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"content": "\u003cp>The only marine lab on the San Francisco Bay is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036970/unique-san-francisco-bay-marine-lab-faces-closure-has-days-raise-millions\">on the brink of shuttering\u003c/a>, after failing to secure the funds necessary to cover its operating and maintenance costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco State University’s \u003ca href=\"https://eoscenter.sfsu.edu/\">Estuary and Ocean Science Center\u003c/a>, which has conducted critical marine research in Tiburon for nearly half a century, failed to raise the $10 million the cash-strapped university said was needed by the end of April to keep the lab open, at least in the short term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My deadline was yesterday,” said Katharyn Boyer, an SF State ecology professor, who is the interim director of the center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyer said she recently found out her last-ditch grant proposal had been rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without that funding, the school is likely to begin phasing out the center’s operations over the next six months. Boyer, two other tenured faculty and their graduate students will move back to the university’s main campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 12 adjunct faculty and employees who are not funded through the university could lose their jobs, Boyer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists, conservationists and community members have \u003ca href=\"https://www.friendsofeosc.org/\">rallied\u003c/a> to save the center since the university announced in February that it could \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025961/sonoma-state-1st-csu-slash-programs-likely-wont-be-last\">no longer afford\u003c/a> to keep the doors open on its 53-acre Tiburon campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036970 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20250423_MARINELAB_GC-2-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center’s turmoil is a result of San Francisco State’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016316/sf-state-lecturers-rattled-by-looming-job-cuts-enrollment-slides\">deep financial troubles\u003c/a>. With dropping enrollment and new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020389/newsom-projects-slight-budget-surplus-with-focus-on-saving-accountability\">reductions\u003c/a> to state university funding, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030322/sf-state-joins-wave-of-csu-campuses-making-deep-spending-cuts\">the school announced\u003c/a> it would need to slash spending by some $25 million next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyer said her frenzied fundraising efforts over the last few months have brought in about $3.2 million, just shy of the $3.5 million she said is needed to keep the center operating for the next three years. However, that alone is unlikely to sway university administrators, who note that aside from the operating budget, the center also needs millions of dollars in maintenance and repairs to continue functioning properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I presented a plan to the university leadership for how we would cover our costs so that there would be no cost to the general fund for the next three years,” Boyer said, a day after meeting with administrators. “They don’t pay for anything then. We cover our costs entirely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyer said that the school was also deterred by her “bake-sale” fundraising approach, which involved collecting multiple smaller donations, rather than securing a large — and potentially sustaining — grant from a single source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So even though it was I think by all accounts a heroic effort to fundraise that amount in a couple of months time, it still might not be considered a successful campaign,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, she noted that if someone donated an additional $300,000 or so, “like today, it wouldn’t hurt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I don’t know if it’s going to change anybody’s mind at this point,” she said. “I mean, if we had a bigger donor who could step up, that to me is what would change their minds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038613\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038613\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katharyn Boyer, interim EOS executive director and professor of biology, talks about tanks used for ocean acidification projects, at San Francisco State’s Estuary and Ocean Science center, in Tiburon on April 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robert King, a spokesperson for SF State, said the amount Boyer has raised “wouldn’t address the long-term issues with the site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He emphasized that, absent a funding miracle, the site will close, but the center’s work would continue at the school’s main campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effort to find additional funding sources or a partner to help shoulder the burden of the location dates back several years and includes SF State administrators, EOS staff and even assistance from the CSU Chancellor’s Office,” he said in an email. “In addition to the operating fund shortfall, the [university] estimated $3.97 million needed funds just for safety repairs if we found a partner to continue operations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university began research at the Romberg Tiburon Campus, once a U.S. Navy base, in 1978. Although many of the defunct military structures are in disrepair, the university’s main lab buildings serve as a regional science hub. The site is also home to the \u003ca href=\"https://coast.noaa.gov/nerrs/reserves/san-francisco-bay.html\">San Francisco Bay National Estuarine Research Reserve\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://serc.si.edu/\">Smithsonian Environmental Research Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the only marine biology center in San Francisco Bay, and it’s leading the innovation of how to use nature for sea-level rise resilience,” said Evyan Borgnis Sloane, deputy executive officer of the California State Coastal Conservancy and a San Francisco State alum who studied at the center. “If you don’t want to see the bay shoreline where you kayak, walk and swim be transformed over time to concrete sea walls, then you should care about this center closing.”[aside postID=news_12038576 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-2206434879-1020x680.jpg']Ironically, if the center closes, Boyer might have to return millions of dollars in research funding, including out of a recent \u003ca href=\"https://news.sfsu.edu/news/eos-center-aims-expand-workforce-empowerment-increase-local-coastal-resiliency\">$4.3 million grant\u003c/a> from the California State Coastal Conservancy for climate change adaptation and education projects. Boyer said she would also have to give back $5.8 million awarded by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for a new aquatic research facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the site shuts down, Boyer said, the university would likely fence it off and hire security guards to monitor it, at a cost of about $500,000 a year, while they tried to sell it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stakeholders from across California have joined the Friends of the Estuary and Ocean Science Center, reaching out to their representatives and the university to voice their strong support for the center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the agencies responsible for managing California’s coasts and oceans owe a lot to the studies, education and leadership of the Estuary and Ocean Science Center,” said Rebecca Schwartz Lesberg, the president of consulting firm \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastalpolicysolutions.com/about\">Coastal Policy Solutions\u003c/a>, who organized the coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We provide a service and we do it well, and we’re valued for it, but somehow we just can’t seem to convince the outside community that has the means to make a difference that they should,” Boyer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While San Francisco State values the work of the center, she added, they just can’t afford to fund it anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many people who are like, ‘I can’t believe the only marine lab on San Francisco Bay could close,’” Boyer said. “We should be outraged, right? It’s unbelievable to me, anyway, to be in this kind of dire situation and to have had so much press and to have people not step up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just have to think that our region has different priorities than what I would have expected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyer said she recently found out her last-ditch grant proposal had been rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without that funding, the school is likely to begin phasing out the center’s operations over the next six months. Boyer, two other tenured faculty and their graduate students will move back to the university’s main campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 12 adjunct faculty and employees who are not funded through the university could lose their jobs, Boyer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists, conservationists and community members have \u003ca href=\"https://www.friendsofeosc.org/\">rallied\u003c/a> to save the center since the university announced in February that it could \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025961/sonoma-state-1st-csu-slash-programs-likely-wont-be-last\">no longer afford\u003c/a> to keep the doors open on its 53-acre Tiburon campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center’s turmoil is a result of San Francisco State’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016316/sf-state-lecturers-rattled-by-looming-job-cuts-enrollment-slides\">deep financial troubles\u003c/a>. With dropping enrollment and new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020389/newsom-projects-slight-budget-surplus-with-focus-on-saving-accountability\">reductions\u003c/a> to state university funding, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030322/sf-state-joins-wave-of-csu-campuses-making-deep-spending-cuts\">the school announced\u003c/a> it would need to slash spending by some $25 million next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyer said her frenzied fundraising efforts over the last few months have brought in about $3.2 million, just shy of the $3.5 million she said is needed to keep the center operating for the next three years. However, that alone is unlikely to sway university administrators, who note that aside from the operating budget, the center also needs millions of dollars in maintenance and repairs to continue functioning properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I presented a plan to the university leadership for how we would cover our costs so that there would be no cost to the general fund for the next three years,” Boyer said, a day after meeting with administrators. “They don’t pay for anything then. We cover our costs entirely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyer said that the school was also deterred by her “bake-sale” fundraising approach, which involved collecting multiple smaller donations, rather than securing a large — and potentially sustaining — grant from a single source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So even though it was I think by all accounts a heroic effort to fundraise that amount in a couple of months time, it still might not be considered a successful campaign,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, she noted that if someone donated an additional $300,000 or so, “like today, it wouldn’t hurt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I don’t know if it’s going to change anybody’s mind at this point,” she said. “I mean, if we had a bigger donor who could step up, that to me is what would change their minds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038613\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038613\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_MarineLab_GC-7_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katharyn Boyer, interim EOS executive director and professor of biology, talks about tanks used for ocean acidification projects, at San Francisco State’s Estuary and Ocean Science center, in Tiburon on April 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robert King, a spokesperson for SF State, said the amount Boyer has raised “wouldn’t address the long-term issues with the site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He emphasized that, absent a funding miracle, the site will close, but the center’s work would continue at the school’s main campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effort to find additional funding sources or a partner to help shoulder the burden of the location dates back several years and includes SF State administrators, EOS staff and even assistance from the CSU Chancellor’s Office,” he said in an email. “In addition to the operating fund shortfall, the [university] estimated $3.97 million needed funds just for safety repairs if we found a partner to continue operations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university began research at the Romberg Tiburon Campus, once a U.S. Navy base, in 1978. Although many of the defunct military structures are in disrepair, the university’s main lab buildings serve as a regional science hub. The site is also home to the \u003ca href=\"https://coast.noaa.gov/nerrs/reserves/san-francisco-bay.html\">San Francisco Bay National Estuarine Research Reserve\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://serc.si.edu/\">Smithsonian Environmental Research Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the only marine biology center in San Francisco Bay, and it’s leading the innovation of how to use nature for sea-level rise resilience,” said Evyan Borgnis Sloane, deputy executive officer of the California State Coastal Conservancy and a San Francisco State alum who studied at the center. “If you don’t want to see the bay shoreline where you kayak, walk and swim be transformed over time to concrete sea walls, then you should care about this center closing.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ironically, if the center closes, Boyer might have to return millions of dollars in research funding, including out of a recent \u003ca href=\"https://news.sfsu.edu/news/eos-center-aims-expand-workforce-empowerment-increase-local-coastal-resiliency\">$4.3 million grant\u003c/a> from the California State Coastal Conservancy for climate change adaptation and education projects. Boyer said she would also have to give back $5.8 million awarded by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for a new aquatic research facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the site shuts down, Boyer said, the university would likely fence it off and hire security guards to monitor it, at a cost of about $500,000 a year, while they tried to sell it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stakeholders from across California have joined the Friends of the Estuary and Ocean Science Center, reaching out to their representatives and the university to voice their strong support for the center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the agencies responsible for managing California’s coasts and oceans owe a lot to the studies, education and leadership of the Estuary and Ocean Science Center,” said Rebecca Schwartz Lesberg, the president of consulting firm \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastalpolicysolutions.com/about\">Coastal Policy Solutions\u003c/a>, who organized the coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We provide a service and we do it well, and we’re valued for it, but somehow we just can’t seem to convince the outside community that has the means to make a difference that they should,” Boyer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While San Francisco State values the work of the center, she added, they just can’t afford to fund it anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many people who are like, ‘I can’t believe the only marine lab on San Francisco Bay could close,’” Boyer said. “We should be outraged, right? It’s unbelievable to me, anyway, to be in this kind of dire situation and to have had so much press and to have people not step up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just have to think that our region has different priorities than what I would have expected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Northern California public radio stations and journalism organizations are raising the alarm after President Trump signed an executive order on Thursday night aiming to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038524/trump-targets-public-media-orders-end-to-federal-funding-for-npr-and-pbs\">cut off federal funding for NPR and PBS\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/05/ending-taxpayer-subsidization-of-biased-media/\">order\u003c/a> directs the board of the federally funded Corporation for Public Broadcasting and all federal agencies to withhold money for the nation’s primary public broadcasters, saying that government funding for the news services is “corrosive to the appearance of journalistic independence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the order does not call on CPB to halt funding for local member stations such as KQED, Trump has signaled his desire to ask Congress to rescind nearly all funding for CPB, which distributes funds to more than 1,500 locally owned stations across the country in addition to NPR and PBS. The loss of such funding could put local, rural news outlets in jeopardy and interfere with emergency and disaster alert systems that rely on broadcast partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At small stations like KZYX in Mendocino County, CPB money makes up about a quarter of the budget, leaving them especially vulnerable to federal funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are tiny,” said Dina Polkinghorne, the interim general manager of KZYX. “There’s threadbare staff, threadbare operational funds, and a 25% [cut] to our revenues — it’s beyond devastating. There’s nothing to cut to make up for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CPB leadership asserted that Trump’s executive order overstepped his authority, and both NPR and PBS have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/02/nx-s1-5384790/trump-orders-end-to-federal-funding-for-npr-and-pbs\">vowed to challenge it\u003c/a>, leaving the actual effect of the order still unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038527\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1898px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038527\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1898\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed.jpg 1898w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed-800x562.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed-1020x716.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed-1536x1079.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1898px) 100vw, 1898px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The headquarters for National Public Radio, or NPR, are seen in Washington, DC, September 17, 2013. The USD 201 million building, which opened in 2013, serves as the headquarters of the media organization that creates and distributes news, information and music programming to 975 independent radio stations throughout the US, reaching 26 million listeners each week. \u003ccite>(Saul Loeb /AFP via Getty Image)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, if federal funding were to dry up for small local stations, they might be unable to keep up operations, threatening to exacerbate the growing problem of “news deserts” in rural areas across California and the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED also receives CPB funding, which made up 7.6% of the organization’s 2024 budget, but smaller stations like KAZU in Monterey County and KZYX collected 13% and 22% of their revenue in 2023 from CPB, respectively, according to financial statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The backbone of our local democracy is smaller news outlets, local news outlets, particularly in far-flung parts of California, rural parts of California, suburban parts of California, where large outlets don’t necessarily have as much reach,” said Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, the president of the Society of Professional Journalists’ Northern California chapter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the research points to the fact that … more bribery, more scandal emerges from local government, state government, government in general, when you don’t have a robust press playing a check on them,” he continued.