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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration is looking to build an immigration detention facility at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California, and pushing to speed up a review process, according to internal government communications obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed installation is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016823/ice-plans-new-detention-center-near-san-francisco-can-california-stop-it\">an aggressive effort to expand immigration detention \u003c/a>nationally, and specifically to use property owned by the U.S. Department of Defense in service of President Donald Trump’s stated goal of deporting 1 million people in his first year in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early April emails, federal officials discussed efforts to evaluate several military installations, including Travis Air Force Base, for Homeland Security’s immigration detention and removal operations — and tee them up for approval by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emails show significant coordination among Department of Defense and Homeland Security officials to expedite the plans. The emails do not describe the scope or design of the proposed detention compound at Travis Air Force Base, nor how many people it would be expected to hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not respond directly to questions about Travis Air Force Base, but he did affirm that ICE is actively working to expand detention capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>While we cannot confirm individual pre-decisional conversations, we can confirm that ICE is exploring all options in California to meet its current and future detention requirements, which include new detention facilities and possible support from partner agencies,” a written statement from the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1182\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-800x473.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1020x603.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1536x908.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1920x1135.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Air Force C-5 Galaxy and a C-17 Globemaster sit on the tarmac at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California, on July 17, 2008. \u003ccite>(Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials at Travis Air Force Base declined to comment, and the Department of Defense did not respond to KQED’s request for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials have been considering at least 10 military bases around the country for immigration detention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/24/nx-s1-5307156/immigration-dhs-memo-trump-migrant-detention-military-bases\">NPR has reported\u003c/a>. A February Homeland Security memo obtained by NPR described a plan to use Fort Bliss, near El Paso, TX, as a model for other facilities, with up to 1,000 people initially detained there, eventually expanding to as many as 10,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revelation that Travis is on the list of military facilities came as a shock to East Bay Rep. John Garamendi, a Democrat and senior member of the House Armed Services Committee whose district includes the Fairfield base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Travis Air Force Base is absolutely inappropriate for an immigration detention facility,” Garamendi told KQED. “Travis has a critical national security role of providing worldwide transportation services for personnel and material around the world. An immigration facility would significantly hamper the national security work that Travis is responsible for.”[aside postID=news_12037508 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/026_SanJose_Immigration_08232021-1020x680.jpg']Earlier this year, Garamendi and other members of Congress \u003ca href=\"https://garamendi.house.gov/media/press-releases/garamendi-sends-letter-demanding-answers-pentagon-over-use-military-assets-0\">raised strenuous opposition\u003c/a> when military aircraft from the base — C-17 planes typically meant for troops or cargo — were used for deportation flights to remove immigrants from the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just in terms of the cost factor, to say nothing of the readiness, every time you take a military aircraft and you use it for purposes that are not directly related to the national security work, that degrades the ability of the military to do what it’s supposed to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/expanding-migrant-operations-center-at-naval-station-guantanamo-bay-to-full-capacity/\">a plan to use the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba\u003c/a>, to detain as many as 30,000 immigrants appears to have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/national-security/trump-admin-rethinking-guantanamo-immigrant-detention-plan-rcna194274\">scaled back drastically\u003c/a> in the face of obstacles, including public outcry over the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033989/guantanamo-ice-detention-costs-40-million-in-1st-month-padilla-calls-spending-exorbitant\">$40 million pricetag\u003c/a> to lock up a couple of hundred men during its first month of operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is currently holding nearly 48,000 immigrants in detention facilities nationwide. Last year, ICE’s detention capacity was 41,500 beds. However, last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/news/congress-approves-even-more-funding-detention-deportation\">Congress added $430,000\u003c/a> to ICE’s current-year detention budget, allowing the agency to \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/trump-2-immigration-first-100-days\">increase capacity to 54,500 beds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of detention beds is one factor limiting the Trump administration’s ability to increase deportations. ICE would also need to increase staffing and other resources, beyond last year’s $3.4 billion detention budget, which \u003ca href=\"https://nipnlg.org/news/press-releases/200-ngos-oppose-bidens-historic-expansion-ice-detention-system-detention-should\">advocates say was already a historic high\u003c/a>. The administration is looking to the Republican-controlled Congress to vastly expand the Homeland Security budget, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/07/us/politics/trump-administration-immigrant-detention-facilities-services.html\">\u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> has reported\u003c/a> that ICE has already solicited proposals from contractors worth as much as $45 billion for the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037936\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037936\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A KC-10 Extender is parked on the ramp as a C-5M Super Galaxy takes off at Travis Air Force Base, California, March 16, 2017. \u003ccite>(Hum Images/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Previous administrations have \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/IN10937\">used military bases to temporarily house \u003c/a>arriving refugees and have \u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Arthur/Brief-History-Military-Assistance-Immigration-Enforcement\">deployed soldiers to provide logistical support to the U.S. Border Patrol\u003c/a>. But the plan to use Travis and other military facilities for ICE detention represents a more substantial move toward militarizing immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s “border czar,” Tom Homan, has called the Department of Defense a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=1712826589498788\">“force multiplier”\u003c/a> for his deportation plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Jehan Laner, a senior staff attorney at the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, argues that using military bases for ICE detention violates the Posse Comitatus Act, a 19th-century law that limits the use of military personnel to enforce domestic policies within the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our country is kind of turning towards authoritarianism when you have the military starting to do civil law enforcement,” she said. “It becomes a very scary prospect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californianewsroom#:~:text=About%20the%20California%20Newsroom&text=The%20California%20Newsroom%3A&text=provides%20one%2Don%2Done%20mentorship,UC%20Berkeley%20Journalism%20Fellows%20program.\">The California Newsroom\u003c/a> provided editorial support for this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration is looking to build an immigration detention facility at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California, and pushing to speed up a review process, according to internal government communications obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed installation is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016823/ice-plans-new-detention-center-near-san-francisco-can-california-stop-it\">an aggressive effort to expand immigration detention \u003c/a>nationally, and specifically to use property owned by the U.S. Department of Defense in service of President Donald Trump’s stated goal of deporting 1 million people in his first year in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early April emails, federal officials discussed efforts to evaluate several military installations, including Travis Air Force Base, for Homeland Security’s immigration detention and removal operations — and tee them up for approval by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emails show significant coordination among Department of Defense and Homeland Security officials to expedite the plans. The emails do not describe the scope or design of the proposed detention compound at Travis Air Force Base, nor how many people it would be expected to hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not respond directly to questions about Travis Air Force Base, but he did affirm that ICE is actively working to expand detention capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>While we cannot confirm individual pre-decisional conversations, we can confirm that ICE is exploring all options in California to meet its current and future detention requirements, which include new detention facilities and possible support from partner agencies,” a written statement from the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1182\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-800x473.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1020x603.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1536x908.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1920x1135.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Air Force C-5 Galaxy and a C-17 Globemaster sit on the tarmac at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California, on July 17, 2008. \u003ccite>(Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials at Travis Air Force Base declined to comment, and the Department of Defense did not respond to KQED’s request for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials have been considering at least 10 military bases around the country for immigration detention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/24/nx-s1-5307156/immigration-dhs-memo-trump-migrant-detention-military-bases\">NPR has reported\u003c/a>. A February Homeland Security memo obtained by NPR described a plan to use Fort Bliss, near El Paso, TX, as a model for other facilities, with up to 1,000 people initially detained there, eventually expanding to as many as 10,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revelation that Travis is on the list of military facilities came as a shock to East Bay Rep. John Garamendi, a Democrat and senior member of the House Armed Services Committee whose district includes the Fairfield base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Travis Air Force Base is absolutely inappropriate for an immigration detention facility,” Garamendi told KQED. “Travis has a critical national security role of providing worldwide transportation services for personnel and material around the world. An immigration facility would significantly hamper the national security work that Travis is responsible for.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Earlier this year, Garamendi and other members of Congress \u003ca href=\"https://garamendi.house.gov/media/press-releases/garamendi-sends-letter-demanding-answers-pentagon-over-use-military-assets-0\">raised strenuous opposition\u003c/a> when military aircraft from the base — C-17 planes typically meant for troops or cargo — were used for deportation flights to remove immigrants from the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just in terms of the cost factor, to say nothing of the readiness, every time you take a military aircraft and you use it for purposes that are not directly related to the national security work, that degrades the ability of the military to do what it’s supposed to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/expanding-migrant-operations-center-at-naval-station-guantanamo-bay-to-full-capacity/\">a plan to use the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba\u003c/a>, to detain as many as 30,000 immigrants appears to have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/national-security/trump-admin-rethinking-guantanamo-immigrant-detention-plan-rcna194274\">scaled back drastically\u003c/a> in the face of obstacles, including public outcry over the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033989/guantanamo-ice-detention-costs-40-million-in-1st-month-padilla-calls-spending-exorbitant\">$40 million pricetag\u003c/a> to lock up a couple of hundred men during its first month of operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is currently holding nearly 48,000 immigrants in detention facilities nationwide. Last year, ICE’s detention capacity was 41,500 beds. However, last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/news/congress-approves-even-more-funding-detention-deportation\">Congress added $430,000\u003c/a> to ICE’s current-year detention budget, allowing the agency to \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/trump-2-immigration-first-100-days\">increase capacity to 54,500 beds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of detention beds is one factor limiting the Trump administration’s ability to increase deportations. ICE would also need to increase staffing and other resources, beyond last year’s $3.4 billion detention budget, which \u003ca href=\"https://nipnlg.org/news/press-releases/200-ngos-oppose-bidens-historic-expansion-ice-detention-system-detention-should\">advocates say was already a historic high\u003c/a>. The administration is looking to the Republican-controlled Congress to vastly expand the Homeland Security budget, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/07/us/politics/trump-administration-immigrant-detention-facilities-services.html\">\u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> has reported\u003c/a> that ICE has already solicited proposals from contractors worth as much as $45 billion for the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037936\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037936\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A KC-10 Extender is parked on the ramp as a C-5M Super Galaxy takes off at Travis Air Force Base, California, March 16, 2017. \u003ccite>(Hum Images/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Previous administrations have \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/IN10937\">used military bases to temporarily house \u003c/a>arriving refugees and have \u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Arthur/Brief-History-Military-Assistance-Immigration-Enforcement\">deployed soldiers to provide logistical support to the U.S. Border Patrol\u003c/a>. But the plan to use Travis and other military facilities for ICE detention represents a more substantial move toward militarizing immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s “border czar,” Tom Homan, has called the Department of Defense a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=1712826589498788\">“force multiplier”\u003c/a> for his deportation plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Jehan Laner, a senior staff attorney at the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, argues that using military bases for ICE detention violates the Posse Comitatus Act, a 19th-century law that limits the use of military personnel to enforce domestic policies within the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our country is kind of turning towards authoritarianism when you have the military starting to do civil law enforcement,” she said. “It becomes a very scary prospect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californianewsroom#:~:text=About%20the%20California%20Newsroom&text=The%20California%20Newsroom%3A&text=provides%20one%2Don%2Done%20mentorship,UC%20Berkeley%20Journalism%20Fellows%20program.\">The California Newsroom\u003c/a> provided editorial support for this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "former-antioch-cop-testifies-about-selling-illegal-steroids-to-fellow-law-enforcement",
"title": "Former Antioch Cop Testifies About Selling Illegal Steroids to Fellow Law Enforcement",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the first day of a former Antioch police officer’s federal trial on charges of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037299/former-antioch-cop-faces-drug-charges-in-second-conspiracy-trial\">conspiring to illegally distribute anabolic steroids\u003c/a>, his former co-defendant testified about selling the drugs to law enforcement in the East Bay and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After taking a plea deal with prosecutors, Daniel Harris took the stand Monday in an Oakland federal courtroom to testify against Devon Wenger, a fellow former Antioch officer who Harris called a friend and who sold him his Discovery Bay home before federal authorities descended upon it in March 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were among the more than a dozen officers implicated in several scandals unearthed within the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/antioch-police-department\">Antioch Police Department\u003c/a> over the following year, including allegations that a small group of officers — including Wenger — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">conspired to use excessive force on residents\u003c/a> without cause. That case against Wenger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">ended in a mistrial\u003c/a> last month, but he’s scheduled to be retried in that case later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his current trial, Wenger is charged with conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute anabolic steroids as well as destruction, alteration and falsification of records in a federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris testified Monday that he began using anabolic steroids to help recover from an injury, then later used them as he trained to be a competitive bodybuilder, all while on medical leave from the Antioch Police Department. He said he’d buy the steroids from “an underground lab” in Florida and distribute them to “clients” in other states, most of whom were former or current law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029718\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Antioch Police vehicle drives through Antioch on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People love the stuff I get from you so there are no complaints,” Harris testified to emailing his dealer, known as “True Shot Pharmaceuticals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people was allegedly Wenger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his time with Antioch police, Wenger had aspirations of training to become a Green Beret, the nickname for the elite U.S. Army Special Forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I need some test or growth shit in my life,” Wenger texted Harris in February 2023, with Harris explaining on the witness stand that “test” is slang for testosterone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m tired of being lean bro,” Wenger texted. “I just want to be a fucking animal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You already are an animal,” Harris replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In opening statements, Assistant U.S. Attorney Eric Cheng called Wenger “a sworn police officer who agreed to distribute anabolic steroids to someone else, and when he got caught, he destroyed the evidence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger’s attorney, Dena Young, agreed in her opening statement that the trial was about a police officer who distributed steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037299 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But that’s not Mr. Wenger. That’s Daniel Harris,” Young said, adding that there was no evidence of Wenger possessing steroids. Wenger sat next to his attorney in court in a dark suit, sometimes nodding or shaking his head as people testified about his alleged involvement in the steroid conspiracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young pointed to Harris’ plea agreement with federal authorities, saying he has agreed to testify truthfully “in the eyes of the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His fate is in the hands of the government,” Young said, asking jurors to pay attention to inconsistencies in his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following opening statements, prosecutors called a slew of federal government employees, including\u003cbr>\nforensic chemists from the Drug Enforcement Administration in Pleasanton who testified that testing showed the substances seized were variations of anabolic steroids, which are Schedule 3 controlled substances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As prosecutors laid out their case against Wenger, they pointed to digital evidence, including text messages and Venmo records, which they say Wenger used to pay Harris for steroids. Harris replied with “GET HUGE BRO” after their first of only two transactions, the Venmo records showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after allegedly using the anabolic steroids, Wenger texted Harris: “Feeling juicy bro.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Signage on a large building reads A.F. Bray Courts Buidling.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The A.F. Bray Courthouse in Martinez on Aug. 25, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Welcome to the anabolic club!” Harris responded, later adding that the two should be quiet about it so that people at the Police Department didn’t find out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege that Wenger soon introduced Harris to Brendon Mahoney, another potential customer, in February 2022. “Wenger acted in the middle,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney, a medic with the U.S. Army’s Special Forces, testified to meeting Wenger at a Special Forces training in 2021 and subsequently becoming friends. Wenger told him about Harris because of the “line of work we’re in, it’s physically demanding,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was interested in purchasing testosterone,” Mahoney said. “Mr. Harris seemed like the individual who would facilitate that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney testified that he assumed payment and delivery of the testosterone would have “come through Devon,” but he never actually paid for or received anything from Wenger and had easily directly contacted Harris himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young asked Mahoney if he needed Wenger to buy steroids from Harris. “I don’t believe so,” Mahoney replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 1, 2022, federal law enforcement agents seized a Priority Mail package with a tracking number from the clandestine Florida lab, which a postal inspector testified was a fictitious business name tied to a single-family residence. The package was addressed to “Danny Moore” at Harris’ home in Discovery Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037346 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AntiochHousingDevelopmentGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one named Danny Moore lived at that address,” said Sukhdeep Singh, a postal inspector with the U.S. Postal Inspection Service, the law enforcement arm of the USPS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, it was meant for Harris, who was allegedly going to distribute them to Wenger, who would deliver them to Mahoney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, authorities searched Harris’ residence, finding drawers full of steroids, needles and other contraband. They seized his iPhone, which allegedly showed his text messages about steroid dealing with Wenger and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his questioning of Harris, Cheng asked him what oath he took as a police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laughing, Harris said, “To uphold the constitution and protect and serve the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you regret what you did? Cheng asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day,” Harris replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities soon went to Wenger’s home, where he hung up on them when they called his phone. Cheng said FBI agents texted with Wenger, who indicated he may have believed it was a potential scam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trying to give you a professional courtesy of a low profile,” Teak Wilson, then a crisis negotiator with the FBI in San Francisco, testified to texting Wenger that morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They texted for nearly an hour before Wenger agreed to meet agents at a nearby parking lot. Cheng said Wenger surrendered his phone, but he had already deleted relevant information, including text messages with Harris and his contact on the Venmo app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng told the court that the government intends to rest its case on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In the first day of the Oakland federal trial of Devon Wenger on charges of conspiring to distribute anabolic steroids, his former co-defendant took the stand to testify against him. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the first day of a former Antioch police officer’s federal trial on charges of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037299/former-antioch-cop-faces-drug-charges-in-second-conspiracy-trial\">conspiring to illegally distribute anabolic steroids\u003c/a>, his former co-defendant testified about selling the drugs to law enforcement in the East Bay and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After taking a plea deal with prosecutors, Daniel Harris took the stand Monday in an Oakland federal courtroom to testify against Devon Wenger, a fellow former Antioch officer who Harris called a friend and who sold him his Discovery Bay home before federal authorities descended upon it in March 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were among the more than a dozen officers implicated in several scandals unearthed within the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/antioch-police-department\">Antioch Police Department\u003c/a> over the following year, including allegations that a small group of officers — including Wenger — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">conspired to use excessive force on residents\u003c/a> without cause. That case against Wenger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">ended in a mistrial\u003c/a> last month, but he’s scheduled to be retried in that case later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his current trial, Wenger is charged with conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute anabolic steroids as well as destruction, alteration and falsification of records in a federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris testified Monday that he began using anabolic steroids to help recover from an injury, then later used them as he trained to be a competitive bodybuilder, all while on medical leave from the Antioch Police Department. He said he’d buy the steroids from “an underground lab” in Florida and distribute them to “clients” in other states, most of whom were former or current law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029718\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Antioch Police vehicle drives through Antioch on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People love the stuff I get from you so there are no complaints,” Harris testified to emailing his dealer, known as “True Shot Pharmaceuticals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people was allegedly Wenger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his time with Antioch police, Wenger had aspirations of training to become a Green Beret, the nickname for the elite U.S. Army Special Forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I need some test or growth shit in my life,” Wenger texted Harris in February 2023, with Harris explaining on the witness stand that “test” is slang for testosterone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m tired of being lean bro,” Wenger texted. “I just want to be a fucking animal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You already are an animal,” Harris replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In opening statements, Assistant U.S. Attorney Eric Cheng called Wenger “a sworn police officer who agreed to distribute anabolic steroids to someone else, and when he got caught, he destroyed the evidence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger’s attorney, Dena Young, agreed in her opening statement that the trial was about a police officer who distributed steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But that’s not Mr. Wenger. That’s Daniel Harris,” Young said, adding that there was no evidence of Wenger possessing steroids. Wenger sat next to his attorney in court in a dark suit, sometimes nodding or shaking his head as people testified about his alleged involvement in the steroid conspiracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young pointed to Harris’ plea agreement with federal authorities, saying he has agreed to testify truthfully “in the eyes of the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His fate is in the hands of the government,” Young said, asking jurors to pay attention to inconsistencies in his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following opening statements, prosecutors called a slew of federal government employees, including\u003cbr>\nforensic chemists from the Drug Enforcement Administration in Pleasanton who testified that testing showed the substances seized were variations of anabolic steroids, which are Schedule 3 controlled substances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As prosecutors laid out their case against Wenger, they pointed to digital evidence, including text messages and Venmo records, which they say Wenger used to pay Harris for steroids. Harris replied with “GET HUGE BRO” after their first of only two transactions, the Venmo records showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after allegedly using the anabolic steroids, Wenger texted Harris: “Feeling juicy bro.