2600/ca2606/data/ca2606data.pdf\">the initial plan\u003c/a> was to cut through the marshy area of the Alameda peninsula, where it was connected to the mainland, to create a canal. Engineers thought if they built a dam at one end, they could release powerful torrents of water through the canal to flush out built-up sediment in the harbor. That would clear the way for bigger ships to come and go more easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project got the green light in the early 1870s, but over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Resistance to the project\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">Eleven families owned land where the government wanted to dredge the canal\u003c/a>. Oakland officials offered families $40,000 at the time, more than $1.2 million today. But one person refused — \u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/about-6\">A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney\u003c/a> who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were screwing with his kingdom,” says Patty Donald, Cohen’s great-great-granddaughter and manager of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/history\"> Cohen Bray house\u003c/a>, a historic Victorian building in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. The Cohen family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had bought a failing rail system,” Donald says. “He built it up in two years and created another one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the canal project progressed despite Cohen’s legal challenge, and by 1889 the excavation was underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>The setbacks pile up\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Quickly, the canal project suffered another setback — flooding. The winter of 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote historian Woody Minor in the Alameda Museum newslette\u003c/a>r. “It took two months to pump out the water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, the project’s proponents had to deal with public opinion and perhaps the very first complaints from Alamedans about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People complain, ‘Well if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?’” Evanosky says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dredged canal cut across one of the main thoroughfares, leading to the Alameda peninsula, disrupting traffic \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">for two years\u003c/a>. The Park Street bridge opened in 1891, and Alameda’s two other bridges, at High Street and Fruitvale Avenue, were built the following decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, there was an economic depression in the 1890s. Funding for the canal project dried up. And then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corp of Engineers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.spn.usace.army.mil/Portals/68/docs/History/Engineers%20at%20the%20Golden%20Gate.pdf?ver=2019-10-24-161149-027\">Major George Mendell\u003c/a>, retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the nail in the coffin for the dam/canal combo plan came from \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">new research suggesting that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage\u003c/a> than this idea of flushing sediment away using a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While government officials debated the next steps, a partially dug, unfinished giant trench was left.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘Fetid water awash with dead fish’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At this point, 20 years after the project began, raw sewage in the area’s waterways had become a real problem. In the late 1800s, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems, and the waste flowed right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. The unfinished canal became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote Minor in his history of the island\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda’s health officer at the time, Dr. John T. McClean, became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In a letter to Washington, published by the Oakland Enquirer in 1897, McLean argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posed a health hazard. Better water circulation through the canal would help flush away foul substances, he argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work ripping through the marsh between Alameda and modern-day Oakland. They finished dredging the canal in 1902, nearly 30 years after the plan was first hatched. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was no dam. … but residents celebrated anyway — through days of fireworks, carnival acts and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>A failed idea? \u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The scale and ambition of the Alameda Island project don’t impress geographer Richard Walker. In the grand scheme of things, he says, the project was actually pretty small. There are very few parts of the San Francisco Bay that humans haven’t somehow altered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is California,” Walker says. “California [is] one of the most monumentally re-engineered landscapes on Earth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century after the project was completed, the water in the neatly engineered tidal canal that separates Alameda from Oakland is relatively still, looking like a moat around a castle. People mostly use it for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nate Puckett says it doesn’t bother him that Alameda isn’t naturally an island. Residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays and over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>One of the best parts about a deep and long-running friendship is you can poke a little fun at each other for your quirks. Like how you’re a diehard fan for a chronically losing sports team or how you put ketchup on everything – gross. For Nate Puckett, his friends rib him about how he never leaves the city of Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So I work here, I live here, my kids go to school here. I have a 4-year-old and a 6-year-old. So I don’t leave the island for like weeks. And people make fun of me for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Alameda is an island, in case you didn’t know, and that fact is pretty wrapped up in the identity of some people who live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> I have a T-shirt that says Islander. That’s, like, Alameda themed. There’s Alameda Island Brewing. Like, you talk about whether, you know, you’re on the island or not on the island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But recently, Nate’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was eating ice cream at a local spot – Tuckers. He glanced up at a historical map hanging on the wall. And there, he saw something that shook him to the core. Alameda was connected to what is now mainland Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> It kind of felt like we’ve been all living a lie. It kind of felt like, no, that’s wrong. Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But no. The map was not wrong. It was just \u003ci>old\u003c/i>. Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>On this episode of Bay Curious, we’re going to find out how and \u003ci>why \u003c/i>Alameda was sliced off the mainland. It’s a story with enough twists and turns to make your head spin. I’m Olivia Allen Price. We’ll dive in just after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sponsor break\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Making Alameda into an island took nearly 30 years. And in the end, the original idea for the massive excavation, didn’t quite pan out as planned. KQED Producer Pauline Bartolone tells us all about the bumpy journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Flooding, legal battles, an economic slump and raw sewage. They’re all part of Alameda’s island origin story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all starts back in the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula, jutting out like an outstretched arm from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet where Alameda connected with the mainland. Not many people lived in this marshy region. Think open fields and maybe just a few estates of wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just to the west was a waterway, the Oakland harbor, that opened up to the San Francisco Bay. And it was becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. More and more ships were arriving since the Gold Rush, bringing all sorts of goods. But navigation in this waterway was tricky. Sediment on its floor would shift — a lot! — causing all sorts of problems for boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music ends. We hear the sounds of street traffic and outside noises.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> The trouble is, there were sandbars. And there were all kinds of impediments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky took me and our question-asker, Nate Puckett, on a tour along Alameda’s waterfront. He says around what is now the Port of Oakland, the waterway was wild and untouched, with sandbars that would ebb and flow with the tide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, then they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday, this place else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Oh, yeah, haha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And it impeded the shipping traffic!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The unpredictable nature of the waterway didn’t work for the shipping industry, which wanted to get more boats into the port. Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker: \u003c/b>Then, the sense of competition with San Francisco is intense, even though there’s a lot of San Francisco investment in Oakland. But you start to create Oakland having its own capitalist class, its own leadership who have banks in Oakland, have businesses, you know, have shipping companies, and they actually have a local interest. And that grows and grows so that Oakland, you know, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Local Congressmen made deals to bring in millions of federal dollars to improve the harbor. Evanosky says the big idea was to dredge a canal all the way across the north side of Alameda, turning the peninsula into an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>We hear sounds of traffic near the canal\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They planned to build this tidal canal as a scouring channel. What they planned to do was build a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> The dam would be built on the far east side of Alameda. And then during ebb tide, when the water is naturally flowing out to the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are going to open that dam, and we’re going to have the water to, I say, “whoosh” through the scouring channel here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> Engineers thought this would harness the natural power of tides to flush sediment out of the Oakland estuary and toward the Bay, learning the passage for boats coming in and out of the narrow waterway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And these aren’t necessarily big, huge ships. These could be smaller ships, but they need a place to navigate and turn around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> So, that was the plan. … in the beginning. The project got the green light in the early 1870s but had a slow start. And over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock. Early on, the government had to buy out 11 families who would lose part of their estates to the canal. They were offered $40,000 at the time, what is more than $1.2 million today. But one family refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> They were screwing with his kingdom. If you put it that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Patty Donald is the great-great-granddaughter of A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion on Alameda. A.A. Cohen’s family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had started, he had bought a failing rail system in 1876, I think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>He sued to stop the canal project and lost. And it went forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1889, the excavation was underway. But quickly suffered another setback. A deluge, literally. The winter that started in 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year. That’s according to a history written by Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>Voice actor reading:\u003c/i>\u003c/b> Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment. It took two months to pump out the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Then, they had to deal with public opinion. And perhaps the very first complaints from Alameda residents about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are digging this canal. And there’s a problem. People complain, well, if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The canal dredging was disrupting traffic to one of Alameda’s main entrances, Evanosky says. So, the Park Street Bridge was built first, and then two other bridges came.. in the decade that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>As if legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, the canal project suffered more roadblocks in the 1890s. According to the Alameda Museum’s Woody Minor, funding dried up during an economic depression. Then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corps of Engineers retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then — this one’s big — new research suggested that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage than this idea of flushing sediment out using a dam. While government officials debated next steps, a partially dug unfinished canal was left. A big giant trench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> So they had to stop. And this is all done, and they had to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, this is where the raw sewage comes into the picture. Right around this time, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems. And the waste was flowing right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. By the Alameda Museum’s account, the waterway became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice Actor:\u003c/b> Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda’s health officer became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In 1897, he argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posing a health hazard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work and finish that canal excavation once and for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound of a big machine starting up\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In case you’re wondering if, during this era, anyone ever chimed in about the ecological impacts of ripping through this marshy area?