[aside postID=news_12038481 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250501-MAYDAYRALLYSF-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Polkinghorne said Mendocino residents rely on KZYX to get news in isolated parts of the sprawling Northern California county, where there isn’t a dedicated public television station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have people who call us, they don’t decide what to wear that day until they hear our weather report in the morning,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has repeatedly accused NPR and PBS of left-wing bias, spurring a tense \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033078/watch-live-npr-pbs-heads-answer-lawmakers-allegations-of-bias\">congressional hearing\u003c/a> in March during which Republicans criticized the organizations’ CEOs over their news coverage. NPR CEO Katherine Maher was also asked about posts she made on social media criticizing Trump during the 2020 election, before she was the head of the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order not only targets direct CPB funding of NPR and PBS; it also instructs CPB to ensure local stations do not use any federal funds to pay the national networks. Under their current agreements, member stations contribute fees to NPR and PBS in exchange for access to their programming, like \u003cem>Morning Edition \u003c/em>and \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maher said that programming provided by NPR, which gets about 2% of its budget from the federal government through direct and indirect means, generates about 25% of local stations’ content and 50% of their listenership. Every $1 NPR receives in federal funding makes sevenfold in revenue from local sources, according to her statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local-national partnership between NPR and its Member stations is essential to maintaining the viability and strength of a nationwide public media network,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, KQED said that it was disappointed by the executive action and concerned about the far-reaching impacts it could have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034660\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034660\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404.jpeg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404-1920x1280.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator dresses as the Statue of Liberty during a protest against Elon Musk and Donald Trump in Oakland on April 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The order is at odds with the opinions of Americans who feel that public media is a worthy use of federal funds,” spokesperson Peter Cavagnaro said. “If executed, the order would impact the emergency alert system which helps keep our country safe; impair access to free educational programming and resources for our youngest and most vulnerable children; and would erode public media’s ability to tell the stories of the people, places and history that are the fabric of our local communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KALW, another San Francisco-based station, called the order dangerous and shortsighted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our station provides essential services to the Bay Area and beyond — from trusted journalism to music and cultural programming, to training the next generation of media makers,” executive director James Kass said in a statement. “Without federal support and a thriving NPR, we cannot continue this critical work — and our democracy is weaker for it.”[aside postID=forum_2010101909136 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/03/GettyImages-2199675544-1-1020x574.jpg']CPB said Friday that because it is not a federal executive agency, the president does not have the right to dictate how it spends money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress directly authorized and funded CPB to be a private nonprofit corporation wholly independent of the federal government,” CEO Patricia Harrison said in a statement, citing the Public Broadcasting Act of 1967, which forbade government officials and departments from directing, supervising or controlling CPB or its grantees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CPB is already suing the Trump administration over its attempt to fire three of its five board members earlier this week, which the corporation said is unlawful since it is not a government agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the rescission package is still on the table, and stations like KZYX in Mendocino are looking even further ahead — considering the possibility that they might lose federal support in Congress’ next biennial budget and have to forgo CPB funds completely in the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to work on a placeholder that assumes everything’s fine, if you will, and then behind the scenes, so to speak, we’ll be working on scenarios that address the 25% cut,” Polkinghorne said of preparing the station’s budget for the next fiscal year, which begins in July. “We have just begun that process, and it’s a conversation nobody wants to have, but starting with meetings next week, that’s on the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported and written by KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a> and edited by KQED Senior Editor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jservantez\">Jared Servantez\u003c/a>. Under KQED’s standard practices for reporting on itself, no member of KQED management or its news executives reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At small stations like KZYX in Mendocino County, CPB money makes up about a quarter of the budget, leaving them especially vulnerable to federal funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are tiny,” said Dina Polkinghorne, the interim general manager of KZYX. “There’s threadbare staff, threadbare operational funds, and a 25% [cut] to our revenues — it’s beyond devastating. There’s nothing to cut to make up for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CPB leadership asserted that Trump’s executive order overstepped his authority, and both NPR and PBS have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/02/nx-s1-5384790/trump-orders-end-to-federal-funding-for-npr-and-pbs\">vowed to challenge it\u003c/a>, leaving the actual effect of the order still unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038527\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1898px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038527\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1898\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed.jpg 1898w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed-800x562.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed-1020x716.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-180967643_qed-1536x1079.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1898px) 100vw, 1898px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The headquarters for National Public Radio, or NPR, are seen in Washington, DC, September 17, 2013. The USD 201 million building, which opened in 2013, serves as the headquarters of the media organization that creates and distributes news, information and music programming to 975 independent radio stations throughout the US, reaching 26 million listeners each week. \u003ccite>(Saul Loeb /AFP via Getty Image)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, if federal funding were to dry up for small local stations, they might be unable to keep up operations, threatening to exacerbate the growing problem of “news deserts” in rural areas across California and the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED also receives CPB funding, which made up 7.6% of the organization’s 2024 budget, but smaller stations like KAZU in Monterey County and KZYX collected 13% and 22% of their revenue in 2023 from CPB, respectively, according to financial statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The backbone of our local democracy is smaller news outlets, local news outlets, particularly in far-flung parts of California, rural parts of California, suburban parts of California, where large outlets don’t necessarily have as much reach,” said Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, the president of the Society of Professional Journalists’ Northern California chapter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the research points to the fact that … more bribery, more scandal emerges from local government, state government, government in general, when you don’t have a robust press playing a check on them,” he continued.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Polkinghorne said Mendocino residents rely on KZYX to get news in isolated parts of the sprawling Northern California county, where there isn’t a dedicated public television station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have people who call us, they don’t decide what to wear that day until they hear our weather report in the morning,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has repeatedly accused NPR and PBS of left-wing bias, spurring a tense \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033078/watch-live-npr-pbs-heads-answer-lawmakers-allegations-of-bias\">congressional hearing\u003c/a> in March during which Republicans criticized the organizations’ CEOs over their news coverage. NPR CEO Katherine Maher was also asked about posts she made on social media criticizing Trump during the 2020 election, before she was the head of the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order not only targets direct CPB funding of NPR and PBS; it also instructs CPB to ensure local stations do not use any federal funds to pay the national networks. Under their current agreements, member stations contribute fees to NPR and PBS in exchange for access to their programming, like \u003cem>Morning Edition \u003c/em>and \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maher said that programming provided by NPR, which gets about 2% of its budget from the federal government through direct and indirect means, generates about 25% of local stations’ content and 50% of their listenership. Every $1 NPR receives in federal funding makes sevenfold in revenue from local sources, according to her statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local-national partnership between NPR and its Member stations is essential to maintaining the viability and strength of a nationwide public media network,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, KQED said that it was disappointed by the executive action and concerned about the far-reaching impacts it could have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034660\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034660\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404.jpeg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_1404-1920x1280.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator dresses as the Statue of Liberty during a protest against Elon Musk and Donald Trump in Oakland on April 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The order is at odds with the opinions of Americans who feel that public media is a worthy use of federal funds,” spokesperson Peter Cavagnaro said. “If executed, the order would impact the emergency alert system which helps keep our country safe; impair access to free educational programming and resources for our youngest and most vulnerable children; and would erode public media’s ability to tell the stories of the people, places and history that are the fabric of our local communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KALW, another San Francisco-based station, called the order dangerous and shortsighted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our station provides essential services to the Bay Area and beyond — from trusted journalism to music and cultural programming, to training the next generation of media makers,” executive director James Kass said in a statement. “Without federal support and a thriving NPR, we cannot continue this critical work — and our democracy is weaker for it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>CPB said Friday that because it is not a federal executive agency, the president does not have the right to dictate how it spends money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress directly authorized and funded CPB to be a private nonprofit corporation wholly independent of the federal government,” CEO Patricia Harrison said in a statement, citing the Public Broadcasting Act of 1967, which forbade government officials and departments from directing, supervising or controlling CPB or its grantees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CPB is already suing the Trump administration over its attempt to fire three of its five board members earlier this week, which the corporation said is unlawful since it is not a government agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the rescission package is still on the table, and stations like KZYX in Mendocino are looking even further ahead — considering the possibility that they might lose federal support in Congress’ next biennial budget and have to forgo CPB funds completely in the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to work on a placeholder that assumes everything’s fine, if you will, and then behind the scenes, so to speak, we’ll be working on scenarios that address the 25% cut,” Polkinghorne said of preparing the station’s budget for the next fiscal year, which begins in July. “We have just begun that process, and it’s a conversation nobody wants to have, but starting with meetings next week, that’s on the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported and written by KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a> and edited by KQED Senior Editor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jservantez\">Jared Servantez\u003c/a>. Under KQED’s standard practices for reporting on itself, no member of KQED management or its news executives reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:39 a.m. Friday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years’ worth of California housing legislation aimed at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033092/housing-legislation-snips-away-californias-red-tape\">streamlining and shortening the process to start building\u003c/a>, affordable housing developers say they still face one major obstacle: money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a constitutional amendment aimed at solving that problem cleared its first set of legislative hurdles when it was passed by two Assembly committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment, known as ACA 4, would require at least 5% of the state’s general fund revenues to be pulled into an account to be used for affordable housing and services for people experiencing homelessness. It now heads to the key Assembly Appropriations Committee, which considers a bill’s fiscal impact before sending it to the Assembly floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that homelessness and housing availability and affordability [are] one of the most pressing issues facing Californians today,” Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D–Moreno Valley), who wrote the bill, said during the first hearing Wednesday before the Committee on Housing and Community Development. “This ACA would increase and stabilize funding for affordable housing in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California constitutional amendment must pass both houses of the Legislature by a two-thirds vote to be placed on the ballot, where voters decide whether to adopt it. If ACA 4 is adopted, its dedicated funding stream would begin in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038286\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12038286 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1264\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1536x971.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1920x1213.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An under-construction condo complex is seen in a housing development on Feb. 16, 2011, in Dublin, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Using projected revenues from this year’s budget, estimated at \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/2025-26/#/Home\">a little more than $200 billion\u003c/a>, about $10 billion could be earmarked for affordable housing and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill comes less than a year after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993185/why-a-10-billion-california-housing-bond-wont-be-on-novembers-ballot\">two major\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.housingfinance.com/policy-legislation/bay-area-housing-bond-measure-pulled-from-november-ballot_o\"> housing bonds\u003c/a> failed to make it to the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, lawmakers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036934/california-lawmakers-push-housing-laws-to-boost-affordability\">taking big swings\u003c/a> as they try to solve the state’s housing crisis. Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, reintroduced a $10 billion housing bond, while other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036917/bill-reform-controversial-environmental-law-faces-first-legislative-hurdle\">proposed bills take stabs at the remaining red tape\u003c/a> that can hold up construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson framed ACA 4 as a way for affordable housing developers to have access to funds other than what is allocated within the state’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the nonpartisan research nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/protecting-progress-state-housing-and-homelessness-funding-must-continue/\">California Budget Center\u003c/a>, state investments in homelessness services have declined since 2023. The state’s most recent budget set aside $2.5 billion for homelessness-related spending, less than half of what it spent in its 2022–23 budget.[aside postID=news_12037474 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']If ACA 4 takes effect, it would sunset in 2036 and would require an annual progress report on the fund’s effects on homelessness and affordable housing construction goals to be set by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some housing committee members on Wednesday were concerned about dedicating a portion of the state’s revenues to a single item.