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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump’s\u003c/a> executive order \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027864/trump-moves-slash-presidio-trust-agency-runs-historic-sf-park\">targeting San Francisco’s Presidio\u003c/a> revived fears that the beloved public land could be eyed for a real estate grab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wouldn’t be the first time San Francisco’s bayside was targeted for upscale development — but, much like a failed proposal to build a coastal North Bay city, this project is unlikely to move forward due to legislation protecting the Presidio and the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Pittsburgh real estate developer Thomas Frouge envisioned the Marin Headlands as a bustling oceanside metropolis — 30,000 residents living in apartment towers and single-family homes nestled into the North Bay hillsides, with an upscale hotel and a mile of shopping overlooking San Francisco Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plans for “Marincello,” as he called it, were greenlit by the Marin County Board of Supervisors but stalled after a six-year legal battle with environmental groups and federal legislation that established and protected the Golden Gate National Recreation Area in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The statute was passed in response in part to fears that the Marin Headlands and other beautiful areas would get developed and wanting them to stay as public open space,” Dave Owen, a professor at UC Law San Francisco, said in an interview. “It particularly says … the Secretary [of the Interior] shall preserve the recreation area as far as possible in its natural setting and protect it from development and uses which would destroy the scenic beauty and natural character.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028427\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028427\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andy Goldsworthy’s Wood Line slithers through the Presidio’s largest grove of eucalyptus trees, attracting hikers, runners photographers and tourists alike. \u003ccite>(Samantha Shanahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That statute is embedded in the Presidio Trust Act, which created the federal agency overseeing the national park at San Francisco’s northern tip and sets strict conservation guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Trump called for the Presidio Trust to eliminate its non-statutory operations “to the maximum extent consistent with applicable law,” the 1,500-acre park was quickly reconsidered as a potential site for a futuristic city based on a Trump campaign plan. In March 2023, he proposed hosting a competition to create 10 “freedom cities” on federal land that would jumpstart development and be a “quantum leap in the American standard of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027864 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DSC_1576_qed-1-1020x676.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Mark Lutter and Jeffrey Mason of the Charter Cities Institute, an organization that advocates for independent cities with new governance systems, published an article in \u003cem>Palladium\u003c/em> magazine calling on the president to start work on the “Presidio Freedom City.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump and Congress have the opportunity to turn the 1,500-acre Presidio into a Freedom City and compete with mismanaged San Francisco,” Lutter \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/MarkLutter/status/1892293775860408804\">posted on social media platform X\u003c/a> after the order was signed last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists and tech entrepreneurs have promoted it as a hub for AI and crypto headquarters, but legislators say the law protecting the space was designed to prevent such an “attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The [Presidio Trust Act] was written by all of us in a very careful way,” former Rep. Barbara Boxer said Monday on KQED’s\u003cem> Forum\u003c/em>. “We understood the jewel that this is, we understood the commercial value of this, and we understood that there might be people now and way into the future that might want to get their hands on it and make it a personal investment instead of a public investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law passed in 1996 includes two key provisions that make it nearly impossible for Trump — or anyone — to change the park’s footprint without changing the law, according to Owen. One is the inclusion of the Presidio in the Golden Gate National Recreation Area, which stopped the coast of the North Bay from becoming Marincello and “protects the Presidio from development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027868\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The lawn of the Main Parade Ground in front of the Walt Disney Museum in the Presidio of San Francisco, California, on March 13, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Presidio Trust Act also has a specific provision that limits the minimal development within the park to the “replacement of existing structures of similar size in existing areas of development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no way that you could reconcile creating Shenzhen, China, with that provision,” Owen told KQED. “You can’t even reconcile that provision with building a new office building in what’s currently a meadow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Trump will be able to make any changes to the Trust’s operations remains unclear. The agency first has to submit a report to the Department of Budget and Management detailing its operations and defending its statutory backing in the next two weeks. It has said all its functions are based in the law, and it will continue business as usual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Trump could try to target the seven-member board that oversees the Trust. The president appoints six members, and while the law doesn’t explicitly give the president the power to remove any of the board members before their four-year terms are up, Owen said that so far, the Trump administration’s position has been to act as though it has removal authority of any executive branch official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, though, the courts will decide. Owen said they have not interpreted the Constitution as granting broad removal powers. He added that even if Trump replaced board members, they would still be bound by the Presidio Trust Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The board is still going to have the same statutory mandate, which includes not developing in areas that aren’t already developed and acting in accordance with the mission of the Golden Gate National Recreation Area and its governing law,” he told KQED in an interview. “And so if the proposal is to do things like perhaps change, the amount of revenue brought in from leases or the maintenance schedules for the buildings, yeah, stuff like that can change. But there’s no authority to fundamentally change the way that the Presidio is managed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "President Donald Trump’s order renews concerns over a real estate push in San Francisco’s Presidio, but legal protections may block development, much like past failed bayfront plans.",
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"title": "Trump Order Revives Fears of Real Estate Push for San Francisco’s Presidio | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump’s\u003c/a> executive order \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027864/trump-moves-slash-presidio-trust-agency-runs-historic-sf-park\">targeting San Francisco’s Presidio\u003c/a> revived fears that the beloved public land could be eyed for a real estate grab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wouldn’t be the first time San Francisco’s bayside was targeted for upscale development — but, much like a failed proposal to build a coastal North Bay city, this project is unlikely to move forward due to legislation protecting the Presidio and the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Pittsburgh real estate developer Thomas Frouge envisioned the Marin Headlands as a bustling oceanside metropolis — 30,000 residents living in apartment towers and single-family homes nestled into the North Bay hillsides, with an upscale hotel and a mile of shopping overlooking San Francisco Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plans for “Marincello,” as he called it, were greenlit by the Marin County Board of Supervisors but stalled after a six-year legal battle with environmental groups and federal legislation that established and protected the Golden Gate National Recreation Area in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The statute was passed in response in part to fears that the Marin Headlands and other beautiful areas would get developed and wanting them to stay as public open space,” Dave Owen, a professor at UC Law San Francisco, said in an interview. “It particularly says … the Secretary [of the Interior] shall preserve the recreation area as far as possible in its natural setting and protect it from development and uses which would destroy the scenic beauty and natural character.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028427\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028427\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andy Goldsworthy’s Wood Line slithers through the Presidio’s largest grove of eucalyptus trees, attracting hikers, runners photographers and tourists alike. \u003ccite>(Samantha Shanahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That statute is embedded in the Presidio Trust Act, which created the federal agency overseeing the national park at San Francisco’s northern tip and sets strict conservation guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Trump called for the Presidio Trust to eliminate its non-statutory operations “to the maximum extent consistent with applicable law,” the 1,500-acre park was quickly reconsidered as a potential site for a futuristic city based on a Trump campaign plan. In March 2023, he proposed hosting a competition to create 10 “freedom cities” on federal land that would jumpstart development and be a “quantum leap in the American standard of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Mark Lutter and Jeffrey Mason of the Charter Cities Institute, an organization that advocates for independent cities with new governance systems, published an article in \u003cem>Palladium\u003c/em> magazine calling on the president to start work on the “Presidio Freedom City.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump and Congress have the opportunity to turn the 1,500-acre Presidio into a Freedom City and compete with mismanaged San Francisco,” Lutter \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/MarkLutter/status/1892293775860408804\">posted on social media platform X\u003c/a> after the order was signed last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists and tech entrepreneurs have promoted it as a hub for AI and crypto headquarters, but legislators say the law protecting the space was designed to prevent such an “attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The [Presidio Trust Act] was written by all of us in a very careful way,” former Rep. Barbara Boxer said Monday on KQED’s\u003cem> Forum\u003c/em>. “We understood the jewel that this is, we understood the commercial value of this, and we understood that there might be people now and way into the future that might want to get their hands on it and make it a personal investment instead of a public investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law passed in 1996 includes two key provisions that make it nearly impossible for Trump — or anyone — to change the park’s footprint without changing the law, according to Owen. One is the inclusion of the Presidio in the Golden Gate National Recreation Area, which stopped the coast of the North Bay from becoming Marincello and “protects the Presidio from development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027868\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The lawn of the Main Parade Ground in front of the Walt Disney Museum in the Presidio of San Francisco, California, on March 13, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Presidio Trust Act also has a specific provision that limits the minimal development within the park to the “replacement of existing structures of similar size in existing areas of development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no way that you could reconcile creating Shenzhen, China, with that provision,” Owen told KQED. “You can’t even reconcile that provision with building a new office building in what’s currently a meadow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Trump will be able to make any changes to the Trust’s operations remains unclear. The agency first has to submit a report to the Department of Budget and Management detailing its operations and defending its statutory backing in the next two weeks. It has said all its functions are based in the law, and it will continue business as usual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Trump could try to target the seven-member board that oversees the Trust. The president appoints six members, and while the law doesn’t explicitly give the president the power to remove any of the board members before their four-year terms are up, Owen said that so far, the Trump administration’s position has been to act as though it has removal authority of any executive branch official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, though, the courts will decide. Owen said they have not interpreted the Constitution as granting broad removal powers. He added that even if Trump replaced board members, they would still be bound by the Presidio Trust Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The board is still going to have the same statutory mandate, which includes not developing in areas that aren’t already developed and acting in accordance with the mission of the Golden Gate National Recreation Area and its governing law,” he told KQED in an interview. “And so if the proposal is to do things like perhaps change, the amount of revenue brought in from leases or the maintenance schedules for the buildings, yeah, stuff like that can change. But there’s no authority to fundamentally change the way that the Presidio is managed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sfs-history-with-sanctuary-laws-brings-renewed-challenges-under-trump",
"title": "SF’s History With Sanctuary Laws Brings Renewed Challenges Under Trump",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco’s sanctuary policies have been contested repeatedly since they were first enacted in the 1980s following an immigration raid at a Mission District dance club that left dozens of people detained for hours — some U.S. citizens. So what can the history of challenges against the city’s sanctuary policies tell us about President Donald Trump’s threats to it today?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1834114881&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:57] I wonder if you could take us back to the 1980s before San Francisco was a sanctuary city. What was going on in the U .S. and abroad at that time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:07] So in the 1980s, there was a number of Central American countries, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, who were wrapped up in civil wars. A lot of people were fleeing to the United States and seeking refugee status. The Reagan administration, Ronald Reagan was in the White House at the time, refused to recognize these folks as asylum seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:45] Was the city then at the time like openly collaborating with federal immigration agents like all the time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:53] You know, it was normal for federal immigration officials to show up at the county jail, ask to just look through the records of who was there. From what I’ve talked to folks who were in the sheriff’s department and around during that time, it sounds like there was sort of this open door policy into the jails. And then there was a moment in 1989 that really sort of changed the entire dynamic here in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:17] And that turning point moment was this immigration raid that happened at a dance club in the Mission known as Club Elegante. What was Club Elegante?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:28] So this was like a Latin dance club in the Mission. It was a super popular spot for folks to go on the weekends and blow off steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:02:36] You know, you get your paycheck on Friday and you want to go, you know, have a little fun or whatever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:43] Tom Amiano was a longtime politician in San Francisco, and I spoke to him about what was going on in San Francisco in the 1980s, back in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:02:53] It was really a place where I think a lot of people were undocumented, you know, especially people maybe associated with the day laborers. And when it happened, you could hear the sirens and the activity, but one one really didn’t know what was it, you know, what was what was really happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:17] There was a joint raid between the federal government and local police in which they essentially came into this club on a busy weekend night and took, I think, most everyone there into custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:03:31] Our police, they went in there and they roughed up a lot of people. And I think they busted some people who were citizens. You know, it was obvious that this was a big snafu that should have never happened. And I think it was what ignited that sleeping giant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:50] So it was a really huge moment in the city, and it was something that people were very much aware of. It made a lot of headlines and sparked a lot of anger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:00] I mean, I can’t even imagine something like that happening today in San Francisco. That would just be insane. And I guess how did we go from this raid at Club Elegante to city leaders starting to to really talk seriously about the sanctuary policies and what was their rationale at the time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:04:29] Some of them actually came out of law enforcement. Like the police themselves were saying, hey, if we’re being deputized to essentially do the job of the federal government, we are undermining our ability to build trust with these immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:04:46] There were demands made on the mayor. And what are you going to do? What is the solution?