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> No, no, no, no, no, it’s nothing like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Richard Walker says there wasn’t really an environmental movement at this time. Maybe an oysterman was concerned about declining catches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> The conservationists at that time would be, I think, entirely obsessed with creating the first state parks. Saving the redwoods. They’re worried about mine debris in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1902, the dredging was done. And 30 years after the plan was first hatched, the canal filled with water. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents in the city of Alameda were ready to celebrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sounds of a marching band, crowd noise and fireworks\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In September of 1902, there were days of fireworks, parades, brass bands, carnival acts, fancy diving and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things were different from what was originally envisioned, of course. For one, there was no dam to help flush water out of the estuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> In my view, they didn’t build the dam because they were just tired of this whole thing, and a lot of people didn’t think the dam was going to work anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, more than a century later, as I walk along the canal with Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky near the Park Street Bridge, the canal water is relatively still. A few boats are docked, but none sail by. This neatly engineered waterway looks like a moat around a castle. It’s mostly used for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> This wasn’t natural. It looks very not natural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right? Right? Right, right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Our question asker, Nate Puckett, has been walking with us, listening to Evanosky this whole time. He looks slightly unsettled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So it sounds like the reason it’s an island was a failed idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Yeah, exactly. Yeah. I would say, “The island city, sort of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Yeah, yeah, the island city by accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right, right. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Nate clarified later that he found Alameda’s island origin story “surprising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> You kind of always assume big projects like this are for a very clear and thought-out purpose. And to find that it was kind of an accident or the plan changed so many times is definitely surprising. Especially just, you know, because Alameda is so into being an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The fact that Alameda isn’t naturally an island doesn’t bother Nate Puckett too much now. After all, it’s been that way for a while, and residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays. And over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Co.\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003ci>Island-themed music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>That story was produced by Pauline Bartolone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big shout out and thanks to Liam O’Donoghue of the \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayyesterday.com/\">East Bay Yesterday podcast \u003c/a>and UC Davis geographer Javier Arbona for their help on this story. Facts in this story came from Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum and historical documents from the Army Corp of Engineers and the National Park Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s still time to vote in our April voting round. Here are your choices:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 1:\u003c/b> I was recently at the Morcom Rose Garden in Oakland and saw three different official Oakland signs that read, “No glitter.” I would love to know what happened at the rose garden to warrant so many signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 2:\u003c/b> Yesterday, I walked with a fellow science teacher on the Great Hwy. We commented on the blackish sand, made of iron filings. Where does the iron come from?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 3:\u003c/b> Who are the de Youngs? I think they have some crazy stories!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Vote for which question you think we should tackle next at baycurious.org. While you’re there, sign up for our monthly newsletter, ask your own question or get lost listening through the Bay Curious archive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Our show is made by:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Katrina Schwartz\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christopher Beale: \u003c/b>Christopher Beale\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan:\u003c/b> Katherine Monahan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>and me, Olivia Allen Price. Additional support from:\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>Jen Chien: \u003c/b>Jen Chien\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katie Springer: \u003c/b>Katie Springer\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Cesar Saldana: \u003c/b>Cesar Saldana\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Maha Sanad: \u003c/b>Maha Sanad\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Holly Kernan:\u003c/b> Holly Kernan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Crowd:\u003c/b> And the whole KQED family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back next week.