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Signage on a large building reads A.F. Bray Courts Buidling.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The A.F. Bray Courthouse in Martinez on Aug. 25, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Welcome to the anabolic club!” Harris responded, later adding that the two should be quiet about it so that people at the Police Department didn’t find out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege that Wenger soon introduced Harris to Brendon Mahoney, another potential customer, in February 2022. “Wenger acted in the middle,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney, a medic with the U.S. Army’s Special Forces, testified to meeting Wenger at a Special Forces training in 2021 and subsequently becoming friends. Wenger told him about Harris because of the “line of work we’re in, it’s physically demanding,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was interested in purchasing testosterone,” Mahoney said. “Mr. Harris seemed like the individual who would facilitate that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney testified that he assumed payment and delivery of the testosterone would have “come through Devon,” but he never actually paid for or received anything from Wenger and had easily directly contacted Harris himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young asked Mahoney if he needed Wenger to buy steroids from Harris. “I don’t believe so,” Mahoney replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 1, 2022, federal law enforcement agents seized a Priority Mail package with a tracking number from the clandestine Florida lab, which a postal inspector testified was a fictitious business name tied to a single-family residence. The package was addressed to “Danny Moore” at Harris’ home in Discovery Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one named Danny Moore lived at that address,” said Sukhdeep Singh, a postal inspector with the U.S. Postal Inspection Service, the law enforcement arm of the USPS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, it was meant for Harris, who was allegedly going to distribute them to Wenger, who would deliver them to Mahoney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, authorities searched Harris’ residence, finding drawers full of steroids, needles and other contraband. They seized his iPhone, which allegedly showed his text messages about steroid dealing with Wenger and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his questioning of Harris, Cheng asked him what oath he took as a police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laughing, Harris said, “To uphold the constitution and protect and serve the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you regret what you did? Cheng asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day,” Harris replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities soon went to Wenger’s home, where he hung up on them when they called his phone. Cheng said FBI agents texted with Wenger, who indicated he may have believed it was a potential scam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trying to give you a professional courtesy of a low profile,” Teak Wilson, then a crisis negotiator with the FBI in San Francisco, testified to texting Wenger that morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They texted for nearly an hour before Wenger agreed to meet agents at a nearby parking lot. Cheng said Wenger surrendered his phone, but he had already deleted relevant information, including text messages with Harris and his contact on the Venmo app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng told the court that the government intends to rest its case on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Former Antioch Cop Faces Drug Charges in Second Conspiracy Trial",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:36 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">former Antioch police officer\u003c/a> faces a federal criminal trial set to start Monday on charges he conspired with another officer to distribute steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege that Devon Christopher Wenger was part of a conspiracy to obtain and sell steroids with one-time co-defendant Daniel James Harris, who is expected to testify against Wenger as part of a plea deal with federal prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’ll be the second time this year that Wenger defends himself against conspiracy charges in an Oakland federal courtroom, after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029444/ex-antioch-officers-corruption-trial-begins\">previous case\u003c/a> alleging he and other officers repeatedly violated suspects’ civil rights \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">ended in a mistrial\u003c/a> for him last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The steroids case is the latest to reach a jury stemming from a widespread investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Contra Costa County District Attorney’s Office where authorities unearthed a trove of racist and misogynistic text messages shared among officers in Antioch and some in Pittsburg, which was first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958522/fbi-arrests-antioch-pittsburg-police-officers-following-indictments\">announced\u003c/a> in the late summer of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation determined that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946551/antiochs-racist-police-text-message-scandal-could-mean-dropped-charges-in-other-cases\">14 Antioch officers\u003c/a> — including Wenger and fellow former Antioch police officers Morteza Amiri and Eric Rombough — exchanged those texts. Some indicated violations of civil rights, and many included racist memes and derogatory messages about Black and Latino residents. While about half of the department’s officers received those messages, none reported them to superiors or outside authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent\" href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029719\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Antioch Police vehicle sits in the parking lot of the Antioch Police Department on March 3, 2025.The texts were discovered while the FBI was investigating members of the Antioch Police Department on accusations ranging from alleged civil rights violations to faking college degrees, along with the allegations of steroid distribution. A federal grand jury indicted \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/file/1310956/dl?inline\">10 Antioch and Pittsburg officers\u003c/a> for those crimes in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opening statements are scheduled Monday on charges against Wenger alleging conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute anabolic steroids as well as destruction, alteration and falsification of records in a federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/former-antioch-police-officer-found-guilty-deprivation-civil-rights-and-falsification\">Harris pleaded guilty\u003c/a> in September to conspiracy to distribute anabolic steroids, possession of anabolic steroids with the intent to distribute, and attempted possession of anabolic steroids with the intent to distribute, as well as bank fraud in another case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors expect Harris to testify that he purchased anabolic steroids from a source in Florida to use himself as well as distribute to other law enforcement officers, according to the government’s \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.416992/gov.uscourts.cand.416992.158.0.pdf\">trial brief\u003c/a>. Prosecutors allege Wenger was aware that Harris sold steroids and purchased some, later noting to Harris in a text that his “dad might want some too, he’s trying to cut fat and gain muscle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036413 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250417-LAWYER-SETTLEMENT-MD-04-KQED-KQED-11-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford law professor Robert Weisberg said it’s likely that the defense will play up the fact that Harris took a plea, but juries largely find police to be credible witnesses, especially if they’re persuasive on the witness stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cops may have more credibility even if they did something wrong, but it’s not a happy thing for a cop to testify against a cop,” Weisberg said. “It’s self-interested on Harris’ part, but that’s always true in these cases where the cooperator is self-interested. The fact is that there’s a blue wall, and if he’s willing to breach it, he may have more credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger also allegedly connected Harris to a friend with the initials B.M. to purchase steroids, but law enforcement intercepted that shipment in March 2022 as Wenger was allegedly trying to retrieve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 2, 2022, Wenger texted Harris and asked if he could “come by Monday or Sunday to pick up [B.M.’s] stuff?” according to the prosecution’s court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m leaving to Long Beach on Tuesday, so I’ll pick your stuff up from Dan on Monday or one of those days before I leave!” Wenger wrote to B.M. a minute later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fuck yeah!” B.M. responded. “LET’S GET FUCKING JACKEEEEEEEEEED.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that month, law enforcement agents in Weatherford, Texas, seized Harris’ iPhone. Soon, law enforcement seized Wenger’s phone. Prosecutors allege Wenger attempted to delete full message threads and phone call logs between Wenger, Harris and B.M. from his phone prior to handing it over to law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11958535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11958535\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of community members, families of police violence and activists joined a rally outside of the Antioch Police Department on April 18, 2023, to protest the racist and homophobic text messages shared among the department. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A forensic review was unable to retrieve any messages from Signal, an encrypted messaging service. Prosecutors say they’ll bring evidence to show Wenger “selectively deleted messages relevant to his purchase and distribution of anabolic steroids,” according to their trial brief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That brief also says while Wenger may argue that he had “a mere buyer-seller relationship with Harris,” the evidence they plan to present at trial shows that Wenger’s facilitating sales between his father and B.M. showed he had a “knowing participation in the conspiracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Attorney’s Office declined to comment ahead of the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During jury selection, Dena Marie Young, an attorney for Wenger, posed additional questions to potential jurors, including those with law enforcement experience, family members who were in law enforcement, and those who worked closely with law enforcement. Several of the questions centered around whether testimony from those in law enforcement should have more weight than others, because “they take an oath.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12029793 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/GettyImages-1459218231-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you open to the possibility that law enforcement officers might be mistaken, or even lie?” Young wrote in one set of potential questions. “Can you set aside your opinion and judge the testimony of law enforcement officers the same [as] any other witness?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/antioch-and-pittsburg-police-officers-and-employee-charged-various-crimes-ranging\">August 2023\u003c/a>, a federal grand jury also indicted Wenger — along with Amiri and Rombough — on charges of conspiracy against rights and deprivation of rights under color of law. Amiri and Wenger were each charged with one count of conspiracy “to injure, oppress, threaten, and intimidate residents of Antioch, California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Rombough pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy and two counts of deprivation of rights under the color of the law. As part of his plea deal with prosecutors, Rombough testified at trial last month that he and other Antioch officers used premeditated violence, failed to report uses of force and then falsified police reports to cover up those acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger faced one count of deprivation of rights under the color of law for a specific incident: the allegedly unreasonable use of a 40-millimeter impact launcher. But on the third day of trial, Judge Jeffrey S. White \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">announced a mistrial in Wenger’s case\u003c/a>, due to issues regarding Wenger’s representation by attorney Nicole Castronovo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029481\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029481\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The prosecution presents text messages on the first day of the federal trial against Morteza Amiri and Devon Christopher Wenger at the U.S. District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. Amiri and Wenger face charges that they conspired to severely injure suspects over a period of three years. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amiri’s trial continued without Wenger and the jury returned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031189/federal-trial-of-former-antioch-police-officer-ends-in-limited-split-verdict\">a split verdict\u003c/a> in mid-March, finding him guilty of violating one person’s rights and falsifying a police report but not on the more sweeping conspiracy allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The FBI remains committed to holding accountable any officer who violates their oath and deprives citizens of their constitutional rights,” FBI Special Agent in Charge Sanjay Virmani said in a statement following that trial. “The people of Antioch and communities everywhere deserve better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri is scheduled to be sentenced on June 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger is scheduled to be retried on the alleged violation of civil rights charges beginning on July 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Harris’ and Rombough’s plea deals are contingent on their cooperation and testimony, both are due back in court on Aug. 19, when Wenger’s two trials are expected to be completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>April 29: This story has been corrected to indicate that the Contra Costa County district attorney’s report from 2023 found officers exchanged texts including potential violations of civil rights, as well as messages that are racist.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Devon Wenger faces his second jury in an Oakland federal courtroom in as many months, this time on conspiracy to distribute steroids to fellow officers. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:36 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">former Antioch police officer\u003c/a> faces a federal criminal trial set to start Monday on charges he conspired with another officer to distribute steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege that Devon Christopher Wenger was part of a conspiracy to obtain and sell steroids with one-time co-defendant Daniel James Harris, who is expected to testify against Wenger as part of a plea deal with federal prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’ll be the second time this year that Wenger defends himself against conspiracy charges in an Oakland federal courtroom, after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029444/ex-antioch-officers-corruption-trial-begins\">previous case\u003c/a> alleging he and other officers repeatedly violated suspects’ civil rights \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">ended in a mistrial\u003c/a> for him last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The steroids case is the latest to reach a jury stemming from a widespread investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Contra Costa County District Attorney’s Office where authorities unearthed a trove of racist and misogynistic text messages shared among officers in Antioch and some in Pittsburg, which was first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958522/fbi-arrests-antioch-pittsburg-police-officers-following-indictments\">announced\u003c/a> in the late summer of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation determined that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946551/antiochs-racist-police-text-message-scandal-could-mean-dropped-charges-in-other-cases\">14 Antioch officers\u003c/a> — including Wenger and fellow former Antioch police officers Morteza Amiri and Eric Rombough — exchanged those texts. Some indicated violations of civil rights, and many included racist memes and derogatory messages about Black and Latino residents. While about half of the department’s officers received those messages, none reported them to superiors or outside authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent\" href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029719\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Antioch Police vehicle sits in the parking lot of the Antioch Police Department on March 3, 2025.The texts were discovered while the FBI was investigating members of the Antioch Police Department on accusations ranging from alleged civil rights violations to faking college degrees, along with the allegations of steroid distribution. A federal grand jury indicted \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/file/1310956/dl?inline\">10 Antioch and Pittsburg officers\u003c/a> for those crimes in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opening statements are scheduled Monday on charges against Wenger alleging conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute anabolic steroids as well as destruction, alteration and falsification of records in a federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/former-antioch-police-officer-found-guilty-deprivation-civil-rights-and-falsification\">Harris pleaded guilty\u003c/a> in September to conspiracy to distribute anabolic steroids, possession of anabolic steroids with the intent to distribute, and attempted possession of anabolic steroids with the intent to distribute, as well as bank fraud in another case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors expect Harris to testify that he purchased anabolic steroids from a source in Florida to use himself as well as distribute to other law enforcement officers, according to the government’s \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.416992/gov.uscourts.cand.416992.158.0.pdf\">trial brief\u003c/a>. Prosecutors allege Wenger was aware that Harris sold steroids and purchased some, later noting to Harris in a text that his “dad might want some too, he’s trying to cut fat and gain muscle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford law professor Robert Weisberg said it’s likely that the defense will play up the fact that Harris took a plea, but juries largely find police to be credible witnesses, especially if they’re persuasive on the witness stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cops may have more credibility even if they did something wrong, but it’s not a happy thing for a cop to testify against a cop,” Weisberg said. “It’s self-interested on Harris’ part, but that’s always true in these cases where the cooperator is self-interested. The fact is that there’s a blue wall, and if he’s willing to breach it, he may have more credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger also allegedly connected Harris to a friend with the initials B.M. to purchase steroids, but law enforcement intercepted that shipment in March 2022 as Wenger was allegedly trying to retrieve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 2, 2022, Wenger texted Harris and asked if he could “come by Monday or Sunday to pick up [B.M.’s] stuff?” according to the prosecution’s court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m leaving to Long Beach on Tuesday, so I’ll pick your stuff up from Dan on Monday or one of those days before I leave!” Wenger wrote to B.M. a minute later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fuck yeah!” B.M. responded. “LET’S GET FUCKING JACKEEEEEEEEEED.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that month, law enforcement agents in Weatherford, Texas, seized Harris’ iPhone. Soon, law enforcement seized Wenger’s phone. Prosecutors allege Wenger attempted to delete full message threads and phone call logs between Wenger, Harris and B.M. from his phone prior to handing it over to law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11958535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11958535\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of community members, families of police violence and activists joined a rally outside of the Antioch Police Department on April 18, 2023, to protest the racist and homophobic text messages shared among the department. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A forensic review was unable to retrieve any messages from Signal, an encrypted messaging service. Prosecutors say they’ll bring evidence to show Wenger “selectively deleted messages relevant to his purchase and distribution of anabolic steroids,” according to their trial brief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That brief also says while Wenger may argue that he had “a mere buyer-seller relationship with Harris,” the evidence they plan to present at trial shows that Wenger’s facilitating sales between his father and B.M. showed he had a “knowing participation in the conspiracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Attorney’s Office declined to comment ahead of the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During jury selection, Dena Marie Young, an attorney for Wenger, posed additional questions to potential jurors, including those with law enforcement experience, family members who were in law enforcement, and those who worked closely with law enforcement. Several of the questions centered around whether testimony from those in law enforcement should have more weight than others, because “they take an oath.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you open to the possibility that law enforcement officers might be mistaken, or even lie?” Young wrote in one set of potential questions. “Can you set aside your opinion and judge the testimony of law enforcement officers the same [as] any other witness?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/antioch-and-pittsburg-police-officers-and-employee-charged-various-crimes-ranging\">August 2023\u003c/a>, a federal grand jury also indicted Wenger — along with Amiri and Rombough — on charges of conspiracy against rights and deprivation of rights under color of law. Amiri and Wenger were each charged with one count of conspiracy “to injure, oppress, threaten, and intimidate residents of Antioch, California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Rombough pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy and two counts of deprivation of rights under the color of the law. As part of his plea deal with prosecutors, Rombough testified at trial last month that he and other Antioch officers used premeditated violence, failed to report uses of force and then falsified police reports to cover up those acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger faced one count of deprivation of rights under the color of law for a specific incident: the allegedly unreasonable use of a 40-millimeter impact launcher. But on the third day of trial, Judge Jeffrey S. White \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">announced a mistrial in Wenger’s case\u003c/a>, due to issues regarding Wenger’s representation by attorney Nicole Castronovo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029481\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029481\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The prosecution presents text messages on the first day of the federal trial against Morteza Amiri and Devon Christopher Wenger at the U.S. District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. Amiri and Wenger face charges that they conspired to severely injure suspects over a period of three years. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amiri’s trial continued without Wenger and the jury returned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031189/federal-trial-of-former-antioch-police-officer-ends-in-limited-split-verdict\">a split verdict\u003c/a> in mid-March, finding him guilty of violating one person’s rights and falsifying a police report but not on the more sweeping conspiracy allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The FBI remains committed to holding accountable any officer who violates their oath and deprives citizens of their constitutional rights,” FBI Special Agent in Charge Sanjay Virmani said in a statement following that trial. “The people of Antioch and communities everywhere deserve better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri is scheduled to be sentenced on June 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger is scheduled to be retried on the alleged violation of civil rights charges beginning on July 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Harris’ and Rombough’s plea deals are contingent on their cooperation and testimony, both are due back in court on Aug. 19, when Wenger’s two trials are expected to be completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>April 29: This story has been corrected to indicate that the Contra Costa County district attorney’s report from 2023 found officers exchanged texts including potential violations of civil rights, as well as messages that are racist.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "bridging-hope-gap-californias-opportunity-reparative-justice",
"title": "Bridging the Hope Gap: California’s Opportunity for Reparative Justice",
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"headTitle": "Bridging the Hope Gap: California’s Opportunity for Reparative Justice | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Reparative movements have a hope problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a> — a solidarity and action hub that braids narratives and grows movements for reparative and redistributive policy — call the distance between support for a movement and belief in its feasibility the “hope gap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/63e94c8ea475597f7bbc51e7/t/68094609b33fd33efecc6407/1745438229721/Fabric+of+Repair_LONG_2025.pdf\">New research published last week\u003c/a> by BLIS Collective shows that it’s one thing to believe reparative movements — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparations for Black people\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/education/535779/land-back-the-indigenous-fight-to-reclaim-stolen-lands\">Land Back for Indigenous people\u003c/a> — should happen, and another thing altogether to believe that they can happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And to be clear, in order for this country to live up to its stated ideals of democracy, both must happen. America was founded on stolen land and labor — on the exploitation of Indigenous and Black bodies. Repair for these dual original sins is the only way for this country to realize its stated values and ensure freedom and liberation for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While 76% of surveyed Black respondents support reparations and 80% of Indigenous respondents support Land Back, only about 20% believe such policies are actually achievable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the first state to establish both a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/members\">reparations task force\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://tribalaffairs.ca.gov/cthc/\">truth and healing council for Native Californians\u003c/a>, the ground is fertile for helping close this hope gap. In 2020, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 3121, creating the California Reparations Task Force to study and develop proposals for potential reparations for descendants of enslaved people and those impacted by slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12028920 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exhibit What Are Reparations, a bilingual zine and art installation by Katie Quan, at the Edge on the Square gallery in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on Feb. 19, 2025. The installation explores the ongoing debate about reparations for Black communities in San Francisco, particularly within the context of systemic injustices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This task force released its final recommendations in 2023, including proposals for financial compensation for housing discrimination, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">the creation of a dedicated state agency\u003c/a> to implement reparations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">formal apologies for historical injustices\u003c/a> and educational reforms to accurately teach Black history in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Newsom established the Truth and Healing Council to clarify the historical record of the state’s relationship with California Native Americans and provide recommendations on reparative policies by 2025. This dual-track approach to addressing historical injustices offers California a rare chance to show the nation that repair is not just theoretical — it’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why the hope gap matters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Support for a movement alone won’t activate people to participate, engage or advocate without also having the belief that meaningful change is possible. Active engagement from supporters is the only way to grow a movement and ensure its success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the hope gap isn’t just about pessimism, it reflects generations of oppression, historic disenfranchisement, broken promises and eroded trust in government institutions. When only 21.5% of Black respondents and 19.1% of Indigenous respondents believe reparative policies are feasible, we face a fundamental challenge that goes beyond building support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We need to rebuild public belief in what’s possible. In a society that continues to breed apathy and despair, addressing the hope gap for a reparative and liberated future is the project of our generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Research insights: The power of braided narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The hope gap findings emerged from our national study, which tested the impact of a “braided narrative” \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@garrisonhayes/video/7412648697215061294?is_from_webapp=1&web_id=7429881490349934122\">video\u003c/a>, which illustrated how the histories and solutions for Black and Indigenous communities are inherently intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strengthening solidarity between communities could be a powerful strategy for narrowing the hope gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11891757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/1920_GettyImages-859129098-scaled-e1745610765619.