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:04:51] When this Club Elegante raid happened and there was such huge outcry and fear in the immigrant community, it really created a lot of political momentum and pressure on City Hall and on the police chief, Frank Jordan, to figure out a way to kind of thread this needle. Because it’s not just about someone who’s undocumented being scared to come to the police, although certainly it’s that. But if you are a citizen or a legal resident, but your neighbor is not, or your uncle or your spouse, like a crime happens to you, are you going to be willing to go to the police if you know that they might actually call federal immigration enforcement? And so by the end of that year, they had written and passed the sanctuary policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:42] What exactly do San Francisco’s first sanctuary policies look like? And I guess what was passed as a result of this raid?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:05:51] Yeah, the original sanctuary ordinance was really straightforward. It basically just said city employees may not use city funds or resources to help federal immigration enforcement. We won’t stand in the way because that would be illegal, but we’re not going to participate in immigration actions as a local police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:20] It’s sort of interesting to think of sanctuary policies being really a result of pushes by local law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:06:28] But I do think when you have people in law enforcement, I mean, who are part of, let’s be real, that political system and they’re hearing the same thing and they’re seeing the impact on their ability to investigate and solve crimes, which is the main sort of core function of a local police department. You know, I think often there are disagreements around the nuance and details of these things. But I think that over the years, there has been a fair amount of support within police agencies for these sorts of things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:20] I mean, for I guess as long as I’ve lived now, San Francisco has always been a sanctuary city, but has there always been support for this policy or these policies in San Francisco?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:07:33] Yeah, I mean, it’s interesting. I was not here in the 1990s, but that was an era where there was a lot of sort of backlash to immigration in California, right? This was an era when Prop 187 was passed statewide, which sought to take any public resources and benefits away from folks without legal status. But it really wasn’t until the 2000s that we saw some really high profile criminal cases that kind of brought the sanctuary policy back into the forefront in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:08:12] The first one was a really tragic triple murder. A man and his two sons were driving in San Francisco in June of 2008, and they were shot by a man who turned out was a gang member and an undocumented immigrant, and it was a case of mistaken identity. This was the first real example in recent years that we saw the right really seize on these policies and really go after San Francisco. The widow of the man, Tony Bologna, who died, you know, went on Fox News and was on Laura Ingraham talking about this. They really made a connection between these sanctuary policies and this murder because the accused shooter, Edwin Ramos, had been convicted of two violent felonies when he was a juvenile. The federal government knew exactly who this person was, Edwin Ramos. He had applied for legal status, so he was in their system. They knew where he lived and what he was doing. And there’s evidence that shows that they had actively sort of chosen not to deport him because they were trying to build a bigger gang case against him and other folks. But because under the current policy at the time, there was like no mechanism to hand over youths to immigration officials, it really sort of focused attention on the sanctuary policy, and at the time, now Governor Gavin Newsom was the mayor here in San Francisco, and ended up in a lot of pressure to try to figure out kind of how to answer this political firestorm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:06] Right. And he did respond to that pressure by actually making some changes to San Francisco sanctuary policy at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:10:16] Yeah. And what we saw at the time was a sort of, I think maybe what some might argue, I don’t know, maybe even the governor was like maybe an overcorrection. He essentially kind of unilaterally, as the head official in the city, changed the policy so that any undocumented kid merely accused of a felony was handed over to immigration officials. And that in itself caused sort of a backlash. Within a year, the city turned over more than 100 young people to immigration and customs enforcement. And eventually, a year later, the board of supervisors came back to table and amended the city law to say, look, we’re not going to just turn people over who have been accused of felonies and are undocumented young people. So much of the attention, if you were here at the time, was focused on Newsom and Democrats and their policies. And very little attention was given to the mistakes that were, quite frankly, pretty obviously made by immigration officials. If you’re going to say, like, we could have, would have, should have, I don’t think you can only blame the city policies. I think you have to look at the actions of the feds as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:23] Right. Although that’s that’s what usually happens is that it’s the local measures that get all the attention. Right. And I feel like another big case that really put San Francisco’s sanctuary policies in the spotlight again was, and I remember this case very vividly, the 2015 fatal shooting of Kate Steinle, which I just remember being just like all over national news at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:11:52] Yeah. And that, again, was a horribly tragic event. This is a young woman, 32 years old, walking along the San Francisco waterfront on Embarcadero Pier and she is shot. The case was very complicated. The accused killer, Juan Francisco Lopez Sanchez, had stolen the gun used in this case from a federal park ranger who had left it unsecured in his car. Lopez Sanchez maintained throughout the entire trial it was an accidental firing of the gun. But, you know, at the core of this, again, was these questions over why he was still in the U .S. He had been deported five times before this. The shooting occurred right after he got out of San Francisco County jail. And again, that’s what a lot of folks seized on, especially critics of the sanctuary policy. Why didn’t San Francisco hand over this known felon to immigration officials?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:51] So, Marisa, I mean, it’s pretty clear San Francisco’s sanctuary status has been challenged repeatedly since the 1980s. And of course, we’re talking about this now because we’re in another one of those moments with President Donald Trump, you know, really challenging California sanctuary status and the sanctuary statuses of other municipalities and states. Tell me a little bit more about what that current fight looks like now\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:13:20] The first time Trump was president, his administration went after sanctuary cities threatening to withhold funding from them. They have essentially dusted off almost identical language and issued a series of executive orders and memos out of D .C. that seek to do exactly what they tried to do the first time, which is essentially say either drop these policies, help us with immigration enforcement, or we’re going to cut off federal funds. And so San Francisco and Santa Clara, along with some other jurisdictions around the nation, have sued. And I think, you know, we’re going to see this really play out in court. The city feels very strongly that they have the Constitution and the law on their side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Chiu \u003c/strong>[00:14:06] It’s not clear from the executive order what they mean by a sanctuary city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:14:11] What David Chiu, the city attorney, says is that they are illegally asserting a right and commandeering local law enforcement for something that is not the city’s job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Chiu \u003c/strong>[00:14:23] One of the aspects of our lawsuit points out that you have to be clear when you lay out rules and it violates due process if you don’t have clarity. My hope is they would look at facts and the studies that show that building trust with communities help to reduce crime, to improve public safety. That is what this is about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:46] This is not the first time San Francisco is facing a challenge of its sanctuary status and policies. But why do you think that looking back at this long history and even the origins of San Francisco sanctuary policy is so important?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:15:04] I think it’s important to sort of know where we came from and to understand that a lot of these debates have been going on for decades, that they’re not new to this moment. You know, we tend to see these pendulum swings around public opinion on issues like immigration and criminal justice. It’s important to understand that, you know, there’s a reason cities like this did this, not something that David Chiu really underscored that, you know, the role of San Francisco Police Department or the Sheriff’s Department is to keep this community safe. And to them, that includes everyone in the community.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco’s sanctuary policies have been contested repeatedly since they were first enacted in the 1980s following an immigration raid at a Mission District dance club that left dozens of people detained for hours — some U.S. citizens. So what can the history of challenges against the city’s sanctuary policies tell us about President Donald Trump’s threats to it today?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1834114881&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:57] I wonder if you could take us back to the 1980s before San Francisco was a sanctuary city. What was going on in the U .S. and abroad at that time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:07] So in the 1980s, there was a number of Central American countries, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, who were wrapped up in civil wars. A lot of people were fleeing to the United States and seeking refugee status. The Reagan administration, Ronald Reagan was in the White House at the time, refused to recognize these folks as asylum seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:45] Was the city then at the time like openly collaborating with federal immigration agents like all the time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:53] You know, it was normal for federal immigration officials to show up at the county jail, ask to just look through the records of who was there. From what I’ve talked to folks who were in the sheriff’s department and around during that time, it sounds like there was sort of this open door policy into the jails. And then there was a moment in 1989 that really sort of changed the entire dynamic here in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:17] And that turning point moment was this immigration raid that happened at a dance club in the Mission known as Club Elegante. What was Club Elegante?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:28] So this was like a Latin dance club in the Mission. It was a super popular spot for folks to go on the weekends and blow off steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:02:36] You know, you get your paycheck on Friday and you want to go, you know, have a little fun or whatever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:43] Tom Amiano was a longtime politician in San Francisco, and I spoke to him about what was going on in San Francisco in the 1980s, back in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:02:53] It was really a place where I think a lot of people were undocumented, you know, especially people maybe associated with the day laborers. And when it happened, you could hear the sirens and the activity, but one one really didn’t know what was it, you know, what was what was really happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:17] There was a joint raid between the federal government and local police in which they essentially came into this club on a busy weekend night and took, I think, most everyone there into custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:03:31] Our police, they went in there and they roughed up a lot of people. And I think they busted some people who were citizens. You know, it was obvious that this was a big snafu that should have never happened. And I think it was what ignited that sleeping giant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:50] So it was a really huge moment in the city, and it was something that people were very much aware of. It made a lot of headlines and sparked a lot of anger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:00] I mean, I can’t even imagine something like that happening today in San Francisco. That would just be insane. And I guess how did we go from this raid at Club Elegante to city leaders starting to to really talk seriously about the sanctuary policies and what was their rationale at the time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:04:29] Some of them actually came out of law enforcement. Like the police themselves were saying, hey, if we’re being deputized to essentially do the job of the federal government, we are undermining our ability to build trust with these immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:04:46] There were demands made on the mayor. And what are you going to do? What is the solution?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:04:51] When this Club Elegante raid happened and there was such huge outcry and fear in the immigrant community, it really created a lot of political momentum and pressure on City Hall and on the police chief, Frank Jordan, to figure out a way to kind of thread this needle. Because it’s not just about someone who’s undocumented being scared to come to the police, although certainly it’s that. But if you are a citizen or a legal resident, but your neighbor is not, or your uncle or your spouse, like a crime happens to you, are you going to be willing to go to the police if you know that they might actually call federal immigration enforcement? And so by the end of that year, they had written and passed the sanctuary policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:42] What exactly do San Francisco’s first sanctuary policies look like? And I guess what was passed as a result of this raid?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:05:51] Yeah, the original sanctuary ordinance was really straightforward. It basically just said city employees may not use city funds or resources to help federal immigration enforcement. We won’t stand in the way because that would be illegal, but we’re not going to participate in immigration actions as a local police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:20] It’s sort of interesting to think of sanctuary policies being really a result of pushes by local law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:06:28] But I do think when you have people in law enforcement, I mean, who are part of, let’s be real, that political system and they’re hearing the same thing and they’re seeing the impact on their ability to investigate and solve crimes, which is the main sort of core function of a local police department. You know, I think often there are disagreements around the nuance and details of these things. But I think that over the years, there has been a fair amount of support within police agencies for these sorts of things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:20] I mean, for I guess as long as I’ve lived now, San Francisco has always been a sanctuary city, but has there always been support for this policy or these policies in San Francisco?