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>If you visited a Planned Parenthood in the continental United States in the past few years, then the company Near Intelligence, a data broker, probably knew it — and may have \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/antiabortion-group-used-cellphone-data-to-target-ads-to-planned-parenthood-visitors-446c1212\">sold that information to anti-abortion activists\u003c/a>. If you attended certain houses of worship or patronized particular pharmacies, the data broker known as Outlogic allegedly sold that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Near Intelligence \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/privacy/2024/02/23/what-happens-to-your-sensitive-data-when-a-data-broker-goes-bankrupt\">filed for bankruptcy\u003c/a> in December. Outlogic agreed to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/X-ModeSocialDecisionandOrder.pdf\">settlement\u003c/a> with the Federal Trade Commission to stop selling user location data while insisting regulators had found \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/privacy-and-data-security/ftc-reaches-first-settlement-banning-location-data-tracking\">“no misuse of any data.”\u003c/a> Both were among nearly 90 companies on the latest version of the \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">California data broker registry\u003c/a> that self-reported selling data about where people are or have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time this year, California requires data brokers — companies that knowingly collect and sell consumer’s data to third parties — to report if they collect location data. New state transparency requirements that kicked in this year also revealed that roughly two dozen companies collect personal data about children, and about a dozen collect reproductive health data about people who are pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do data brokers somewhere have data about you? Almost certainly. Almost everywhere you go on your digital journey will collect traces of information about you. If you’ve been on the internet in the past few years, you’ve probably seen a bunch of notices asking if it’s okay for the website you’re on to collect your “cookies” — information that allows the website to remember you, essentially. Some apps on your phone may track your location. It’s hard to precisely say what information about you is where because there are so many variables — your privacy settings, the sites you visit, what you buy and from whom, etc. — but data brokers are in the business of finding, collecting, and selling that data to other businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers sell your web activity and other personal information to companies that may target advertising to you\u003cem>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>or make important decisions about your life, such as \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/locked-out/2020/05/28/access-denied-faulty-automated-background-checks-freeze-out-renters\">whether you get an apartment\u003c/a>, whether your activity is \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org/pondera-surveillance/\">labeled fraudulent\u003c/a>, or how \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/11/technology/carmakers-driver-tracking-insurance.html\">insurance companies treat you\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The market is largely unregulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selling data about people is the cornerstone of the modern internet economy, powering targeted advertising based on insights gleaned from personal data. Media investment company GroupM forecasted $258 billion in digital advertising revenue this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To give people visibility into who sells their data for profit, four years ago, California started requiring data brokers to register once a year. Since then, a new registry has come out each year based on those submissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest registry debuted one month ago with more detailed information and is now maintained by a relatively new state agency. A law passed last fall introduces new consumer rights and more stringent requirements for brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some important things to know:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can data brokers harm you or your loved ones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Data brokers can sell data to bad actors, ranging from scam artists to adversarial foreign governments. In testimony to a congressional committee one year ago, Georgetown Law Center associate professor Laura Moy said data brokers selling information to law enforcement agencies could amount to a violation of the Fourth Amendment right to live free from unreasonable search and seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Beijing to Brussels to Washington D.C. and U.S. state capitals, government regulators are creating registries and business reporting rules to prevent privacy violations or harmful forms of artificial intelligence. Privacy advocates have urged the creation of a national data broker registry with the Federal Trade Commission for years, but no such registry exists yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who protects my privacy rights?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California voters passed a ballot measure in 2020 that gives consumers the right to access information collected about them, delete or modify that information, or tell a broker they cannot sell or share that information. Consumers can initiate the process by emailing the point of contact \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">listed on the registry website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, they must present a copy of their ID, like a driver’s license, to prove who they are. Consumers and people under 18 can also work with an authorized agent, someone who makes data deletion requests on their behalf. Companies like Transcend and nonprofit organizations like Consumer Reports offer consumer data deletion services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To enforce these rights, the ballot measure created the California Privacy Protection Agency and a five-member board to govern its activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies that buy, sell, or share the personal data of at least 100,000 Californians or get a majority of annual revenue from selling data are required to comply with the consumer privacy law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s new?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most recent changes to California’s data broker registry — which took effect in January — require brokers to disclose whether they sell data about children, pregnant people, or anyone’s geolocation data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, relatively soon — at the speed at which state governments operate — consumers should be able to delete data collected about them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, consumers must go to hundreds of data brokers one at a time if they want them to delete their data.