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a T-shirt saying \"You Are on Indian Land\" and wearing two long braids with white ribbons stands amid a crowd.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dancers from Anahuacalmecac International University Preparatory of North America prepare to dance on Hollywood Boulevard during an event celebrating Indigenous Peoples Day, Oct. 8, 2017, in the Hollywood section of Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The survey results demonstrate that we can successfully increase support and solidarity by highlighting the interconnectedness of the reparations and Land Back movements. Solidarity matters for several important reasons: It broadens the base of support for each movement, helps overcome the historical divisions intentionally sown between these communities by the U.S. government and ensures that victories for one community can spark momentum and hope for the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our data show that Black and Indigenous communities are already primed for solidarity, with 68% of Black respondents supporting Land Back and 51% of Indigenous respondents supporting reparations. The braided narrative approach further strengthened cross-movement support, particularly among Democrats in both groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s encouraging that the majority of both groups support one another at baseline, and even more so that a brief exposure to a solidarity narrative can boost cross-movement support. This should serve as evidence for a scaled solidarity narrative rooted in the truth about the nation’s founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The spillover effect: How movements strengthen each other\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The study also revealed an important narrative spillover effect: When Black viewers watched content about reparations, their support for Land Back increased, even without content related to it. Similarly, Indigenous viewers who watched content about Land Back showed increased support for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This suggests that hearing about progress for one movement can boost support for the other. While these movements have distinct and rich histories, both communities recognize that Land Back and reparations are linked and that justice for both populations is interconnected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bakari Olatunji, Western Regional Party Representative of the African People’s Socialist Party, speaks during a rally for reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another promising approach to addressing the hope gap is to publicly highlight evidence of past and current successes for reparative movements. History shows that local wins, even when they seem small, can create powerful precedents that fuel hope and transform what people believe is possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider how marriage equality spread across the United States. In 2004, Massachusetts became the first state to legalize same-sex marriage, a decision that seemed impossibly radical to many at the time. That single, state-level victory created a tangible example that advocates could point to, gradually shifting public opinion and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11911275/supreme-court-ruling-clears-way-for-release-of-footage-from-landmark-trial-that-legalized-same-sex-marriage-in-california\">inspiring other states to follow\u003c/a>, including California.[aside postID=news_12036599 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-10-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']What once seemed unattainable became reality nationwide just 11 years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, the municipal reparations program in Evanston, Illinois, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13921493/erika-alexander-reparations-the-big-payback\">provides a powerful contemporary example\u003c/a>. When Evanston approved the first government reparations program for Black residents in 2021, it created a concrete precedent that advocates across the country could reference. This local policy breakthrough has inspired similar efforts in dozens of municipalities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101894622/whats-next-for-san-franciscos-slavery-reparations-plan\">from Providence to San Francisco\u003c/a>, showing how quickly “impossible” can become “inevitable” once the first domino falls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Minnesota offers a model for transferring a state park to tribal communities, with the state Legislature voting in 2023 to transfer Upper Sioux Agency State Park to a Dakota tribe as a form of repair for the violent acts preceding and during the U.S.-Dakota War of 1862.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that while this case offers a strong model, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956856/how-a-coast-miwok-group-are-buying-back-a-piece-of-their-ancestral-land-in-marin\">California’s Land Back strategy\u003c/a> will require significant intention and tact, given the state’s more than 100 federally recognized tribes and dozens fighting for federal recognition, creating a unique landscape for this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These historical patterns highlight why publicizing successes is important: Precedent breeds hope, which fuels movements that transform society.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A blueprint for building hope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is uniquely positioned to leverage both approaches to make a real impact on the hope gap across the nation. The dual processes of the California Reparations Task Force and Truth and Healing Council offer an opportunity for key communicators and leaders to present them as part of the same reparative project — to braid their narratives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our study shows this approach can effectively strengthen solidarity between Black and Indigenous communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Second, there is a significant opportunity to showcase the work of the reparations task force and the ongoing efforts of the Truth and Healing Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the reparations task force is no longer active, former members continue to advocate for the policies outlined in the final report. Greater communication about the successes and processes of each commission can show that repair is not just a theoretical concept, but that active steps have been taken in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California should actively build support while directly addressing skepticism about feasibility through evidence-based storytelling. This means:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>Amplifying every concrete win across both commissions, no matter how small\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Connecting current achievements to longer-term goals\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Using a braided narrative approach that highlights how these efforts are fundamentally related and can support each other.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>The communication efforts should center trusted voices from California’s Black and Indigenous communities — and must be persistent. Closing a hope gap of more than 80 percentage points will require sustained effort over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From hope to action: Creating pathways for participation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While government commissions are essential, closing the hope gap requires a broader ecosystem of actors demonstrating progress and providing infrastructure for sustained solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California shows that change is possible through commissions, it must simultaneously create meaningful ways for people to participate. When people begin to believe that reparative policies are achievable, they’re more likely to engage — but only if there are clear opportunities to contribute.[aside postID=news_11966087 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231002-TULUWAT-ISLAND-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']By creating community engagement mechanisms, supporting local initiatives and establishing educational programs that build public understanding, California can transform growing hope into concrete action. There is also an opportunity to uplift community-led initiatives that are already advancing reparations and Land Back in big and small ways across the state, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://sogoreate-landtrust.org\">Sogorea Te’ Land Trust\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.santamonica.gov/topic-explainers/landback-reparations\">Santa Monica Landback and Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">the Section 14 settlement in Palm Springs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a historic opportunity to show that reparative justice is achievable. By building visible wins, fostering cross-movement solidarity and creating pathways for participation, the state can establish a national model that shows how we move from acknowledging historical harms to actually repairing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This work isn’t just about policy — it’s about healing generations of justified skepticism and creating a foundation for true liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Camilla Griffiths, Ph.D., is a behavioral scientist and the director of applied narrative research at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Reparative movements have a hope problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a> — a solidarity and action hub that braids narratives and grows movements for reparative and redistributive policy — call the distance between support for a movement and belief in its feasibility the “hope gap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/63e94c8ea475597f7bbc51e7/t/68094609b33fd33efecc6407/1745438229721/Fabric+of+Repair_LONG_2025.pdf\">New research published last week\u003c/a> by BLIS Collective shows that it’s one thing to believe reparative movements — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparations for Black people\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/education/535779/land-back-the-indigenous-fight-to-reclaim-stolen-lands\">Land Back for Indigenous people\u003c/a> — should happen, and another thing altogether to believe that they can happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And to be clear, in order for this country to live up to its stated ideals of democracy, both must happen. America was founded on stolen land and labor — on the exploitation of Indigenous and Black bodies. Repair for these dual original sins is the only way for this country to realize its stated values and ensure freedom and liberation for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While 76% of surveyed Black respondents support reparations and 80% of Indigenous respondents support Land Back, only about 20% believe such policies are actually achievable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the first state to establish both a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/members\">reparations task force\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://tribalaffairs.ca.gov/cthc/\">truth and healing council for Native Californians\u003c/a>, the ground is fertile for helping close this hope gap. In 2020, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 3121, creating the California Reparations Task Force to study and develop proposals for potential reparations for descendants of enslaved people and those impacted by slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12028920 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exhibit What Are Reparations, a bilingual zine and art installation by Katie Quan, at the Edge on the Square gallery in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on Feb. 19, 2025. The installation explores the ongoing debate about reparations for Black communities in San Francisco, particularly within the context of systemic injustices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This task force released its final recommendations in 2023, including proposals for financial compensation for housing discrimination, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">the creation of a dedicated state agency\u003c/a> to implement reparations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">formal apologies for historical injustices\u003c/a> and educational reforms to accurately teach Black history in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Newsom established the Truth and Healing Council to clarify the historical record of the state’s relationship with California Native Americans and provide recommendations on reparative policies by 2025. This dual-track approach to addressing historical injustices offers California a rare chance to show the nation that repair is not just theoretical — it’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why the hope gap matters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Support for a movement alone won’t activate people to participate, engage or advocate without also having the belief that meaningful change is possible. Active engagement from supporters is the only way to grow a movement and ensure its success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the hope gap isn’t just about pessimism, it reflects generations of oppression, historic disenfranchisement, broken promises and eroded trust in government institutions. When only 21.5% of Black respondents and 19.1% of Indigenous respondents believe reparative policies are feasible, we face a fundamental challenge that goes beyond building support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We need to rebuild public belief in what’s possible. In a society that continues to breed apathy and despair, addressing the hope gap for a reparative and liberated future is the project of our generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Research insights: The power of braided narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The hope gap findings emerged from our national study, which tested the impact of a “braided narrative” \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@garrisonhayes/video/7412648697215061294?is_from_webapp=1&web_id=7429881490349934122\">video\u003c/a>, which illustrated how the histories and solutions for Black and Indigenous communities are inherently intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strengthening solidarity between communities could be a powerful strategy for narrowing the hope gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11891757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/1920_GettyImages-859129098-scaled-e1745610765619.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a T-shirt saying \"You Are on Indian Land\" and wearing two long braids with white ribbons stands amid a crowd.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dancers from Anahuacalmecac International University Preparatory of North America prepare to dance on Hollywood Boulevard during an event celebrating Indigenous Peoples Day, Oct. 8, 2017, in the Hollywood section of Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The survey results demonstrate that we can successfully increase support and solidarity by highlighting the interconnectedness of the reparations and Land Back movements. Solidarity matters for several important reasons: It broadens the base of support for each movement, helps overcome the historical divisions intentionally sown between these communities by the U.S. government and ensures that victories for one community can spark momentum and hope for the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our data show that Black and Indigenous communities are already primed for solidarity, with 68% of Black respondents supporting Land Back and 51% of Indigenous respondents supporting reparations. The braided narrative approach further strengthened cross-movement support, particularly among Democrats in both groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s encouraging that the majority of both groups support one another at baseline, and even more so that a brief exposure to a solidarity narrative can boost cross-movement support. This should serve as evidence for a scaled solidarity narrative rooted in the truth about the nation’s founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The spillover effect: How movements strengthen each other\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The study also revealed an important narrative spillover effect: When Black viewers watched content about reparations, their support for Land Back increased, even without content related to it. Similarly, Indigenous viewers who watched content about Land Back showed increased support for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This suggests that hearing about progress for one movement can boost support for the other. While these movements have distinct and rich histories, both communities recognize that Land Back and reparations are linked and that justice for both populations is interconnected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bakari Olatunji, Western Regional Party Representative of the African People’s Socialist Party, speaks during a rally for reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another promising approach to addressing the hope gap is to publicly highlight evidence of past and current successes for reparative movements. History shows that local wins, even when they seem small, can create powerful precedents that fuel hope and transform what people believe is possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider how marriage equality spread across the United States. In 2004, Massachusetts became the first state to legalize same-sex marriage, a decision that seemed impossibly radical to many at the time. That single, state-level victory created a tangible example that advocates could point to, gradually shifting public opinion and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11911275/supreme-court-ruling-clears-way-for-release-of-footage-from-landmark-trial-that-legalized-same-sex-marriage-in-california\">inspiring other states to follow\u003c/a>, including California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What once seemed unattainable became reality nationwide just 11 years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, the municipal reparations program in Evanston, Illinois, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13921493/erika-alexander-reparations-the-big-payback\">provides a powerful contemporary example\u003c/a>. When Evanston approved the first government reparations program for Black residents in 2021, it created a concrete precedent that advocates across the country could reference. This local policy breakthrough has inspired similar efforts in dozens of municipalities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101894622/whats-next-for-san-franciscos-slavery-reparations-plan\">from Providence to San Francisco\u003c/a>, showing how quickly “impossible” can become “inevitable” once the first domino falls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Minnesota offers a model for transferring a state park to tribal communities, with the state Legislature voting in 2023 to transfer Upper Sioux Agency State Park to a Dakota tribe as a form of repair for the violent acts preceding and during the U.S.-Dakota War of 1862.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that while this case offers a strong model, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956856/how-a-coast-miwok-group-are-buying-back-a-piece-of-their-ancestral-land-in-marin\">California’s Land Back strategy\u003c/a> will require significant intention and tact, given the state’s more than 100 federally recognized tribes and dozens fighting for federal recognition, creating a unique landscape for this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These historical patterns highlight why publicizing successes is important: Precedent breeds hope, which fuels movements that transform society.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A blueprint for building hope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is uniquely positioned to leverage both approaches to make a real impact on the hope gap across the nation. The dual processes of the California Reparations Task Force and Truth and Healing Council offer an opportunity for key communicators and leaders to present them as part of the same reparative project — to braid their narratives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our study shows this approach can effectively strengthen solidarity between Black and Indigenous communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Second, there is a significant opportunity to showcase the work of the reparations task force and the ongoing efforts of the Truth and Healing Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the reparations task force is no longer active, former members continue to advocate for the policies outlined in the final report. Greater communication about the successes and processes of each commission can show that repair is not just a theoretical concept, but that active steps have been taken in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California should actively build support while directly addressing skepticism about feasibility through evidence-based storytelling. This means:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>Amplifying every concrete win across both commissions, no matter how small\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Connecting current achievements to longer-term goals\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Using a braided narrative approach that highlights how these efforts are fundamentally related and can support each other.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>The communication efforts should center trusted voices from California’s Black and Indigenous communities — and must be persistent. Closing a hope gap of more than 80 percentage points will require sustained effort over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From hope to action: Creating pathways for participation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While government commissions are essential, closing the hope gap requires a broader ecosystem of actors demonstrating progress and providing infrastructure for sustained solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California shows that change is possible through commissions, it must simultaneously create meaningful ways for people to participate. When people begin to believe that reparative policies are achievable, they’re more likely to engage — but only if there are clear opportunities to contribute.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>By creating community engagement mechanisms, supporting local initiatives and establishing educational programs that build public understanding, California can transform growing hope into concrete action. There is also an opportunity to uplift community-led initiatives that are already advancing reparations and Land Back in big and small ways across the state, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://sogoreate-landtrust.org\">Sogorea Te’ Land Trust\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.santamonica.gov/topic-explainers/landback-reparations\">Santa Monica Landback and Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">the Section 14 settlement in Palm Springs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a historic opportunity to show that reparative justice is achievable. By building visible wins, fostering cross-movement solidarity and creating pathways for participation, the state can establish a national model that shows how we move from acknowledging historical harms to actually repairing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This work isn’t just about policy — it’s about healing generations of justified skepticism and creating a foundation for true liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Camilla Griffiths, Ph.D., is a behavioral scientist and the director of applied narrative research at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "‘Beginning of Our Identity’: How San José Became Home for Betty Duong and Vietnamese Americans",
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"headTitle": "‘Beginning of Our Identity’: How San José Became Home for Betty Duong and Vietnamese Americans | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017754/meet-betty-duong-santa-clara-countys-first-vietnamese-american-supervisor\">Betty Duong\u003c/a> said that everyone she speaks with in her Vietnamese American community has a different feeling about April 30, 1975, when American soldiers pulled out of South Vietnam and the war officially ended. But they all agree on its significance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just two years after that day, Duong’s recently married mother fled Vietnam in the middle of the night with her husband on a fishing boat packed with people. She watched helplessly as her brother, who was on board a different vessel, was captured by pirates. Their survival was uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still a very painful part of time in their lives, that I don’t know if they’ve completely gotten past or processed fully,” Duong, 44, said of her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her parents’ generation, that day marks the loss of their home country and a day of mourning. Duong’s peers see it somewhat differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I talk to my second-generation colleagues and counterparts, they say it was the beginning of our identity as a diaspora,” she said. “It’s how we end up here in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Duong stands as an example of the growth and influence of the Vietnamese American diaspora in San José. Beginning with the arrival of tens of thousands of refugees in the years after the war, the community has grown, along with its political power, spurred by a need for cultural understanding and by critical events, like the police killing of a Vietnamese American mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034774\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12034774 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Betty Duong holding her daughter, Harper, and her marriage photo with her husband, Khai, are displayed in her office at the Santa Clara County Administration Building in San José on April 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Duong grew up in the city and attended local schools before going on to UC Berkeley and Davis. After graduating, she became an attorney and then began work in the public sector for the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, she became the first Vietnamese American elected to the office of Santa Clara County Supervisor. Her success, some say, is rooted in her ability to connect with varied voting groups, developed through her own upbringing in the community and her reliance on public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong was born in San José after her parents arrived here with the help of Santa Clara County’s refugee resettlement program; her uncle, after escaping from the pirates, eventually ended up in Australia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She learned English in school, picking it up faster than her parents, and she often found herself translating for them at parent-teacher conferences, medical appointments and the DMV, an experience children of many immigrants and refugees are familiar with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037737\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037737 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"508\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1-160x203.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong as a baby, being held by her father, Thông Dương, and her sister, Kathy, being held by her mother, Ngọc Từ, outside of San José State University. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This was also during the time when police officers and first responders didn’t have a language line or language access, so when 911 was called, I was also volunteered to help translate these very serious situations,” Duong said, something she feels a child should never have to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in Section 8 housing in downtown San José, Duong thought the whole world looked like the five-block radius around her, made up largely of Vietnamese and Latino families, with doors left open all day in the warmer months for lack of air conditioning. Many families were reliant on county services to help make ends meet, put food on the table and access medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong sings the praises of the county for welcoming Vietnamese refugees with open arms and offering support to her family at a critical time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, her work in public service has been shaped by her family’s experience with poorly implemented or culturally insensitive safety net programs that didn’t consider the different ways people might need assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It always kind of fell short, and it always added a sense of chaos to the world,” she said of the services she received. “It was always somebody else’s call what we were going to eat, how we were going to eat, where we were going to live, how are we going to live and what that entailed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Vietnamese American culture helps define San José and the region, and politicians have understood for many years the value of the group as a coveted voting bloc. About 122,000 residents identify as Vietnamese American, representing more than 10% of the city’s population, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Vietnamese Americans had to make major strides to overcome ignorance, racism, systemic exclusion and cultural and language access barriers along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>“We weren’t wanted”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Duong was growing up, her family experienced blunt racism and bigotry, with people directing slurs at her parents, or telling her father to learn English or go back to his country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vietnamese refugees arrived in America at a fraught time. The country was in an economic recession, and the war itself was causing division, according to Hien Duc Do, a professor of sociology and Asian American studies at San José State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037728\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037728 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1072\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2.jpeg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-800x536.