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do have, unfortunately, serious concerns about putting it on a ballot and requiring 5% of the general fund to be spent on that,” committee Vice President Joe Patterson, R-Rocklin, said. “I can’t support this today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments have passed housing bonds in previous years, but affordable housing developers and advocates have said these efforts provide only one-time funding and don’t allow them to plan for future developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There hasn’t been a permanent solution to the affordable housing financing conundrum,” said Welton Jordan, chief real estate development officer for affordable housing developer EAH Housing. “There have been years where there’s been little to no money at the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan said housing developments can often take five years or more to complete, and in that time, costs can change dramatically, driving up risk and borrowing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a funding source to bridge gaps in the project’s budget, a developer may decide to back out of the project because it is no longer financially viable, but Jordan said ACA 4 could provide a kind of “runway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want to know if I’m starting to look at something today that, hey, there’s somewhere for me to go to get that gap in financing,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar constitutional amendment has been introduced before but failed to make it out of committee. In 2022, Wicks introduced ACA 14, which would have also pulled at least 5% of the state’s general fund revenues into affordable housing funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan said that he is feeling better about ACA 4’s chances this year. While he believes the constitutional amendment can work in tandem with bond funding to boost affordable housing development, he said ACA 4 could be a better sell to voters, who will eventually have to decide its fate if it makes it out of the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you want a bond, which needs to be repaid by taxes, or do you want to split the existing pie, no matter what size it is?” he said. “It’s paid for by whatever the state is able to generate in revenue. To me, it just feels more appealing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:39 a.m. Friday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years’ worth of California housing legislation aimed at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033092/housing-legislation-snips-away-californias-red-tape\">streamlining and shortening the process to start building\u003c/a>, affordable housing developers say they still face one major obstacle: money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a constitutional amendment aimed at solving that problem cleared its first set of legislative hurdles when it was passed by two Assembly committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment, known as ACA 4, would require at least 5% of the state’s general fund revenues to be pulled into an account to be used for affordable housing and services for people experiencing homelessness. It now heads to the key Assembly Appropriations Committee, which considers a bill’s fiscal impact before sending it to the Assembly floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that homelessness and housing availability and affordability [are] one of the most pressing issues facing Californians today,” Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D–Moreno Valley), who wrote the bill, said during the first hearing Wednesday before the Committee on Housing and Community Development. “This ACA would increase and stabilize funding for affordable housing in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California constitutional amendment must pass both houses of the Legislature by a two-thirds vote to be placed on the ballot, where voters decide whether to adopt it. If ACA 4 is adopted, its dedicated funding stream would begin in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038286\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12038286 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1264\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1536x971.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1920x1213.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An under-construction condo complex is seen in a housing development on Feb. 16, 2011, in Dublin, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Using projected revenues from this year’s budget, estimated at \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/2025-26/#/Home\">a little more than $200 billion\u003c/a>, about $10 billion could be earmarked for affordable housing and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill comes less than a year after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993185/why-a-10-billion-california-housing-bond-wont-be-on-novembers-ballot\">two major\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.housingfinance.com/policy-legislation/bay-area-housing-bond-measure-pulled-from-november-ballot_o\"> housing bonds\u003c/a> failed to make it to the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, lawmakers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036934/california-lawmakers-push-housing-laws-to-boost-affordability\">taking big swings\u003c/a> as they try to solve the state’s housing crisis. Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, reintroduced a $10 billion housing bond, while other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036917/bill-reform-controversial-environmental-law-faces-first-legislative-hurdle\">proposed bills take stabs at the remaining red tape\u003c/a> that can hold up construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson framed ACA 4 as a way for affordable housing developers to have access to funds other than what is allocated within the state’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the nonpartisan research nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/protecting-progress-state-housing-and-homelessness-funding-must-continue/\">California Budget Center\u003c/a>, state investments in homelessness services have declined since 2023. The state’s most recent budget set aside $2.5 billion for homelessness-related spending, less than half of what it spent in its 2022–23 budget.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If ACA 4 takes effect, it would sunset in 2036 and would require an annual progress report on the fund’s effects on homelessness and affordable housing construction goals to be set by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some housing committee members on Wednesday were concerned about dedicating a portion of the state’s revenues to a single item.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do have, unfortunately, serious concerns about putting it on a ballot and requiring 5% of the general fund to be spent on that,” committee Vice President Joe Patterson, R-Rocklin, said. “I can’t support this today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments have passed housing bonds in previous years, but affordable housing developers and advocates have said these efforts provide only one-time funding and don’t allow them to plan for future developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There hasn’t been a permanent solution to the affordable housing financing conundrum,” said Welton Jordan, chief real estate development officer for affordable housing developer EAH Housing. “There have been years where there’s been little to no money at the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan said housing developments can often take five years or more to complete, and in that time, costs can change dramatically, driving up risk and borrowing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a funding source to bridge gaps in the project’s budget, a developer may decide to back out of the project because it is no longer financially viable, but Jordan said ACA 4 could provide a kind of “runway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want to know if I’m starting to look at something today that, hey, there’s somewhere for me to go to get that gap in financing,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar constitutional amendment has been introduced before but failed to make it out of committee. In 2022, Wicks introduced ACA 14, which would have also pulled at least 5% of the state’s general fund revenues into affordable housing funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan said that he is feeling better about ACA 4’s chances this year. While he believes the constitutional amendment can work in tandem with bond funding to boost affordable housing development, he said ACA 4 could be a better sell to voters, who will eventually have to decide its fate if it makes it out of the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you want a bond, which needs to be repaid by taxes, or do you want to split the existing pie, no matter what size it is?” he said. “It’s paid for by whatever the state is able to generate in revenue. To me, it just feels more appealing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> signed an executive order on Thursday directing the Corporation for Public Broadcasting’s board of directors to “cease federal funding for NPR and PBS,” the nation’s primary public broadcasters. Trump contends that news coverage by NPR and PBS contains a left-wing bias. Congress appropriates the federal funding for NPR and PBS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The executive order, like many that the president has signed, could be challenged in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which viewpoints NPR and PBS promote does not matter,” the executive order said. “What does matter is that neither entity presents a fair, accurate or unbiased portrayal of current events to tax-paying citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On social media platforms, Trump recently \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/114264549657133828\">blasted\u003c/a> the two primary public broadcasting networks, posting in all caps: “REPUBLICANS MUST DEFUND AND TOTALLY DISASSOCIATE THEMSELVES FROM NPR & PBS, THE RADICAL LEFT ‘MONSTERS’ THAT SO BADLY HURT OUR COUNTRY!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the executive order, Trump instructs the CPB and executive branch departments and agencies to cease direct and indirect funding of NPR and PBS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The CPB Board shall cancel existing direct funding to the maximum extent allowed by law and shall decline to provide future funding,” the order said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR’s President and CEO Katherine Maher defended coverage and addressed the need for funding in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/16/nx-s1-5366040/npr-federal-funding-katherine-maher\">recent interview\u003c/a> on All Things Considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it’s important for public media to be able to continue to be relevant in a time where there is a lot of coverage of different issues and areas of interest,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033465\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033465\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump speaks alongside U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth in the Oval Office of the White House on March 21, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>NPR did not immediately respond to requests for comment on the executive order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leaders of NPR and PBS \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/26/nx-s1-5339951/npr-pbs-congress-hearing\">testified at a House oversight committee hearing\u003c/a> in late March on allegations of ideological bias in public broadcasting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maher was assailed for her past political postings on social media, and the network’s news judgment was almost entirely based on tweets and stories that preceded her March 2024 arrival at the network by years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PBS’ Paula Kerger found herself queried about a video involving a performer in drag singing a variation on a children’s song for a young audience. (Kerger testified that the video was posted on the website of PBS’ New York City member station and never aired on television.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal funding for public media flows through the congressionally chartered Corporation for Public Broadcasting. Congress allocated $535 million for the CPB for the current fiscal year — an amount affirmed in a recent stop-gap bill passed by the Republican-controlled U.S. House and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CPB’s budget is approved by Congress on a two-year cycle in large part to insulate it from political pressures; according to the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Congress has fully funded it through Sept 30, 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the hearing in late March, heads of both networks spoke of the mission to provide nonpartisan news and programming to the American public, without charge.[aside postID=news_12037919 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GETTYIMAGES-2212828202-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR receives about 1% of its funding directly from the federal government, and a slightly greater amount indirectly; its 246 member institutions, operating more than 1,300 stations, receive on average 8% to 10% of their funds from CPB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, PBS and its stations receive about 15% of their revenues from CPB’s federal funds. Most of the funds for public media go to local stations, and most to subsidize television, which is more expensive than radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The networks say they have been encouraged repeatedly by the agency and Congress to develop private financial support and have worked assiduously for years with the FCC to ensure that content falls within FCC guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PBS offers a heavy amount of educational fare; NPR relies more on news and music. Both provide locally grounded content and reach more than 99% of the population at no cost. And in many states and communities, the stations serve as a key component of emergency and disaster response systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump opened up a new front in his assault on public media on Monday, asserting that he was removing three of the five board members of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The corporation \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25921425-cpb-v-trump-complaint/\">sued Trump on Tuesday morning\u003c/a> in response, pointing to federal law and a U.S. Supreme Court ruling to contend that he does not have the power to take these actions.\u003cbr>\nLast month, the White House said it was going to send a request to Congress for a rescission of funding for NPR and PBS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the Federal Communications Commission has launched an investigation of NPR and PBS, saying it appears that their corporate underwriting spots violate laws banning commercial advertisements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Disclosure: This story was reported and written by NPR Media Correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by Deputy Business Editor Emily Kopp, Managing Editor Gerry Holmes and Managing Editor Vickie Walton-James. Under NPR’s protocol for reporting on itself, no corporate official or news executive reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> signed an executive order on Thursday directing the Corporation for Public Broadcasting’s board of directors to “cease federal funding for NPR and PBS,” the nation’s primary public broadcasters. Trump contends that news coverage by NPR and PBS contains a left-wing bias. Congress appropriates the federal funding for NPR and PBS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The executive order, like many that the president has signed, could be challenged in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which viewpoints NPR and PBS promote does not matter,” the executive order said. “What does matter is that neither entity presents a fair, accurate or unbiased portrayal of current events to tax-paying citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On social media platforms, Trump recently \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/114264549657133828\">blasted\u003c/a> the two primary public broadcasting networks, posting in all caps: “REPUBLICANS MUST DEFUND AND TOTALLY DISASSOCIATE THEMSELVES FROM NPR & PBS, THE RADICAL LEFT ‘MONSTERS’ THAT SO BADLY HURT OUR COUNTRY!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the executive order, Trump instructs the CPB and executive branch departments and agencies to cease direct and indirect funding of NPR and PBS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The CPB Board shall cancel existing direct funding to the maximum extent allowed by law and shall decline to provide future funding,” the order said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR’s President and CEO Katherine Maher defended coverage and addressed the need for funding in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/16/nx-s1-5366040/npr-federal-funding-katherine-maher\">recent interview\u003c/a> on All Things Considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it’s important for public media to be able to continue to be relevant in a time where there is a lot of coverage of different issues and areas of interest,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033465\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033465\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/DonaldTrump100DaysGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump speaks alongside U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth in the Oval Office of the White House on March 21, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>NPR did not immediately respond to requests for comment on the executive order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leaders of NPR and PBS \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/26/nx-s1-5339951/npr-pbs-congress-hearing\">testified at a House oversight committee hearing\u003c/a> in late March on allegations of ideological bias in public broadcasting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maher was assailed for her past political postings on social media, and the network’s news judgment was almost entirely based on tweets and stories that preceded her March 2024 arrival at the network by years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PBS’ Paula Kerger found herself queried about a video involving a performer in drag singing a variation on a children’s song for a young audience. (Kerger testified that the video was posted on the website of PBS’ New York City member station and never aired on television.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal funding for public media flows through the congressionally chartered Corporation for Public Broadcasting. Congress allocated $535 million for the CPB for the current fiscal year — an amount affirmed in a recent stop-gap bill passed by the Republican-controlled U.S. House and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CPB’s budget is approved by Congress on a two-year cycle in large part to insulate it from political pressures; according to the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Congress has fully funded it through Sept 30, 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the hearing in late March, heads of both networks spoke of the mission to provide nonpartisan news and programming to the American public, without charge.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR receives about 1% of its funding directly from the federal government, and a slightly greater amount indirectly; its 246 member institutions, operating more than 1,300 stations, receive on average 8% to 10% of their funds from CPB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, PBS and its stations receive about 15% of their revenues from CPB’s federal funds. Most of the funds for public media go to local stations, and most to subsidize television, which is more expensive than radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The networks say they have been encouraged repeatedly by the agency and Congress to develop private financial support and have worked assiduously for years with the FCC to ensure that content falls within FCC guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PBS offers a heavy amount of educational fare; NPR relies more on news and music. Both provide locally grounded content and reach more than 99% of the population at no cost. And in many states and communities, the stations serve as a key component of emergency and disaster response systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump opened up a new front in his assault on public media on Monday, asserting that he was removing three of the five board members of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The corporation \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25921425-cpb-v-trump-complaint/\">sued Trump on Tuesday morning\u003c/a> in response, pointing to federal law and a U.S. Supreme Court ruling to contend that he does not have the power to take these actions.\u003cbr>\nLast month, the White House said it was going to send a request to Congress for a rescission of funding for NPR and PBS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the Federal Communications Commission has launched an investigation of NPR and PBS, saying it appears that their corporate underwriting spots violate laws banning commercial advertisements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Disclosure: This story was reported and written by NPR Media Correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by Deputy Business Editor Emily Kopp, Managing Editor Gerry Holmes and Managing Editor Vickie Walton-James. Under NPR’s protocol for reporting on itself, no corporate official or news executive reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "AI Could Soon Shop for You. Can We Trust It With Our Credit Cards?",