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:07:33] Yeah, I mean, it’s interesting. I was not here in the 1990s, but that was an era where there was a lot of sort of backlash to immigration in California, right? This was an era when Prop 187 was passed statewide, which sought to take any public resources and benefits away from folks without legal status. But it really wasn’t until the 2000s that we saw some really high profile criminal cases that kind of brought the sanctuary policy back into the forefront in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:08:12] The first one was a really tragic triple murder. A man and his two sons were driving in San Francisco in June of 2008, and they were shot by a man who turned out was a gang member and an undocumented immigrant, and it was a case of mistaken identity. This was the first real example in recent years that we saw the right really seize on these policies and really go after San Francisco. The widow of the man, Tony Bologna, who died, you know, went on Fox News and was on Laura Ingraham talking about this. They really made a connection between these sanctuary policies and this murder because the accused shooter, Edwin Ramos, had been convicted of two violent felonies when he was a juvenile. The federal government knew exactly who this person was, Edwin Ramos. He had applied for legal status, so he was in their system. They knew where he lived and what he was doing. And there’s evidence that shows that they had actively sort of chosen not to deport him because they were trying to build a bigger gang case against him and other folks. But because under the current policy at the time, there was like no mechanism to hand over youths to immigration officials, it really sort of focused attention on the sanctuary policy, and at the time, now Governor Gavin Newsom was the mayor here in San Francisco, and ended up in a lot of pressure to try to figure out kind of how to answer this political firestorm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:06] Right. And he did respond to that pressure by actually making some changes to San Francisco sanctuary policy at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:10:16] Yeah. And what we saw at the time was a sort of, I think maybe what some might argue, I don’t know, maybe even the governor was like maybe an overcorrection. He essentially kind of unilaterally, as the head official in the city, changed the policy so that any undocumented kid merely accused of a felony was handed over to immigration officials. And that in itself caused sort of a backlash. Within a year, the city turned over more than 100 young people to immigration and customs enforcement. And eventually, a year later, the board of supervisors came back to table and amended the city law to say, look, we’re not going to just turn people over who have been accused of felonies and are undocumented young people. So much of the attention, if you were here at the time, was focused on Newsom and Democrats and their policies. And very little attention was given to the mistakes that were, quite frankly, pretty obviously made by immigration officials. If you’re going to say, like, we could have, would have, should have, I don’t think you can only blame the city policies. I think you have to look at the actions of the feds as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:23] Right. Although that’s that’s what usually happens is that it’s the local measures that get all the attention. Right. And I feel like another big case that really put San Francisco’s sanctuary policies in the spotlight again was, and I remember this case very vividly, the 2015 fatal shooting of Kate Steinle, which I just remember being just like all over national news at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:11:52] Yeah. And that, again, was a horribly tragic event. This is a young woman, 32 years old, walking along the San Francisco waterfront on Embarcadero Pier and she is shot. The case was very complicated. The accused killer, Juan Francisco Lopez Sanchez, had stolen the gun used in this case from a federal park ranger who had left it unsecured in his car. Lopez Sanchez maintained throughout the entire trial it was an accidental firing of the gun. But, you know, at the core of this, again, was these questions over why he was still in the U .S. He had been deported five times before this. The shooting occurred right after he got out of San Francisco County jail. And again, that’s what a lot of folks seized on, especially critics of the sanctuary policy. Why didn’t San Francisco hand over this known felon to immigration officials?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:51] So, Marisa, I mean, it’s pretty clear San Francisco’s sanctuary status has been challenged repeatedly since the 1980s. And of course, we’re talking about this now because we’re in another one of those moments with President Donald Trump, you know, really challenging California sanctuary status and the sanctuary statuses of other municipalities and states. Tell me a little bit more about what that current fight looks like now\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:13:20] The first time Trump was president, his administration went after sanctuary cities threatening to withhold funding from them. They have essentially dusted off almost identical language and issued a series of executive orders and memos out of D .C. that seek to do exactly what they tried to do the first time, which is essentially say either drop these policies, help us with immigration enforcement, or we’re going to cut off federal funds. And so San Francisco and Santa Clara, along with some other jurisdictions around the nation, have sued. And I think, you know, we’re going to see this really play out in court. The city feels very strongly that they have the Constitution and the law on their side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Chiu \u003c/strong>[00:14:06] It’s not clear from the executive order what they mean by a sanctuary city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:14:11] What David Chiu, the city attorney, says is that they are illegally asserting a right and commandeering local law enforcement for something that is not the city’s job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Chiu \u003c/strong>[00:14:23] One of the aspects of our lawsuit points out that you have to be clear when you lay out rules and it violates due process if you don’t have clarity. My hope is they would look at facts and the studies that show that building trust with communities help to reduce crime, to improve public safety. That is what this is about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:46] This is not the first time San Francisco is facing a challenge of its sanctuary status and policies. But why do you think that looking back at this long history and even the origins of San Francisco sanctuary policy is so important?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:15:04] I think it’s important to sort of know where we came from and to understand that a lot of these debates have been going on for decades, that they’re not new to this moment. You know, we tend to see these pendulum swings around public opinion on issues like immigration and criminal justice. It’s important to understand that, you know, there’s a reason cities like this did this, not something that David Chiu really underscored that, you know, the role of San Francisco Police Department or the Sheriff’s Department is to keep this community safe. And to them, that includes everyone in the community.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A coalition of LGBTQ organizations across the U.S. have united to sue the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a>. Led by the San Francisco AIDS Foundation, the lawsuit was filed Thursday in response to three executive orders targeting transgender people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026891/california-lawmakers-push-protect-free-hiv-prevention-amid-legal-threats\">HIV funding\u003c/a>, and diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since being inaugurated one month ago, President Donald Trump has rolled out dozens of executive orders that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026447/judge-blocks-trump-plan-cut-research-funding-after-california-other-states-sue\">cities and states have challenged\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit follows the termination of federal funding for organizations that serve transgender people and engage in “equity-related” work. It argues that the executive orders “pose an existential threat to transgender people and the organizations that respect their existence” and should be “declared unconstitutional and blocked from implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The executive orders prevent nonprofits from providing programs and services such as HIV treatment, homelessness prevention, sexual and reproductive health screenings and other resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four of the nine organizations in the coalition of queer and HIV-focused organizations are based in California. Dr. Tyler TerMeer, CEO of the San Francisco AIDS Foundation, said the organization has been ordered to scrub mention of transgender and non-binary people from their website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12020619 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/Sally-Gearhart-courtesy-of-Deborah-Craig.png']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had to watch in real time as the current administration has weaponized federal funding to try and force us into compliance with policies that have seeked to erase transgender people,” TerMeer said. “This lawsuit is about more than just policy. It’s about survival for the people we serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argues that the executive orders are in violation of the First, Fifth and 14th amendments by restricting freedom of expression, due process and equal protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lambda Legal, the firm representing the coalition lawsuit, has battled head-to-head with Trump in the past, suing in 2020 over DEI policies that prohibited contractors from conducting workplace training addressing the existence of structural racism and sexism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was because of Lambda Legal’s history in standing up for queer and diverse communities that made the San Francisco Aids Foundation select the firm. However, the foundation’s board members debated the decision to pursue the lawsuit due to the risk of counter-litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the board decided that the fight was worth the risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in for a fight, but what I keep trying to remind the people around me — if we remain grounded in our values and remind ourselves that those values are not for sale, the mission of the org is not up for negotiation,” TerMeer said. “We can’t be silenced, and our community can’t be erased just to satisfy the hateful political agenda ahead of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A coalition of LGBTQ organizations across the U.S. have united to sue the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a>. Led by the San Francisco AIDS Foundation, the lawsuit was filed Thursday in response to three executive orders targeting transgender people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026891/california-lawmakers-push-protect-free-hiv-prevention-amid-legal-threats\">HIV funding\u003c/a>, and diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since being inaugurated one month ago, President Donald Trump has rolled out dozens of executive orders that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026447/judge-blocks-trump-plan-cut-research-funding-after-california-other-states-sue\">cities and states have challenged\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit follows the termination of federal funding for organizations that serve transgender people and engage in “equity-related” work. It argues that the executive orders “pose an existential threat to transgender people and the organizations that respect their existence” and should be “declared unconstitutional and blocked from implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had to watch in real time as the current administration has weaponized federal funding to try and force us into compliance with policies that have seeked to erase transgender people,” TerMeer said. “This lawsuit is about more than just policy. It’s about survival for the people we serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argues that the executive orders are in violation of the First, Fifth and 14th amendments by restricting freedom of expression, due process and equal protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lambda Legal, the firm representing the coalition lawsuit, has battled head-to-head with Trump in the past, suing in 2020 over DEI policies that prohibited contractors from conducting workplace training addressing the existence of structural racism and sexism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was because of Lambda Legal’s history in standing up for queer and diverse communities that made the San Francisco Aids Foundation select the firm. However, the foundation’s board members debated the decision to pursue the lawsuit due to the risk of counter-litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the board decided that the fight was worth the risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in for a fight, but what I keep trying to remind the people around me — if we remain grounded in our values and remind ourselves that those values are not for sale, the mission of the org is not up for negotiation,” TerMeer said. “We can’t be silenced, and our community can’t be erased just to satisfy the hateful political agenda ahead of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe: Central Coast Norteño Band Embrace and Evolve Traditional Mexican Sound",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mexican music has a long, rich history of popularity and appreciation beyond the country’s borders, extending into the United States, the rest of Latin America and around the world. But in the last few years, Mexican regional music — a diverse group of folkloric styles from throughout the country — has exploded in popularity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the umbrella of Mexican regional music is \u003cem>norteño\u003c/em>, a distinct style from the country’s northern states that’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2015/03/11/392141073/how-mexico-learned-to-polka\">heavily influenced by European polka\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Central Coast is a hotspot for the state’s norteño music scene. The Santa Maria Valley, north of Santa Barbara, is home to a new generation of norteño musicians preserving this musical heritage while making it their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norteño music was the soundtrack of Chencho Pérez’s childhood. He’s a 19-year-old musician from the Central Coast city of Guadalupe, where he plays and sings in a band that includes his brother and father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Growing up, my mom would always put [on] norteño artists, like Ramón Ayala, Los Tigres del Norte, Los Tucanes — we would listen to everything in norteño,” Pérez said. “So I’ve always had a passion for that type of music.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pérez said norteño has a unique instrumentation that sets it apart from other types of Mexican regional music. A major part of that is the \u003cem>bajo quinto\u003c/em>, a 10-stringed instrument that looks like a cross between an acoustic guitar and a bass. The use of a \u003cem>bajo quinto\u003c/em> sets norteño apart from other Mexican musical styles like \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/11/29/1215765458/the-popularity-of-regional-mexican-music-is-crossing-borders-and-going-global\">sierreño\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027979\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1102px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027979\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1102\" height=\"1296\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image3.jpg 1102w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image3-800x941.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image3-1020x1200.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image3-160x188.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1102px) 100vw, 1102px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe is a Central Coast-based band formed by Irving Fabela, Joaquin Pérez, Chencho Pérez, and Aníbal Pérez. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Sierreño is basically people picking up 12-string guitars, and a bass, and six-string guitar, so that’s different from norteño,” Pérez said. “Norteño is like accordion, bajo quinto, and then you got the bass and the drums. So it’s Mexican music, but it’s still different — it’s like punk rock and metal rock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norteño, sierreño, and other Mexican genres like banda and mariachi are extremely popular in the Santa Maria Valley, drawing in performers and fans of all ages. Chencho didn’t just grow up hearing this music on records or the radio — he comes from a family of musicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pérez’s father plays several instruments, so as kids, he and his brother were surrounded by drums, guitars, bajo quintos, and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When his younger brother started learning bass, Chencho learned drums with help from his dad. The three of them joined up with some other musicians and started performing norteño music when Chencho and his brother were just teenagers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The COVID-19 pandemic forced them to stop playing music for a while, during which time Pérez expanded his skills into new instruments, including the bajo quinto. Shortly after they were able to start performing again, they were \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s7vO5OV_Oy0\">invited to appear on Tengo Mucho Talento\u003c/a>, a kind of Spanish-language \u003cem>America’s Got Talent.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chencho’s band didn’t win the competition, but appearing on TV put them on the map.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we didn’t win, but we got a lot of work that following year,” Pérez said. “We were fully booked the whole year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After some reshuffling of band members, Chencho, his dad and his brother decided to split off into a new group. Suddenly, they had to settle on a new name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we were on the show, they told us that we had a lot of energy — like you can feel the energy when we play,” he said. “So when you think of energy, you think of a lightning bolt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That image gave them the idea to use the Spanish word “rayo” — as in, a ray of lightning. And the word resonated with Chencho and his family bandmates for another reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a dog that was blind, he lived a long time, and he was a very loyal dog, and his name was Rayo,” Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"1633\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415-800x980.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415-1020x1250.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415-160x196.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415-1254x1536.jpg 1254w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chencho Pérez poses with his bajo quinto. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pérez and his bandmates combined the word “rayo” with a reference to their hometown, and the new name was born: \u003cem>Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we announced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/lozrayozdeguadalupe/\">Instagram\u003c/a> post that we were like back with the new name and a new member, we got so much support. It felt really nice, like we really mattered in the community,” Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pérez is just one of many young norteño musicians embracing change while staying true to the genre’s roots. He’s now teaching himself accordion, so now, along with bajo quinto, bass, drums, guitar and vocals, he can play every instrument in a norteño band.