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-1020x683.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-1536x1029.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong as a toddler with her mom, Ngọc Từ, standing outside an apartment complex on South Fifth Street where they lived at the time, across from San José State University. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There were people who were happy with the refugees. There were people who weren’t happy with refugees,” said Do, who has written extensively about Vietnamese Americans. “ You have about 100,000 people or so coming from a war-torn country and a lot of them came literally without anything but the clothes on their backs. So for them, it was a very traumatic experience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Gerald Ford, in his attempt to avoid “ghettoism,” ordered the initial waves of refugees from Vietnam to be dispersed into different areas in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do said that broke apart networks of extended families and people who had come to know each other in refugee camps, making it harder for them to find stability. Ford’s plan didn’t last long, as groups of refugees eventually coalesced around warm weather areas such as Orange County, the Bay Area, and Texas, according to the Immigration Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are all these laws that were passed against people like us when we first came, because we weren’t wanted, in the same way that every community had gone through that,” Do said. “And sometimes people tend to forget that. Sometimes, success breeds this idea that America is this land of meritocracy, it’s this open society, when in fact it is not. It could be, but it’s not quite there yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Government cheese\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Duong recalls how she and other low-income families received so-called “government cheese” from food banks. “But for a population that’s like 90% lactose intolerant, that was just not a viable option,” Duong said of her family and other Vietnamese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s just one example of the sometimes ham-fisted approaches to public welfare that she experienced growing up. She learned that building effective safety net programs requires collective input and designing empathetically for the unique needs of people with different backgrounds and experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037745\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2184px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037745 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2184\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2.jpg 2184w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-800x563.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1020x717.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1536x1080.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-2048x1440.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1920x1350.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2184px) 100vw, 2184px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong’s parents, Thông Dương and Ngọc Từ, seen in front of the old Hammer Theater in San José. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To receive health care, her mother often had to make elaborate public transit plans, seeing a primary doctor in one area of San José and then being sent to see a specialist across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wasn’t alone. Decades later, a 2012 county study showed that Vietnamese Americans still faced physical and mental health challenges, as well as intergenerational conflict and difficulty in navigating county services, according to the county.[aside postID=news_12017754 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Betty-and-Community-Member-1020x680.jpg']To help address those needs, former Santa Clara County Supervisors Dave Cortese and Cindy Chavez, for whom Duong served as chief of staff, helped spearhead the opening of the Vietnamese American Services Center in 2021 on Senter Road, close to Vietnamese American neighborhoods and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center is meant to be a one-stop shop, with culturally competent services for mental and behavioral health, a general health center, dental clinic, pharmacy, social services and nutrition programs for older adults. Duong was the project’s lead for the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why does it take this long for us to have this?” Duong said of equitable services and centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There needs to be more Vietnamese representation. There needs to be more Latino representation. There needs to be more South Asian representation. Our elected bodies don’t look like our communities yet, quite yet,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Duong and so much of the Vietnamese American community, the need for that representation became more urgent about two decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Police killing of Bich Cau Thi Tran\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the summer of 2003, Duong was attending De Anza College when she, like many others in the community, was shaken by the fatal police shooting of a Vietnamese American woman who was experiencing a mental health crisis in her San José home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bich Cau Thi Tran was a small woman weighing less than 100 pounds, and a mother of two young boys who struggled with her mental health. She was killed by San José Police Officer Chad Marshall when he responded to a call about a domestic concern at Tran’s apartment in the Northside neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tran was holding a Vietnamese-style vegetable peeler, known as a dao bào. Marshall said later he thought it was a knife, and he thought she was going to kill him. Seconds after confronting Tran, he shot her in the chest, and she died on her kitchen floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034770\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12034770 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong, Santa Clara County Supervisor, speaks to KQED reporter Joseph Geha for an interview at the Santa Clara County Administration Building in San José on April 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When the story first broke, we were hearing on TV that this woman attacked the officer with a butcher knife,” Duong said. It was only through testimony in a rare open grand jury proceeding that more details were revealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then, when we saw that it was the same vegetable peeler that’s in every single Asian household … it was just really heartbreaking,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The killing touched off protests, marches and a reckoning within the community about how police treat residents in American communities. It helped propel Madison Nguyen into a San José City Council seat in 2005, becoming the first Vietnamese American person elected in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tam Nguyen, a 45-year resident of San José, attorney and former council member, said before Tran’s killing, the Vietnamese American community was less engaged in local politics, and often treated as an afterthought by power brokers and the establishment in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because we were poor, we were busy earning a living, we didn’t know about politics or civic engagement. So out of ignorance, out of economic and cultural disadvantage, and also because of the system and how it was designed, to keep Asian people quiet,” Nguyen said. “That was the mentality, and how things were going during the 80s and 90s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1804px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037760 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1804\" height=\"1145\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497.jpg 1804w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-800x508.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-1536x975.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1804px) 100vw, 1804px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters marched to the civic center about a mile away from Bich Cau Thi Tran’s home. The Vietnamese community and others from around the Santa Clara Valley turned out in force for a vigil and march on City Hall on July 16, 2003, in San José to denounce the fatal police shooting of the single mother. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He recalls being on Mayor Tom McEnery’s Advisory Group on Minority Affairs, which amounted to monthly meetings where the mayor told the group things were going well, but didn’t seek their input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, Nguyen said the community began clamoring about the lack of Vietnamese American representation on the city council and in city staffing ranks, and the lack of a clear path to apply for city contracts or grants. In response, a city hall emissary was sent to tell the community they were being heard, but not to “burden yourself” by putting up a Vietnamese American candidate for office, and not to confuse “equal rights for equal representation,” Nguyen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always been that things don’t change until people speak out, get together and act with their votes,” he said. Tran’s killing “woke people up, that we need to stand up, we need to raise our voice, we need to get our act together, get our votes together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Konda, the executive director of the Asian Law Alliance, also helped form the Coalition for Justice and Accountability in the wake of Tran’s killing, calling for greater cultural sensitivity in San José’s policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konda said the shooting shifted the sole focus of many in the Vietnamese American community in San José away from the issues in their home country, which were still looming large in the collective consciousness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037773\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flags at City Hall in San José, California, on Aug. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For many of them, they weren’t really looking inward in terms of the politics of local or state government,” Konda said. “This may have been, I don’t know if you want to call it a triggering point, but something that maybe caused some people to kind of think about, ‘Hey, we need to maybe get more involved locally.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong called Tran’s death a “defining moment” for herself and her community, and she still becomes emotional when speaking about her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Tran’s killing — that was the first time that we were faced with this reality that, as a whole, as a community, it was really undeniable at that point that there is a problem, a challenge. There is a rift between police and community in this country,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong, who translated for her community in police interactions as a child, said those experiences inspired her to help develop language access policies in 2014. The county built on that, establishing a dedicated language access unit in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said it was a rare moment that she and her father saw eye to eye on law enforcement during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad has been very, very, very pro-police, very pro-law and order,” Duong said. However, as more details emerged about the killing, “he and I really agreed that significant missteps, inherent biases, camouflaged racism — these were all at play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More representation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since then, the community has grown in power and influence, and for decades now, politicians and city and county officials have courted Vietnamese American voters. They often show up to celebrations or events near the Grand Century Mall and the Vietnam Town shopping center in Little Saigon to talk with residents. Some wear traditional Vietnamese clothing known as an ao dai, or carry the flag of South Vietnam, and learn short phrases in Vietnamese to show solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having a seat at the table is a recent accomplishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only five Vietnamese Americans have been elected to the San José City Council in 50 years, and Duong is the first to become a county supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037727 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Duong family at Betty Duong’s Santa Clara County Supervisor swearing-in ceremony in January 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Do, the San José State professor, credits Duong’s election victory to her ability to appeal to the common humanity across many different constituencies, not just Vietnamese Americans, which he said represents a maturation for politicians from the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was able to build this coalition that she’s not only seen as this great, amazing, young politician, but one that really understands how to work the system to benefit all of us, not just her own Vietnamese American community, because that would not have been enough to elect her,” he said. “She really can bridge a lot of these amazing stories from different communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Looking forward, looking back\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This year marks half a century as a Vietnamese American community for so many in San José. As the culture continues to change, newer generations keep the memories and feelings of their elders close at heart, but also hold different concerns, like how to best honor the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong, like so many Vietnamese Americans, said she faces a “constant negotiation” about how to share her Vietnamese American identity with her young, third-generation daughter, and what to reinforce and what to let go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Betty-and-Community-Member-scaled-e1745619585830.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong won the election to represent Santa Clara County’s District 2, which includes San José, Alum Rock and the East Foothills. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Our ancestors, our heritage, why we eat certain foods, why we do certain things, our cultural traditions and ceremonies — that originated in a country called Vietnam,” she said, as she tells her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that my daughter will learn as much as possible, know as much as I do about her grandparents’ journey to America and how that translates to why we need to take care of each other in community,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do noted that over the decades, as groups hold annual remembrances for the Fall of Saigon, there has at times been tension between the generations, or a disconnect about what they experienced. He attributed that to a lack of education in American schools about the war, and that elders may sometimes be hesitant to share details about their trauma, guilt and memories because they want to protect youth from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So many Vietnamese refugees who ended up in San José were forced to start over professionally, facing major setbacks. Even if they were business professionals, educators or high-ranking military officers in Vietnam, in America, some had to learn new skills to become engineers or assembly line workers, others became janitors and dishwashers, while some opened restaurants and grocery stores, some of which proliferated widely, like Lee’s Sandwiches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remembrances are important, especially for older generations, “to renew their friendship, to be in community together, to eat together, to cry together, to just to be in a space where they don’t have to explain to people how and why they feel the way that they feel,” Do said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11299999\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11299999\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pulitzer Prize-winning author Viet Thanh Nguyen signs copies of his new collection of short stories, “The Refugees.” Nguyen came to the United States with his family as a refugee from Vietnam after the end of the Vietnam War in 1975. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Viet Thanh Nguyen, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author and professor who grew up in San José after fleeing Vietnam with his parents at a young age, also spoke of the difficulties Vietnamese Americans face in trying to ensure younger generations know the history of their elders and the war, while allowing them enough freedom from horrific experiences to create their own paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He drew inspiration from the conclusion of Toni Morrison’s novel about slavery, Beloved, in which she wrote, “This is not a story to pass on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a story that we should avoid, but it’s also not a story that we should pass on to another generation. These two things are contradictory, but they exist simultaneously because we haven’t escaped from history yet,” Nguyen said. “And I think that’s true for the Vietnam War. It’s something that we should remember, but it’s also something that we shouldn’t pass on. How do we do that?” he said. “That’s a balancing act that I think is part of our challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is undeniable is the growth of the Vietnamese American community in Santa Clara County in political and cultural prominence, which may have been tough to see in the beginning years after the Fall of Saigon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From my childhood to my adulthood, something shifted at some point where now we were welcomed,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s night and day. I wish I could go back and tell my younger self that this world gets better, it changes. This life becomes more integrated and surrounded with joy and you would be proud to be Vietnamese American,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Half a century removed from the Fall of Saigon, Vietnamese American culture is woven into the fabric of San José. However, the group faced a rocky path in the South Bay as it grew in influence and political power. ",
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"title": "‘Beginning of Our Identity’: How San José Became Home for Betty Duong and Vietnamese Americans | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her parents’ generation, that day marks the loss of their home country and a day of mourning. Duong’s peers see it somewhat differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I talk to my second-generation colleagues and counterparts, they say it was the beginning of our identity as a diaspora,” she said. “It’s how we end up here in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Duong stands as an example of the growth and influence of the Vietnamese American diaspora in San José. Beginning with the arrival of tens of thousands of refugees in the years after the war, the community has grown, along with its political power, spurred by a need for cultural understanding and by critical events, like the police killing of a Vietnamese American mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034774\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12034774 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Betty Duong holding her daughter, Harper, and her marriage photo with her husband, Khai, are displayed in her office at the Santa Clara County Administration Building in San José on April 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Duong grew up in the city and attended local schools before going on to UC Berkeley and Davis. After graduating, she became an attorney and then began work in the public sector for the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, she became the first Vietnamese American elected to the office of Santa Clara County Supervisor. Her success, some say, is rooted in her ability to connect with varied voting groups, developed through her own upbringing in the community and her reliance on public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong was born in San José after her parents arrived here with the help of Santa Clara County’s refugee resettlement program; her uncle, after escaping from the pirates, eventually ended up in Australia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She learned English in school, picking it up faster than her parents, and she often found herself translating for them at parent-teacher conferences, medical appointments and the DMV, an experience children of many immigrants and refugees are familiar with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037737\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037737 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"508\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1-160x203.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong as a baby, being held by her father, Thông Dương, and her sister, Kathy, being held by her mother, Ngọc Từ, outside of San José State University. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This was also during the time when police officers and first responders didn’t have a language line or language access, so when 911 was called, I was also volunteered to help translate these very serious situations,” Duong said, something she feels a child should never have to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in Section 8 housing in downtown San José, Duong thought the whole world looked like the five-block radius around her, made up largely of Vietnamese and Latino families, with doors left open all day in the warmer months for lack of air conditioning. Many families were reliant on county services to help make ends meet, put food on the table and access medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong sings the praises of the county for welcoming Vietnamese refugees with open arms and offering support to her family at a critical time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, her work in public service has been shaped by her family’s experience with poorly implemented or culturally insensitive safety net programs that didn’t consider the different ways people might need assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It always kind of fell short, and it always added a sense of chaos to the world,” she said of the services she received. “It was always somebody else’s call what we were going to eat, how we were going to eat, where we were going to live, how are we going to live and what that entailed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Vietnamese American culture helps define San José and the region, and politicians have understood for many years the value of the group as a coveted voting bloc. About 122,000 residents identify as Vietnamese American, representing more than 10% of the city’s population, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Vietnamese Americans had to make major strides to overcome ignorance, racism, systemic exclusion and cultural and language access barriers along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>“We weren’t wanted”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Duong was growing up, her family experienced blunt racism and bigotry, with people directing slurs at her parents, or telling her father to learn English or go back to his country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vietnamese refugees arrived in America at a fraught time. The country was in an economic recession, and the war itself was causing division, according to Hien Duc Do, a professor of sociology and Asian American studies at San José State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037728\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037728 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1072\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2.jpeg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-800x536.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-1020x683.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-1536x1029.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong as a toddler with her mom, Ngọc Từ, standing outside an apartment complex on South Fifth Street where they lived at the time, across from San José State University. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There were people who were happy with the refugees. There were people who weren’t happy with refugees,” said Do, who has written extensively about Vietnamese Americans. “ You have about 100,000 people or so coming from a war-torn country and a lot of them came literally without anything but the clothes on their backs. So for them, it was a very traumatic experience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Gerald Ford, in his attempt to avoid “ghettoism,” ordered the initial waves of refugees from Vietnam to be dispersed into different areas in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do said that broke apart networks of extended families and people who had come to know each other in refugee camps, making it harder for them to find stability. Ford’s plan didn’t last long, as groups of refugees eventually coalesced around warm weather areas such as Orange County, the Bay Area, and Texas, according to the Immigration Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are all these laws that were passed against people like us when we first came, because we weren’t wanted, in the same way that every community had gone through that,” Do said. “And sometimes people tend to forget that. Sometimes, success breeds this idea that America is this land of meritocracy, it’s this open society, when in fact it is not. It could be, but it’s not quite there yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Government cheese\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Duong recalls how she and other low-income families received so-called “government cheese” from food banks. “But for a population that’s like 90% lactose intolerant, that was just not a viable option,” Duong said of her family and other Vietnamese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s just one example of the sometimes ham-fisted approaches to public welfare that she experienced growing up. She learned that building effective safety net programs requires collective input and designing empathetically for the unique needs of people with different backgrounds and experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037745\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2184px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037745 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2184\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2.jpg 2184w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-800x563.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1020x717.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1536x1080.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-2048x1440.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1920x1350.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2184px) 100vw, 2184px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong’s parents, Thông Dương and Ngọc Từ, seen in front of the old Hammer Theater in San José. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To receive health care, her mother often had to make elaborate public transit plans, seeing a primary doctor in one area of San José and then being sent to see a specialist across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wasn’t alone. Decades later, a 2012 county study showed that Vietnamese Americans still faced physical and mental health challenges, as well as intergenerational conflict and difficulty in navigating county services, according to the county.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>To help address those needs, former Santa Clara County Supervisors Dave Cortese and Cindy Chavez, for whom Duong served as chief of staff, helped spearhead the opening of the Vietnamese American Services Center in 2021 on Senter Road, close to Vietnamese American neighborhoods and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center is meant to be a one-stop shop, with culturally competent services for mental and behavioral health, a general health center, dental clinic, pharmacy, social services and nutrition programs for older adults. Duong was the project’s lead for the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why does it take this long for us to have this?” Duong said of equitable services and centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There needs to be more Vietnamese representation. There needs to be more Latino representation. There needs to be more South Asian representation. Our elected bodies don’t look like our communities yet, quite yet,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Duong and so much of the Vietnamese American community, the need for that representation became more urgent about two decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Police killing of Bich Cau Thi Tran\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the summer of 2003, Duong was attending De Anza College when she, like many others in the community, was shaken by the fatal police shooting of a Vietnamese American woman who was experiencing a mental health crisis in her San José home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bich Cau Thi Tran was a small woman weighing less than 100 pounds, and a mother of two young boys who struggled with her mental health. She was killed by San José Police Officer Chad Marshall when he responded to a call about a domestic concern at Tran’s apartment in the Northside neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tran was holding a Vietnamese-style vegetable peeler, known as a dao bào. Marshall said later he thought it was a knife, and he thought she was going to kill him. Seconds after confronting Tran, he shot her in the chest, and she died on her kitchen floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034770\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12034770 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong, Santa Clara County Supervisor, speaks to KQED reporter Joseph Geha for an interview at the Santa Clara County Administration Building in San José on April 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When the story first broke, we were hearing on TV that this woman attacked the officer with a butcher knife,” Duong said. It was only through testimony in a rare open grand jury proceeding that more details were revealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then, when we saw that it was the same vegetable peeler that’s in every single Asian household … it was just really heartbreaking,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The killing touched off protests, marches and a reckoning within the community about how police treat residents in American communities. It helped propel Madison Nguyen into a San José City Council seat in 2005, becoming the first Vietnamese American person elected in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tam Nguyen, a 45-year resident of San José, attorney and former council member, said before Tran’s killing, the Vietnamese American community was less engaged in local politics, and often treated as an afterthought by power brokers and the establishment in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because we were poor, we were busy earning a living, we didn’t know about politics or civic engagement. So out of ignorance, out of economic and cultural disadvantage, and also because of the system and how it was designed, to keep Asian people quiet,” Nguyen said. “That was the mentality, and how things were going during the 80s and 90s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1804px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037760 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1804\" height=\"1145\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497.jpg 1804w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-800x508.