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"headTitle": "AI Could Soon Shop for You. Can We Trust It With Our Credit Cards? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Visa announced Wednesday it is partnering with leading \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ai\">AI\u003c/a> chatbot developers like Anthropic, Microsoft, OpenAI and Perplexity to connect their AI systems to Visa’s payments network and take online shopping out of consumer hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Magical” AI technologies have the potential to “radically transform commerce,” Visa CEO Ryan McInerney said at this week’s Visa Product Drop 2025. Visa is also working with IBM, online payment company Stripe and phone-maker Samsung on the initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why do consumers need Visa et al. to insert themselves in the process? Trust and safety — at least, according to the company. Because, as it is now, within milliseconds of an attempted purchase, Visa is able to sift through vast amounts of data to assess whether patterns imply there’s fraud or a sale going on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Visa recognizes these patterns through our data. We understand the rhythms, and those rhythms are what enable us to build solutions that deliver better buyer experiences, that grow sales for sellers with less fraud, and less declines and more completed transactions,” McInerney explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaving aside that last time you spotted fraud on your bill that your credit card issuer and Visa didn’t, there will be kinks to work out, said Dr. Jennifer King, a privacy and data policy fellow at the Stanford Center for Human Centered Artificial Intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s possible the first places where these [AI agents] work are trusted partners. So if I want my Starbucks latte to be ordered for me and ready every morning on my walk to work, I just pick it up. I know what it costs, and I’ll get the receipt from Starbucks eventually through my system. There’s no negotiation there. It’s just straightforward,” King said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more complex or one-time purchases, it’s less clear whether AI shop bots can guarantee the consumer is getting a desirable deal. That’s because we’re all shopping in what’s called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036411/googles-ad-dominance-is-illegal-federal-judge-rules\">ad surveillance economy\u003c/a>, where thousands of companies you’ve never heard of buy and sell all sorts of personal data. That impacts the prices you’re offered through the growing practice of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028137/california-lawmakers-take-on-predatory-surveillance-pricing\">dynamic pricing\u003c/a>, where retailers sift through all that data to determine the highest price any individual consumer is likely to pay for a product and service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ends up being a world potentially where consumers are captured even more than they are now, and are subject to higher prices and potentially deceptive conduct that they aren’t even seeing, because they’re no longer the one making the decision,” King said.[aside postID=news_12038154 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/StanfordStudyAIChatbotsKidsGetty-1020x680.jpg']“There are so many sticky situations you can get into,” added David Harris, a senior policy advisor of the California Initiative for Technology and Democracy. Harris also lectures on AI ethics and social media at UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business and previously worked as a research manager on the responsible AI team at Meta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris recalled the court case where Air Canada was \u003ca href=\"https://www.canlii.org/en/bc/bccrt/doc/2024/2024bccrt149/2024bccrt149.html\">ordered \u003c/a>to pay compensation after its AI chatbot misled a customer into believing he could get the difference between a full-price ticket and a discounted bereavement fare refunded. The airline tried to argue the bot was a “separate legal entity” that was “responsible for its own actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037518/newsom-signals-to-california-privacy-watchdog-that-hes-on-big-techs-side-on-ai-regulation\">paucity of regulatory oversight\u003c/a> and the slow and uneven response of courts, what hope do any of us have in this brave new world rolling out in the near future? Competition, said Dr. King.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this is going to require trust. If you can’t trust these [AI] agents to operate on your behalf, people aren’t going to adopt them,” Dr. King said. “There’s been such a trust deficit in online services. This, to my mind, ups the ante. If people are finding out that they’re getting ripped off left and right by using these tools, they’re not going to use them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Visa, its pilot projects began this week, ahead of more widespread usage expected next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Visa announced Wednesday it is partnering with leading \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ai\">AI\u003c/a> chatbot developers like Anthropic, Microsoft, OpenAI and Perplexity to connect their AI systems to Visa’s payments network and take online shopping out of consumer hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Magical” AI technologies have the potential to “radically transform commerce,” Visa CEO Ryan McInerney said at this week’s Visa Product Drop 2025. Visa is also working with IBM, online payment company Stripe and phone-maker Samsung on the initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why do consumers need Visa et al. to insert themselves in the process? Trust and safety — at least, according to the company. Because, as it is now, within milliseconds of an attempted purchase, Visa is able to sift through vast amounts of data to assess whether patterns imply there’s fraud or a sale going on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Visa recognizes these patterns through our data. We understand the rhythms, and those rhythms are what enable us to build solutions that deliver better buyer experiences, that grow sales for sellers with less fraud, and less declines and more completed transactions,” McInerney explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaving aside that last time you spotted fraud on your bill that your credit card issuer and Visa didn’t, there will be kinks to work out, said Dr. Jennifer King, a privacy and data policy fellow at the Stanford Center for Human Centered Artificial Intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s possible the first places where these [AI agents] work are trusted partners. So if I want my Starbucks latte to be ordered for me and ready every morning on my walk to work, I just pick it up. I know what it costs, and I’ll get the receipt from Starbucks eventually through my system. There’s no negotiation there. It’s just straightforward,” King said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more complex or one-time purchases, it’s less clear whether AI shop bots can guarantee the consumer is getting a desirable deal. That’s because we’re all shopping in what’s called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036411/googles-ad-dominance-is-illegal-federal-judge-rules\">ad surveillance economy\u003c/a>, where thousands of companies you’ve never heard of buy and sell all sorts of personal data. That impacts the prices you’re offered through the growing practice of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028137/california-lawmakers-take-on-predatory-surveillance-pricing\">dynamic pricing\u003c/a>, where retailers sift through all that data to determine the highest price any individual consumer is likely to pay for a product and service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ends up being a world potentially where consumers are captured even more than they are now, and are subject to higher prices and potentially deceptive conduct that they aren’t even seeing, because they’re no longer the one making the decision,” King said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There are so many sticky situations you can get into,” added David Harris, a senior policy advisor of the California Initiative for Technology and Democracy. Harris also lectures on AI ethics and social media at UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business and previously worked as a research manager on the responsible AI team at Meta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris recalled the court case where Air Canada was \u003ca href=\"https://www.canlii.org/en/bc/bccrt/doc/2024/2024bccrt149/2024bccrt149.html\">ordered \u003c/a>to pay compensation after its AI chatbot misled a customer into believing he could get the difference between a full-price ticket and a discounted bereavement fare refunded. The airline tried to argue the bot was a “separate legal entity” that was “responsible for its own actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037518/newsom-signals-to-california-privacy-watchdog-that-hes-on-big-techs-side-on-ai-regulation\">paucity of regulatory oversight\u003c/a> and the slow and uneven response of courts, what hope do any of us have in this brave new world rolling out in the near future? Competition, said Dr. King.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this is going to require trust. If you can’t trust these [AI] agents to operate on your behalf, people aren’t going to adopt them,” Dr. King said. “There’s been such a trust deficit in online services. This, to my mind, ups the ante. If people are finding out that they’re getting ripped off left and right by using these tools, they’re not going to use them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Visa, its pilot projects began this week, ahead of more widespread usage expected next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Bay Area will be bustling with labor actions on Thursday, with thousands of workers and activists expected to take to the streets and picket lines across the region on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/may-day\">May Day\u003c/a> that, for many, carries a heightened sense of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Santa Rosa to San José, more than 50 marches and strikes are slated to take place — among thousands nationwide — many taking aim at the Trump administration’s bold efforts to fundamentally reshape American government and society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to work freely,” said Socorro Diaz, a housekeeper in Sonoma County. Diaz said she felt compelled to start organizing fellow workers, many of them immigrants, when the administration launched its sweeping immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rights as immigrants are human rights, and we want worker rights to be respected,” Diaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many demonstrations are being organized by \u003ca href=\"https://maydaystrong.org/\">May Day Strong\u003c/a>, a national coalition of more than 160 grassroots organizations united in their opposition to the administration’s right-wing policies on everything from immigration and labor issues to health care access and education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, demonstrators are planning to march in the late afternoon from City Hall to the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office downtown to show “we are all together as a working class and that immigrant workers are the backbone of our economy,” said Maria Moreno, an organizer for Jobs with Justice San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032407\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032407\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"732\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of University Professional and Technical Employees-CWA Local 9119 and AFSCME Local 3299 protest on West Chapman Avenue in front of UC Irvine Medical Center in Orange, California, on Feb. 26, 2025. AFSCME Local 3299 President Liz Perlman said Wednesday, ‘It’s the weight at the top that’s crushing the system,’ blaming the UC top brass for the hiring freeze. \u003ccite>(Paul Bersebach/MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One historic thing that we’re doing this year is marching with every union in the city,” said Moreno, predicting that many workers who have never marched before will be galvanized to show up this year. “It’s to show solidarity across the movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, at UC Berkeley and UCSF, thousands of health care, research and technical workers are planning a one-day strike, accusing the University of California of unfair labor practices following last month’s announcement of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032232/head-of-ucs-largest-union-blasts-top-brass-for-hiring-freeze-amid-massive-vacancy-crisis\">systemwide hiring freeze\u003c/a>. Some 60,000 workers in the UPTE-CWA 9119 and AFSCME Local 3299 — which includes social workers, pharmacists and IT workers — are expected to walk off their jobs at all 10 UC campuses across the state — in what will be their fourth strike since November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two unions have negotiated unsuccessfully with the UC system for months over new contracts. Both recently filed separate complaints to state workforce regulators alleging, among other things, that UC failed to provide notice of the hiring freeze or allow the unions to bargain over it in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Russell, UPTE’s president and chief negotiator, and an IT worker at UC Berkeley, said the stalled contract negotiations and hiring freeze come amid a severe shortage of frontline workers at UC medical centers and other facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers have seen the impacts of short staffing for years now, with clinical trials being canceled or paused, clinics closing their doors to new patients, students waiting longer and longer for appointments with therapists, patients waiting longer and longer in emergency rooms,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12038227 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250428-OUSD-OFFICE-FILE-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell said UC’s hiring freeze was ostensibly prompted by the Trump administration’s bid to slash billions in federal grants to universities. But, he noted, those cuts have so far been blocked by the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the university using ‘storm clouds’ on the horizon, even though there have not been significant financial cuts yet, as an excuse to deepen a crisis that they have created,” he said. “As a way to hoard billions in reserves and expand their market share.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, UC officials emphasized that the hiring freeze applies to future hires only and does not in any way impact the status of current employees. They also said they have consistently tried to negotiate “mutually beneficial contracts” with both unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed by the union’s continued choice of striking as a negotiation tactic,” UC said in a statement. “These strikes cost union members a full day of pay, and they cost the University system millions of dollars. This is especially harmful considering the current economic and fiscal uncertainty in higher education and nationally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a brighter note, the Oakland teachers union \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038227/oakland-teachers-strike-called-off-after-union-reaches-deal-school-district\">called off its planned May Day walkout\u003c/a> after reaching a last-minute tentative deal with the city’s school district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Oakland Education Association said the district agreed to maintain contracts for 120 high school teachers whose hours would have been reduced in next year’s budget to shrink the district’s deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus-based substitute teachers, whose roles would have been centralized after this year as part of the proposed budget cuts, will also remain at their assigned school sites under the new $2.5 million deal with the Oakland Unified School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This outcome reflects the power of educators standing together against cuts harmful to our goal of retaining experienced teachers in Oakland’s hardest-to-staff classrooms,” OEA President Kampala Taiz-Rancifer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The averted walkout would have been the fourth Oakland teachers’ strike since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">\u003cem>Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">\u003cem>Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Bay Area will be bustling with labor actions on Thursday, with thousands of workers and activists expected to take to the streets and picket lines across the region on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/may-day\">May Day\u003c/a> that, for many, carries a heightened sense of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Santa Rosa to San José, more than 50 marches and strikes are slated to take place — among thousands nationwide — many taking aim at the Trump administration’s bold efforts to fundamentally reshape American government and society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to work freely,” said Socorro Diaz, a housekeeper in Sonoma County. Diaz said she felt compelled to start organizing fellow workers, many of them immigrants, when the administration launched its sweeping immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our rights as immigrants are human rights, and we want worker rights to be respected,” Diaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many demonstrations are being organized by \u003ca href=\"https://maydaystrong.org/\">May Day Strong\u003c/a>, a national coalition of more than 160 grassroots organizations united in their opposition to the administration’s right-wing policies on everything from immigration and labor issues to health care access and education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, demonstrators are planning to march in the late afternoon from City Hall to the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office downtown to show “we are all together as a working class and that immigrant workers are the backbone of our economy,” said Maria Moreno, an organizer for Jobs with Justice San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032407\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032407\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"732\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201544551-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of University Professional and Technical Employees-CWA Local 9119 and AFSCME Local 3299 protest on West Chapman Avenue in front of UC Irvine Medical Center in Orange, California, on Feb. 26, 2025. AFSCME Local 3299 President Liz Perlman said Wednesday, ‘It’s the weight at the top that’s crushing the system,’ blaming the UC top brass for the hiring freeze. \u003ccite>(Paul Bersebach/MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One historic thing that we’re doing this year is marching with every union in the city,” said Moreno, predicting that many workers who have never marched before will be galvanized to show up this year. “It’s to show solidarity across the movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, at UC Berkeley and UCSF, thousands of health care, research and technical workers are planning a one-day strike, accusing the University of California of unfair labor practices following last month’s announcement of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032232/head-of-ucs-largest-union-blasts-top-brass-for-hiring-freeze-amid-massive-vacancy-crisis\">systemwide hiring freeze\u003c/a>. Some 60,000 workers in the UPTE-CWA 9119 and AFSCME Local 3299 — which includes social workers, pharmacists and IT workers — are expected to walk off their jobs at all 10 UC campuses across the state — in what will be their fourth strike since November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two unions have negotiated unsuccessfully with the UC system for months over new contracts. Both recently filed separate complaints to state workforce regulators alleging, among other things, that UC failed to provide notice of the hiring freeze or allow the unions to bargain over it in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Russell, UPTE’s president and chief negotiator, and an IT worker at UC Berkeley, said the stalled contract negotiations and hiring freeze come amid a severe shortage of frontline workers at UC medical centers and other facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers have seen the impacts of short staffing for years now, with clinical trials being canceled or paused, clinics closing their doors to new patients, students waiting longer and longer for appointments with therapists, patients waiting longer and longer in emergency rooms,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell said UC’s hiring freeze was ostensibly prompted by the Trump administration’s bid to slash billions in federal grants to universities. But, he noted, those cuts have so far been blocked by the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the university using ‘storm clouds’ on the horizon, even though there have not been significant financial cuts yet, as an excuse to deepen a crisis that they have created,” he said. “As a way to hoard billions in reserves and expand their market share.