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe is borrowing from other styles of Mexican regional music to create new sounds. “The music we recently recorded, it’s like accordion, bajo quinto, two alto horns [called] \u003cem>charchetas,\u003c/em> and then it’s a stand-up bass, and then a tuba,” Pérez said. “That’s something different that I also fell in love with. That type of sound is also kind of like what’s hitting right now on the charts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pérez, music isn’t just a passion — it’s a career. Besides performing, he’s also learning the technical side of music, including live sound and audio engineering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Music’s a business. Once you understand that, that’s when you’re on the right track. Music’s whatever you want it to be, but I want to make this as a lifestyle and my job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At age 19, Chencho Pérez has already performed on TV and played with major artists he grew up listening to, like norteño legend \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/altlatino/2014/04/12/301443014/borderland-music-songs-from-the-u-s-mexico-frontera\">Ramon Ayala\u003c/a>. He’s recording original music and making \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2fTAmwHJQsE\">music videos\u003c/a> with Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe. He’s also getting a degree in music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even as he grows and expands his musical horizons, Pérez said norteño will always be his roots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I fall in love with music every day I perform,” he said. “Hearing the accordion, the drums, the bass, and just everything coming together — nothing else in this world can really bring people together like that. That’s why music is so special.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norteño music was the soundtrack of Chencho Pérez’s childhood. He’s a 19-year-old musician from the Central Coast city of Guadalupe, where he plays and sings in a band that includes his brother and father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Growing up, my mom would always put [on] norteño artists, like Ramón Ayala, Los Tigres del Norte, Los Tucanes — we would listen to everything in norteño,” Pérez said. “So I’ve always had a passion for that type of music.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pérez said norteño has a unique instrumentation that sets it apart from other types of Mexican regional music. A major part of that is the \u003cem>bajo quinto\u003c/em>, a 10-stringed instrument that looks like a cross between an acoustic guitar and a bass. The use of a \u003cem>bajo quinto\u003c/em> sets norteño apart from other Mexican musical styles like \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/11/29/1215765458/the-popularity-of-regional-mexican-music-is-crossing-borders-and-going-global\">sierreño\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027979\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1102px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027979\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1102\" height=\"1296\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image3.jpg 1102w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image3-800x941.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image3-1020x1200.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image3-160x188.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1102px) 100vw, 1102px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe is a Central Coast-based band formed by Irving Fabela, Joaquin Pérez, Chencho Pérez, and Aníbal Pérez. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Sierreño is basically people picking up 12-string guitars, and a bass, and six-string guitar, so that’s different from norteño,” Pérez said. “Norteño is like accordion, bajo quinto, and then you got the bass and the drums. So it’s Mexican music, but it’s still different — it’s like punk rock and metal rock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norteño, sierreño, and other Mexican genres like banda and mariachi are extremely popular in the Santa Maria Valley, drawing in performers and fans of all ages. Chencho didn’t just grow up hearing this music on records or the radio — he comes from a family of musicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pérez’s father plays several instruments, so as kids, he and his brother were surrounded by drums, guitars, bajo quintos, and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When his younger brother started learning bass, Chencho learned drums with help from his dad. The three of them joined up with some other musicians and started performing norteño music when Chencho and his brother were just teenagers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The COVID-19 pandemic forced them to stop playing music for a while, during which time Pérez expanded his skills into new instruments, including the bajo quinto. Shortly after they were able to start performing again, they were \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s7vO5OV_Oy0\">invited to appear on Tengo Mucho Talento\u003c/a>, a kind of Spanish-language \u003cem>America’s Got Talent.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chencho’s band didn’t win the competition, but appearing on TV put them on the map.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we didn’t win, but we got a lot of work that following year,” Pérez said. “We were fully booked the whole year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After some reshuffling of band members, Chencho, his dad and his brother decided to split off into a new group. Suddenly, they had to settle on a new name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we were on the show, they told us that we had a lot of energy — like you can feel the energy when we play,” he said. “So when you think of energy, you think of a lightning bolt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That image gave them the idea to use the Spanish word “rayo” — as in, a ray of lightning. And the word resonated with Chencho and his family bandmates for another reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a dog that was blind, he lived a long time, and he was a very loyal dog, and his name was Rayo,” Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1333px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1333\" height=\"1633\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415.jpg 1333w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415-800x980.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415-1020x1250.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415-160x196.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image2-e1740093624415-1254x1536.jpg 1254w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1333px) 100vw, 1333px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chencho Pérez poses with his bajo quinto. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pérez and his bandmates combined the word “rayo” with a reference to their hometown, and the new name was born: \u003cem>Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we announced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/lozrayozdeguadalupe/\">Instagram\u003c/a> post that we were like back with the new name and a new member, we got so much support. It felt really nice, like we really mattered in the community,” Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pérez is just one of many young norteño musicians embracing change while staying true to the genre’s roots. He’s now teaching himself accordion, so now, along with bajo quinto, bass, drums, guitar and vocals, he can play every instrument in a norteño band.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe is borrowing from other styles of Mexican regional music to create new sounds. “The music we recently recorded, it’s like accordion, bajo quinto, two alto horns [called] \u003cem>charchetas,\u003c/em> and then it’s a stand-up bass, and then a tuba,” Pérez said. “That’s something different that I also fell in love with. That type of sound is also kind of like what’s hitting right now on the charts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Pérez, music isn’t just a passion — it’s a career. Besides performing, he’s also learning the technical side of music, including live sound and audio engineering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Music’s a business. Once you understand that, that’s when you’re on the right track. Music’s whatever you want it to be, but I want to make this as a lifestyle and my job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At age 19, Chencho Pérez has already performed on TV and played with major artists he grew up listening to, like norteño legend \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/altlatino/2014/04/12/301443014/borderland-music-songs-from-the-u-s-mexico-frontera\">Ramon Ayala\u003c/a>. He’s recording original music and making \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2fTAmwHJQsE\">music videos\u003c/a> with Loz Rayoz de Guadalupe. He’s also getting a degree in music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even as he grows and expands his musical horizons, Pérez said norteño will always be his roots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I fall in love with music every day I perform,” he said. “Hearing the accordion, the drums, the bass, and just everything coming together — nothing else in this world can really bring people together like that. That’s why music is so special.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>This week’s announcement that the Trump administration is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027947/trump-administration-considers-cutting-federal-funding-for-california-high-speed-rail\">reviewing\u003c/a> more than $4 billion in federal funding committed to California’s high-speed rail system adds a new layer of uncertainty to a long-delayed project already surrounded by questions about its future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy announced the review on Thursday in Los Angeles, saying the administration intends to determine whether California is living up to the letter of its federal funding agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t just say we’re going to give money and then not hold states accountable to how they spend that money,” Duffy said. “We in the Trump administration are going to take a look at whether this project is worthy of continual investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, the inspector general for the California High-Speed Rail Authority has expressed doubts both about \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/Funding-Review-24-R-01-A11Y.pdf\">whether the agency can line up all the funding\u003c/a> needed to build the system’s initial 171-mile segment from Merced to Bakersfield and \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Schedule-Engagement-Report-FINAL-A11Y.pdf\">whether it can meet its timetable\u003c/a> for launching service by 2033.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current cost estimate for the Merced-Bakersfield link is between $32 billion and $35 billion. Even with $4.3 billion in grants promised by the Biden administration that are now under review, the state would need to find as much as $6.5 billion more to finish the Central Valley segment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936304\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936304\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"High Speed Rail\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers above Highway 99 on Dec. 24, 2022. There’s no current schedule for completing the project, and the latest cost estimates for the full north-south network range from $89 billion to $128 billion. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That section is just the first piece of a statewide network stretching from San Francisco to Orange County that was envisioned in a 2008 ballot measure that provided $10 billion in bond funding. The measure outlined a system that would be completed by 2020 and carried an estimated price tag of as much as $40 billion. Though the full route has now received all its environmental approvals, there’s no current schedule for completing it, and the latest cost estimates for the full north-south network range from $89 billion to $128 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican lawmakers, who have been hostile to the project since its inception three decades ago, argue that the price of the first segment is too high for a service with an unproven market and have introduced new legislation to curtail further funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Congress, Rep. Kevin Kiley (R–Rocklin) has put forward \u003ca href=\"https://d12t4t5x3vyizu.cloudfront.net/kiley.house.gov/uploads/2025/01/KILEY_001_xml.pdf\">a bill\u003c/a> that would ban future federal aid for the rail line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB267\">AB 267\u003c/a>, by Assemblymember Alexandra Macedo (R–Tulare), would cancel the state’s $1 billion annual appropriation for high-speed rail for the next two years. That funding, which comes from California’s cap-and-trade program, would be shifted to new water projects and wildfire mitigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic legislators, including state Sen. Scott Wiener (D–San Francisco), say the project’s expected environmental benefits and the need to modernize California’s passenger rail network make it imperative for the state to move ahead with the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener has introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB445\">SB 445\u003c/a>, a bill that would speed up rail construction by requiring local governments and utilities to hasten permit approvals and power and water line relocations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12026627 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/240111-TransitFile-11-BL_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Appearing at L.A.’s Union Station, Duffy’s remarks on Thursday highlighted both the partisan nature of the review and his own personal distaste for the state’s high-speed rail effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump has thought about this project. He’s talked about the project,” Duffy said. “And I think he was very kind when he said this project has been mismanaged. I would agree it has been more than likely mismanaged. And the president has called for an investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several dozen protesters who had turned out for Duffy’s press conference jeered his remarks, prompting him to snap: “If you want to go protest somewhere; if you want to shout at someone; go to the governor’s mansion. Go talk to Democrats in the Legislature who have brought us this crappy project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED on Thursday, Wiener blamed Republicans for the bullet train delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who are most vocal in criticizing high-speed rail for delays and cost increases, the Republicans, are some of the very people who have caused those delays and cost increases,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10912057\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10912057\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR.jpg\" alt=\"Rendering of high-speed rail train.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1100\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR-400x229.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR-800x458.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR-1180x676.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR-960x550.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rendering of a high-speed rail train published in 2016. But, 17 years after voters approved a $10 billion bond measure to help pay for the project and a decade since construction began in the Central Valley, California high-speed rail faces a pivotal year that could make or break the project. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wiener said he was confident that spending by the California High-Speed Rail Authority will stand up to the new federal scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this investigation is fair and objective, then it will show a project that is underway, that’s happening, and that has been slowed down by permit problems, and that needs to be sped up,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the high-speed-rail agency said it has been subject to multiple federal and state audits and that “every dollar is accounted for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We welcome this investigation and the opportunity to work with our federal partners,” the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and others mentioned the results of a recent Emerson College poll that asked 1,000 registered California voters whether the high-speed rail project “is a good use of state funds or a bad use of state funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll reported that 54% had a favorable view. That’s in line with past survey findings and very close to the 52.6% “yes” vote attained by 2008’s Proposition 1A, which approved floating bonds to build the L.A.-San Francisco rail system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This week’s announcement that the Trump administration is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027947/trump-administration-considers-cutting-federal-funding-for-california-high-speed-rail\">reviewing\u003c/a> more than $4 billion in federal funding committed to California’s high-speed rail system adds a new layer of uncertainty to a long-delayed project already surrounded by questions about its future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy announced the review on Thursday in Los Angeles, saying the administration intends to determine whether California is living up to the letter of its federal funding agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t just say we’re going to give money and then not hold states accountable to how they spend that money,” Duffy said. “We in the Trump administration are going to take a look at whether this project is worthy of continual investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, the inspector general for the California High-Speed Rail Authority has expressed doubts both about \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/Funding-Review-24-R-01-A11Y.pdf\">whether the agency can line up all the funding\u003c/a> needed to build the system’s initial 171-mile segment from Merced to Bakersfield and \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Schedule-Engagement-Report-FINAL-A11Y.pdf\">whether it can meet its timetable\u003c/a> for launching service by 2033.