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-1536x975.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1804px) 100vw, 1804px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters marched to the civic center about a mile away from Bich Cau Thi Tran’s home. The Vietnamese community and others from around the Santa Clara Valley turned out in force for a vigil and march on City Hall on July 16, 2003, in San José to denounce the fatal police shooting of the single mother. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He recalls being on Mayor Tom McEnery’s Advisory Group on Minority Affairs, which amounted to monthly meetings where the mayor told the group things were going well, but didn’t seek their input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, Nguyen said the community began clamoring about the lack of Vietnamese American representation on the city council and in city staffing ranks, and the lack of a clear path to apply for city contracts or grants. In response, a city hall emissary was sent to tell the community they were being heard, but not to “burden yourself” by putting up a Vietnamese American candidate for office, and not to confuse “equal rights for equal representation,” Nguyen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always been that things don’t change until people speak out, get together and act with their votes,” he said. Tran’s killing “woke people up, that we need to stand up, we need to raise our voice, we need to get our act together, get our votes together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Konda, the executive director of the Asian Law Alliance, also helped form the Coalition for Justice and Accountability in the wake of Tran’s killing, calling for greater cultural sensitivity in San José’s policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konda said the shooting shifted the sole focus of many in the Vietnamese American community in San José away from the issues in their home country, which were still looming large in the collective consciousness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037773\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flags at City Hall in San José, California, on Aug. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For many of them, they weren’t really looking inward in terms of the politics of local or state government,” Konda said. “This may have been, I don’t know if you want to call it a triggering point, but something that maybe caused some people to kind of think about, ‘Hey, we need to maybe get more involved locally.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong called Tran’s death a “defining moment” for herself and her community, and she still becomes emotional when speaking about her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Tran’s killing — that was the first time that we were faced with this reality that, as a whole, as a community, it was really undeniable at that point that there is a problem, a challenge. There is a rift between police and community in this country,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong, who translated for her community in police interactions as a child, said those experiences inspired her to help develop language access policies in 2014. The county built on that, establishing a dedicated language access unit in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said it was a rare moment that she and her father saw eye to eye on law enforcement during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad has been very, very, very pro-police, very pro-law and order,” Duong said. However, as more details emerged about the killing, “he and I really agreed that significant missteps, inherent biases, camouflaged racism — these were all at play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More representation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since then, the community has grown in power and influence, and for decades now, politicians and city and county officials have courted Vietnamese American voters. They often show up to celebrations or events near the Grand Century Mall and the Vietnam Town shopping center in Little Saigon to talk with residents. Some wear traditional Vietnamese clothing known as an ao dai, or carry the flag of South Vietnam, and learn short phrases in Vietnamese to show solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having a seat at the table is a recent accomplishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only five Vietnamese Americans have been elected to the San José City Council in 50 years, and Duong is the first to become a county supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037727 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Duong family at Betty Duong’s Santa Clara County Supervisor swearing-in ceremony in January 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Do, the San José State professor, credits Duong’s election victory to her ability to appeal to the common humanity across many different constituencies, not just Vietnamese Americans, which he said represents a maturation for politicians from the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was able to build this coalition that she’s not only seen as this great, amazing, young politician, but one that really understands how to work the system to benefit all of us, not just her own Vietnamese American community, because that would not have been enough to elect her,” he said. “She really can bridge a lot of these amazing stories from different communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Looking forward, looking back\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This year marks half a century as a Vietnamese American community for so many in San José. As the culture continues to change, newer generations keep the memories and feelings of their elders close at heart, but also hold different concerns, like how to best honor the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong, like so many Vietnamese Americans, said she faces a “constant negotiation” about how to share her Vietnamese American identity with her young, third-generation daughter, and what to reinforce and what to let go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Betty-and-Community-Member-scaled-e1745619585830.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong won the election to represent Santa Clara County’s District 2, which includes San José, Alum Rock and the East Foothills. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Our ancestors, our heritage, why we eat certain foods, why we do certain things, our cultural traditions and ceremonies — that originated in a country called Vietnam,” she said, as she tells her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that my daughter will learn as much as possible, know as much as I do about her grandparents’ journey to America and how that translates to why we need to take care of each other in community,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do noted that over the decades, as groups hold annual remembrances for the Fall of Saigon, there has at times been tension between the generations, or a disconnect about what they experienced. He attributed that to a lack of education in American schools about the war, and that elders may sometimes be hesitant to share details about their trauma, guilt and memories because they want to protect youth from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So many Vietnamese refugees who ended up in San José were forced to start over professionally, facing major setbacks. Even if they were business professionals, educators or high-ranking military officers in Vietnam, in America, some had to learn new skills to become engineers or assembly line workers, others became janitors and dishwashers, while some opened restaurants and grocery stores, some of which proliferated widely, like Lee’s Sandwiches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remembrances are important, especially for older generations, “to renew their friendship, to be in community together, to eat together, to cry together, to just to be in a space where they don’t have to explain to people how and why they feel the way that they feel,” Do said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11299999\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11299999\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pulitzer Prize-winning author Viet Thanh Nguyen signs copies of his new collection of short stories, “The Refugees.” Nguyen came to the United States with his family as a refugee from Vietnam after the end of the Vietnam War in 1975. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Viet Thanh Nguyen, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author and professor who grew up in San José after fleeing Vietnam with his parents at a young age, also spoke of the difficulties Vietnamese Americans face in trying to ensure younger generations know the history of their elders and the war, while allowing them enough freedom from horrific experiences to create their own paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He drew inspiration from the conclusion of Toni Morrison’s novel about slavery, Beloved, in which she wrote, “This is not a story to pass on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a story that we should avoid, but it’s also not a story that we should pass on to another generation. These two things are contradictory, but they exist simultaneously because we haven’t escaped from history yet,” Nguyen said. “And I think that’s true for the Vietnam War. It’s something that we should remember, but it’s also something that we shouldn’t pass on. How do we do that?” he said. “That’s a balancing act that I think is part of our challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is undeniable is the growth of the Vietnamese American community in Santa Clara County in political and cultural prominence, which may have been tough to see in the beginning years after the Fall of Saigon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From my childhood to my adulthood, something shifted at some point where now we were welcomed,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s night and day. I wish I could go back and tell my younger self that this world gets better, it changes. This life becomes more integrated and surrounded with joy and you would be proud to be Vietnamese American,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco State University has completed a new campus project featuring affordable housing for more than 700 students. It’s the first to be completed through a state grant program aimed at tackling the housing crunch for California college students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://cpdc.sfsu.edu/wcg\">West Grove Commons, located on the west side of campus,\u003c/a> also includes a health center and dining hall. California’s Higher Education Student Housing Grant program funded about 65% of the $170 million project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We couldn’t have done it otherwise,” said Lynn Mahoney, president of the university. “The state has not traditionally funded student housing, so this is a really historic first step to what California needs to do to make sure that its public higher education remains affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, almost 4,000 people in the California State University system were on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/CSU%20Student%20Housing%20Data%20Collection%20%E2%80%93%20Annual%20Report%20-%202024.pdf\">waiting list for student housing\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://transformschools.ucla.edu/research/state-of-crisis/\">2020 UCLA report\u003c/a> found that 1 out of 10 CSU students experience homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, lawmakers introduced a bill that established grants to fund affordable housing for students. Apart from the 750 beds at San Francisco State, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/Higher%20Education%20Student%20Housing%20Grant%20Program%20-%202024.pdf\">almost 3,000\u003c/a> more are being added to the California State University system, according to a 2024 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037810\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State University President Lynn Mahoney speaks during a dedication ceremony for the West Grove Commons on April 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the state’s community colleges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cccco.edu/-/media/CCCCO-Website/docs/general/cccco-college-map-round-1-and-2.pdf\">almost 5,000 beds\u003c/a> for low-income students are set to become available in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the West Grove Commons, students have access to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfsu.edu/reduced-rate-student-housing-program\">reduced-rate housing\u003c/a>, meaning they can pay 25% less than the traditional rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rylissa Aquino Javier, a senior at the university, served as a resident assistant in the new dorm this year. When she started at San Francisco State four years ago, she commuted almost two hours from Fairfield twice a week because she couldn’t afford to live on campus.[aside postID=news_11997949 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-serramontedelrey-1-RETAIL-CROPPED-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“Even on campus, the housing is just really expensive and we do have to take out a good amount of loans to be able to afford to live here,” she said. “It’s kind of rare to find a good housing situation for an affordable price as a college student here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her year living at the West Grove commons, she found it welcoming and filled with spaces for students to gather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a big living room downstairs with a communal kitchen and I’ve seen a lot of residents cooking with each other, cooking for each other,” she said. “There’s a lot of opportunities for them to study, relax and just hang out with one another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynne Riesselman, principal architect with EHDD Architecture, which designed the new buildings, said she wanted students to have easy access to the health center, a need that became clear after the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037812\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037812\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An exterior view of the West Grove Commons. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037836\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The on-campus residence hall provides shared spaces for more than 700 students. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s sort of a raised awareness around the importance of mental and physical health,” she said. “And so combining those pieces into a prominent building where students are used to coming on a day-to-day basis where they’re really familiar with it, I think really elevates those services and increases student comfort with using them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project was completed just 25 months after the state provided the grant, far less than the\u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA3743-1.html\"> four years\u003c/a> that housing projects often take to be permitted and completed in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the state allocated that funding, they didn’t want it to take 10 years — you had to have a shovel-ready project and commit to getting it done,” she said. “The state funding was there, our team in capital planning was ready. They literally had a project ready, if ever we could get the funding. And the architects and the construction company — everybody rode in the same direction as fast as they could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco State University has completed a new campus project featuring affordable housing for more than 700 students. It’s the first to be completed through a state grant program aimed at tackling the housing crunch for California college students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://cpdc.sfsu.edu/wcg\">West Grove Commons, located on the west side of campus,\u003c/a> also includes a health center and dining hall. California’s Higher Education Student Housing Grant program funded about 65% of the $170 million project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We couldn’t have done it otherwise,” said Lynn Mahoney, president of the university. “The state has not traditionally funded student housing, so this is a really historic first step to what California needs to do to make sure that its public higher education remains affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, almost 4,000 people in the California State University system were on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/CSU%20Student%20Housing%20Data%20Collection%20%E2%80%93%20Annual%20Report%20-%202024.pdf\">waiting list for student housing\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://transformschools.ucla.edu/research/state-of-crisis/\">2020 UCLA report\u003c/a> found that 1 out of 10 CSU students experience homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, lawmakers introduced a bill that established grants to fund affordable housing for students. Apart from the 750 beds at San Francisco State, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/Higher%20Education%20Student%20Housing%20Grant%20Program%20-%202024.pdf\">almost 3,000\u003c/a> more are being added to the California State University system, according to a 2024 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037810\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State University President Lynn Mahoney speaks during a dedication ceremony for the West Grove Commons on April 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the state’s community colleges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cccco.edu/-/media/CCCCO-Website/docs/general/cccco-college-map-round-1-and-2.pdf\">almost 5,000 beds\u003c/a> for low-income students are set to become available in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the West Grove Commons, students have access to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfsu.edu/reduced-rate-student-housing-program\">reduced-rate housing\u003c/a>, meaning they can pay 25% less than the traditional rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rylissa Aquino Javier, a senior at the university, served as a resident assistant in the new dorm this year. When she started at San Francisco State four years ago, she commuted almost two hours from Fairfield twice a week because she couldn’t afford to live on campus.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Even on campus, the housing is just really expensive and we do have to take out a good amount of loans to be able to afford to live here,” she said. “It’s kind of rare to find a good housing situation for an affordable price as a college student here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her year living at the West Grove commons, she found it welcoming and filled with spaces for students to gather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a big living room downstairs with a communal kitchen and I’ve seen a lot of residents cooking with each other, cooking for each other,” she said. “There’s a lot of opportunities for them to study, relax and just hang out with one another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynne Riesselman, principal architect with EHDD Architecture, which designed the new buildings, said she wanted students to have easy access to the health center, a need that became clear after the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037812\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037812\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An exterior view of the West Grove Commons. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037836\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The on-campus residence hall provides shared spaces for more than 700 students. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s sort of a raised awareness around the importance of mental and physical health,” she said. “And so combining those pieces into a prominent building where students are used to coming on a day-to-day basis where they’re really familiar with it, I think really elevates those services and increases student comfort with using them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project was completed just 25 months after the state provided the grant, far less than the\u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA3743-1.html\"> four years\u003c/a> that housing projects often take to be permitted and completed in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the state allocated that funding, they didn’t want it to take 10 years — you had to have a shovel-ready project and commit to getting it done,” she said. “The state funding was there, our team in capital planning was ready. They literally had a project ready, if ever we could get the funding. And the architects and the construction company — everybody rode in the same direction as fast as they could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s on-again, off-again tariffs are putting many California businesses, jobs and the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/trump-tariffs-california-budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> at risk. They’re affecting not only long-term relationships with trading partners, but an intricate web of ecosystems and supply chains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California business owners and groups grappling with the tariffs — wine shop owners, winery founders, farmers — say the precise effects on their industries are unclear so far. They hope there will be an upside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for those who have a broad view of trade, things look grim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Port of Los Angeles and the Port of Long Beach, the busiest ports in North America, both saw first-quarter increases in imports, but declines in exports, year over year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gene Seroka, executive director for the Port of Los Angeles, attributed the higher volume of cargo being moved to “front-loading as a hedge against tariffs” during a recent media briefing. But he said his port saw year-over-year declines in exports for the fourth month in a row, “raising concerns for our (agriculture) and manufacturing partners as counter-tariffs on exports begin to take effect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seroka — who said companies have been telling him they are holding back on hiring and capital investments — predicted a slowdown in cargo movement beginning in May, and expects a 10% drop in volume from July until next year. His predictions are already beginning to show up in the port’s import volume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that may be due to a decline in Chinese imports. On April 9, Trump raised his tariff on China to 145%, although he later exempted certain electronics, such as laptops and smartphones. China responded on April 12 with 125% tariffs on U.S. products. Chinese goods represent 40% of the imports that pass through the Port of Los Angeles, Seroka said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decline in volume will affect port jobs, though he doesn’t anticipate mass layoffs, he said. More than 1.5 million jobs are tied to the two Southern California ports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effects of decreased trade will vary for different businesses in the state — even within the same industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The California wine industry\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A wine merchant in Walnut Creek who sells mostly European wines — on which the president \u003ca href=\"https://edition.cnn.com/2025/03/13/business/alcohol-tariffs-eu-trump-trade-war/index.html\">has threatened 200% tariffs\u003c/a> — said he’s going to have to make adjustments, like carrying more California wines, or consider closing up shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d have to think about whether it’s worthwhile staying in business,” said Igor Ivanov, owner of wine shop Vinous Reverie. He added that the tariff issues are just the latest of the wine industry’s woes, which include the fact that people just \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/data-graphics/data-shows-wine-decline-consumers-spending-less-drinking-less-rcna187628\">aren’t drinking as much alcohol\u003c/a> as they used to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, increased tariffs on European wine could help boost California wine.[aside postID=news_12036199 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250306-PORT-OF-OAKLAND-MD-01_qed-1020x680.jpg']Natalie Collins, president of the California Association of Winegrape Growers, said tariffs on competing wines could help local wine growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce Lundquist, co-founder of Rack & Riddle, which he said is the largest custom producer of sparkling wine in the nation, agreed with Collins: “I wish Americans would look at wines grown in their backyard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lundquist said so far Healdsburg-based Rack & Riddle is OK — the company is stocked up on supplies that he orders from different places, both in and out of the country. But he can’t say what his winery and retail clients might be going through. Lundquist worries about tariff uncertainty dragging on, say through next year. “There would have to be a reckoning if this thing were to go on,” he said. “It’s already hard enough to run a winery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s at stake as the U.S. wine industry grapples with tariffs: $86 billion in annual sales, U.S. Census Bureau data said. California exported $1.3 billion worth of wine in 2022, per the California Department of Food and Agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the wine produced in this country stays here, tariffs mean winemakers face higher costs on everything from bottles — glass mostly imported from China — to labels and corks, to metal posts and wooden stakes for the vines. As for U.S. wine exports, 95% of those come from California, says Gino DiCaro, spokesperson for the Wine Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And 35% of exports go to Canada, which now has a serious don’t-buy-American, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/california-tourism-canada/\">don’t-go-to-America campaign\u003c/a> in effect because of the president’s threats about tariffs and annexing Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(Canadians) are voting with their feet, and there’s a real sense of betrayal and a sense of shock,” said Rana Sarkar, consul general of Canada in San Francisco. “Economic crisis within Canada will no doubt ensue from this, but it will also be deeply painful in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California recently became the first state to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/04/california-trump-tariffs-lawsuit/\">sue the Trump administration over tariffs\u003c/a>. Gov. Gavin Newsom said the tariffs’ trade and geopolitical effects are “outsized,” while Attorney General Rob Bonta said the president bypassed the power of Congress to tax and regulate commerce by declaring a national emergency. California’s lawsuit seeks to pause the tariffs immediately.[aside postID=forum_2010101909512 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/04/GettyImages-2208657779-1-1020x574.jpg']But in some cases, the damage is already done. The office of U.S. Rep. Mike Thompson, a Democrat whose district includes Napa’s Wine Country, shared anonymized anecdotes from winery owners and managers, who the congressman’s staff said are afraid to go on the record. Thompson’s constituents say their Canadian business partners have canceled hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of orders, and that potential sales to Mexico or the European Union are on hold. One medium-size winery in St. Helena told Thompson’s staff that since the tariffs Trump imposed during his first term, it has lost 90% of its business with China and is no longer seeking to sell there: “China has turned to other wine regions across the globe and we believe rebuilding this market will take over 20 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, “the uncertainty itself has had damage, even though we (may not) get the tariffs,” said Daniel Sumner, economics professor and director of the University of California Agricultural Issues Center at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California and other producers of agricultural products want to be able to tell customers they’re reliable suppliers, Sumner said. “But you can’t do that if prices can go up. That’s a real problem,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sumner added: “A major concern for any industry is the increased likelihood of a global recession and slower growth in general.” Investment banks and economists \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5354927/recession-trump-tariffs\">have said a recession is likely\u003c/a>. Citing Trump’s tariffs, the International Monetary Fund has \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/business/2025/apr/22/imf-major-negative-shock-trump-tariffs-uk\">slashed its forecast\u003c/a> for U.S. and global economic growth this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Farming: Almonds, dairy and other crops\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan Talley is vice president of Talley Farms in Arroyo Grande, in San Luis Obispo County, which was started in the 1940s by his grandfather. Now his children are the fourth generation of his family to work for the farm, which grows a few dozen crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talley said his medium-size farm is still able to sell spinach to Canada, but he’s concerned about being able to sell bell peppers to the country, because harvest season for those won’t come until August through November. He hopes the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement will protect those sales — but Trump has threatened tariffs on Canada and Mexico a few times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talley Farms’ other crops — including cabbage, kale, lettuce and corn — are distributed domestically but are highly perishable. Talley said that means it’s tough to adjust operations to any tariffs because of changes to fuel, fertilizing or other supply costs.