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, UC officials emphasized that the hiring freeze applies to future hires only and does not in any way impact the status of current employees. They also said they have consistently tried to negotiate “mutually beneficial contracts” with both unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed by the union’s continued choice of striking as a negotiation tactic,” UC said in a statement. “These strikes cost union members a full day of pay, and they cost the University system millions of dollars. This is especially harmful considering the current economic and fiscal uncertainty in higher education and nationally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a brighter note, the Oakland teachers union \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038227/oakland-teachers-strike-called-off-after-union-reaches-deal-school-district\">called off its planned May Day walkout\u003c/a> after reaching a last-minute tentative deal with the city’s school district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Oakland Education Association said the district agreed to maintain contracts for 120 high school teachers whose hours would have been reduced in next year’s budget to shrink the district’s deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus-based substitute teachers, whose roles would have been centralized after this year as part of the proposed budget cuts, will also remain at their assigned school sites under the new $2.5 million deal with the Oakland Unified School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This outcome reflects the power of educators standing together against cuts harmful to our goal of retaining experienced teachers in Oakland’s hardest-to-staff classrooms,” OEA President Kampala Taiz-Rancifer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The averted walkout would have been the fourth Oakland teachers’ strike since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">\u003cem>Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">\u003cem>Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California plans to erase parts of a rule created to clean up the state’s dirty air from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032217/caltrans-launches-long-awaited-study-on-i-580-truck-ban-and-pollution-impact\">truck pollution\u003c/a>. The action comes in response to a lawsuit from the California Trucking Association and strong headwinds from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/advanced-clean-fleets\">Advanced Clean Fleet rule\u003c/a>, adopted in 2023, would have phased out diesel trucks used by large companies, state and local governments, as well as ports and railroad yards. It would have eliminated new gas-fueled truck sales by 2036 and mandated that large trucking fleets go electric or hydrogen-powered by 2042.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the trade group’s lawsuit, the California Air Resources Board plans to propose repealing parts of the rule that applies to trucks serving ports, rail yards and large companies this year. California’s requirements that state and local governments increasingly move towards all-electric vehicles — and that all new truck sales be electric by 2036 — will remain, so long as the federal government approves that policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state adopted the clean truck regulation during the Biden administration, but did not get the necessary green light from the EPA before the Trump Administration took office this year. State officials withdrew their request for federal approval in January, meaning the state was largely unable to enforce the truck rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARB confirmed the legal updates to KQED and a spokeswoman wrote that the agency “remains committed to protecting public health using new and alternative approaches,” in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re pleased to have reached agreement with the Air Resources Board on this stipulation,” Eric Sauer, head of the California Trucking Association, wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11930567\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Close-up of a hydrogen fuel cell truck driving on a road. According to the California Air Resources Board, heavy-duty fossil-fuel trucks spew 70% of the state’s smog-forming gases and 80% of carcinogenic diesel pollutants. \u003ccite>(Aranga87/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sam Wilson, who works on clean transportation at the Union of Concerned Scientists, called the move “disappointing,” but “more of an administrative action than anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The repeal of Advanced Clean Fleets has nothing to do with the rule’s real-world viability, but rather the political climate we find ourselves in today,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the rule would have accelerated the state’s transition to clean vehicles, Wilson is “confident that commercial vehicle electrification will continue, although at a slower pace.” The state can use other incentives to spur electric truck adoption, like requiring warehouses to track pollution and reduce it through electric heavy-duty vehicles, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court order between CARB and the California Trucking Association noted that the state will not require that new truck sales must be electric by 2036 without the approval of the federal government.[aside postID=news_12036063 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GavinNewsom1AP-1020x680.jpg']Wilson viewed the mention of the 2036 goal positively — a sign CARB officials were not abandoning the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the state officially remove the entire rule from California’s regulatory code, it would need to entirely rewrite a new version and relaunch a lengthy regulatory process to pursue similar actions in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARB is also resolving litigation from trade groups representing railroads, which would have limited idling times and retired older locomotives, among other things. The \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/reducing-rail-emissions-california/locomotive-fact-sheets\">rule\u003c/a> was aimed at reducing pollution from diesel-powered trains, but it also failed to receive EPA approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of planet-warming emissions produced by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/ghgemissions/sources-greenhouse-gas-emissions\">U.S.\u003c/a> come from transportation, and the same is true for \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/ghg-inventory-graphs\">California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was the first state to regulate tailpipe emissions in the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/about/history#:~:text=In%201966%20California%20established%20the,Air%20Resources%20Board%20was%20established.\">1960s\u003c/a>, as it struggled to bring harmful air pollution under control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Richard Nixon signed the Clean Air Act into law in 1970, giving the EPA the authority to regulate air pollution from cars. The law bars states from enacting their own regulations, except California, given its unique air pollution problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11880116\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11880116\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880.jpg\" alt=\"Cars and trucks fill the lanes on I-80 near Berkeley on June 28, 2021. A ban against heavy trucks on I-580, another freeway running through Oakland, pushes most diesel truck traffic onto I-880.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cars and trucks fill the lanes on I-80 near Berkeley on June 28, 2021. A ban against heavy trucks on I-580, another freeway running through Oakland, pushes most diesel truck traffic onto I-880. \u003ccite>(Joyce Tsai/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California’s standards must be at least as strict as federal law and are considered necessary “to meet compelling and extraordinary conditions.” While other states can’t set their own standards, they can adopt California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA has granted California waivers for decades, with only one of its requests being initially denied in 2008 by the George W. Bush administration, then later granted by the Obama administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s EPA first revoked California’s waiver for tailpipe emissions in his first term, but California sued in response. That lawsuit became moot when Biden took office and reinstated the waiver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final months of the Biden administration, the EPA approved two of California’s waivers, a ban on the sale of new gas-powered cars by 2035 and a regulation setting stricter emissions standards for heavy-duty trucks. However, the agency did not approve a handful of other waivers, including some applying to heavy-duty trucks and trains, before administrations changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state withdrew the regulation from federal review in January as Trump was unlikely to support it. Now, California is moving to repeal parts of the directive from the state code. ",
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"title": "California Regulators Move to Roll Back Parts of Controversial Clean Truck Rule | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California plans to erase parts of a rule created to clean up the state’s dirty air from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032217/caltrans-launches-long-awaited-study-on-i-580-truck-ban-and-pollution-impact\">truck pollution\u003c/a>. The action comes in response to a lawsuit from the California Trucking Association and strong headwinds from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/advanced-clean-fleets\">Advanced Clean Fleet rule\u003c/a>, adopted in 2023, would have phased out diesel trucks used by large companies, state and local governments, as well as ports and railroad yards. It would have eliminated new gas-fueled truck sales by 2036 and mandated that large trucking fleets go electric or hydrogen-powered by 2042.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the trade group’s lawsuit, the California Air Resources Board plans to propose repealing parts of the rule that applies to trucks serving ports, rail yards and large companies this year. California’s requirements that state and local governments increasingly move towards all-electric vehicles — and that all new truck sales be electric by 2036 — will remain, so long as the federal government approves that policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state adopted the clean truck regulation during the Biden administration, but did not get the necessary green light from the EPA before the Trump Administration took office this year. State officials withdrew their request for federal approval in January, meaning the state was largely unable to enforce the truck rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARB confirmed the legal updates to KQED and a spokeswoman wrote that the agency “remains committed to protecting public health using new and alternative approaches,” in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re pleased to have reached agreement with the Air Resources Board on this stipulation,” Eric Sauer, head of the California Trucking Association, wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11930567\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/GettyImages-1396887368-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Close-up of a hydrogen fuel cell truck driving on a road. According to the California Air Resources Board, heavy-duty fossil-fuel trucks spew 70% of the state’s smog-forming gases and 80% of carcinogenic diesel pollutants. \u003ccite>(Aranga87/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sam Wilson, who works on clean transportation at the Union of Concerned Scientists, called the move “disappointing,” but “more of an administrative action than anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The repeal of Advanced Clean Fleets has nothing to do with the rule’s real-world viability, but rather the political climate we find ourselves in today,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the rule would have accelerated the state’s transition to clean vehicles, Wilson is “confident that commercial vehicle electrification will continue, although at a slower pace.” The state can use other incentives to spur electric truck adoption, like requiring warehouses to track pollution and reduce it through electric heavy-duty vehicles, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court order between CARB and the California Trucking Association noted that the state will not require that new truck sales must be electric by 2036 without the approval of the federal government.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Wilson viewed the mention of the 2036 goal positively — a sign CARB officials were not abandoning the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the state officially remove the entire rule from California’s regulatory code, it would need to entirely rewrite a new version and relaunch a lengthy regulatory process to pursue similar actions in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARB is also resolving litigation from trade groups representing railroads, which would have limited idling times and retired older locomotives, among other things. The \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/reducing-rail-emissions-california/locomotive-fact-sheets\">rule\u003c/a> was aimed at reducing pollution from diesel-powered trains, but it also failed to receive EPA approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of planet-warming emissions produced by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/ghgemissions/sources-greenhouse-gas-emissions\">U.S.\u003c/a> come from transportation, and the same is true for \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/ghg-inventory-graphs\">California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was the first state to regulate tailpipe emissions in the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/about/history#:~:text=In%201966%20California%20established%20the,Air%20Resources%20Board%20was%20established.\">1960s\u003c/a>, as it struggled to bring harmful air pollution under control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Richard Nixon signed the Clean Air Act into law in 1970, giving the EPA the authority to regulate air pollution from cars. The law bars states from enacting their own regulations, except California, given its unique air pollution problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11880116\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11880116\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880.jpg\" alt=\"Cars and trucks fill the lanes on I-80 near Berkeley on June 28, 2021. A ban against heavy trucks on I-580, another freeway running through Oakland, pushes most diesel truck traffic onto I-880.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/trucks-I880-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cars and trucks fill the lanes on I-80 near Berkeley on June 28, 2021. A ban against heavy trucks on I-580, another freeway running through Oakland, pushes most diesel truck traffic onto I-880. \u003ccite>(Joyce Tsai/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California’s standards must be at least as strict as federal law and are considered necessary “to meet compelling and extraordinary conditions.” While other states can’t set their own standards, they can adopt California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA has granted California waivers for decades, with only one of its requests being initially denied in 2008 by the George W. Bush administration, then later granted by the Obama administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s EPA first revoked California’s waiver for tailpipe emissions in his first term, but California sued in response. That lawsuit became moot when Biden took office and reinstated the waiver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final months of the Biden administration, the EPA approved two of California’s waivers, a ban on the sale of new gas-powered cars by 2035 and a regulation setting stricter emissions standards for heavy-duty trucks. However, the agency did not approve a handful of other waivers, including some applying to heavy-duty trucks and trains, before administrations changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-bill-expand-rent-control-pulled-for-year-bay-area-lawmaker",
"title": "California Bill to Expand Rent Control Is Pulled for the Year by Bay Area Lawmaker",
"publishDate": 1746044573,