[aside postID=news_11947039 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-1020x680.jpg']Last fall, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb362?slug=CA_202320240SB362\">the Delete Act\u003c/a> giving consumers a way to delete data from all registered brokers by using a single tool or website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law — authored by state Sen. Josh Becker, a Democrat from Menlo Park — the state’s privacy agency must launch a website by 2026 that allows Californians to delete their data in 30 seconds or less. The Delete Act doubles the cost if data brokers fail to register to $200 a day, as well as the costs associated with an action brought by the state attorney general. By 2028, audits must verify that data brokers are complying with the Delete Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major change is that the Delete Act requires brokers to delete any information they collect about a consumer, not just information shared directly from a consumer, closing what privacy advocates called a crucial loophole that existed in the right to delete granted to consumers under the California Consumer Privacy Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also shifts responsibility for maintaining the registry from the Department of Justice to the California Privacy Protection Agency. That means that the power to determine which companies fail to register and comply with state privacy law or the Delete Act is decided by enforcement officers within that privacy agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s up to the agency to decide whether companies should register as data brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The enforcement division has received more than 1,200 complaints from July 2023 to February 2024, according to a staff update \u003ca href=\"https://www.cppa.ca.gov/meetings/materials/20240308_item6_enforcement_update.pdf\">last month\u003c/a>. The majority of those complaints concern the right to delete data collected about individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is California’s data broker registry comprehensive?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since data brokers do not have a direct relationship with consumers, most people have never heard of companies that buy and sell data. But the registry is not comprehensive, not yet at least.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registry that launched March 1 includes roughly 450 businesses and email points of contact. Brokers were required to register by Jan. 31, but in a meeting held in February, privacy protection agency attorney Liz Travis Allen warned: “If you look at the whole universe of every data broker, we don’t have that list. But that would be something we can enforce on, to figure out who isn’t registered and should be.”[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='privacy']The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/data-brokers\">2023 registry maintained by the state Justice Department\u003c/a> listed 550 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy Rights Clearinghouse head of privacy Emory Roane was a co-sponsor of the Delete Act. He said it’s “really cool” that the privacy protection agency data broker registry illuminates metrics you couldn’t see before, like the number of companies that track your location or collect data about kids and people who are pregnant or that the credit score agency Experian collects all three. But he said the registry is incomplete. The state of Vermont defines a data broker the same way as California, also \u003ca href=\"https://sos.vermont.gov/corporations/other-services/data-brokers/\">maintains a data broker registry\u003c/a>, and created its registry around the same time as California, but it lists 660 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That discrepancy “suggests that there is a problem with non-registered data brokers,” he told CalMatters in an email. “As to how many brokers aren’t registered, well, that’s anyone’s guess. It could be dozens, hundreds, or even thousands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A January \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerreports.org/electronics/privacy/each-facebook-user-is-monitored-by-thousands-of-companies-a5824207467/#:~:text=Using%20a%20panel%20of%20709,to%20Facebook%20by%202%2C230%20companies.\">Consumer Reports study\u003c/a> involving nearly 700 volunteers who shared the data Meta collects about them on Facebook and Instagram found that more than 2,220 companies track the average person.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I tell a data broker to delete my data?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Each company maintains its own privacy policy, but deleting the data it collects on you can be as simple as sending an email to the broker, whose contact email is listed on the registry. California law requires the broker to respond within 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also use third-party tools like \u003ca href=\"https://permissionslipcr.com/\">the Permission Slip app\u003c/a> to tell data brokers to delete your data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers must detail how to delete or modify data in a privacy policy listed on their website. If a business fails to act within 90 days, you can \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/webapplications/complaint\">file a complaint\u003c/a> with California’s privacy protection agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To quickly view the complete list of companies that sell kids data, reproductive health data, or geolocation data, toggle the arrow buttons at the top of the screen on California’s online registry site.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I delete data collected about my kid?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A parent or guardian who wishes to make a deletion request on a child’s behalf may follow the same steps necessary for any other Californian, but a business may require them to verify their identity with a government-issued ID card or phone or video call with a trained professional.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s privacy protection agency is already developing a single-click data deletion option. The enforcement division will contact companies they believe should be part of the registry or face fines, fees, or legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How aggressive will California’s consumer privacy agency be? One test is how frequently it issues fines and fees for brokers who fail to register. Privacy Protection Agency deputy director of external affairs, Megan White, wouldn’t say when enforcement officers will contact companies that they determined must register as data brokers and are in violation of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roane said he hopes for and expects “eager enforcers more vigilantly holding non-registering and non-conforming data brokers to account.