[aside postID=news_12034730 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/iPhone16Getty-1020x680.jpg']“We don’t have months to wait something out,” he said. “We have to continue our operations at the intensity that we currently farm.” He added that “we’re going to have to take those rising prices and deal with it the best we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, Talley worries that one possible effect of tariffs is a glut of domestically grown crops. “If the majority of U.S. farms weren’t able to export their product, everything would stay here, which would completely flood the market and send prices down,” he said. “It would be great for consumers (in terms of prices) but in the end it would hurt the American farmer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Talley’s biggest concern is his farm’s workers, who could be affected by Trump’s stated intent of mass deportations: “I can withstand an increase in fuel prices and fertilizer prices and regulatory burden to an extent. But if you take away my labor overnight, it would be hard for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s almost impossible to find a part of California agriculture unaffected by Trump’s tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawna Morris, executive vice president of trade policy at the National Milk Producers Federation, said she is concerned about California’s dairy exports to Mexico, including cheese. The other really big market for California dairy products is China, which has already “pulled the trigger” on retaliatory tariffs, Morris said. California’s dairy exports totaled $3.2 billion in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s biggest export, almonds, had $4.7 billion in foreign sales in 2022. Their longer shelf life is a plus, said almond farmer Jenny Holtermann, in Kern County. “We harvest once a year, then (our processor partners) sell throughout the year,” she said. “The tariffs won’t affect us instantly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holtermann has experience from the tariffs the president imposed during his first term. She would not share specific numbers for her own farm — which has also been in her family for four generations — but acknowledged those tariffs hurt the almond industry, which is “just now starting to rebound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almond growers saw their prices drop from $2.50 a pound to $1.40 a pound after Trump’s tariffs in 2018, according to \u003ca href=\"https://giannini.ucop.edu/publications/are-update/issues/2020/23/3/impact-of-the-us-china-trade-war-on-california-agr/\">research\u003c/a> from the University of California Giannini Foundation of Agricultural Economics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holtermann said farmers’ costs have only gone up, so her farm has adjusted by using less fertilizer, buying fewer tractors or letting trucks run a little longer before replacing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said she thinks the president’s tariffs are part of “a long-game approach … to get our country back to the economic powerhouse we’re supposed to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, Holtermann is counting on a couple of things. One is California almonds’ dominance: The state produces 80% of the world’s almonds, says the Almond Alliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing she’s hoping for is another possible federal bailout, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.yahoo.com/news/bailout-farmers-caught-trump-trade-171113348.html\">reportedly\u003c/a> has been discussed by the Trump administration. During the Trump 1.0 trade war, the federal government provided farmers with “market facilitation funds” of $23 billion to try to offset the business they lost as a result of China’s retaliatory tariffs on the United States, the Government Accountability Office said in a 2021 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Agriculture has not responded to CalMatters’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those funds helped her farm last time, Holtermann said, so she’s hoping for more of the same. “I do know he supports agriculture,” she said of the president. “He’s had a lot of meetings with agriculture organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she expects to take a short-term hit from tariffs this time around, including losing business from certain countries. “I’m not naive,” Holtermann said. “I’m sure we will miss a portion of that market share.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shannon Douglass, president of the California Farm Bureau, is concerned about getting global buyers to return once they switch to other sources. “We know the last round, almonds and pistachios saw a 20% drop in exports,” she said. “Once they have moved it can take a long time to get those markets back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/tariffs-california-agriculture-wine/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s on-again, off-again tariffs are putting many California businesses, jobs and the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/trump-tariffs-california-budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> at risk. They’re affecting not only long-term relationships with trading partners, but an intricate web of ecosystems and supply chains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California business owners and groups grappling with the tariffs — wine shop owners, winery founders, farmers — say the precise effects on their industries are unclear so far. They hope there will be an upside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for those who have a broad view of trade, things look grim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Port of Los Angeles and the Port of Long Beach, the busiest ports in North America, both saw first-quarter increases in imports, but declines in exports, year over year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gene Seroka, executive director for the Port of Los Angeles, attributed the higher volume of cargo being moved to “front-loading as a hedge against tariffs” during a recent media briefing. But he said his port saw year-over-year declines in exports for the fourth month in a row, “raising concerns for our (agriculture) and manufacturing partners as counter-tariffs on exports begin to take effect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seroka — who said companies have been telling him they are holding back on hiring and capital investments — predicted a slowdown in cargo movement beginning in May, and expects a 10% drop in volume from July until next year. His predictions are already beginning to show up in the port’s import volume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that may be due to a decline in Chinese imports. On April 9, Trump raised his tariff on China to 145%, although he later exempted certain electronics, such as laptops and smartphones. China responded on April 12 with 125% tariffs on U.S. products. Chinese goods represent 40% of the imports that pass through the Port of Los Angeles, Seroka said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decline in volume will affect port jobs, though he doesn’t anticipate mass layoffs, he said. More than 1.5 million jobs are tied to the two Southern California ports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effects of decreased trade will vary for different businesses in the state — even within the same industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The California wine industry\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A wine merchant in Walnut Creek who sells mostly European wines — on which the president \u003ca href=\"https://edition.cnn.com/2025/03/13/business/alcohol-tariffs-eu-trump-trade-war/index.html\">has threatened 200% tariffs\u003c/a> — said he’s going to have to make adjustments, like carrying more California wines, or consider closing up shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d have to think about whether it’s worthwhile staying in business,” said Igor Ivanov, owner of wine shop Vinous Reverie. He added that the tariff issues are just the latest of the wine industry’s woes, which include the fact that people just \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/data-graphics/data-shows-wine-decline-consumers-spending-less-drinking-less-rcna187628\">aren’t drinking as much alcohol\u003c/a> as they used to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, increased tariffs on European wine could help boost California wine.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Natalie Collins, president of the California Association of Winegrape Growers, said tariffs on competing wines could help local wine growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce Lundquist, co-founder of Rack & Riddle, which he said is the largest custom producer of sparkling wine in the nation, agreed with Collins: “I wish Americans would look at wines grown in their backyard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lundquist said so far Healdsburg-based Rack & Riddle is OK — the company is stocked up on supplies that he orders from different places, both in and out of the country. But he can’t say what his winery and retail clients might be going through. Lundquist worries about tariff uncertainty dragging on, say through next year. “There would have to be a reckoning if this thing were to go on,” he said. “It’s already hard enough to run a winery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s at stake as the U.S. wine industry grapples with tariffs: $86 billion in annual sales, U.S. Census Bureau data said. California exported $1.3 billion worth of wine in 2022, per the California Department of Food and Agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the wine produced in this country stays here, tariffs mean winemakers face higher costs on everything from bottles — glass mostly imported from China — to labels and corks, to metal posts and wooden stakes for the vines. As for U.S. wine exports, 95% of those come from California, says Gino DiCaro, spokesperson for the Wine Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And 35% of exports go to Canada, which now has a serious don’t-buy-American, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/california-tourism-canada/\">don’t-go-to-America campaign\u003c/a> in effect because of the president’s threats about tariffs and annexing Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(Canadians) are voting with their feet, and there’s a real sense of betrayal and a sense of shock,” said Rana Sarkar, consul general of Canada in San Francisco. “Economic crisis within Canada will no doubt ensue from this, but it will also be deeply painful in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California recently became the first state to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/04/california-trump-tariffs-lawsuit/\">sue the Trump administration over tariffs\u003c/a>. Gov. Gavin Newsom said the tariffs’ trade and geopolitical effects are “outsized,” while Attorney General Rob Bonta said the president bypassed the power of Congress to tax and regulate commerce by declaring a national emergency. California’s lawsuit seeks to pause the tariffs immediately.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But in some cases, the damage is already done. The office of U.S. Rep. Mike Thompson, a Democrat whose district includes Napa’s Wine Country, shared anonymized anecdotes from winery owners and managers, who the congressman’s staff said are afraid to go on the record. Thompson’s constituents say their Canadian business partners have canceled hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of orders, and that potential sales to Mexico or the European Union are on hold. One medium-size winery in St. Helena told Thompson’s staff that since the tariffs Trump imposed during his first term, it has lost 90% of its business with China and is no longer seeking to sell there: “China has turned to other wine regions across the globe and we believe rebuilding this market will take over 20 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, “the uncertainty itself has had damage, even though we (may not) get the tariffs,” said Daniel Sumner, economics professor and director of the University of California Agricultural Issues Center at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California and other producers of agricultural products want to be able to tell customers they’re reliable suppliers, Sumner said. “But you can’t do that if prices can go up. That’s a real problem,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sumner added: “A major concern for any industry is the increased likelihood of a global recession and slower growth in general.” Investment banks and economists \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5354927/recession-trump-tariffs\">have said a recession is likely\u003c/a>. Citing Trump’s tariffs, the International Monetary Fund has \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/business/2025/apr/22/imf-major-negative-shock-trump-tariffs-uk\">slashed its forecast\u003c/a> for U.S. and global economic growth this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Farming: Almonds, dairy and other crops\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan Talley is vice president of Talley Farms in Arroyo Grande, in San Luis Obispo County, which was started in the 1940s by his grandfather. Now his children are the fourth generation of his family to work for the farm, which grows a few dozen crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talley said his medium-size farm is still able to sell spinach to Canada, but he’s concerned about being able to sell bell peppers to the country, because harvest season for those won’t come until August through November. He hopes the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement will protect those sales — but Trump has threatened tariffs on Canada and Mexico a few times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talley Farms’ other crops — including cabbage, kale, lettuce and corn — are distributed domestically but are highly perishable. Talley said that means it’s tough to adjust operations to any tariffs because of changes to fuel, fertilizing or other supply costs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We don’t have months to wait something out,” he said. “We have to continue our operations at the intensity that we currently farm.” He added that “we’re going to have to take those rising prices and deal with it the best we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, Talley worries that one possible effect of tariffs is a glut of domestically grown crops. “If the majority of U.S. farms weren’t able to export their product, everything would stay here, which would completely flood the market and send prices down,” he said. “It would be great for consumers (in terms of prices) but in the end it would hurt the American farmer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Talley’s biggest concern is his farm’s workers, who could be affected by Trump’s stated intent of mass deportations: “I can withstand an increase in fuel prices and fertilizer prices and regulatory burden to an extent. But if you take away my labor overnight, it would be hard for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s almost impossible to find a part of California agriculture unaffected by Trump’s tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawna Morris, executive vice president of trade policy at the National Milk Producers Federation, said she is concerned about California’s dairy exports to Mexico, including cheese. The other really big market for California dairy products is China, which has already “pulled the trigger” on retaliatory tariffs, Morris said. California’s dairy exports totaled $3.2 billion in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s biggest export, almonds, had $4.7 billion in foreign sales in 2022. Their longer shelf life is a plus, said almond farmer Jenny Holtermann, in Kern County. “We harvest once a year, then (our processor partners) sell throughout the year,” she said. “The tariffs won’t affect us instantly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holtermann has experience from the tariffs the president imposed during his first term. She would not share specific numbers for her own farm — which has also been in her family for four generations — but acknowledged those tariffs hurt the almond industry, which is “just now starting to rebound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almond growers saw their prices drop from $2.50 a pound to $1.40 a pound after Trump’s tariffs in 2018, according to \u003ca href=\"https://giannini.ucop.edu/publications/are-update/issues/2020/23/3/impact-of-the-us-china-trade-war-on-california-agr/\">research\u003c/a> from the University of California Giannini Foundation of Agricultural Economics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holtermann said farmers’ costs have only gone up, so her farm has adjusted by using less fertilizer, buying fewer tractors or letting trucks run a little longer before replacing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said she thinks the president’s tariffs are part of “a long-game approach … to get our country back to the economic powerhouse we’re supposed to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, Holtermann is counting on a couple of things. One is California almonds’ dominance: The state produces 80% of the world’s almonds, says the Almond Alliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing she’s hoping for is another possible federal bailout, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.yahoo.com/news/bailout-farmers-caught-trump-trade-171113348.html\">reportedly\u003c/a> has been discussed by the Trump administration. During the Trump 1.0 trade war, the federal government provided farmers with “market facilitation funds” of $23 billion to try to offset the business they lost as a result of China’s retaliatory tariffs on the United States, the Government Accountability Office said in a 2021 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Agriculture has not responded to CalMatters’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those funds helped her farm last time, Holtermann said, so she’s hoping for more of the same. “I do know he supports agriculture,” she said of the president. “He’s had a lot of meetings with agriculture organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she expects to take a short-term hit from tariffs this time around, including losing business from certain countries. “I’m not naive,” Holtermann said. “I’m sure we will miss a portion of that market share.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shannon Douglass, president of the California Farm Bureau, is concerned about getting global buyers to return once they switch to other sources. “We know the last round, almonds and pistachios saw a 20% drop in exports,” she said. “Once they have moved it can take a long time to get those markets back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/tariffs-california-agriculture-wine/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "San Francisco Chinatown Businesses Enter Survival Mode During Trade War",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco Chinatown Businesses Enter Survival Mode During Trade War | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Business owners like Mei Zhu in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco’s\u003c/a> Chinatown say they’re struggling to stay afloat, facing declining sales and an uncertain future, as the U.S.-China trade war drags on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With tariffs increasing so drastically, it’s very difficult to keep it going,” said Zhu, who has owned Mei’s Grocery on Stockton Street for the past 11 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 90% of the goods at her store are imported from China — now subject to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/2025/04/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-ensures-national-security-and-economic-resilience-through-section-232-actions-on-processed-critical-minerals-and-derivative-products/\">tariffs\u003c/a> as high as 245%. Her inventory includes sauces, dry noodles, candies and cookies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Zhu, wholesalers have absorbed some of the price hikes associated with the tariffs, so she’s raised her prices by 50% for certain items. However, some products now cost 145% more, so she’s stopped stocking them. For the remaining stock, higher prices are driving customers away, and sales are down 30%, Zhu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If things continue like this for another month or two, the only option is to end the business and stop operating,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037242\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037242\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mei Zhu stocks items in her grocery store, Mei’s Grocery, in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Several Chinatown business owners, interviewed by KQED through a Cantonese interpreter, echoed Zhu’s concerns. They say that if the trade war persists, they’ll be forced to shut down or retire early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation has pushed San Francisco’s Chinatown — which has served as an immigrant gateway and economic hub for more than a century — into an existential crisis, according to Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the Chinatown Community Development Center.[aside postID=news_12035335 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20250415_BIKETARIFF_GC-3-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“ This has always been a community that has been built around trade,” he said. “Trade created an opportunity for upward economic mobility for people through owning stores, or by leveraging relationships that they have back in China.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yeung said the tariffs signal that this way of life is cut off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office, President Donald Trump has deployed tariffs as a tool to pursue his policy agenda, which is meant to encourage domestic manufacturing and reduce trade deficits between the U.S. and its largest trading partners. China, in particular, has retaliated by raising its tariffs on all U.S. goods to 125%. As of Friday, China \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/25/business/china-us-tariffs-semiconductors-exemptions-hnk-intl/index.html\">reportedly\u003c/a> appeared to roll back some of the tax on U.S.-made semiconductors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Bachman, a professor of China studies at the University of Washington, said Trump’s tariff policies could be better defined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [the Trump administration] is out to re-establish American manufacturing, they could have confined those tariffs to manufactured products and ignored agricultural products or other areas where it was extremely unlikely that the U.S. would establish production lines,” Bachman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Consumers of Chinese imports are likely to feel the impacts of the tariffs, too, according to Bachman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Young lives in Antioch and travels to the Chinatowns in San Francisco and Oakland to get things he can’t get anywhere else. He had a grocery bag full of Chinese products, including “Spanish ham” and lamb-flavored potato chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ These bags were $11 a piece. They used to be $7. It’s ridiculous,” Young said, referring to a bag of fortune cookies he had bought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Liang, owner of Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal in San Francisco’s Chinatown, sells ingredients used in traditional Chinese medicine, including Tangerine peels, ginseng and chrysanthemum flowers. He said his suppliers have raised their prices by $3 to $4 a pound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037237\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owner Sam Liang weighs medical herbs at his shop, Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal Inc., in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The impact is already becoming apparent now. When we go to suppliers to get goods, they’re often out of stock or have shortages,” Liang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liang has operated Chinese medicine businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown for the past eight years. He said his business was already struggling, but with the latest tariffs, revenue and profit have decreased by around 30%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that some products might not appeal to his customers if they are manufactured in other countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m worried about running out of inventory,” Liang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037238\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037238\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owner Sam Liang at his shop, Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal Inc., in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>These merchants may experience relief from the economic pressures soon. On Tuesday, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/22/business/trump-china-trade-war-reduction-hnk-intl/index.html\">signaled\u003c/a> that the “tariffs will come down substantially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very difficult to predict; we’re just taking it one day at a time,” said Liu, owner of Beijing Shopping Center, which specializes in specialty clothing from China, such as hand-embroidered wedding dresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lui added that if the tariffs continue, she’ll consider pivoting to sell more clothing produced domestically — or close the store entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037245\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Imported items fill the wall at Beijing Shopping Center in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yeung said business owners in the neighborhood are feeling an “emerging sense of powerlessness,” but he’s confident the community will weather the storm, given its history of surviving adversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the community has overcome discriminatory policies, like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034009/angel-island-exhibit-aims-shine-light-border-surveillance-american-exclusion\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>, urban redevelopment and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent rise in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961693/californias-anti-asian-hate-crimes-decline-but-long-term-pattern-persists\">hate crimes targeting Asian communities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ That’s actually the Chinatown story more than virtually anything else,” Yeung said. “We’ve found ways to just be here through thick and thin. I think we’re entering into a thin period, but this community in many ways is built for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Small business owners in San Francisco’s Chinatown have long relied on imports from China, but this economic connection could be in jeopardy under the current trade war. ",