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"headTitle": "California Bill to Expand Rent Control Is Pulled for the Year by Bay Area Lawmaker | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A bill that would have lowered the statewide cap on rent increases won’t move forward in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-assembly\">California Assembly\u003c/a> this year, but the effort isn’t over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, D–San José, who authored the bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">dubbed the Affordable Rent Act\u003c/a>, said the push to further restrict how much landlords can raise the rent for long-term tenants and expand protections to more renters would become a two-year endeavor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we enter an economic downturn and vulnerable Californians enter more dire financial situations, we must guide our policies with empathy for one another, especially as it pertains to keeping families in their homes,” he said in a statement after pulling the bill on Tuesday. “We must keep up the fight — housing is a human right!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite support from a swath of California Democrats, the bill faced strong opposition from state real estate agents and landlord associations, who argued that it would hamper development at a time when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036934/california-lawmakers-push-housing-laws-to-boost-affordability\">California sorely needs new builds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would have amended the Tenant Protection Act of 2019, lowering the maximum annual rent increase from 10% to 5% for most multifamily rental properties in the state that are more than 15 years old. It would not have affected existing rent control ordinances in Bay Area cities, including San Francisco and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The existing Tenant Protection Act includes other safeguards, such as requiring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945257/california-landlords-can-evict-renters-for-repairs-a-new-bill-could-limit-that\">just cause for evictions\u003c/a>, and will sunset in 2030. Kalra’s bill would have extended those protections to renters of single-family homes, whose properties are currently exempt, and made the legislation permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034319\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034319\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign hangs in the window of an apartment building in Nob Hill in San Francisco on July 29, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association, which represents owners, developers and landlords and has been a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012553/californians-appear-to-reject-many-rent-control-measures\">staunch opponent of rent control efforts\u003c/a>, said in a statement that the Affordable Rent Act would “make it harder for housing construction to pencil out, target mom and pop landlords, and put government price controls on renting out your extra bedroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contingent appears to have swayed — or at least given pause to — enough members of the Assembly Judiciary Committee to halt the legislation. Kalra said discussions with its members and debate in the Housing and Community Development Committee, which passed the bill by a slim majority, both signaled that more time was needed to revise the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m concerned that elements of this bill could exacerbate our housing production concerns and have some potential unintended consequences in that vein,” Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, said during the Housing and Community Development hearing on the bill last week. She ultimately voted to forward the legislation, but Democrats Anamarie Avila Farias and Lori Wilson joined three Republicans who voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California YIMBY, a pro-development lobbying organization, raised similar concerns after the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imposing increasingly strict price controls every few years could dissuade the housing production our state needs — addressing a symptom of the crisis while making the underlying disease worse,” the group said in a statement.[aside postID=news_12037474 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']Shanti Singh, an advocate for Tenants Together, told KQED that the fear of slowing development is a common argument against tenant protections in Sacramento, but it isn’t realistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that argument trotted out over and over and over again to the point where everything apparently blocks new housing,” she said. “Not just rent control, but just cause blocks new housing, changing the eviction process blocks new housing, giving tenants protection for retaliation for organizing blocks new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really need to break out of that dichotomy. It’s a false one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said tenants’ advocates are disappointed but plan to bring the legislation back next session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to come back every single year until there is a resolution to this, because the rent cap, as it exists, expires in 2030, and we don’t want to wait for that,” she said. “There’s also issues that we’ve been trying to fix.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the current 10% cap, a tenant’s rent could double in just seven years, according to Singh. It also excludes renters of single-family homes. In 2022, 23% of single-family homes were rentals, according to census data \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2023/12/04/california-investors-are-shedding-rental-houses-its-a-national-trend-too/\">tracked by the \u003cem>Orange County Register\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People always rank [housing affordability] like the highest priority on the ground — to fix that — so we’re going to keep trying,” Singh said. “Still, it’s disappointing that the Legislature isn’t really taking this cost-of-living crisis seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/vrancano\">\u003cem>Vanessa Rancaño\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The bill to lower California’s cap on rent increases and expand tenant protections drew strong opposition from landlord groups and others who argued it would hamper development.",
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"title": "California Bill to Expand Rent Control Is Pulled for the Year by Bay Area Lawmaker | KQED",
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"headline": "California Bill to Expand Rent Control Is Pulled for the Year by Bay Area Lawmaker",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A bill that would have lowered the statewide cap on rent increases won’t move forward in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-assembly\">California Assembly\u003c/a> this year, but the effort isn’t over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, D–San José, who authored the bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">dubbed the Affordable Rent Act\u003c/a>, said the push to further restrict how much landlords can raise the rent for long-term tenants and expand protections to more renters would become a two-year endeavor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we enter an economic downturn and vulnerable Californians enter more dire financial situations, we must guide our policies with empathy for one another, especially as it pertains to keeping families in their homes,” he said in a statement after pulling the bill on Tuesday. “We must keep up the fight — housing is a human right!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite support from a swath of California Democrats, the bill faced strong opposition from state real estate agents and landlord associations, who argued that it would hamper development at a time when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036934/california-lawmakers-push-housing-laws-to-boost-affordability\">California sorely needs new builds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would have amended the Tenant Protection Act of 2019, lowering the maximum annual rent increase from 10% to 5% for most multifamily rental properties in the state that are more than 15 years old. It would not have affected existing rent control ordinances in Bay Area cities, including San Francisco and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The existing Tenant Protection Act includes other safeguards, such as requiring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945257/california-landlords-can-evict-renters-for-repairs-a-new-bill-could-limit-that\">just cause for evictions\u003c/a>, and will sunset in 2030. Kalra’s bill would have extended those protections to renters of single-family homes, whose properties are currently exempt, and made the legislation permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034319\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034319\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign hangs in the window of an apartment building in Nob Hill in San Francisco on July 29, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association, which represents owners, developers and landlords and has been a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012553/californians-appear-to-reject-many-rent-control-measures\">staunch opponent of rent control efforts\u003c/a>, said in a statement that the Affordable Rent Act would “make it harder for housing construction to pencil out, target mom and pop landlords, and put government price controls on renting out your extra bedroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contingent appears to have swayed — or at least given pause to — enough members of the Assembly Judiciary Committee to halt the legislation. Kalra said discussions with its members and debate in the Housing and Community Development Committee, which passed the bill by a slim majority, both signaled that more time was needed to revise the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m concerned that elements of this bill could exacerbate our housing production concerns and have some potential unintended consequences in that vein,” Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, said during the Housing and Community Development hearing on the bill last week. She ultimately voted to forward the legislation, but Democrats Anamarie Avila Farias and Lori Wilson joined three Republicans who voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California YIMBY, a pro-development lobbying organization, raised similar concerns after the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imposing increasingly strict price controls every few years could dissuade the housing production our state needs — addressing a symptom of the crisis while making the underlying disease worse,” the group said in a statement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Shanti Singh, an advocate for Tenants Together, told KQED that the fear of slowing development is a common argument against tenant protections in Sacramento, but it isn’t realistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that argument trotted out over and over and over again to the point where everything apparently blocks new housing,” she said. “Not just rent control, but just cause blocks new housing, changing the eviction process blocks new housing, giving tenants protection for retaliation for organizing blocks new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really need to break out of that dichotomy. It’s a false one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said tenants’ advocates are disappointed but plan to bring the legislation back next session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to come back every single year until there is a resolution to this, because the rent cap, as it exists, expires in 2030, and we don’t want to wait for that,” she said. “There’s also issues that we’ve been trying to fix.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the current 10% cap, a tenant’s rent could double in just seven years, according to Singh. It also excludes renters of single-family homes. In 2022, 23% of single-family homes were rentals, according to census data \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2023/12/04/california-investors-are-shedding-rental-houses-its-a-national-trend-too/\">tracked by the \u003cem>Orange County Register\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People always rank [housing affordability] like the highest priority on the ground — to fix that — so we’re going to keep trying,” Singh said. “Still, it’s disappointing that the Legislature isn’t really taking this cost-of-living crisis seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/vrancano\">\u003cem>Vanessa Rancaño\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "kids-talking-ai-companion-chatbots-stanford-researchers-say-thats-bad-idea",
"title": "Kids Are Talking to AI Companion Chatbots. Stanford Researchers Say That’s a Bad Idea.",
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"headTitle": "Kids Are Talking to AI Companion Chatbots. Stanford Researchers Say That’s a Bad Idea. | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Imagine you’re a lonely 14-year-old. Maybe you want to talk about sex. Maybe you want to complain about school or ask about the voices in your head. Whatever the case, it’s appealing to imagine a context in which no adult shuts down your curiosity — or worse, makes you feel awkward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this explains the popularity of online companions to children and teens. The chatbots mimic human social interaction in a more sophisticated fashion than digital assistants like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/openai\">OpenAI\u003c/a>’s ChatGPT or Amazon’s Alexa. Unlike those assistants, chatbots are much more likely to veer into socially controversial and even illegal territory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companion chatbot users can personalize their experience, like opting for characters from gaming, anime and pop culture. For instance, a 14-year-old boy from Florida \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034490/ai-companions-seductive-risk-teens-senators-want-more-guardrails\">took his own life last year\u003c/a> after growing emotionally close to a chatbot that mimicked the “Game of Thrones” character \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YbuBfizSnPk\">Daenerys Targaryen\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The characters play along with the idea that they’re almost human, talking about eating meals or meeting up in real life, actively encouraging users to stay engaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What could go wrong with minors using this technology? Plenty, according to researchers from Stanford School of Medicine’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.stanfordbrainstorm.com\">Brainstorm Lab for Mental Health Innovation\u003c/a>, who collaborated with \u003ca href=\"https://www.commonsensemedia.org/ai-ratings/social-ai-companions?gate=riskassessment\">Common Sense Media\u003c/a> to set up test accounts for 14-year-olds, to evaluate how software from three different chatbot developers interacts with young people struggling to learn impulse control and social skills. They report that it took minimal prompting to get Character.AI, Nomi and Replika chatbots to engage in behavior harmful to human mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11146714\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11146714 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Researchers from Stanford School of Medicine’s Brainstorm Lab for Mental Health Innovation, in collaboration with Common Sense Media, tested how chatbots interact with teens, finding that AI companions from Character.AI, Nomi and Replika quickly engaged in behavior potentially harmful to youth mental health — with major platforms like Snapchat and Meta also expanding their AI offerings for young users. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We did not have to do backflips to get the models to perform in the way that they did. The AI ‘friends’ will actively participate in sexual conversations and role play on any topic, with graphic details,” said Robbie Torney, Common Sense Media’s senior director for AI programs and project lead on what the nonprofit organization calls a risk assessment of the AI companion chatbot sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Character.AI, Nomi and Replika are not the only companies developing these products. Snapchat offers AI digital companions who are willing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2023/03/14/snapchat-myai/\">talk to teens\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/tech/ai/meta-ai-chatbots-sex-a25311bf\">Meta\u003c/a> is racing to catch up across Instagram, Facebook and WhatsApp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are countless other, similar social AI companions out there, with more being created every day,” the report states. “So, while we use examples from the specific products we tested to illustrate the potential harms of these tools, the research and evaluation we conducted for this risk assessment covers social AI companions more broadly.”[aside postID=science_1996504 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/03/IMG_0962-1020x765.jpg']The researchers argue that one of the most troubling features of companion chatbots is the way they are hardwired to be agreeable, engaging with a population of humans hardwired to be vulnerable. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/about-mental-illness/mental-health-conditions/\">National Alliance on Mental Illness\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15939837\">50\u003c/a> percent of all mental disorders, like cutting, suicidal ideation and schizophrenia, begin by age 14, 75 percent by age 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chatbots “blur the line between fantasy and reality, at the exact time when adolescents are developing critical skills like emotional regulation, identity formation, and healthy relational attachment,” said Dr. Nina Vasan, a professor of psychiatry at Stanford University. “Instead of encouraging healthy real-world relationships, these AI friends pull users even deeper into artificial ones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companion chatbots, the researchers warn, are not prepared to replace parents or professionals in identifying the first signs of something that requires speedy and effective treatment. “In our testing, when a user showed signs of serious mental illness and suggested a dangerous action, the AI did not intervene. In fact, it encouraged dangerous behavior,” Vasan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AI companions reinforced users’ delusions, validating fears of being followed and offering advice on decoding imaginary messages, researchers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AI companions don’t understand the real consequences of bad advice. They readily, in our testing, supported teens in making potentially harmful decisions like dropping out of school, ignoring parents, moving out without planning,” Torney added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036125\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036125\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Meta, Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, Messenger and Threads logos are screened on a mobile phone on Jan. 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beata Zawrzel/NurPhoto via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The timing of this release is no accident. Common Sense Media supports two state bills this legislative session that would ban or restrict interactions between AI companion bots and minors. The bills are among several state-level efforts by consumer advocates and lawmakers to regulate online kids’ safety after the federal Kids Online Safety Act died last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1064&showamends=false\">AB 1064\u003c/a> by Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, D-Orinda, would ban access to AI companions for Californians age 16 and under, as well as create a statewide standards board to assess and regulate AI tools used by children. The bill passed the Assembly Judiciary Committee on Tuesday. It’s headed next to the Assembly Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB243&showamends=false\">SB 243\u003c/a> by Sen. Steve Padilla, D-San Diego, would require the makers of AI companion bots to limit addictive design features, put in protocols in place for handling discussions of suicide or self-harm and undergo regular compliance audits. The bill goes before the State Judiciary Committee on Wednesday.[aside postID=news_12034490 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PadillaMentalHealthCaucus-1020x680.jpg']“We have been very transparent about the work we are doing to prioritize teen safety on our platform,” a spokesperson for Character.AI, which makes its products available to customers as young as 13 in the United States, said in a statement. “First and foremost, last year, we launched a separate version of our Large Language Model for under-18 users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That model is designed to further reduce the likelihood of users encountering, or prompting the model to return, sensitive or suggestive content,” the spokesperson continued. “We have updated prominent disclaimers to make it even clearer that the Character is not a real person and should not be relied on as fact or advice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Cardinell, the founder and CEO of Nomi, said the company agrees that “children should not use Nomi or any other conversational AI app.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nomi is an adult-only app, and it is strictly against our terms of service for anyone under 18 to use Nomi,” Cardinell said in an email. “Accordingly, we support stronger age gating so long as those mechanisms fully maintain user privacy and anonymity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Replika spokesperson said the company’s tool “has always been intended solely for adults aged 18 and over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have strict protocols in place to prevent underage access. However, we are aware that some individuals attempt to bypass these safeguards by submitting false information,” the spokesperson wrote. “We take this issue seriously and are actively exploring new methods to strengthen our protections. This includes ongoing collaboration with regulators and academic institutions to better understand user behavior and continuously improve safety measures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The risk assessment authors did acknowledge that not all AI models are created equal in terms of functionality or guardrails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasan said she interacted with ChatGPT last summer, prompting it to respond to signs of schizophrenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was actually very gentle and compassionate about explaining what psychosis was, how the user should try to get help contacting a mental health professional,” Vasan said. “I was very pleasantly surprised to see it was really what one would expect a doctor or someone trained in mental health to say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A new report from Stanford researchers and Common Sense Media finds that companion chatbots should not be used by children and teens under 18. ",