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, California will begin requiring data brokers to publicly report on their websites the number of requests they receive to delete, modify, or share what data they collected about individuals and the median amount of time it takes to fulfill those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you visited a Planned Parenthood in the continental United States in the past few years, then the company Near Intelligence, a data broker, probably knew it — and may have \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/antiabortion-group-used-cellphone-data-to-target-ads-to-planned-parenthood-visitors-446c1212\">sold that information to anti-abortion activists\u003c/a>. If you attended certain houses of worship or patronized particular pharmacies, the data broker known as Outlogic allegedly sold that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Near Intelligence \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/privacy/2024/02/23/what-happens-to-your-sensitive-data-when-a-data-broker-goes-bankrupt\">filed for bankruptcy\u003c/a> in December. Outlogic agreed to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/X-ModeSocialDecisionandOrder.pdf\">settlement\u003c/a> with the Federal Trade Commission to stop selling user location data while insisting regulators had found \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/privacy-and-data-security/ftc-reaches-first-settlement-banning-location-data-tracking\">“no misuse of any data.”\u003c/a> Both were among nearly 90 companies on the latest version of the \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">California data broker registry\u003c/a> that self-reported selling data about where people are or have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time this year, California requires data brokers — companies that knowingly collect and sell consumer’s data to third parties — to report if they collect location data. New state transparency requirements that kicked in this year also revealed that roughly two dozen companies collect personal data about children, and about a dozen collect reproductive health data about people who are pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do data brokers somewhere have data about you? Almost certainly. Almost everywhere you go on your digital journey will collect traces of information about you. If you’ve been on the internet in the past few years, you’ve probably seen a bunch of notices asking if it’s okay for the website you’re on to collect your “cookies” — information that allows the website to remember you, essentially. Some apps on your phone may track your location. It’s hard to precisely say what information about you is where because there are so many variables — your privacy settings, the sites you visit, what you buy and from whom, etc. — but data brokers are in the business of finding, collecting, and selling that data to other businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers sell your web activity and other personal information to companies that may target advertising to you\u003cem>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>or make important decisions about your life, such as \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/locked-out/2020/05/28/access-denied-faulty-automated-background-checks-freeze-out-renters\">whether you get an apartment\u003c/a>, whether your activity is \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org/pondera-surveillance/\">labeled fraudulent\u003c/a>, or how \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/11/technology/carmakers-driver-tracking-insurance.html\">insurance companies treat you\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The market is largely unregulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selling data about people is the cornerstone of the modern internet economy, powering targeted advertising based on insights gleaned from personal data. Media investment company GroupM forecasted $258 billion in digital advertising revenue this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To give people visibility into who sells their data for profit, four years ago, California started requiring data brokers to register once a year. Since then, a new registry has come out each year based on those submissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest registry debuted one month ago with more detailed information and is now maintained by a relatively new state agency. A law passed last fall introduces new consumer rights and more stringent requirements for brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some important things to know:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can data brokers harm you or your loved ones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Data brokers can sell data to bad actors, ranging from scam artists to adversarial foreign governments. In testimony to a congressional committee one year ago, Georgetown Law Center associate professor Laura Moy said data brokers selling information to law enforcement agencies could amount to a violation of the Fourth Amendment right to live free from unreasonable search and seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Beijing to Brussels to Washington D.C. and U.S. state capitals, government regulators are creating registries and business reporting rules to prevent privacy violations or harmful forms of artificial intelligence. Privacy advocates have urged the creation of a national data broker registry with the Federal Trade Commission for years, but no such registry exists yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who protects my privacy rights?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California voters passed a ballot measure in 2020 that gives consumers the right to access information collected about them, delete or modify that information, or tell a broker they cannot sell or share that information. Consumers can initiate the process by emailing the point of contact \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">listed on the registry website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, they must present a copy of their ID, like a driver’s license, to prove who they are. Consumers and people under 18 can also work with an authorized agent, someone who makes data deletion requests on their behalf. Companies like Transcend and nonprofit organizations like Consumer Reports offer consumer data deletion services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To enforce these rights, the ballot measure created the California Privacy Protection Agency and a five-member board to govern its activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies that buy, sell, or share the personal data of at least 100,000 Californians or get a majority of annual revenue from selling data are required to comply with the consumer privacy law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s new?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most recent changes to California’s data broker registry — which took effect in January — require brokers to disclose whether they sell data about children, pregnant people, or anyone’s geolocation data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, relatively soon — at the speed at which state governments operate — consumers should be able to delete data collected about them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, consumers must go to hundreds of data brokers one at a time if they want them to delete their data.