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"title": "San Francisco Chinatown Businesses Enter Survival Mode During Trade War | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Business owners like Mei Zhu in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco’s\u003c/a> Chinatown say they’re struggling to stay afloat, facing declining sales and an uncertain future, as the U.S.-China trade war drags on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With tariffs increasing so drastically, it’s very difficult to keep it going,” said Zhu, who has owned Mei’s Grocery on Stockton Street for the past 11 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 90% of the goods at her store are imported from China — now subject to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/2025/04/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-ensures-national-security-and-economic-resilience-through-section-232-actions-on-processed-critical-minerals-and-derivative-products/\">tariffs\u003c/a> as high as 245%. Her inventory includes sauces, dry noodles, candies and cookies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Zhu, wholesalers have absorbed some of the price hikes associated with the tariffs, so she’s raised her prices by 50% for certain items. However, some products now cost 145% more, so she’s stopped stocking them. For the remaining stock, higher prices are driving customers away, and sales are down 30%, Zhu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If things continue like this for another month or two, the only option is to end the business and stop operating,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037242\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037242\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-24-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mei Zhu stocks items in her grocery store, Mei’s Grocery, in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Several Chinatown business owners, interviewed by KQED through a Cantonese interpreter, echoed Zhu’s concerns. They say that if the trade war persists, they’ll be forced to shut down or retire early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation has pushed San Francisco’s Chinatown — which has served as an immigrant gateway and economic hub for more than a century — into an existential crisis, according to Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the Chinatown Community Development Center.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“ This has always been a community that has been built around trade,” he said. “Trade created an opportunity for upward economic mobility for people through owning stores, or by leveraging relationships that they have back in China.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yeung said the tariffs signal that this way of life is cut off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office, President Donald Trump has deployed tariffs as a tool to pursue his policy agenda, which is meant to encourage domestic manufacturing and reduce trade deficits between the U.S. and its largest trading partners. China, in particular, has retaliated by raising its tariffs on all U.S. goods to 125%. As of Friday, China \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/25/business/china-us-tariffs-semiconductors-exemptions-hnk-intl/index.html\">reportedly\u003c/a> appeared to roll back some of the tax on U.S.-made semiconductors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Bachman, a professor of China studies at the University of Washington, said Trump’s tariff policies could be better defined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [the Trump administration] is out to re-establish American manufacturing, they could have confined those tariffs to manufactured products and ignored agricultural products or other areas where it was extremely unlikely that the U.S. would establish production lines,” Bachman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Consumers of Chinese imports are likely to feel the impacts of the tariffs, too, according to Bachman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Young lives in Antioch and travels to the Chinatowns in San Francisco and Oakland to get things he can’t get anywhere else. He had a grocery bag full of Chinese products, including “Spanish ham” and lamb-flavored potato chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ These bags were $11 a piece. They used to be $7. It’s ridiculous,” Young said, referring to a bag of fortune cookies he had bought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Liang, owner of Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal in San Francisco’s Chinatown, sells ingredients used in traditional Chinese medicine, including Tangerine peels, ginseng and chrysanthemum flowers. He said his suppliers have raised their prices by $3 to $4 a pound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037237\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-06-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owner Sam Liang weighs medical herbs at his shop, Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal Inc., in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The impact is already becoming apparent now. When we go to suppliers to get goods, they’re often out of stock or have shortages,” Liang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liang has operated Chinese medicine businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown for the past eight years. He said his business was already struggling, but with the latest tariffs, revenue and profit have decreased by around 30%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that some products might not appeal to his customers if they are manufactured in other countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m worried about running out of inventory,” Liang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037238\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037238\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owner Sam Liang at his shop, Run Feng Hai Wei Chinese Herbal Inc., in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>These merchants may experience relief from the economic pressures soon. On Tuesday, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/22/business/trump-china-trade-war-reduction-hnk-intl/index.html\">signaled\u003c/a> that the “tariffs will come down substantially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very difficult to predict; we’re just taking it one day at a time,” said Liu, owner of Beijing Shopping Center, which specializes in specialty clothing from China, such as hand-embroidered wedding dresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lui added that if the tariffs continue, she’ll consider pivoting to sell more clothing produced domestically — or close the store entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037245\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-31-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Imported items fill the wall at Beijing Shopping Center in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yeung said business owners in the neighborhood are feeling an “emerging sense of powerlessness,” but he’s confident the community will weather the storm, given its history of surviving adversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the community has overcome discriminatory policies, like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034009/angel-island-exhibit-aims-shine-light-border-surveillance-american-exclusion\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>, urban redevelopment and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent rise in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961693/californias-anti-asian-hate-crimes-decline-but-long-term-pattern-persists\">hate crimes targeting Asian communities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ That’s actually the Chinatown story more than virtually anything else,” Yeung said. “We’ve found ways to just be here through thick and thin. I think we’re entering into a thin period, but this community in many ways is built for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, California made sweeping changes to its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal/\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a> program that reimagined what health care could look like for some of the state’s poorest and sickest residents by covering services from housing to healthy food. But the future of that program, known as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">CalAIM\u003c/a>, could be at risk under the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent weeks, federal officials have signaled that support for creative uses of Medi-Cal funding is waning, particularly uses that California has invested in such as rent assistance and medically tailored meals. Medi-Cal is California’s name for Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves align with a narrower vision of Medicaid espoused by newly confirmed \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=66PQk_npFm0\">Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services head Dr. Mehmet Oz\u003c/a>, who said during his swearing-in ceremony that Medicaid spending was crowding out spending on education and other services in states with the federal government “paying most of the bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This one really bothers me. There are states who are using Medicaid — Medicaid dollars for people who are vulnerable — for services that are not medical,” Oz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also fits with broader GOP calls to slim down the federal government. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/03/medicaid-cuts-republican-districts/\">Medicaid is under scrutiny as part of a GOP-led budget process\u003c/a> in the House of Representatives that calls for $880 billion in cuts over 10 years to programs including Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The messaging that we want to go back to the basics of Medicaid puts all of these waiver programs in jeopardy,” said John Baackes, former chief executive of L.A. Care, the state’s largest Medi-Cal health insurer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12033802 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-14-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalAIM is authorized under a federal waiver that allows states to experiment with their Medicaid programs to try to save money and improve health outcomes. Under the waiver, California added extra benefits for high-cost users to help with food insecurity, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/12/calaim-federal-waivers/\">housing instability\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/04/medicaid-cuts-behavioral-health/\">substance use and behavioral health challenges\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/CalAIM/Documents/CalAIM-ECM-a11y.pdf\">half of all Medi-Cal spending\u003c/a> can be attributed to 5% of high-cost users, according to state documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in March, the federal government \u003ca href=\"https://www.medicaid.gov/federal-policy-guidance/downloads/cib03042025.pdf\">rescinded guidelines supporting Medi-Cal spending for social services\u003c/a>. It also sent states a letter in April indicating that the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services would no longer approve a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cms.gov/newsroom/press-releases/cms-refocuses-its-core-mission-and-preserving-state-federal-medicaid-partnership\">funding mechanism that helps support CalAIM\u003c/a>, although that money will continue until 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, these moves should worry states that operate programs like CalAIM, said Kathy Hempstead, senior policy officer at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under the Biden administration states were encouraged to experiment with things like that: To prescribe people prescriptions to get healthy food, to refer people to community-based services,” Hempstead said. “This administration is not receptive at all to … that vision of the Medicaid program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press release, CMS said it is putting an end to spending that isn’t “directly tied to health care services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/070523-Street-Medicine-Project-LV-CM_36-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Physician assistant Brett Feldman checks his patient, Carla Bolen’s, blood pressure while in her encampment at the Figueroa St. Viaduct above Highway 110 in Elysian Valley Park in Los Angeles on Nov. 18, 2022. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\">\u003cfigcaption>Physician assistant Brett Feldman checks his patient, Carla Bolen’s, blood pressure while in her encampment at the Figueroa St. Viaduct above Highway 110 in Elysian Valley Park in Los Angeles on Nov. 18, 2022. \u003cem>Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Mounting expenditures, such as covering housekeeping for individuals who are not eligible for Medicaid or high-speed internet for rural healthcare providers, distracts from the core mission of Medicaid, and in some instances, serves as an overly-creative financing mechanism to skirt state budget responsibilities,” the press release states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These signals from the federal government apply to future applications for Medicaid changes, and do not change California’s current programs or funding. The state’s CalAIM waiver expires at the end of 2026, and another similar waiver that supports \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/02/medi-cal-mental-health/\">California’s efforts to improve behavioral health care\u003c/a> expires in 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a statement from the Department of Health Care Services, the agency that oversees Medi-Cal, all programs “remain federally approved and operational.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We appreciate our Medi-Cal providers and community partners, and together we will push full steam ahead to transform our health system and improve health outcomes,” the department said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Shafer, co-director of the Boston University Medicaid Policy Lab, said decades of public health research show that people have worse health outcomes that require more expensive treatment when their social needs aren’t met.[aside postID=forum_2010101908967 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/02/iStock-1156622320-1-1020x574.jpg']“We’ve spent the last few decades in public health and health policy, arguing that so much of health and medical costs is driven by environmental factors — people’s living conditions, income, etc.” Shafer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Shafer said, programs like CalAIM are relatively recent and the research hasn’t had enough time to show whether paying for non-traditional services saves money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/12/homeless-health-care/\">California’s street medicine doctors\u003c/a> who take care of people who are homeless say that their patients often cycle in and out of the emergency room — the most expensive point of service in the health care system. They have no place to recover from medical procedures, no address to deliver medications, and the constant exposure to the elements takes years off of their lives, doctors say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalAIM gives them options to help their clients find housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government’s decision not to fund programs like this in the future is a “step backward,” Shafer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we can all read the tea leaves and say that that means they’re sort of unlikely to be renewed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/04/medicaid-waiver-calaim/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California uses Medicaid to pay for a range of nontraditional health care services, including housing. The Trump administration wants to scale back those programs.",
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"title": "Biden Let California Get Creative With Medicaid Spending. Trump Is Signaling That May End | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, California made sweeping changes to its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal/\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a> program that reimagined what health care could look like for some of the state’s poorest and sickest residents by covering services from housing to healthy food. But the future of that program, known as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">CalAIM\u003c/a>, could be at risk under the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent weeks, federal officials have signaled that support for creative uses of Medi-Cal funding is waning, particularly uses that California has invested in such as rent assistance and medically tailored meals. Medi-Cal is California’s name for Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moves align with a narrower vision of Medicaid espoused by newly confirmed \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=66PQk_npFm0\">Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services head Dr. Mehmet Oz\u003c/a>, who said during his swearing-in ceremony that Medicaid spending was crowding out spending on education and other services in states with the federal government “paying most of the bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This one really bothers me. There are states who are using Medicaid — Medicaid dollars for people who are vulnerable — for services that are not medical,” Oz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also fits with broader GOP calls to slim down the federal government. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/03/medicaid-cuts-republican-districts/\">Medicaid is under scrutiny as part of a GOP-led budget process\u003c/a> in the House of Representatives that calls for $880 billion in cuts over 10 years to programs including Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The messaging that we want to go back to the basics of Medicaid puts all of these waiver programs in jeopardy,” said John Baackes, former chief executive of L.A. Care, the state’s largest Medi-Cal health insurer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalAIM is authorized under a federal waiver that allows states to experiment with their Medicaid programs to try to save money and improve health outcomes. Under the waiver, California added extra benefits for high-cost users to help with food insecurity, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/12/calaim-federal-waivers/\">housing instability\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/04/medicaid-cuts-behavioral-health/\">substance use and behavioral health challenges\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/CalAIM/Documents/CalAIM-ECM-a11y.pdf\">half of all Medi-Cal spending\u003c/a> can be attributed to 5% of high-cost users, according to state documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in March, the federal government \u003ca href=\"https://www.medicaid.gov/federal-policy-guidance/downloads/cib03042025.pdf\">rescinded guidelines supporting Medi-Cal spending for social services\u003c/a>. It also sent states a letter in April indicating that the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services would no longer approve a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cms.gov/newsroom/press-releases/cms-refocuses-its-core-mission-and-preserving-state-federal-medicaid-partnership\">funding mechanism that helps support CalAIM\u003c/a>, although that money will continue until 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, these moves should worry states that operate programs like CalAIM, said Kathy Hempstead, senior policy officer at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under the Biden administration states were encouraged to experiment with things like that: To prescribe people prescriptions to get healthy food, to refer people to community-based services,” Hempstead said. “This administration is not receptive at all to … that vision of the Medicaid program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press release, CMS said it is putting an end to spending that isn’t “directly tied to health care services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/070523-Street-Medicine-Project-LV-CM_36-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Physician assistant Brett Feldman checks his patient, Carla Bolen’s, blood pressure while in her encampment at the Figueroa St. Viaduct above Highway 110 in Elysian Valley Park in Los Angeles on Nov. 18, 2022. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\">\u003cfigcaption>Physician assistant Brett Feldman checks his patient, Carla Bolen’s, blood pressure while in her encampment at the Figueroa St. Viaduct above Highway 110 in Elysian Valley Park in Los Angeles on Nov. 18, 2022. \u003cem>Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Mounting expenditures, such as covering housekeeping for individuals who are not eligible for Medicaid or high-speed internet for rural healthcare providers, distracts from the core mission of Medicaid, and in some instances, serves as an overly-creative financing mechanism to skirt state budget responsibilities,” the press release states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These signals from the federal government apply to future applications for Medicaid changes, and do not change California’s current programs or funding. The state’s CalAIM waiver expires at the end of 2026, and another similar waiver that supports \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/02/medi-cal-mental-health/\">California’s efforts to improve behavioral health care\u003c/a> expires in 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a statement from the Department of Health Care Services, the agency that oversees Medi-Cal, all programs “remain federally approved and operational.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We appreciate our Medi-Cal providers and community partners, and together we will push full steam ahead to transform our health system and improve health outcomes,” the department said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Shafer, co-director of the Boston University Medicaid Policy Lab, said decades of public health research show that people have worse health outcomes that require more expensive treatment when their social needs aren’t met.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’ve spent the last few decades in public health and health policy, arguing that so much of health and medical costs is driven by environmental factors — people’s living conditions, income, etc.” Shafer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Shafer said, programs like CalAIM are relatively recent and the research hasn’t had enough time to show whether paying for non-traditional services saves money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/12/homeless-health-care/\">California’s street medicine doctors\u003c/a> who take care of people who are homeless say that their patients often cycle in and out of the emergency room — the most expensive point of service in the health care system. They have no place to recover from medical procedures, no address to deliver medications, and the constant exposure to the elements takes years off of their lives, doctors say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalAIM gives them options to help their clients find housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government’s decision not to fund programs like this in the future is a “step backward,” Shafer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we can all read the tea leaves and say that that means they’re sort of unlikely to be renewed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2025/04/medicaid-waiver-calaim/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "potential-valero-refinery-closure-leaves-benicia-state-officials-scrambling-to-pick-up-pieces",
"title": "Potential Valero Refinery Closure Leaves Benicia, State Officials Scrambling for Alternatives",
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"headTitle": "Potential Valero Refinery Closure Leaves Benicia, State Officials Scrambling for Alternatives | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A week after Valero \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036695/shocking-news-valero-announces-plans-to-end-operations-at-benicia-refinery\">announced plans\u003c/a> to “idle, restructure or cease” operations at its massive Benicia oil refinery by next April, company executives said that while the plant’s closure was more than likely, it was not yet a foregone conclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an \u003ca href=\"https://seekingalpha.com/article/4777736-valero-energy-corporation-vlo-q1-2025-earnings-call-transcript\">earnings call\u003c/a> Thursday, Valero executives left open the possibility of a Hail Mary, saying they had plans to meet with state and local officials to discuss potential options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think there’s a genuine interest in California to avoid the closure,” Richard Walsh, Valero’s executive vice president, said during the call. But he quickly added, “Our current intent right now is to close the refinery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valero CEO Lane Riggs cited California’s tough “regulatory and enforcement environment” as the main driver behind the company’s intent to cease operations at the sprawling North Bay facility. The sixth-largest refinery in the state, it currently produces up to 145,000 barrels of crude oil a day, accounting for \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/californias-petroleum-market/californias-oil-refineries\">about 9%\u003c/a> of the state’s production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has been pursuing policies to move away from fossil fuels for really the past 20 years,” Riggs said, calling the state’s regulations “the most stringent and difficult of anywhere else in North America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benicia Mayor Steve Young doesn’t disagree with the assessment, but said he wishes the company had provided more lead time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036242 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/ValeroBenicia-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to get moving on this quickly because 12 months is not a long time given the severity of the economic impact,” said Young, noting that nearly 20% of Benicia’s $60 million budget comes from the refinery. “I think that’s part of my frustration, is how little time we have to try to plan for some kind of an alternative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shutting down the facility, he added, would also be a major blow to the hundreds of residents who work there, not to mention the scores of restaurants, hotels and other businesses that provide services to those workers in this city of some 27,000 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Valero refinery is also the exclusive supplier of jet fuel to nearby Travis Air Force Base, which it delivers through a direct pipeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If that is stopped, what does that mean to the base?” Young said. “Travis uses an amazing amount of fuel to fly all their planes, much more than can be easily replaced, and certainly not replaced within a year. So I think that this becomes a matter of real concern to the Defense Department and it’s potentially a national security issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valero dropped its bombshell April 16 announcement roughly six months after regional and state air regulators fined the company a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011785/bay-area-air-district-hits-valeros-benicia-refinery-with-historic-82-million-fine\">record $82 million\u003c/a> for secretly exceeding toxic emissions standards for at least 15 years. And last month, city leaders voted unanimously to impose moderate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029845/benicia-moves-toward-tougher-oversight-of-valero-refinery\">new safety regulations\u003c/a> on the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906319\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 345px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11906319\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/BeniciaRefinery.png\" alt=\"Map showing location of Valero's Benicia refinery\" width=\"345\" height=\"362\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/BeniciaRefinery.png 940w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/BeniciaRefinery-800x839.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/BeniciaRefinery-160x168.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 345px) 100vw, 345px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003ci>Map by Matthew Green/KQED\u003c/i>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I suspect that compared to other refinery operators, they’re a pretty good business operator. But they’ve also had a pretty bad track record on public safety,” said Terry Mollica, who leads a group of residents that pushed for the city’s new safety rules to increase oversight of the refinery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mollica said that he doesn’t think anybody in his group is particularly excited about the possibility of the facility closing altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There would be long-term and short-term impacts on the community,” he said. “People would lose their jobs. None of us want to see that happen particularly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valero has owned and operated the Benicia refinery since 2000. The refinery was originally built in 1968 for Humble Oil, later called Exxon, and began operations the following year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its possible closure comes amid a growing exodus of traditional oil refiners in California. \u003ca href=\"https://biodieselmagazine.com/articles/phillips-66-rodeo-conversion-project-to-begin-operations-in-q1\">Phillips 66’s refinery in Rodeo\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://biodieselmagazine.com/articles/marathon-martinez-biorefinery-to-reach-full-capacity-by-year-end\">Marathon’s facility in Martinez \u003c/a>both recently converted operations to biofuel production. Phillips 66 also \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2024-10-16/phillips-66-will-shut-historic-wilmington-refinery\">plans to close\u003c/a> its Los Angeles-area refinery — the seventh largest in the state — later this year.[aside postID=news_12011785 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Refinery-1920x1440.jpg']And Valero executives, in this week’s earnings call, hinted that they may also soon consider “strategic alternatives” for the company’s only other California refinery, located near Los Angeles, which accounts for more than 5% of the state’s crude oil supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is phasing out its gasoline consumption and refiners see that coming,” said Severin Borenstein, a UC Berkeley energy economist. “We should be seriously concerned about how all that gasoline supply is going to get replaced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has dramatically reduced its reliance on fossil fuels in recent decades, but most residents still drive gas-powered cars and will continue to do so for years to come, Borenstein said, even though the state already has some of the highest gas prices in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom underscored that sense of urgency this week \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GovNewsomLetterCECGunda.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">in a letter (PDF)\u003c/a> to California Energy Commission Vice Chair Siva Gunda. He urged the commission to “redouble” its efforts to ensure refiners “continue to see the value in serving the California market, even as demand for fossil fuels continues its gradual decline over the coming decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am directing you … to reinforce the State’s openness to a collaborative relationship and our firm belief that Californians can be protected from price spikes and refiners can profitably operate in California — a market where demand for gasoline will still exist for years to come,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1947px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037805\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1947\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed.jpg 1947w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed-1020x698.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed-1536x1052.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed-1920x1315.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1947px) 100vw, 1947px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A customer prepares to pump gas into his truck at a Valero gas station on July 22, 2013 in Mill Valley. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Almost immediately after Valero’s announcement, Newsom was lambasted by state Assembly Republicans, who said the potential closure was among the growing number of “real-world consequences” of [his] war on California energy producers that was “becoming clearer by the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his letter, Newsom defended two different laws he signed in the last two years that give the state more oversight of the oil industry and regulate backup supply when refineries go offline in order to prevent market irregularities. He also asked state energy and environmental officials to produce a report by July 1 on “any changes in the State’s approach that are needed to ensure adequate supply during this transition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Energy Commission continues to be committed to working with stakeholders to explore options to ensure an affordable, reliable, and safe transportation fuel supply,” Sandy Louey, a spokesperson for the commission, said in an email in response to Newsom’s letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young, whose city has long felt the health impacts of the refinery’s toxic releases, said he understands the motivation behind California’s ambitious regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think certainly [California’s] done them for lots of good environmental reasons, and that obviously climate change is a real thing and burning fossil fuels is a direct contributor to it,” he said. “Did they go too far? I don’t want to say that. But it certainly has created an environment where oil companies feel that either they’ve been unfairly targeted or they are just seeing this as perhaps a way to negotiate some rollbacks of some of those things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young acknowledged that the refinery’s closure would yield some “net benefit” to the health and safety of his community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so from an environmental point of view, sure, it’s certainly possible to look at it as a silver lining,” he said. “But overall, given how quick this is unfolding, I’m certainly not celebrating it by any means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The potential closure of the massive Benicia oil refinery by next April would have a major impact on the city’s economy and the state’s oil supply. ",