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"title": "Kids Are Talking to AI Companion Chatbots. Stanford Researchers Say That’s a Bad Idea. | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Imagine you’re a lonely 14-year-old. Maybe you want to talk about sex. Maybe you want to complain about school or ask about the voices in your head. Whatever the case, it’s appealing to imagine a context in which no adult shuts down your curiosity — or worse, makes you feel awkward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this explains the popularity of online companions to children and teens. The chatbots mimic human social interaction in a more sophisticated fashion than digital assistants like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/openai\">OpenAI\u003c/a>’s ChatGPT or Amazon’s Alexa. Unlike those assistants, chatbots are much more likely to veer into socially controversial and even illegal territory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companion chatbot users can personalize their experience, like opting for characters from gaming, anime and pop culture. For instance, a 14-year-old boy from Florida \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034490/ai-companions-seductive-risk-teens-senators-want-more-guardrails\">took his own life last year\u003c/a> after growing emotionally close to a chatbot that mimicked the “Game of Thrones” character \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YbuBfizSnPk\">Daenerys Targaryen\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The characters play along with the idea that they’re almost human, talking about eating meals or meeting up in real life, actively encouraging users to stay engaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What could go wrong with minors using this technology? Plenty, according to researchers from Stanford School of Medicine’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.stanfordbrainstorm.com\">Brainstorm Lab for Mental Health Innovation\u003c/a>, who collaborated with \u003ca href=\"https://www.commonsensemedia.org/ai-ratings/social-ai-companions?gate=riskassessment\">Common Sense Media\u003c/a> to set up test accounts for 14-year-olds, to evaluate how software from three different chatbot developers interacts with young people struggling to learn impulse control and social skills. They report that it took minimal prompting to get Character.AI, Nomi and Replika chatbots to engage in behavior harmful to human mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11146714\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11146714 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/11146713-thumb-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Researchers from Stanford School of Medicine’s Brainstorm Lab for Mental Health Innovation, in collaboration with Common Sense Media, tested how chatbots interact with teens, finding that AI companions from Character.AI, Nomi and Replika quickly engaged in behavior potentially harmful to youth mental health — with major platforms like Snapchat and Meta also expanding their AI offerings for young users. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We did not have to do backflips to get the models to perform in the way that they did. The AI ‘friends’ will actively participate in sexual conversations and role play on any topic, with graphic details,” said Robbie Torney, Common Sense Media’s senior director for AI programs and project lead on what the nonprofit organization calls a risk assessment of the AI companion chatbot sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Character.AI, Nomi and Replika are not the only companies developing these products. Snapchat offers AI digital companions who are willing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2023/03/14/snapchat-myai/\">talk to teens\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/tech/ai/meta-ai-chatbots-sex-a25311bf\">Meta\u003c/a> is racing to catch up across Instagram, Facebook and WhatsApp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are countless other, similar social AI companions out there, with more being created every day,” the report states. “So, while we use examples from the specific products we tested to illustrate the potential harms of these tools, the research and evaluation we conducted for this risk assessment covers social AI companions more broadly.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The researchers argue that one of the most troubling features of companion chatbots is the way they are hardwired to be agreeable, engaging with a population of humans hardwired to be vulnerable. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/about-mental-illness/mental-health-conditions/\">National Alliance on Mental Illness\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15939837\">50\u003c/a> percent of all mental disorders, like cutting, suicidal ideation and schizophrenia, begin by age 14, 75 percent by age 24.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chatbots “blur the line between fantasy and reality, at the exact time when adolescents are developing critical skills like emotional regulation, identity formation, and healthy relational attachment,” said Dr. Nina Vasan, a professor of psychiatry at Stanford University. “Instead of encouraging healthy real-world relationships, these AI friends pull users even deeper into artificial ones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companion chatbots, the researchers warn, are not prepared to replace parents or professionals in identifying the first signs of something that requires speedy and effective treatment. “In our testing, when a user showed signs of serious mental illness and suggested a dangerous action, the AI did not intervene. In fact, it encouraged dangerous behavior,” Vasan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AI companions reinforced users’ delusions, validating fears of being followed and offering advice on decoding imaginary messages, researchers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AI companions don’t understand the real consequences of bad advice. They readily, in our testing, supported teens in making potentially harmful decisions like dropping out of school, ignoring parents, moving out without planning,” Torney added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036125\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036125\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/MetaGetty2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Meta, Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, Messenger and Threads logos are screened on a mobile phone on Jan. 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beata Zawrzel/NurPhoto via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The timing of this release is no accident. Common Sense Media supports two state bills this legislative session that would ban or restrict interactions between AI companion bots and minors. The bills are among several state-level efforts by consumer advocates and lawmakers to regulate online kids’ safety after the federal Kids Online Safety Act died last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1064&showamends=false\">AB 1064\u003c/a> by Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, D-Orinda, would ban access to AI companions for Californians age 16 and under, as well as create a statewide standards board to assess and regulate AI tools used by children. The bill passed the Assembly Judiciary Committee on Tuesday. It’s headed next to the Assembly Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB243&showamends=false\">SB 243\u003c/a> by Sen. Steve Padilla, D-San Diego, would require the makers of AI companion bots to limit addictive design features, put in protocols in place for handling discussions of suicide or self-harm and undergo regular compliance audits. The bill goes before the State Judiciary Committee on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We have been very transparent about the work we are doing to prioritize teen safety on our platform,” a spokesperson for Character.AI, which makes its products available to customers as young as 13 in the United States, said in a statement. “First and foremost, last year, we launched a separate version of our Large Language Model for under-18 users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That model is designed to further reduce the likelihood of users encountering, or prompting the model to return, sensitive or suggestive content,” the spokesperson continued. “We have updated prominent disclaimers to make it even clearer that the Character is not a real person and should not be relied on as fact or advice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Cardinell, the founder and CEO of Nomi, said the company agrees that “children should not use Nomi or any other conversational AI app.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nomi is an adult-only app, and it is strictly against our terms of service for anyone under 18 to use Nomi,” Cardinell said in an email. “Accordingly, we support stronger age gating so long as those mechanisms fully maintain user privacy and anonymity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Replika spokesperson said the company’s tool “has always been intended solely for adults aged 18 and over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have strict protocols in place to prevent underage access. However, we are aware that some individuals attempt to bypass these safeguards by submitting false information,” the spokesperson wrote. “We take this issue seriously and are actively exploring new methods to strengthen our protections. This includes ongoing collaboration with regulators and academic institutions to better understand user behavior and continuously improve safety measures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The risk assessment authors did acknowledge that not all AI models are created equal in terms of functionality or guardrails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasan said she interacted with ChatGPT last summer, prompting it to respond to signs of schizophrenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was actually very gentle and compassionate about explaining what psychosis was, how the user should try to get help contacting a mental health professional,” Vasan said. “I was very pleasantly surprised to see it was really what one would expect a doctor or someone trained in mental health to say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "100-days-2-americas-assessing-the-impact-of-trumps-policies-on-california-and-texas",
"title": "100 Days, 2 Americas: Assessing the Impact of Trump’s Policies on California and Texas",
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"headTitle": "100 Days, 2 Americas: Assessing the Impact of Trump’s Policies on California and Texas | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The 100-day marker for presidential administrations is really nothing more than that: A marker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The benchmark was established during Franklin D. Roosevelt’s first term because \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/04/23/525310208/the-first-100-days-presidential-benchmark-goes-back-to-fdr-and-napoleon\">he got a lot done\u003c/a> in those first few months as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His moves in a relatively short amount of time — helped by a Congress controlled by Democrats — has since defined a period where presidents are expected to show what they are initially accomplishing in the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it’s Trump’s turn, again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, we’ve witnessed a reshaping of how the United States \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5357511/state-department-human-rights-report-cuts\">deals with the world\u003c/a>, a dismantling of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/18/nx-s1-5332274/judge-ruling-usaid-shutdown\">multiple federal agencies\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/15/nx-s1-5328721/reduction-in-force-rif-federal-workers-job-cuts-musk-doge-layoffs\">mass\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5364544/fda-inspections-layoffs-food-and-drug-supply-less-safe\">layoffs\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/17/nx-s1-5349435/us-census-bureau-data-decennial\">government workers\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/14/nx-s1-5361461/fentanyl-medicaid-addiction\">deep cuts\u003c/a> to administrative functions and funds that support a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/24/nx-s1-5337999/elon-musk-doge-social-security-cuts\">variety of programs\u003c/a> that serve millions of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014668\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014668\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump arrives to deliver remarks about American energy production during a visit to the Double Eagle Energy Oil Rig on July 29, 2020, in Midland, Texas. \u003ccite>(Evan Vucci/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In these first 100 days, we’ve heard a lot from D.C. pundits. Today, we’re looking at how those decisions are hitting home. We’re focusing on two of America’s biggest and most complex states: Texas and California. Two states with enormous economic power, deep diversity and very different politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Texas, the Republican leadership controls \u003ca href=\"https://www.texasstandard.org/stories/donald-trump-texas-republicans-future-policy/\">both houses in the Legislature and the governor’s office\u003c/a>, and they’ve largely aligned themselves with President Trump’s second-term agenda. In California, where Democrats hold a supermajority, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036199/trumps-tariffs-could-wreck-californias-economy-the-state-is-suing\">state’s pushing back\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many cities across both Texas and California, you’ll find plenty of people who share a skepticism — if not scorn — for the second Trump administration. However, in more rural areas of both states, support for Trump’s direction is strong, especially when it comes to issues like immigration or cutting what some see as government waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, this change is happening so quickly that it can be hard to keep up. The ripple effects of mass layoffs, deportations and trade threats are making many people anxious, and that fear seems to be crossing clear party lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Journalists at public radio stations and nonprofit newsrooms in California and Texas spoke with dozens of residents, reporters and political observers to dig into that uncertainty. Not just the economics, but across the board — where it’s coming from and what it means.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California, Texas respond to second Trump administration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California and Texas are similar by size and population metrics, but politically, the two states are opposites. In the 2024 presidential election, for example, roughly 58.5% of Californians voted for Kamala Harris, while 56.14% of Texans voted for Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Pineda is an associate professor of communications with a focus on politics at the University of Texas at El Paso. He said Texas leaders at all levels seem to be in “lockstep” with President Trump. But that’s not the case across the state, he added, especially in areas that tend to vote blue — like El Paso and Travis counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there is a tremendous amount of concern about some of these changes, especially when you see shifts that are happening politically rolling into things like the University of Texas system,” Pineda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037889 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-1020x602.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some traditionally blue counties are starting to see increases in Republican voters, he added. That can be seen in \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2024/11/06/donald-trump-near-sweep-texas-border-counties/\">Starr, Hidalgo, Willacy and Cameron counties\u003c/a> — all of which are border counties that have historically voted blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not to a point that the county will change anytime soon, but even short shifts means that the state is becoming even redder than before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Mitchell is the vice president of \u003ca href=\"https://politicaldata.com/\">Political Data, Inc.\u003c/a>, a voter data firm in California. He said the state, which was seen as the resistance state during Trump’s first term — filing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/01/california-lawsuits-against-donald-trump/\">over 120 lawsuits against his administration\u003c/a> — hasn’t had the same “clear point of focus” this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of what Trump tried to do early on (in his first term) that really galvanized support from Democrats in California was he was trying to undo Obamacare,” Mitchell said. “In this first 100 days, you’ve seen him \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/03/newsom-transgender-athletes/\">go after transgender issues\u003c/a>, and a lot of Democrats don’t know necessarily what to do with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the Californians polled by journalists working on this project expressed deep concern over the president’s actions, while others said they were “cautiously optimistic.” Some in the latter category suggested that their backing of President Trump had to do with frustration over state and local governments, more than the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell said the 2024 election came at the “perfect time” for those frustrated by these issues in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of voters saw what he was proposing as real action, where they look at California policy makers — whether they’re looking at the lack of action on high-speed rail or these other promises that lawmakers have made — and they say, ‘Well, they’re not delivering here in California, this guy is offering to make big real change,’” Mitchell said. “And I think that that was important to his victory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas is booming right now: There’s a huge \u003ca href=\"https://www.tpr.org/government-politics/2023-01-09/texas-has-an-unprecedented-budget-surplus-what-can-be-done-with-the-billions-of-dollars\">budget surplus\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.keranews.org/news/2024-12-02/texas-leads-nation-net-migration-census\">population is growing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.houstonpublicmedia.org/articles/technology/2025/04/14/518779/nvidia-houston-ai-supercomputer-manufacturing-plant-amid-tariff-concerns/\">business is moving there\u003c/a>. In fact, Elon Musk has picked up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kut.org/business/2024-07-16/elon-musk-twitter-spacex-california-relocate-austin-texas\">most of his operations\u003c/a> and moved them out of California to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038133\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP20089833722736-scaled-e1745962998545.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038133\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP20089833722736-scaled-e1745962998545.