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last fall, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb362?slug=CA_202320240SB362\">the Delete Act\u003c/a> giving consumers a way to delete data from all registered brokers by using a single tool or website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law — authored by state Sen. Josh Becker, a Democrat from Menlo Park — the state’s privacy agency must launch a website by 2026 that allows Californians to delete their data in 30 seconds or less. The Delete Act doubles the cost if data brokers fail to register to $200 a day, as well as the costs associated with an action brought by the state attorney general. By 2028, audits must verify that data brokers are complying with the Delete Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major change is that the Delete Act requires brokers to delete any information they collect about a consumer, not just information shared directly from a consumer, closing what privacy advocates called a crucial loophole that existed in the right to delete granted to consumers under the California Consumer Privacy Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also shifts responsibility for maintaining the registry from the Department of Justice to the California Privacy Protection Agency. That means that the power to determine which companies fail to register and comply with state privacy law or the Delete Act is decided by enforcement officers within that privacy agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s up to the agency to decide whether companies should register as data brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The enforcement division has received more than 1,200 complaints from July 2023 to February 2024, according to a staff update \u003ca href=\"https://www.cppa.ca.gov/meetings/materials/20240308_item6_enforcement_update.pdf\">last month\u003c/a>. The majority of those complaints concern the right to delete data collected about individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is California’s data broker registry comprehensive?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since data brokers do not have a direct relationship with consumers, most people have never heard of companies that buy and sell data. But the registry is not comprehensive, not yet at least.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registry that launched March 1 includes roughly 450 businesses and email points of contact. Brokers were required to register by Jan. 31, but in a meeting held in February, privacy protection agency attorney Liz Travis Allen warned: “If you look at the whole universe of every data broker, we don’t have that list. But that would be something we can enforce on, to figure out who isn’t registered and should be.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/data-brokers\">2023 registry maintained by the state Justice Department\u003c/a> listed 550 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy Rights Clearinghouse head of privacy Emory Roane was a co-sponsor of the Delete Act. He said it’s “really cool” that the privacy protection agency data broker registry illuminates metrics you couldn’t see before, like the number of companies that track your location or collect data about kids and people who are pregnant or that the credit score agency Experian collects all three. But he said the registry is incomplete. The state of Vermont defines a data broker the same way as California, also \u003ca href=\"https://sos.vermont.gov/corporations/other-services/data-brokers/\">maintains a data broker registry\u003c/a>, and created its registry around the same time as California, but it lists 660 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That discrepancy “suggests that there is a problem with non-registered data brokers,” he told CalMatters in an email. “As to how many brokers aren’t registered, well, that’s anyone’s guess. It could be dozens, hundreds, or even thousands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A January \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerreports.org/electronics/privacy/each-facebook-user-is-monitored-by-thousands-of-companies-a5824207467/#:~:text=Using%20a%20panel%20of%20709,to%20Facebook%20by%202%2C230%20companies.\">Consumer Reports study\u003c/a> involving nearly 700 volunteers who shared the data Meta collects about them on Facebook and Instagram found that more than 2,220 companies track the average person.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I tell a data broker to delete my data?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Each company maintains its own privacy policy, but deleting the data it collects on you can be as simple as sending an email to the broker, whose contact email is listed on the registry. California law requires the broker to respond within 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also use third-party tools like \u003ca href=\"https://permissionslipcr.com/\">the Permission Slip app\u003c/a> to tell data brokers to delete your data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers must detail how to delete or modify data in a privacy policy listed on their website. If a business fails to act within 90 days, you can \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/webapplications/complaint\">file a complaint\u003c/a> with California’s privacy protection agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To quickly view the complete list of companies that sell kids data, reproductive health data, or geolocation data, toggle the arrow buttons at the top of the screen on California’s online registry site.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I delete data collected about my kid?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A parent or guardian who wishes to make a deletion request on a child’s behalf may follow the same steps necessary for any other Californian, but a business may require them to verify their identity with a government-issued ID card or phone or video call with a trained professional.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s privacy protection agency is already developing a single-click data deletion option. The enforcement division will contact companies they believe should be part of the registry or face fines, fees, or legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How aggressive will California’s consumer privacy agency be? One test is how frequently it issues fines and fees for brokers who fail to register. Privacy Protection Agency deputy director of external affairs, Megan White, wouldn’t say when enforcement officers will contact companies that they determined must register as data brokers and are in violation of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roane said he hopes for and expects “eager enforcers more vigilantly holding non-registering and non-conforming data brokers to account.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, California will begin requiring data brokers to publicly report on their websites the number of requests they receive to delete, modify, or share what data they collected about individuals and the median amount of time it takes to fulfill those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
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