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"title": "Potential Valero Refinery Closure Leaves Benicia, State Officials Scrambling for Alternatives | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A week after Valero \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036695/shocking-news-valero-announces-plans-to-end-operations-at-benicia-refinery\">announced plans\u003c/a> to “idle, restructure or cease” operations at its massive Benicia oil refinery by next April, company executives said that while the plant’s closure was more than likely, it was not yet a foregone conclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an \u003ca href=\"https://seekingalpha.com/article/4777736-valero-energy-corporation-vlo-q1-2025-earnings-call-transcript\">earnings call\u003c/a> Thursday, Valero executives left open the possibility of a Hail Mary, saying they had plans to meet with state and local officials to discuss potential options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think there’s a genuine interest in California to avoid the closure,” Richard Walsh, Valero’s executive vice president, said during the call. But he quickly added, “Our current intent right now is to close the refinery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valero CEO Lane Riggs cited California’s tough “regulatory and enforcement environment” as the main driver behind the company’s intent to cease operations at the sprawling North Bay facility. The sixth-largest refinery in the state, it currently produces up to 145,000 barrels of crude oil a day, accounting for \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/californias-petroleum-market/californias-oil-refineries\">about 9%\u003c/a> of the state’s production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has been pursuing policies to move away from fossil fuels for really the past 20 years,” Riggs said, calling the state’s regulations “the most stringent and difficult of anywhere else in North America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benicia Mayor Steve Young doesn’t disagree with the assessment, but said he wishes the company had provided more lead time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to get moving on this quickly because 12 months is not a long time given the severity of the economic impact,” said Young, noting that nearly 20% of Benicia’s $60 million budget comes from the refinery. “I think that’s part of my frustration, is how little time we have to try to plan for some kind of an alternative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shutting down the facility, he added, would also be a major blow to the hundreds of residents who work there, not to mention the scores of restaurants, hotels and other businesses that provide services to those workers in this city of some 27,000 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Valero refinery is also the exclusive supplier of jet fuel to nearby Travis Air Force Base, which it delivers through a direct pipeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If that is stopped, what does that mean to the base?” Young said. “Travis uses an amazing amount of fuel to fly all their planes, much more than can be easily replaced, and certainly not replaced within a year. So I think that this becomes a matter of real concern to the Defense Department and it’s potentially a national security issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valero dropped its bombshell April 16 announcement roughly six months after regional and state air regulators fined the company a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011785/bay-area-air-district-hits-valeros-benicia-refinery-with-historic-82-million-fine\">record $82 million\u003c/a> for secretly exceeding toxic emissions standards for at least 15 years. And last month, city leaders voted unanimously to impose moderate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029845/benicia-moves-toward-tougher-oversight-of-valero-refinery\">new safety regulations\u003c/a> on the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906319\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 345px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11906319\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/BeniciaRefinery.png\" alt=\"Map showing location of Valero's Benicia refinery\" width=\"345\" height=\"362\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/BeniciaRefinery.png 940w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/BeniciaRefinery-800x839.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/BeniciaRefinery-160x168.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 345px) 100vw, 345px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003ci>Map by Matthew Green/KQED\u003c/i>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I suspect that compared to other refinery operators, they’re a pretty good business operator. But they’ve also had a pretty bad track record on public safety,” said Terry Mollica, who leads a group of residents that pushed for the city’s new safety rules to increase oversight of the refinery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mollica said that he doesn’t think anybody in his group is particularly excited about the possibility of the facility closing altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There would be long-term and short-term impacts on the community,” he said. “People would lose their jobs. None of us want to see that happen particularly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valero has owned and operated the Benicia refinery since 2000. The refinery was originally built in 1968 for Humble Oil, later called Exxon, and began operations the following year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its possible closure comes amid a growing exodus of traditional oil refiners in California. \u003ca href=\"https://biodieselmagazine.com/articles/phillips-66-rodeo-conversion-project-to-begin-operations-in-q1\">Phillips 66’s refinery in Rodeo\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://biodieselmagazine.com/articles/marathon-martinez-biorefinery-to-reach-full-capacity-by-year-end\">Marathon’s facility in Martinez \u003c/a>both recently converted operations to biofuel production. Phillips 66 also \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2024-10-16/phillips-66-will-shut-historic-wilmington-refinery\">plans to close\u003c/a> its Los Angeles-area refinery — the seventh largest in the state — later this year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And Valero executives, in this week’s earnings call, hinted that they may also soon consider “strategic alternatives” for the company’s only other California refinery, located near Los Angeles, which accounts for more than 5% of the state’s crude oil supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is phasing out its gasoline consumption and refiners see that coming,” said Severin Borenstein, a UC Berkeley energy economist. “We should be seriously concerned about how all that gasoline supply is going to get replaced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has dramatically reduced its reliance on fossil fuels in recent decades, but most residents still drive gas-powered cars and will continue to do so for years to come, Borenstein said, even though the state already has some of the highest gas prices in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom underscored that sense of urgency this week \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GovNewsomLetterCECGunda.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">in a letter (PDF)\u003c/a> to California Energy Commission Vice Chair Siva Gunda. He urged the commission to “redouble” its efforts to ensure refiners “continue to see the value in serving the California market, even as demand for fossil fuels continues its gradual decline over the coming decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am directing you … to reinforce the State’s openness to a collaborative relationship and our firm belief that Californians can be protected from price spikes and refiners can profitably operate in California — a market where demand for gasoline will still exist for years to come,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1947px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037805\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1947\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed.jpg 1947w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed-1020x698.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed-1536x1052.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/174246469_qed-1920x1315.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1947px) 100vw, 1947px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A customer prepares to pump gas into his truck at a Valero gas station on July 22, 2013 in Mill Valley. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Almost immediately after Valero’s announcement, Newsom was lambasted by state Assembly Republicans, who said the potential closure was among the growing number of “real-world consequences” of [his] war on California energy producers that was “becoming clearer by the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his letter, Newsom defended two different laws he signed in the last two years that give the state more oversight of the oil industry and regulate backup supply when refineries go offline in order to prevent market irregularities. He also asked state energy and environmental officials to produce a report by July 1 on “any changes in the State’s approach that are needed to ensure adequate supply during this transition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Energy Commission continues to be committed to working with stakeholders to explore options to ensure an affordable, reliable, and safe transportation fuel supply,” Sandy Louey, a spokesperson for the commission, said in an email in response to Newsom’s letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young, whose city has long felt the health impacts of the refinery’s toxic releases, said he understands the motivation behind California’s ambitious regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think certainly [California’s] done them for lots of good environmental reasons, and that obviously climate change is a real thing and burning fossil fuels is a direct contributor to it,” he said. “Did they go too far? I don’t want to say that. But it certainly has created an environment where oil companies feel that either they’ve been unfairly targeted or they are just seeing this as perhaps a way to negotiate some rollbacks of some of those things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young acknowledged that the refinery’s closure would yield some “net benefit” to the health and safety of his community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so from an environmental point of view, sure, it’s certainly possible to look at it as a silver lining,” he said. “But overall, given how quick this is unfolding, I’m certainly not celebrating it by any means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "point-reyes-cattle-ranchers-urge-republicans-to-leave-environmental-deal-alone",
"title": "Point Reyes Cattle Ranchers Urge Republicans to Leave Environmental Deal Alone",
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"headTitle": "Point Reyes Cattle Ranchers Urge Republicans to Leave Environmental Deal Alone | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035621/historic-deal-end-point-reyes-ranching-threatened-republicans-probe\">congressional probe\u003c/a> into the historic settlement between ranchers and environmentalists at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/point-reyes\">Point Reyes National Seashore\u003c/a> is uniting the unexpected allies over a clear message: Leave the deal alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Republicans who launched the investigation this month had accused the Nature Conservancy of “muzzling” ranchers and expressed concerns over a lack of transparency and the environmental and legal consequences of the deal. A dozen ranchers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021426/point-reyes-ranching-will-all-but-end-under-new-deal-capping-decades-long-conflict\">agreed in January to lease buyouts\u003c/a> by the Nature Conservancy, setting up the end of most ranching in the longtime North Bay agricultural region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Republicans alleged that many leaseholders were unhappy with the buyout terms, ranchers have called the deal their “only viable path forward,” one that promised compensation and an end to years of environmental litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are sincerely thankful for the resources that the Nature Conservancy brought to bear to resolve what for us was an untenable situation,” seven of the departing ranch owners, who are members of the Point Reyes Seashore Ranchers Association, wrote last week in a joint letter to Rep. Bruce Westerman, the chairman of the House Committee on Natural Resources and one of the Republicans who initiated the probe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation was started without the knowledge of the top-ranking Democrat on the committee, Rep. Jared Huffman, who represents \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">West Marin\u003c/a> and previously told KQED that the move could “blow up” the historic land deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12035621 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/PointReyesNationalSeashoreGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal, which the ranchers’ statement called “an opportunity and a lifeline,” sent shockwaves through West Marin, where family-run operations say they have spearheaded sustainable farming practices since shortly after the Gold Rush and where many low-income workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030718/marin-county-declares-shelter-crisis-ranch-workers-poised-lose-homes\">rely on ranches’ affordable housing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It promised to halt an ongoing lawsuit by three environmental groups in 2022 as they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936802/cattle-ranching-is-at-the-center-of-a-battle-brewing-in-point-reyes\">sparred with ranchers\u003c/a> over land use, alleging that the ranchers dump large amounts of pollutants and greenhouse gases, causing ecological damage and harming the tule elk population that grazes there. It would also bar future similar litigation as the ranches finish out their existing property leases, some of which are set to last nearly 20 more years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, preventing future lawsuits hinges on the ranchers meeting the settlement’s terms for ceasing operations, according to a letter that environmental groups Advocates for the West, the Resource Renewal Institute, the Center for Biological Diversity and the Western Watersheds Project sent Thursday in response to a document request from the House committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ranchers say that there isn’t any turning back on the deal and that the investigation only threatens to upend their protection from litigation and their payouts from the Nature Conservancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One ranch has already closed down,” according to the letter from the members of the Point Reyes Seashore Ranchers Association. “Another ranch has purchased property elsewhere. Many of the families are currently cleaning out their ranch buildings and surroundings and removing possessions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021428\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12021428\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cows in a meadow in Point Reyes National Seashore, located in Marin County, California, on Nov. 17, 2017. \u003ccite>(Gili Yaari/NurPhoto via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>An attorney writing on behalf of three additional dairies sent a second letter to the Committee on Natural Resources last week, requesting that it allow the settlement to move forward without requiring their confidential mediation documents to be revealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My clients are asking that their decisions be respected and that they be allowed to fulfill their\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>legal obligations under the agreements to close down their ranches in an orderly and appropriate manner and complete the transaction within the agreed timeline,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the environmental groups targeted by the congressional investigation handed over more than 3,500 pages of documents related to the deal but said their mediation documents would not be released, citing attorney-client privilege and work product.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While they amplified the ranchers’ request to allow the settlement to continue, the environmental groups didn’t echo the ranchers’ other plea to Congress: to strengthen legal protections for ranchers on public lands elsewhere.[aside postID=news_12029675 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/NimanRanchGetty-1020x680.jpg']The dairies called for additional protections against “predatory litigation” by environmental activists, which they said has made it impossible for them to remain in Marin and the wider Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dairies said they “urge our elected officials to examine how and why a state like California, where dairy, made up almost entirely of family farms, has been strangled by hostile regulations, activism, and litigation instead of being protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029675/niman-ranch-challenges-point-reyes-seashore-settlement-in-lawsuit-over-ranching\">lawsuits fighting the settlement\u003c/a> deal have already been filed on behalf of ranching families and tenants who have long resided there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill and Nicolette Niman, who operate one of the two ranches that isn’t party to the settlement, sued the National Park Service, alleging that its move to bar agricultural operations on most of the 28,000-acre seashore fails to account for Congress’ goal to preserve the area’s “ranching and agricultural heritage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They believe the land should continue to be available to future generations of ranchers, even after those who have signed onto the settlement leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other remaining ranch owner, David Evans, joined the Nimans’ suit, and in his own letter to the House committee, he urged it to provide protections from “green groups,” according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/most-point-reyes-seashore-ranchers-signal-support-for-buyout-deal-after-hou/?ref=home-icymysmallstories\">reporting by the \u003cem>Press Democrat\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress, when it authorized the seashore and created the seashore, granted the park service and the Secretary of the Interior the authority — should the initial ranchers decide to leave, as most have now done — to lease that land to a new generation of ranchers,” said Peter Prows, the attorney representing the Nimans. “That alternative of leasing it to others is something that the park service hasn’t considered in violation of the law, and it’s really unfortunate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "House Republicans’ investigation into the historic settlement to end most ranching at the Point Reyes National Seashore threatens a 'lifeline' for the ranchers, they say.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035621/historic-deal-end-point-reyes-ranching-threatened-republicans-probe\">congressional probe\u003c/a> into the historic settlement between ranchers and environmentalists at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/point-reyes\">Point Reyes National Seashore\u003c/a> is uniting the unexpected allies over a clear message: Leave the deal alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Republicans who launched the investigation this month had accused the Nature Conservancy of “muzzling” ranchers and expressed concerns over a lack of transparency and the environmental and legal consequences of the deal. A dozen ranchers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021426/point-reyes-ranching-will-all-but-end-under-new-deal-capping-decades-long-conflict\">agreed in January to lease buyouts\u003c/a> by the Nature Conservancy, setting up the end of most ranching in the longtime North Bay agricultural region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Republicans alleged that many leaseholders were unhappy with the buyout terms, ranchers have called the deal their “only viable path forward,” one that promised compensation and an end to years of environmental litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are sincerely thankful for the resources that the Nature Conservancy brought to bear to resolve what for us was an untenable situation,” seven of the departing ranch owners, who are members of the Point Reyes Seashore Ranchers Association, wrote last week in a joint letter to Rep. Bruce Westerman, the chairman of the House Committee on Natural Resources and one of the Republicans who initiated the probe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation was started without the knowledge of the top-ranking Democrat on the committee, Rep. Jared Huffman, who represents \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">West Marin\u003c/a> and previously told KQED that the move could “blow up” the historic land deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal, which the ranchers’ statement called “an opportunity and a lifeline,” sent shockwaves through West Marin, where family-run operations say they have spearheaded sustainable farming practices since shortly after the Gold Rush and where many low-income workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030718/marin-county-declares-shelter-crisis-ranch-workers-poised-lose-homes\">rely on ranches’ affordable housing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It promised to halt an ongoing lawsuit by three environmental groups in 2022 as they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936802/cattle-ranching-is-at-the-center-of-a-battle-brewing-in-point-reyes\">sparred with ranchers\u003c/a> over land use, alleging that the ranchers dump large amounts of pollutants and greenhouse gases, causing ecological damage and harming the tule elk population that grazes there. It would also bar future similar litigation as the ranches finish out their existing property leases, some of which are set to last nearly 20 more years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, preventing future lawsuits hinges on the ranchers meeting the settlement’s terms for ceasing operations, according to a letter that environmental groups Advocates for the West, the Resource Renewal Institute, the Center for Biological Diversity and the Western Watersheds Project sent Thursday in response to a document request from the House committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ranchers say that there isn’t any turning back on the deal and that the investigation only threatens to upend their protection from litigation and their payouts from the Nature Conservancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One ranch has already closed down,” according to the letter from the members of the Point Reyes Seashore Ranchers Association. “Another ranch has purchased property elsewhere. Many of the families are currently cleaning out their ranch buildings and surroundings and removing possessions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12021428\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12021428\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PointReyesCattleGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cows in a meadow in Point Reyes National Seashore, located in Marin County, California, on Nov. 17, 2017. \u003ccite>(Gili Yaari/NurPhoto via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>An attorney writing on behalf of three additional dairies sent a second letter to the Committee on Natural Resources last week, requesting that it allow the settlement to move forward without requiring their confidential mediation documents to be revealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My clients are asking that their decisions be respected and that they be allowed to fulfill their\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>legal obligations under the agreements to close down their ranches in an orderly and appropriate manner and complete the transaction within the agreed timeline,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the environmental groups targeted by the congressional investigation handed over more than 3,500 pages of documents related to the deal but said their mediation documents would not be released, citing attorney-client privilege and work product.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While they amplified the ranchers’ request to allow the settlement to continue, the environmental groups didn’t echo the ranchers’ other plea to Congress: to strengthen legal protections for ranchers on public lands elsewhere.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The dairies called for additional protections against “predatory litigation” by environmental activists, which they said has made it impossible for them to remain in Marin and the wider Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dairies said they “urge our elected officials to examine how and why a state like California, where dairy, made up almost entirely of family farms, has been strangled by hostile regulations, activism, and litigation instead of being protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029675/niman-ranch-challenges-point-reyes-seashore-settlement-in-lawsuit-over-ranching\">lawsuits fighting the settlement\u003c/a> deal have already been filed on behalf of ranching families and tenants who have long resided there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill and Nicolette Niman, who operate one of the two ranches that isn’t party to the settlement, sued the National Park Service, alleging that its move to bar agricultural operations on most of the 28,000-acre seashore fails to account for Congress’ goal to preserve the area’s “ranching and agricultural heritage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They believe the land should continue to be available to future generations of ranchers, even after those who have signed onto the settlement leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other remaining ranch owner, David Evans, joined the Nimans’ suit, and in his own letter to the House committee, he urged it to provide protections from “green groups,” according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/most-point-reyes-seashore-ranchers-signal-support-for-buyout-deal-after-hou/?ref=home-icymysmallstories\">reporting by the \u003cem>Press Democrat\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress, when it authorized the seashore and created the seashore, granted the park service and the Secretary of the Interior the authority — should the initial ranchers decide to leave, as most have now done — to lease that land to a new generation of ranchers,” said Peter Prows, the attorney representing the Nimans. “That alternative of leasing it to others is something that the park service hasn’t considered in violation of the law, and it’s really unfortunate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "history-of-japanese-american-care-homes-singing-corridos-in-compton-sf-hosts-trans-self-defense-class",
"title": "The Activist History of Japanese American Care Homes; Singing Corridos in Compton; SF Hosts Trans Self-Defense Class",
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"headTitle": "The Activist History of Japanese American Care Homes; Singing Corridos in Compton; SF Hosts Trans Self-Defense Class | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025613/j-sei-home-closes-after-30-years-leaving-bay-area-japanese-seniors-in-need\">J-Sei Home Closes After 30 Years, Leaving Bay Area Japanese Seniors in Need\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The 1960s and 70s was a pivotal time for community activism, with the civil rights and anti-war movements, the Black Panther Party and student protests that established ethnic studies on college campuses. That activism led to a decades-old critical lifeline for Japanese American elders: culturally sensitive senior care homes. But in recent years, these kinds of homes have been closing down -including one in the Bay Area. As Cecilia Lei reports, the closures highlight how the Japanese-American community is at a crossroads. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037162/la-artist-el-compa-negro-plays-traditional-mexican-music-straight-outta-compton\">El Compa Negro Plays Traditional Mexican Music, Straight Outta Compton\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Compton is known for being the heart of West Coast rap from Dr. Dre .to Kendrick Lamar. But, Compton has changed– a lot. According to census data, the city’s demographics show over 70% of its residents identify as Latino or Hispanic. This shift can be seen and heard in an artist from Compton named Rhyan Lavelle Lowery, aka El Compa Negro. He’s a Black musician who sings corridos or Mexican storytelling songs. Reporter. Aisha Wallace Palomares takes us on a trip to meet him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032731/amid-rising-threats-transgender-community-builds-bonds-san-francisco-self-defense-class\">Amid Rising Threats, Transgender Community Builds Bonds at This SF Self-Defense Class\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Many transgender, nonbinary and gender-expansive people are feeling vulnerable because of anti-trans policies from the Trump administration. There are a lot of efforts to fight for trans rights on the legal front but there’s also momentum to make sure trans and nonbinary people can defend themselves from threats of physical violence. KQED’s Bianca Taylor takes us to a free self-defense class in San Francisco’s Transgender District, the first legally recognized cultural district of its kind in the world. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": " This week, CalTech scientists testing homes for toxins after the Eaton Fire and a youth advocate fighting for victims of sexual abuse and trafficking. ",
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"soldout": {
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