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current cost estimate for the Merced-Bakersfield link is between $32 billion and $35 billion. Even with $4.3 billion in grants promised by the Biden administration that are now under review, the state would need to find as much as $6.5 billion more to finish the Central Valley segment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936304\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936304\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"High Speed Rail\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HSR-Fresno-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers above Highway 99 on Dec. 24, 2022. There’s no current schedule for completing the project, and the latest cost estimates for the full north-south network range from $89 billion to $128 billion. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That section is just the first piece of a statewide network stretching from San Francisco to Orange County that was envisioned in a 2008 ballot measure that provided $10 billion in bond funding. The measure outlined a system that would be completed by 2020 and carried an estimated price tag of as much as $40 billion. Though the full route has now received all its environmental approvals, there’s no current schedule for completing it, and the latest cost estimates for the full north-south network range from $89 billion to $128 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican lawmakers, who have been hostile to the project since its inception three decades ago, argue that the price of the first segment is too high for a service with an unproven market and have introduced new legislation to curtail further funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Congress, Rep. Kevin Kiley (R–Rocklin) has put forward \u003ca href=\"https://d12t4t5x3vyizu.cloudfront.net/kiley.house.gov/uploads/2025/01/KILEY_001_xml.pdf\">a bill\u003c/a> that would ban future federal aid for the rail line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB267\">AB 267\u003c/a>, by Assemblymember Alexandra Macedo (R–Tulare), would cancel the state’s $1 billion annual appropriation for high-speed rail for the next two years. That funding, which comes from California’s cap-and-trade program, would be shifted to new water projects and wildfire mitigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic legislators, including state Sen. Scott Wiener (D–San Francisco), say the project’s expected environmental benefits and the need to modernize California’s passenger rail network make it imperative for the state to move ahead with the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener has introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB445\">SB 445\u003c/a>, a bill that would speed up rail construction by requiring local governments and utilities to hasten permit approvals and power and water line relocations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Appearing at L.A.’s Union Station, Duffy’s remarks on Thursday highlighted both the partisan nature of the review and his own personal distaste for the state’s high-speed rail effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump has thought about this project. He’s talked about the project,” Duffy said. “And I think he was very kind when he said this project has been mismanaged. I would agree it has been more than likely mismanaged. And the president has called for an investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several dozen protesters who had turned out for Duffy’s press conference jeered his remarks, prompting him to snap: “If you want to go protest somewhere; if you want to shout at someone; go to the governor’s mansion. Go talk to Democrats in the Legislature who have brought us this crappy project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED on Thursday, Wiener blamed Republicans for the bullet train delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who are most vocal in criticizing high-speed rail for delays and cost increases, the Republicans, are some of the very people who have caused those delays and cost increases,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10912057\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10912057\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR.jpg\" alt=\"Rendering of high-speed rail train.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1100\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR-400x229.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR-800x458.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR-1180x676.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/HSR-960x550.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rendering of a high-speed rail train published in 2016. But, 17 years after voters approved a $10 billion bond measure to help pay for the project and a decade since construction began in the Central Valley, California high-speed rail faces a pivotal year that could make or break the project. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wiener said he was confident that spending by the California High-Speed Rail Authority will stand up to the new federal scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this investigation is fair and objective, then it will show a project that is underway, that’s happening, and that has been slowed down by permit problems, and that needs to be sped up,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the high-speed-rail agency said it has been subject to multiple federal and state audits and that “every dollar is accounted for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We welcome this investigation and the opportunity to work with our federal partners,” the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and others mentioned the results of a recent Emerson College poll that asked 1,000 registered California voters whether the high-speed rail project “is a good use of state funds or a bad use of state funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll reported that 54% had a favorable view. That’s in line with past survey findings and very close to the 52.6% “yes” vote attained by 2008’s Proposition 1A, which approved floating bonds to build the L.A.-San Francisco rail system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Berkeley Residents Form City’s 1st Tenants Union Under New Renters Rights",
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"content": "\u003cp>Residents of a building in North \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a> have formed the city’s first tenants association under expanded renters rights, which voters passed last year, they announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 1332 Shattuck Ave., tenants like Nikolas De Bremaeker said persistent maintenance issues regarding mold, leaks and electricity spurred him and his neighbors to form the Berkeley Tenants Union Local 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Bremaeker helped organize his building starting in December after seeing a flyer about Measure BB, which changed Berkeley’s Rent Ordinance to codify tenants’ right to organize into collective bargaining units, among other protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012553/californians-appear-to-reject-many-rent-control-measures\">passed in November\u003c/a>, there was no formal process for tenants to organize, and other collective actions like rent strikes are “functionally illegal” most of the time, said Avery Arbaugh of the citywide advocacy group Berkeley Tenants Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Measure BB gives tenants the right to bring a landlord to the bargaining table in a similar way to a labor union,” Arbaugh said. “I hope that this union will be able to get the landlord to the bargaining table so that they’re able to address some of the major concerns that they’re having in their building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028250\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_8504-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028250\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_8504-scaled-e1740181994362.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley voters chose Measure BB as the route to amend the city’s rent ordinance. Tenants at 1332 Shattuck Ave. formed the city’s first tenants association under expanded renters rights that voters passed last year.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>De Bremaeker said he and other tenants quickly found the necessary signatures — in their building of 18 units, they needed nine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Some neighbors] were so worried about joining the tenant association out of fear of repercussions from the landlord, so we submitted it when we had 10 signatures, but we definitely feel that there’s even broader support in the building,” De Bremaeker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords are prohibited from retaliating against tenants who participate in a tenant association. However, De Bremaeker alleged that he and other members received an intimidating letter after they officially petitioned to form a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landlord, BTP Capitol Avenue LLC, said in a statement through attorney Daniel Bornstein that they reject any claims of intimidation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We conduct our business in accordance with all applicable laws and ethical standards, ensuring that all interactions are handled with professionalism and respect,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027578 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5331_duo-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arbaugh said that although some conflict is likely inevitable in the organizing process, the city’s Rent Board will have a “strong response” to any reports of retaliation and intimidation. Measure BB also stipulates that landlords and tenants bargain in good faith — and if the landlord fails to do so, tenants can petition the city for a rent reduction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley has a very strong, uniquely strong tenant union system,” Arbaugh said. “If there’s a violation of the lease, that really ought to go both ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arbaugh said tenants association members can operate on behalf of the entire building when it comes to better living conditions and more affordable rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the main goals is just to put collective pressure on the leasing company and management company to kind of meet maintenance requests as well as the promises that were guaranteed in our lease,” said Hala El Solh, another member of the tenants association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, El Solh said she didn’t know it was within her rights as a tenant to request an electrician until she talked to her neighbor, who did so successfully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That kind of information sharing is one of the primary reasons that we have this association,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other tenant protections in Measure BB include a 5% cap on how much landlords can increase the rent each year, down from 7%, and a requirement that landlords provide a notice of tenants rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure BB passed with 56% of the vote in November. Unlike other ballot measures, BB was competing with an alternative proposal called Measure CC, whose primary backers were property owners associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, voters chose BB as the route to amend the city’s rent ordinance, and tenants in the Shattuck Avenue building said they’re grateful for those protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel stronger and we feel more empowered, and we feel like we can exercise our rights,” De Bremaeker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Residents of a building in North \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a> have formed the city’s first tenants association under expanded renters rights, which voters passed last year, they announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 1332 Shattuck Ave., tenants like Nikolas De Bremaeker said persistent maintenance issues regarding mold, leaks and electricity spurred him and his neighbors to form the Berkeley Tenants Union Local 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Bremaeker helped organize his building starting in December after seeing a flyer about Measure BB, which changed Berkeley’s Rent Ordinance to codify tenants’ right to organize into collective bargaining units, among other protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012553/californians-appear-to-reject-many-rent-control-measures\">passed in November\u003c/a>, there was no formal process for tenants to organize, and other collective actions like rent strikes are “functionally illegal” most of the time, said Avery Arbaugh of the citywide advocacy group Berkeley Tenants Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Measure BB gives tenants the right to bring a landlord to the bargaining table in a similar way to a labor union,” Arbaugh said. “I hope that this union will be able to get the landlord to the bargaining table so that they’re able to address some of the major concerns that they’re having in their building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028250\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_8504-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028250\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_8504-scaled-e1740181994362.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley voters chose Measure BB as the route to amend the city’s rent ordinance. Tenants at 1332 Shattuck Ave. formed the city’s first tenants association under expanded renters rights that voters passed last year.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>De Bremaeker said he and other tenants quickly found the necessary signatures — in their building of 18 units, they needed nine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Some neighbors] were so worried about joining the tenant association out of fear of repercussions from the landlord, so we submitted it when we had 10 signatures, but we definitely feel that there’s even broader support in the building,” De Bremaeker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords are prohibited from retaliating against tenants who participate in a tenant association. However, De Bremaeker alleged that he and other members received an intimidating letter after they officially petitioned to form a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landlord, BTP Capitol Avenue LLC, said in a statement through attorney Daniel Bornstein that they reject any claims of intimidation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We conduct our business in accordance with all applicable laws and ethical standards, ensuring that all interactions are handled with professionalism and respect,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arbaugh said that although some conflict is likely inevitable in the organizing process, the city’s Rent Board will have a “strong response” to any reports of retaliation and intimidation. Measure BB also stipulates that landlords and tenants bargain in good faith — and if the landlord fails to do so, tenants can petition the city for a rent reduction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley has a very strong, uniquely strong tenant union system,” Arbaugh said. “If there’s a violation of the lease, that really ought to go both ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arbaugh said tenants association members can operate on behalf of the entire building when it comes to better living conditions and more affordable rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the main goals is just to put collective pressure on the leasing company and management company to kind of meet maintenance requests as well as the promises that were guaranteed in our lease,” said Hala El Solh, another member of the tenants association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, El Solh said she didn’t know it was within her rights as a tenant to request an electrician until she talked to her neighbor, who did so successfully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That kind of information sharing is one of the primary reasons that we have this association,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other tenant protections in Measure BB include a 5% cap on how much landlords can increase the rent each year, down from 7%, and a requirement that landlords provide a notice of tenants rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure BB passed with 56% of the vote in November. Unlike other ballot measures, BB was competing with an alternative proposal called Measure CC, whose primary backers were property owners associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, voters chose BB as the route to amend the city’s rent ordinance, and tenants in the Shattuck Avenue building said they’re grateful for those protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel stronger and we feel more empowered, and we feel like we can exercise our rights,” De Bremaeker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco’s New Ocean Beach Park on Track for Spring Debut",
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"content": "\u003cp>Months after San Franciscans voted to turn part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/great-highway\">Great Highway\u003c/a> into oceanfront recreational space, Ocean Beach Park is on track to debut this spring, organizers and city officials said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the road permanently closed to vehicles, the city has already made traffic improvements meant to speed up alternate travel north and south from Lake Merced to Golden Gate Park and make the infrastructure around the Great Highway more pedestrian-friendly, according to Proposition K organizers and the San Francisco Recreation and Parks Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These improvements lay the groundwork for the transformation of the Great Highway into an oceanfront park, creating a new recreational space while keeping the area navigable for all,” a city spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, San Francisco voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995182/proposition-k-victory-closing-part-of-the-great-highway-sparks-debate-and-delight\">approved repurposing the Great Highway\u003c/a>, a longtime commuter corridor for the city’s west side that became a beloved outdoor recreation space for the whole city during the COVID-19 pandemic when it was temporarily closed to vehicle traffic. For the last few years, that closure was limited to weekends, welcoming walkers, rollerbladers and bicyclists to cruise along Ocean Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure to permanently make the Great Highway for pedestrians only from Lincoln Way to Sloat Boulevard seven days a week drew opposition from many west side residents who said traffic would be worse between Ingleside, the Sunset and the Richmond. This month, a group officially launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016404/divide-over-sfs-great-highway-closure-sparks-recall-push-against-supervisor\">its recall campaign\u003c/a> against Supervisor Joel Engardio over his support for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12016406\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12016406\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Joel Engardio speaks on stage at the Sunset Night Market on Irving Street in San Francisco on Sept. 15, 2023. A group opposing the Great Highway’s closure officially launched a recall against Engardio this month. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In preparation for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012206/12012206\">opening the park\u003c/a> that Proposition K supporters envision, city staff prioritized previously planned improvements to Sunset Boulevard — another key commuter road that spans the west side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the Prop. K results, the city made sure [those improvements] got done before Prop. K was implemented,” said Lucas Lux, one of the organizers of the Yes on Prop. K campaign. “This is just a case of coordinating city actions well so that Sunset Boulevard was nice and smooth before folks needed to start using that for their north-south commute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Public Works has repaved 44 blocks of the road, and Muni’s 29–Sunset bus route will now stop after passing through intersections instead of before, alleviating a build-up of cars waiting to turn right off the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving the stops after the intersection, Lux said, will speed up north and south travel while having a minimal impact on those turning right onto Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027864 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DSC_1576_qed-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a north-south thoroughfare, so that is the priority traffic, but I would keep in mind, if … you’re turning right onto Sunset Boulevard, you have a signal there, so you can turn into the second lane if you needed to,” he told KQED. “I don’t think that that will create much of an issue for those folks because there’s not a significant amount of traffic turning onto Sunset Boulevard during those signals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New bus stop benches are being installed, and intersections’ drainage systems have been improved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $7.5 million project was already part of the city’s budget for infrastructure improvements, Lux said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also putting traffic signals at key intersections in the Outer Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stop signs at 41st Avenue and Lincoln Boulevard have been replaced by a light, and another is set to go live at Sloat and Skyline boulevards on Wednesday. Caltrans installed a traffic signal at the intersection of the Great Highway and Skyline — which previously had no signal control — to improve traffic flow and safety, according to the city’s press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are responding to these changes by taking action now, including installing new traffic signals to prepare the streets well ahead of the shift to a new park,” San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency streets director Viktoriya Wise said in a statement. “Our priority is to keep people moving safely and efficiently as these changes take effect, whether they are walking, biking, or driving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026544\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12026544 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A surfer walks in the water at Ocean Beach in San Francisco on Feb. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lux said the next steps for Ocean Beach Park supporters is to get started on delivering a permanent park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a bit of a cart and a horse challenge where people don’t fund things that aren’t created or that there’s no voter mandate for, so now that there is a voter mandate for Proposition K, there’s actually been a few sources of funding rolling in already,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project has a $1 million park planning grant from the California State Coastal Conservancy, which was awarded to the Rec and Park Department, as well as a regional Metropolitan Transportation Commission award for more traffic updates. Private donors are also working with the city to install temporary art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lux said he wasn’t able to provide a total budget estimate for the park renovations but that it would depend on the planning period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is making the west side infrastructure ready for a park,” Lux said. “They’ve done that work, and what’s to come is now the really fun part, which is transitioning this special part of our coast to a park space that San Franciscans can enjoy on a daily basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Months after voters passed Proposition K to permanently close part of the Great Highway to vehicles, the city has made traffic improvements in the area to prepare for a new park.\r\n",
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"title": "San Francisco’s New Ocean Beach Park on Track for Spring Debut | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Months after San Franciscans voted to turn part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/great-highway\">Great Highway\u003c/a> into oceanfront recreational space, Ocean Beach Park is on track to debut this spring, organizers and city officials said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the road permanently closed to vehicles, the city has already made traffic improvements meant to speed up alternate travel north and south from Lake Merced to Golden Gate Park and make the infrastructure around the Great Highway more pedestrian-friendly, according to Proposition K organizers and the San Francisco Recreation and Parks Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These improvements lay the groundwork for the transformation of the Great Highway into an oceanfront park, creating a new recreational space while keeping the area navigable for all,” a city spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, San Francisco voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995182/proposition-k-victory-closing-part-of-the-great-highway-sparks-debate-and-delight\">approved repurposing the Great Highway\u003c/a>, a longtime commuter corridor for the city’s west side that became a beloved outdoor recreation space for the whole city during the COVID-19 pandemic when it was temporarily closed to vehicle traffic. For the last few years, that closure was limited to weekends, welcoming walkers, rollerbladers and bicyclists to cruise along Ocean Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure to permanently make the Great Highway for pedestrians only from Lincoln Way to Sloat Boulevard seven days a week drew opposition from many west side residents who said traffic would be worse between Ingleside, the Sunset and the Richmond. This month, a group officially launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016404/divide-over-sfs-great-highway-closure-sparks-recall-push-against-supervisor\">its recall campaign\u003c/a> against Supervisor Joel Engardio over his support for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12016406\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12016406\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230915-SunsetNightMarket-13-JY_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Joel Engardio speaks on stage at the Sunset Night Market on Irving Street in San Francisco on Sept. 15, 2023. A group opposing the Great Highway’s closure officially launched a recall against Engardio this month. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In preparation for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012206/12012206\">opening the park\u003c/a> that Proposition K supporters envision, city staff prioritized previously planned improvements to Sunset Boulevard — another key commuter road that spans the west side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the Prop. K results, the city made sure [those improvements] got done before Prop. K was implemented,” said Lucas Lux, one of the organizers of the Yes on Prop. K campaign. “This is just a case of coordinating city actions well so that Sunset Boulevard was nice and smooth before folks needed to start using that for their north-south commute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Public Works has repaved 44 blocks of the road, and Muni’s 29–Sunset bus route will now stop after passing through intersections instead of before, alleviating a build-up of cars waiting to turn right off the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving the stops after the intersection, Lux said, will speed up north and south travel while having a minimal impact on those turning right onto Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a north-south thoroughfare, so that is the priority traffic, but I would keep in mind, if … you’re turning right onto Sunset Boulevard, you have a signal there, so you can turn into the second lane if you needed to,” he told KQED. “I don’t think that that will create much of an issue for those folks because there’s not a significant amount of traffic turning onto Sunset Boulevard during those signals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New bus stop benches are being installed, and intersections’ drainage systems have been improved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $7.5 million project was already part of the city’s budget for infrastructure improvements, Lux said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also putting traffic signals at key intersections in the Outer Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stop signs at 41st Avenue and Lincoln Boulevard have been replaced by a light, and another is set to go live at Sloat and Skyline boulevards on Wednesday. Caltrans installed a traffic signal at the intersection of the Great Highway and Skyline — which previously had no signal control — to improve traffic flow and safety, according to the city’s press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are responding to these changes by taking action now, including installing new traffic signals to prepare the streets well ahead of the shift to a new park,” San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency streets director Viktoriya Wise said in a statement. “Our priority is to keep people moving safely and efficiently as these changes take effect, whether they are walking, biking, or driving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026544\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12026544 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250210-SurferSewage-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A surfer walks in the water at Ocean Beach in San Francisco on Feb. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lux said the next steps for Ocean Beach Park supporters is to get started on delivering a permanent park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a bit of a cart and a horse challenge where people don’t fund things that aren’t created or that there’s no voter mandate for, so now that there is a voter mandate for Proposition K, there’s actually been a few sources of funding rolling in already,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project has a $1 million park planning grant from the California State Coastal Conservancy, which was awarded to the Rec and Park Department, as well as a regional Metropolitan Transportation Commission award for more traffic updates. Private donors are also working with the city to install temporary art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lux said he wasn’t able to provide a total budget estimate for the park renovations but that it would depend on the planning period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is making the west side infrastructure ready for a park,” Lux said. “They’ve done that work, and what’s to come is now the really fun part, which is transitioning this special part of our coast to a park space that San Franciscans can enjoy on a daily basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "audit-finds-overtime-waste-in-oakland-suggesting-a-widespread-spending-problem",
"title": "Audit Finds Overtime ‘Waste’ in Oakland, Suggesting a Widespread Spending Problem",
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"headTitle": "Audit Finds Overtime ‘Waste’ in Oakland, Suggesting a Widespread Spending Problem | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:18 p.m. Friday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> has been paying employees in two departments excessive overtime for years, according to an investigation by the city auditor’s office, which said its findings likely indicate a wider organizational problem — costing millions the city doesn’t have as it faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015103/oakland-is-at-risk-of-financial-insolvency-is-bankruptcy-on-the-table\">massive budget crisis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The auditor’s office found that workers in the Transportation and Public Works departments have been overcompensated by more than $1.6 million for overtime hours since 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is required to meet the overtime rates set by the federal Fair Labor Standards Act, which has payroll formulas that calculate compensation for employees who work beyond standard hours. However, the audit, conducted based on a tip from an anonymous whistleblower, found that the city had coded its own formulas for overtime into its payroll system that exceeded the act’s requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is my job to call out waste of taxpayer dollars, especially during a time when the city administration is looking under couch cushions for spare coins,” city auditor Michael Houston said in a statement. “In that spirit, I hope the administration takes seriously our recommendations to develop, implement, and document overtime formulas in alignment with authoritative regulations and agreements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the city is allowed to set pay rates for employees that exceed the Fair Labor Standards Act’s minimums, the investigation found that it doesn’t have a record authorizing different rates, meaning that taxpayers are incurring “significant costs” that weren’t approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Paying city employees more than what they are authorized to be paid may constitute a costly and unauthorized gift of public funds to individual employees from the City and Oakland taxpayers,” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10816647\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall-.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10816647\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall-.jpg\" alt=\"Oakland City Hall\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall-.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--400x225.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--768x432.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--1440x810.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--960x540.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Oakland City Hall in 2015. The Oakland city auditor’s office found that workers in the Transportation and Public Works departments have been overcompensated by more than $1.6 million for overtime hours since 2018. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://www.flickr.com/photos/allaboutgeorge/14778203268/in/photolist-ovU9Y5-owBwrq-oLWSuq-oLWVsQ-owrHZn-oNTYxC-ovVc1E-oNngdU-ovPnco-oLghK9-oNz5eV-aA3eCx-pUZnkG-oktihE-51jN7q-oGzswn-oZ36sU-51jMRN-51jMHS-7Hy8ZS-dnVyBY-8yZJu2-az1drZ-oK9TeV-ee7XGz-mkhpS7-czBvg-6qCFLS-6qyuyp-6qytXH-6qytqP-6qCCWN-dP7jAZ-b9wpt2-bpPr5H-sz2e2U-ejpH4p-oqaMUf-8MEt5s-5BYJnF-3M61gv-8MB7ZZ-aB7uue-5f6qpp-8ME23h-8MB9k2-8MAPVv-8MAPD6-8MDUcN-8MAPeV\">George Kelly/Flickr\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It says that the city was not able to explain why the codes it used to charge overtime were different from those in the Fair Labor Standards Act, or say when it began to use its current rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Houston said that the audit only looked into the two departments, but because the issue was found in the city’s payroll system, it could be citywide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It very likely is happening in other departments, and if so, we need to know,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Houston said that the audit’s first recommendation is for city administrator Jestin Johnson to launch a citywide payroll review to find out just how much money in unauthorized payments has been used and implement formulas that are in line with the Fair Labor Standards Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027749 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-06-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is looking to recover any funds it can to trim a $130 million budget deficit that has forced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018688/oakland-broad-cuts-public-safety-city-agencies-amid-massive-deficit\">major service reductions\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027749/oakland-reverses-several-layoffs-amid-scramble-close-massive-budget-deficit\">layoffs\u003c/a> in recent months. Residents have been especially concerned about the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022420/when-an-oakland-hills-home-caught-fire-near-closed-station-the-response-was-slow\">temporary closures of two fire stations\u003c/a> in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021911/oakland-hills-burned-before-la-fires-have-many-terrified-it-will-happen-again\">fire-prone Oakland Hills\u003c/a> and a plan to shutter four more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Council members have repeatedly implored the city administrator and budget team to find money to maintain services, especially to keep the firehouses open. Council members criticized the closures, but ultimately up to Johnson, who gained more control over Oakland’s spending last fall when the city had to enact a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997946/oakland-reaches-deal-on-105-million-coliseum-sale-to-stave-off-budget-cuts\">contingency budget\u003c/a> due to the stalled \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-coliseum\">Oakland Coliseum\u003c/a> sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re browning out fire stations, employees have been laid off due to just a lack of resources, and now we find that for years, the city has been wasting money on unauthorized overtime,” Houston said. “And at this time, we just need to be making the best use of every penny that we have, so I hope the city administrator rectifies the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Janani Ramachandran, who voted against the contingency budget last summer, and two other council members have introduced legislation that could ward off additional fire cuts. The resolution, which would pay for the services with funding from the city’s transportation and self-liability fund and revenue from events held at the Coliseum, is set for a council vote next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026399\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026399\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Councilmember Janani Ramachandran, right, addresses a crowd in downtown Oakland, California, on Saturday, Feb. 8, 2025. Ramachandran and two other council members introduced legislation to ward off additional cuts to the city’s firehouses. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The legislation also initially aimed to strip Johnson of his expanded fiscal power — which Ramachandran said at the time was supposed to be the power of the council — but that piece of the ordinance was removed during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026938/oakland-leaders-propose-plan-reopen-fire-stations-budget-crisis-threatens-more-closures\">budget committee hearing\u003c/a> last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a lot of money that we can’t afford, and we should be looking throughout the city to see if we can identify similar inefficiencies that could lead us to have more money in our budget to fund basic services,” Ramachandran told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the audit, Houston also said staff should work with the city attorney’s office to address past overpayments, but he didn’t offer any insight into what recourse could be taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every little penny counts,” Houston said. “So when you think of $1.7 million, that would be about half the size of the city auditor’s office, so that is a significant amount of money that needs to be put to good use and not be wasted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interim Mayor Kevin Jenkins didn’t specify what steps he would take Friday, but he said he plans to meet with the city auditor and city administrator to “see what the best path moving forward” is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes down to the $1.6 million, we have budgetary issues and any waste is a challenge for us as we are trying to get our budget together, as we are trying to do our statutory requirements as a city,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahallhttps://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">Alex Hall\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Oakland has been paying some employees excessive overtime for years, the city auditor said, adding that a wider problem could be costing millions the city doesn’t have in a budget crisis.",
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"title": "Audit Finds Overtime ‘Waste’ in Oakland, Suggesting a Widespread Spending Problem | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:18 p.m. Friday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> has been paying employees in two departments excessive overtime for years, according to an investigation by the city auditor’s office, which said its findings likely indicate a wider organizational problem — costing millions the city doesn’t have as it faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015103/oakland-is-at-risk-of-financial-insolvency-is-bankruptcy-on-the-table\">massive budget crisis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The auditor’s office found that workers in the Transportation and Public Works departments have been overcompensated by more than $1.6 million for overtime hours since 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is required to meet the overtime rates set by the federal Fair Labor Standards Act, which has payroll formulas that calculate compensation for employees who work beyond standard hours. However, the audit, conducted based on a tip from an anonymous whistleblower, found that the city had coded its own formulas for overtime into its payroll system that exceeded the act’s requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is my job to call out waste of taxpayer dollars, especially during a time when the city administration is looking under couch cushions for spare coins,” city auditor Michael Houston said in a statement. “In that spirit, I hope the administration takes seriously our recommendations to develop, implement, and document overtime formulas in alignment with authoritative regulations and agreements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the city is allowed to set pay rates for employees that exceed the Fair Labor Standards Act’s minimums, the investigation found that it doesn’t have a record authorizing different rates, meaning that taxpayers are incurring “significant costs” that weren’t approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Paying city employees more than what they are authorized to be paid may constitute a costly and unauthorized gift of public funds to individual employees from the City and Oakland taxpayers,” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10816647\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall-.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10816647\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall-.jpg\" alt=\"Oakland City Hall\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall-.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--400x225.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--768x432.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--1440x810.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/City-Hall--960x540.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Oakland City Hall in 2015. The Oakland city auditor’s office found that workers in the Transportation and Public Works departments have been overcompensated by more than $1.6 million for overtime hours since 2018. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://www.flickr.com/photos/allaboutgeorge/14778203268/in/photolist-ovU9Y5-owBwrq-oLWSuq-oLWVsQ-owrHZn-oNTYxC-ovVc1E-oNngdU-ovPnco-oLghK9-oNz5eV-aA3eCx-pUZnkG-oktihE-51jN7q-oGzswn-oZ36sU-51jMRN-51jMHS-7Hy8ZS-dnVyBY-8yZJu2-az1drZ-oK9TeV-ee7XGz-mkhpS7-czBvg-6qCFLS-6qyuyp-6qytXH-6qytqP-6qCCWN-dP7jAZ-b9wpt2-bpPr5H-sz2e2U-ejpH4p-oqaMUf-8MEt5s-5BYJnF-3M61gv-8MB7ZZ-aB7uue-5f6qpp-8ME23h-8MB9k2-8MAPVv-8MAPD6-8MDUcN-8MAPeV\">George Kelly/Flickr\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It says that the city was not able to explain why the codes it used to charge overtime were different from those in the Fair Labor Standards Act, or say when it began to use its current rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Houston said that the audit only looked into the two departments, but because the issue was found in the city’s payroll system, it could be citywide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It very likely is happening in other departments, and if so, we need to know,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Houston said that the audit’s first recommendation is for city administrator Jestin Johnson to launch a citywide payroll review to find out just how much money in unauthorized payments has been used and implement formulas that are in line with the Fair Labor Standards Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is looking to recover any funds it can to trim a $130 million budget deficit that has forced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018688/oakland-broad-cuts-public-safety-city-agencies-amid-massive-deficit\">major service reductions\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027749/oakland-reverses-several-layoffs-amid-scramble-close-massive-budget-deficit\">layoffs\u003c/a> in recent months. Residents have been especially concerned about the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022420/when-an-oakland-hills-home-caught-fire-near-closed-station-the-response-was-slow\">temporary closures of two fire stations\u003c/a> in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021911/oakland-hills-burned-before-la-fires-have-many-terrified-it-will-happen-again\">fire-prone Oakland Hills\u003c/a> and a plan to shutter four more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Council members have repeatedly implored the city administrator and budget team to find money to maintain services, especially to keep the firehouses open. Council members criticized the closures, but ultimately up to Johnson, who gained more control over Oakland’s spending last fall when the city had to enact a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997946/oakland-reaches-deal-on-105-million-coliseum-sale-to-stave-off-budget-cuts\">contingency budget\u003c/a> due to the stalled \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-coliseum\">Oakland Coliseum\u003c/a> sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re browning out fire stations, employees have been laid off due to just a lack of resources, and now we find that for years, the city has been wasting money on unauthorized overtime,” Houston said. “And at this time, we just need to be making the best use of every penny that we have, so I hope the city administrator rectifies the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Janani Ramachandran, who voted against the contingency budget last summer, and two other council members have introduced legislation that could ward off additional fire cuts. The resolution, which would pay for the services with funding from the city’s transportation and self-liability fund and revenue from events held at the Coliseum, is set for a council vote next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026399\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026399\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250208_Barbara-Lee_DMB_00563-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Councilmember Janani Ramachandran, right, addresses a crowd in downtown Oakland, California, on Saturday, Feb. 8, 2025. Ramachandran and two other council members introduced legislation to ward off additional cuts to the city’s firehouses. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The legislation also initially aimed to strip Johnson of his expanded fiscal power — which Ramachandran said at the time was supposed to be the power of the council — but that piece of the ordinance was removed during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026938/oakland-leaders-propose-plan-reopen-fire-stations-budget-crisis-threatens-more-closures\">budget committee hearing\u003c/a> last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a lot of money that we can’t afford, and we should be looking throughout the city to see if we can identify similar inefficiencies that could lead us to have more money in our budget to fund basic services,” Ramachandran told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the audit, Houston also said staff should work with the city attorney’s office to address past overpayments, but he didn’t offer any insight into what recourse could be taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every little penny counts,” Houston said. “So when you think of $1.7 million, that would be about half the size of the city auditor’s office, so that is a significant amount of money that needs to be put to good use and not be wasted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interim Mayor Kevin Jenkins didn’t specify what steps he would take Friday, but he said he plans to meet with the city auditor and city administrator to “see what the best path moving forward” is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes down to the $1.6 million, we have budgetary issues and any waste is a challenge for us as we are trying to get our budget together, as we are trying to do our statutory requirements as a city,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahallhttps://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">Alex Hall\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Wide US Forest Service Layoffs Leave Safety Projects Delayed, Fire Crews Depleted",
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"content": "\u003cp>Biologists, trail builders, maintenance workers, foresters, mapping experts — these are all examples of positions that have been terminated in widespread layoffs affecting U.S. Forest Service employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with the U.S. Department of Agriculture confirmed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5300050\">NPR and Oregon Public Broadcasting\u003c/a> that 2,000 mostly probationary workers were fired in the Forest Service, though\u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/daily-labor-report/us-forest-service-to-terminate-3-400-workers-union-leader-says\"> the union representing\u003c/a> them estimates 3,400 are being laid off. Some workers were told low performance was the grounds for their dismissal despite receiving excellent performance reviews, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/federal-workers-were-fired-for-performance-their-records-say-otherwise-2025-02-20/\">documents seen by Reuters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These layoffs, experts said, leave Californians at greater \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027096/trump-wants-states-to-clean-up-forests-to-stop-wildfires-but-his-administration-cut-off-funds\">risk of fire on federal lands\u003c/a> and will delay mitigation projects designed to protect communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riva Duncan, a longtime Forest Service manager and fire chief who is now retired, said there was “no doubt” communities near federal lands would be less prepared going into the 2025 fire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firing of thousands of federal workers is part of the Trump administration’s plan to dramatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024788/suspicion-anger-grow-among-california-federal-employees-over-trumps-resignation-proposal\">scale back the size of the federal government\u003c/a>. The orders were meant to exclude firefighters, but many of those Forest Service workers who were laid off were trained and qualified in wildland firefighting and would step in as backup firefighters on crews or engines when fires got intense and resources were stretched thin, providing surge capacity. If firefighting units — such as an engine or the elite ground crews known as hotshots — are not fully staffed, they can’t be assigned to a fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990788\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990788\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Forest Service firefighter sets a controlled burn as the Post Fire burns through Castaic, California, on June 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(DAVID SWANSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They are instrumental in providing fire support to the crews,” said Duncan, who is now vice president of Grassroots Wildland Firefighters, an advocacy group for federal firefighters. “But also, if their own forest or national park has fires any time of the year, that’s who’s there. So those are the people who help them out on their local units when there’s a fire or prescribed burn.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the effect on fire response, Duncan said, mitigation work that is done ahead of fires will also be slowed. Projects like fire breaks, vegetation removal or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021125/la-fires-renew-debate-over-prescribed-burns-and-fire-preparedness-in-california\">prescribed burning\u003c/a> can save lives and homes when a fire breaks out, but they must be done legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The agencies have to go through the environmental analysis process dictated by law,” Duncan said. “And a lot of these folks are the ones doing that work — the archeologists, for example. And so they’re doing all that planning before a match hits the ground or a chipper starts chipping. We don’t know who’s going to be able to do that work [now].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Los Angeles firestorm of early January, Elon Musk blamed the destruction of homes in part on the lack of fire breaks and brush clearing in messages posted on his social media platform X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12021125 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/IMG_7960-scaled-e1736446701514.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has said Musk is in \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/trump-appears-contradict-white-house-says-elon-musk-charge-doge-2025-02-20/\">charge of the Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE — the newly created initiative leading the push to do away with large swaths of the federal government —\u003c/a> though White House court filings have said he is an advisor with no power to make decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forest Service biologist Ben Vizzachero was one of those professionals who helped get mitigation projects done, indirectly, who no longer has a job. He learned first via a phone call from his supervisor that his job would be cut as part of DOGE’s trimming effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A big part of my work was making sure a project complied with the law,” said Vizzachero, who was recently hired at the Los Padres National Forest and was still in the agency’s one-year probationary period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Biology can be the bottleneck preventing projects from going forward,” Vizzachero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had been working on several community wildfire protection plans designed to foresee and mitigate fire risk, including plans for Santa Barbara, San Luis Obispo and Monterey. He handed that work over to a biologist on staff who still has their job but who already had a full plate of other projects. The result, he said, is that the plan will move slower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vizzachero said he was drawn to a career in public service because it’s a way to help people and the natural world. Personal stories from other federal workers have echoed this sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A Forest Service crew feeds foliage into a wood chipper in the woods.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Forest Service crew members put tree branches into a wood chipper as they prepare the area for a prescribed burn in the Tahoe National Forest on June 6, 2023, near Downieville, Sierra County. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately,” he said, “this is not about me. Our public lands, our forests, is what makes America great. Our [public lands] system has been a model across the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The layoffs will leave communities and forests at greater risk of fire and will make it harder for the public to enjoy their own outdoors. Vizzachero noted that even the relatively low-paid workers who emptied trash cans and cleaned up campgrounds had been fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another concern for the fire season is that hiring has been put on pause for permanent and seasonal positions, although the Forest Service signaled that seasonal hiring will be allowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackie Rappaport, a firefighter volunteering in Yosemite National Park, hoped to get hired into either a seasonal or permanent position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They got word today seasonal positions got approved, which is great,” Rappaport said, speaking on Thursday from the site of a pile burn in Foresta, north of El Portal. “But the [permanent positions] are still up in the air and nobody has any idea.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the applicants for seasonal positions might not be able to accept their positions, she noted, because they applied many months ago for these jobs and may have taken other ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if they get every seasonal [position filled] here, there’s pretty large staffing issues,” she said, estimating there were a dozen permanent positions open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the engines still can’t operate at the level they’re supposed to be able to because there’s no one filling those roles,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Doug LaMalfa (R–Richvale) did not respond to an inquiry about how the layoffs could affect safety in his district. LaMalfa represents an area of far Northern California that has been affected by some of the worst fires in the state, including the Camp Fire and the Dixie Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Experts say the layoffs, part of President Trump’s push to reduce the federal government, will leave Californians at greater risk of fire on federal lands.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Biologists, trail builders, maintenance workers, foresters, mapping experts — these are all examples of positions that have been terminated in widespread layoffs affecting U.S. Forest Service employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with the U.S. Department of Agriculture confirmed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5300050\">NPR and Oregon Public Broadcasting\u003c/a> that 2,000 mostly probationary workers were fired in the Forest Service, though\u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/daily-labor-report/us-forest-service-to-terminate-3-400-workers-union-leader-says\"> the union representing\u003c/a> them estimates 3,400 are being laid off. Some workers were told low performance was the grounds for their dismissal despite receiving excellent performance reviews, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/federal-workers-were-fired-for-performance-their-records-say-otherwise-2025-02-20/\">documents seen by Reuters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These layoffs, experts said, leave Californians at greater \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027096/trump-wants-states-to-clean-up-forests-to-stop-wildfires-but-his-administration-cut-off-funds\">risk of fire on federal lands\u003c/a> and will delay mitigation projects designed to protect communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riva Duncan, a longtime Forest Service manager and fire chief who is now retired, said there was “no doubt” communities near federal lands would be less prepared going into the 2025 fire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firing of thousands of federal workers is part of the Trump administration’s plan to dramatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024788/suspicion-anger-grow-among-california-federal-employees-over-trumps-resignation-proposal\">scale back the size of the federal government\u003c/a>. The orders were meant to exclude firefighters, but many of those Forest Service workers who were laid off were trained and qualified in wildland firefighting and would step in as backup firefighters on crews or engines when fires got intense and resources were stretched thin, providing surge capacity. If firefighting units — such as an engine or the elite ground crews known as hotshots — are not fully staffed, they can’t be assigned to a fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990788\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990788\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/GettyImages-2157340569_qut-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Forest Service firefighter sets a controlled burn as the Post Fire burns through Castaic, California, on June 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(DAVID SWANSON/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They are instrumental in providing fire support to the crews,” said Duncan, who is now vice president of Grassroots Wildland Firefighters, an advocacy group for federal firefighters. “But also, if their own forest or national park has fires any time of the year, that’s who’s there. So those are the people who help them out on their local units when there’s a fire or prescribed burn.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the effect on fire response, Duncan said, mitigation work that is done ahead of fires will also be slowed. Projects like fire breaks, vegetation removal or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021125/la-fires-renew-debate-over-prescribed-burns-and-fire-preparedness-in-california\">prescribed burning\u003c/a> can save lives and homes when a fire breaks out, but they must be done legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The agencies have to go through the environmental analysis process dictated by law,” Duncan said. “And a lot of these folks are the ones doing that work — the archeologists, for example. And so they’re doing all that planning before a match hits the ground or a chipper starts chipping. We don’t know who’s going to be able to do that work [now].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Los Angeles firestorm of early January, Elon Musk blamed the destruction of homes in part on the lack of fire breaks and brush clearing in messages posted on his social media platform X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump has said Musk is in \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/trump-appears-contradict-white-house-says-elon-musk-charge-doge-2025-02-20/\">charge of the Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE — the newly created initiative leading the push to do away with large swaths of the federal government —\u003c/a> though White House court filings have said he is an advisor with no power to make decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forest Service biologist Ben Vizzachero was one of those professionals who helped get mitigation projects done, indirectly, who no longer has a job. He learned first via a phone call from his supervisor that his job would be cut as part of DOGE’s trimming effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A big part of my work was making sure a project complied with the law,” said Vizzachero, who was recently hired at the Los Padres National Forest and was still in the agency’s one-year probationary period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Biology can be the bottleneck preventing projects from going forward,” Vizzachero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had been working on several community wildfire protection plans designed to foresee and mitigate fire risk, including plans for Santa Barbara, San Luis Obispo and Monterey. He handed that work over to a biologist on staff who still has their job but who already had a full plate of other projects. The result, he said, is that the plan will move slower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vizzachero said he was drawn to a career in public service because it’s a way to help people and the natural world. Personal stories from other federal workers have echoed this sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A Forest Service crew feeds foliage into a wood chipper in the woods.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177646988222-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Forest Service crew members put tree branches into a wood chipper as they prepare the area for a prescribed burn in the Tahoe National Forest on June 6, 2023, near Downieville, Sierra County. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately,” he said, “this is not about me. Our public lands, our forests, is what makes America great. Our [public lands] system has been a model across the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The layoffs will leave communities and forests at greater risk of fire and will make it harder for the public to enjoy their own outdoors. Vizzachero noted that even the relatively low-paid workers who emptied trash cans and cleaned up campgrounds had been fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another concern for the fire season is that hiring has been put on pause for permanent and seasonal positions, although the Forest Service signaled that seasonal hiring will be allowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackie Rappaport, a firefighter volunteering in Yosemite National Park, hoped to get hired into either a seasonal or permanent position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They got word today seasonal positions got approved, which is great,” Rappaport said, speaking on Thursday from the site of a pile burn in Foresta, north of El Portal. “But the [permanent positions] are still up in the air and nobody has any idea.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the applicants for seasonal positions might not be able to accept their positions, she noted, because they applied many months ago for these jobs and may have taken other ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if they get every seasonal [position filled] here, there’s pretty large staffing issues,” she said, estimating there were a dozen permanent positions open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the engines still can’t operate at the level they’re supposed to be able to because there’s no one filling those roles,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Doug LaMalfa (R–Richvale) did not respond to an inquiry about how the layoffs could affect safety in his district. LaMalfa represents an area of far Northern California that has been affected by some of the worst fires in the state, including the Camp Fire and the Dixie Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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It’s about fear-mongering and scapegoating immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no way this legislature goes for this,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones disagreed and said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014260/is-california-back-to-tough-on-crime-policies-not-necessarily\">the politics around criminal justice and public safety have shifted\u003c/a> in California. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a violent criminal felon in your custody and the federal agencies call and ask about them, now you just have to say what’s going on and what the status is,” Jones said. “It’s not requiring felons to be turned over to ICE. It’s just requiring the communication between the local agencies and the federal agencies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Chan, who helped write the state law as an immigrant advocate, disagreed. Now an assistant chief attorney at the San Francisco Public Defender’s office, Chan said the provision allowing law enforcement to provide ICE with someone’s release date would effectively “gut” the state law and would result in the broader undocumented community being targeted by ICE agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would make people extremely afraid of visiting loved ones in local jails,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed law would also prohibit local agencies from having policies that go farther than the state law. That would override stricter local policies in counties like San Francisco and Jones’ home county of San Diego, which both have a narrower list than the state’s 800 crimes for when law enforcement can cooperate with immigration officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill is not viable,” Chan said of Jones’ bill, noting that Republican lawmakers have made similar proposals in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the bill a “desperate attempt to get attention. It’s about fear-mongering and scapegoating immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no way this legislature goes for this,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones disagreed and said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014260/is-california-back-to-tough-on-crime-policies-not-necessarily\">the politics around criminal justice and public safety have shifted\u003c/a> in California. He noted \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/proposition-36\">the passage of Proposition 36 in November\u003c/a>, which rolled back some criminal justice reforms, and said “sensible” Democrats are “‘looking for common sense, middle-of-the-road reforms that we can work on together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And they’re looking at this as possibly one of those avenues to be able to do that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Feb. 21, 12:25 p.m.: A previous version of this story said Jones’ proposal would erase exceptions and allow law enforcement to provide ICE with the release date of any immigrant, no matter what crime they were convicted of. It does not remove the exceptions but requires such notification for immigrants convicted of one of 800 specific crimes.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A group of Black lawmakers in the state Legislature is pushing ahead with proposals to prioritize the descendants of enslaved people for college admissions and homebuyer assistance, despite attacks from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> on equity programs and tepid support for reparations legislation at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A suite of proposals unveiled Thursday stems from a 2022 report detailing harms inflicted on Black Californians by the state government dating back to the 19th century, including laws passed by the state Legislature to aid enslavers. The Legislature and Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">approved an official apology\u003c/a> for the state’s role in advancing enslavement last year, but the governor and voters rejected other reparations bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even outside of the current [Trump] administration, these things are always a challenging conversation, especially with the fact that many people say, ‘Well, there was no slavery in California. I didn’t participate, I didn’t own slaves,’” said Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson (D–San Diego), the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think having this current administration makes it a little bit more challenging, but this bill package and the entire conversation about repairing harm is not about assigning anyone personal blame for the past,” Weber added. “It’s about righting the wrongs that still hinder the Black community today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CLBC bill package also includes Assembly Bill 62, a proposal to help \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">victims of racially motivated eminent domain\u003c/a> receive compensation and Senate Bill 437, legislation tasking the California State University system with developing a methodology to verify descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill, Assembly Constitutional Amendment 6, would place a question on the 2026 ballot asking voters to remove language from the state constitution allowing involuntary servitude as punishment for a crime, an idea \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013392/californians-voted-against-outlawing-slavery-why-is-prop-6-failing\">voters rejected in November\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawmakers did not include proposals for direct monetary reparations in their bill package. The idea of cash payments for Black Californians or descendants of the enslaved would be controversial, but even more \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">modest reparations proposals failed to gain traction\u003c/a> last year. Proposals to create a reparations-focused state agency and prioritize African Americans for occupational licenses failed to clear the Legislature.[aside postID=news_11999415 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new round of reparations-related bills will be considered as the Trump administration aims to crack down on public programs that promote racial preferences. A memo issued last week by the Department of Education gives schools across the country two weeks to end any practice that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/19/nx-s1-5300992/the-department-of-education-has-given-schools-a-deadline-to-eliminate-dei-programs\">advantages students because of their race\u003c/a> before they risk losing federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law currently bars the consideration of race, sex or ethnicity in public education, contracting and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The attacks coming from the federal government are not new for Black folks,” said Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (D–Los Angeles), the CLBC’s vice chair. “We have lived through enslavement, emancipation, the Black Codes, Jim Crow, civil rights and the rolling back of civil rights — this has been our struggle in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the current administration is doing, though, is making that struggle very clear for other folks who thought we had passed those days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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