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1180\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vehicles merge onto I-10 on Sunday, March 29, 2020, in Orange, Texas, near the Louisiana border. \u003ccite>(AP Photo/David J. Phillip)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pineda said Texas business leaders have been encouraged by state leadership’s support of the Trump administration’s move to dismantle diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor and the lieutenant governor taking an active stance to try to undercut those [DEI practices] has allowed some businesses to move without having to worry about having those policies or maintaining those policies,” he said. “That then comes on top of the president pushing against these things, and that’s a good climate for these particular businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, overall, he said, growth hasn’t remained consistent for all regions of Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you’re seeing is developments in these sort of core communities, some of the bigger cities,” he said. “There’s still a lot of rural development that has not happened. We’ve looked to try to expand a \u003ca href=\"https://www.texasrailadvocates.org/post/txdots-2024-texas-rail-plan-to-be-released-by-years-end\">rail infrastructure\u003c/a> that seems to come up every couple of years and die down. I do think that the move to bring some of these companies in dovetails with limitations on previously held restrictions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trade and tariffs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>President Trump is no stranger to tariffs — and the battles that come with changing them. During his first term, Trump imposed a number of tariffs on goods imported from China, \u003ca href=\"https://www.piie.com/blogs/trade-and-investment-policy-watch/2018/trumps-trade-war-timeline-date-guide\">sparking a trade war in 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And starting on his first day back in the White House, Trump promised immediate action on the price of imported goods. Since then, news about tariffs has moved quickly. Over the last three months, Trump has imposed, rescinded and reinstated tariffs worldwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037649 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250306-PORT-OF-OAKLAND-MD-02_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether tariffs are active or on hold, California and Texas will feel it. Of all the U.S. states, these two do the most trade with other countries — and \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/04/09/map-us-exports-to-china-states-agriculture\">China\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.worldatlas.com/economics/which-us-states-trade-the-most-with-mexico.html\">Mexico\u003c/a> and Canada are at the top of the list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas and Mexico’s economies are greatly intertwined — in 2023, trade between Texas and Mexico topped $272 billion, ranking \u003ca href=\"https://gov.texas.gov/uploads/files/business/Mexico-Profile.pdf\">Mexico as Texas’ no. 1 trading partner\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://nmbia.org/about-us/board-of-directors/\">Jerry Pacheco\u003c/a>, president of the Border Industrial Association, said the first 100 days of the second Trump administration has felt like “chaos” for both himself and the members of his organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, my world has just been… I get up every day and wonder what’s going to happen,” Pacheco said. “Are we going to lose a prospect that we had close to signing the dotted line? Are we going to see businesses in our industrial base, related particularly to the automotive industry, shuttered?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a similar trade relationship with Mexico, with a highly integrated supply chain that sees individual pieces of larger products often travel back and forth across the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tijuana, for example, hosts a number of car manufacturing plants, \u003ca href=\"https://www.toyota.com/usa/operations/map/tmmbc\">including one owned by Toyota\u003c/a>. But not all pieces of these vehicles are made in Mexico: Individual parts of each vehicle can cross the border multiple times — and there’s a tariff each time it crosses back and forth. Seat leather, for example, could be produced in one country, processed in another, then finished in another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego business professionals echoed the sentiment of their counterparts in Texas, many of whom said they feel uncertain about the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a relationship with Mexico where we’re not just trading together, we’re producing together,” said Jessica Anderson, the interim CEO and president of the \u003ca href=\"https://sdchamber.org/about/team/jessica-anderson/\">San Diego Regional Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a>. “This is not a tax on just Mexican companies. This is a tax on U.S. businesses and on U.S. companies directly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://data.imf.org/en/Data-Explorer?datasetUrn=IMF.RES:WEO(6.0.0)\">International Monetary Fund\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bea.gov/data/gdp/gdp-state\">U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis\u003c/a> announced recently that California had surpassed Japan to become the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/04/23/california-is-now-the-4th-largest-economy-in-the-world/\">fourth-largest economy\u003c/a> in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State legislative leaders say California’s booming economy is the driving force behind their \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/23/g-s1-62417/trump-tariff-lawsuits-states\">tariff-related lawsuit\u003c/a> against the Trump administration. They’ve also said the fluctuating stock market is a risk to California’s budget, which is highly dependent on income tax revenue from capital gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Within hours after his second inauguration in January, President Trump signed dozens of executive orders, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2025/02/07/donald-trump-immigration-executive-orders/\">10 aimed at the immigration system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP25115031458660-scaled-e1745963102151.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038131\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP25115031458660-scaled-e1745963102151.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Border Patrol agent walks past four men being detained after crossing the border through a gap in the walls separating Mexico and the United States, Jan. 23, 2025, in San Diego. \u003ccite>(AP Photo/Gregory Bull)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among other actions, these orders pledge to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/data-graphics/us-immigration-tracker-follow-arrests-detentions-border-crossings-rcna189148\">detain and deport undocumented immigrants\u003c/a> accused of crimes and stop the resettlement of refugees from countries like Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of it has – or at least promises to have – a deep impact on Texas and California, hugely diverse states with some of the largest undocumented and refugee populations in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Response to these orders has been mixed, largely across party lines:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, I live here on the border and I’ve seen firsthand what happened the last several years with immigration, and now it’s the numbers have plummeted,” said Tim Wilkins of McAllen, Texas. “I mean, it’s almost zero activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way that the Trump administration is handling this is frightening — deporting people to El Salvador and some of those people are not the gang members that they say they are and there’s no due process,” said Jane Demian, who lives in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, ICE raids and enforcement actions by federal agents in cities like San Diego, Pomona and Los Angeles have heightened fears in immigrant communities. In Texas, agents from multiple federal agencies \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2025/01/26/texas-immigration-deportation-ice-austin-san-antonio/\">began carrying out immigration enforcement operations\u003c/a> in late January in a number of cities, including Austin, Dallas-Fort Worth and San Antonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reactions to these operations have mixed — Texans in conservative areas are largely supportive, while Texas immigration advocates and professionals are concerned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many people in the immigrant community, many clients, fear for their future in this country, even lawful permanent residents and naturalized citizens,” said Irving-based immigration attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.haimvasquezlegal.com/\">Haim Vasquez\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Inauguration Day, a number of university students have \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2025/04/09/texas-universities-international-students-legal-status/\">had their visas canceled\u003c/a>. Some international students around the country have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/international-students-revoked-visas-reasons-why-rcna200313\">even been detained\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of these California students are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034742/california-students-visa-cancellations-sue-trump-administration\">suing the Trump administration\u003c/a>. In recent days, a handful \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037662/ice-is-reversing-termination-of-legal-status-for-international-students-around-us-lawyer-says\">have won temporary restraining orders\u003c/a> with federal judges saying they must not be detained or deported while their cases are heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037900 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/3527_transform-1440x960.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say everybody is scared right now,” Zahra Biloo, director for the \u003ca href=\"https://ca.cair.com/staff/zahra-billoo/\">Bay Area chapter of the Council on American Islamic Relations,\u003c/a> said. “The most challenging types of calls we are receiving are from U.S. citizens, and so I think to myself, if U.S. citizens with as much privilege and safety as they carry are scared, so, too, then are student visa-holders as well as undocumented students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California leaders are no strangers to taking action against the Trump administration. This time around, California Attorney General staff \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2024/11/07/prepared-for-trumps-comeback-californias-attorney-general-is-ready-to-fight/\">began writing briefs before Inauguration Day\u003c/a>, and in early February, Gov. Gavin Newsom approved \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/02/newsom-lawsuit-fund-california-trump/\">$25 million to sue the Trump administration\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The response from Texas leaders has looked a bit different: Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton announced recently that he was \u003ca href=\"https://www.keranews.org/government/2025-03-13/dallas-sanctuary-city-ken-paxton-investigation\">opening an investigation into the city of Dallas\u003c/a>, accusing it of having “sanctuary city” policies, or policies that would not allow city staff to cooperate with federal law enforcement in arresting or detaining undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Agriculture and business\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All eyes are on the economy. The Trump administration’s approach to tariffs and other economic policies has a lot of people wondering where things are headed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some, that uncertainty brings on a whole lot of anxiety: “Because he enacted a policy that made me lose my job, yeah, I’m anxious, I’m worried, my budget’s completely changed, and, you know, [I’m] living off beans and rice,” said Benjamin Dechard of Austin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are bullish about the president’s actions: “People are willing to start investing again in their businesses, not holding cash back as a reserve, but now using this as an opportunity to make those investments,” said David Stein from Tyler, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture is one business sector that’s got some questions. It’s a huge economic driver in both states: Texas sold about \u003ca href=\"https://www.texasstandard.org/stories/texas-farm-ranch-working-dogs/#:~:text=Texas%20livestock%20farms%3F-,Some%20ranchers%20are%20turning%20to%20dogs%20for%20help,work%20with%20sheep%20or%20cattle.\">$32 billion in agricultural products\u003c/a> in 2022, and California, the nation’s largest supplier, sold a little more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.nass.usda.gov/AgCensus/\">$59 billion worth of goods\u003c/a> in the same year. A big chunk of that money comes from exports to countries like Mexico, Canada, and China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest exports coming out of Texas are \u003ca href=\"https://agrilifetoday.tamu.edu/2021/03/18/texas-tops-all-u-s-states-in-exports-for-19th-consecutive-year/\">beef and cotton\u003c/a>, amounting to roughly $2.6 billion every year. However, the state also imports and takes in a lot of goods, and farmers are concerned about tariffs affecting the cost to raise their crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038132\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP25117835043903-scaled-e1745963195295.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038132\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP25117835043903-scaled-e1745963195295.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers harvest cabbage on Wednesday, March 5, 2025, on a field less than ten miles from the border with Mexico, in Holtville, Calif. (AP Photo/Gregory Bull)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Materials like \u003ca href=\"https://www.dtnpf.com/agriculture/web/ag/crops/article/2025/04/09/uan32-continues-lead-higher-prices-8\">fertilizer\u003c/a>, insecticides, seeds and parts for farm equipment are imported and have begun to rise in price, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I apologize, I don’t mean to sound ignorant, but there’s probably more unknowns than known,” said Dale Murden, a citrus farmer in the Rio Grande Valley. “I’m like… ‘Uh, wait a minute, my fertilizer cost just tripled. Where’d that come from?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s been a lot of back and forth over tariffs. But the ongoing battle is with China, whose leaders responded with their own levies on U.S. goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas sends a \u003ca href=\"https://stories.tamu.edu/news/2018/04/12/economist-china-commodities-tariffs-would-hit-texas-cotton-sorghum-hardest/\">large share of its cotton\u003c/a>, beef and rice to China. Market leaders are concerned that these U.S.-made goods may become prohibitively expensive for Chinese consumers, and push other exporting countries to swoop in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last time there was a Trump tariff issue, cotton did get caught up in that, and it just caused this great reshuffle,” said \u003ca href=\"https://agecon.tamu.edu/people/robinson-john-r-c/\">John Robinson\u003c/a>, a cotton market specialist with Texas A&M University. “We actually sent more of our cotton to Vietnam, and Brazil took our market share formerly with China. Great big reshuffle. It’s inefficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s largest exports are nuts and dairy — the state produces 80% of the world’s almonds — and a lot of that goes to China. Some California farmers share concerns about the state of the industry as tariffs are set to go into effect, though not all of them are sure of what to expect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenny Holtermann, a fourth-generation farmer in Kern County, said she’s “worried and sort of not worried,” though she ultimately supports Trump’s tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that even if her almond farm takes a hit, she’s hoping tariffs will bring business back to the U.S. However, she mentioned she is facing higher costs and she’s already made adjustments in her farm operations because of them. The last time Trump was president and imposed tariffs, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/tariffs-california-agriculture-wine/\">exports of California almonds and pistachios fell 20%\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Holtermann said she’s in a better place than others because she has another job and doesn’t rely on the farm as her family’s sole income. Almonds are also not as perishable as other crops, so she has a little bit more flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Eighty percent of the world’s supply of almonds come from California,” Holtermann said. “At some point, well, if they want almonds, they have to get them from California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan Talley, who owns a \u003ca href=\"https://talleyfarms.com/\">medium-sized farm\u003c/a> that his grandfather started in the 1940s in Arroyo Grande, said he hasn’t seen a big direct impact yet because he sells most of his crops inside the U.S. However, he does sell spinach to Canada — and he’s planning on selling bell peppers in that market, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because the Trump administration is constantly changing its mind about the tariffs, he’s worried because, unlike almond-growers, his crops have a shorter shelf life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re highly perishable,” Talley said of his produce. “We don’t have the ability to hold our products for a month or two to wait for the tariffs to go away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the flip side, some folks in the agriculture business are seeing positive impacts as a result of tariffs. In Texas, people who harvest shrimp and oysters see the tariffs as a bulwark against overseas competition.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Education\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In March, the U.S. Department of Agriculture announced plans to cut a federal program that provides around \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/usda-cancels-local-food-purchasing-food-banks-school-meals/\">$660 million for schools\u003c/a> to buy fresh food directly from farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the Local Food for Schools program served up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/nu/localfoodforschools.asp\">$23 million\u003c/a> of meals around the state. It was about the same amount of money for Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12038026 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240815-CITYATTORNEYDEEPFAKES-06-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were part of a broader set of pandemic-era initiatives designed to address food insecurity and support local agriculture during COVID-19 disruptions. The USDA now said these programs no longer line up with priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These cuts have already begun affecting residents of both states. In California’s San Bernardino and Riverside counties, the program will expire at the end of this school year. More than $600,000 was awarded for the region to provide organic strawberries, citrus fruits, apples, and lettuce that ends up in school salads, along with produce like dragon fruit and bok choy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has attempted to recreate the program on its own, but schools have to apply to receive grant funding, while the federal program was opt-in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Texas, these federal grants amounted to less than a tenth of what state schools were previously spending for local food. However, if states don’t step in to subsidize these programs, some students could lose an important lifeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many farmers are in a tough situation because they’ve planted their crops with this program in mind. In one case, a California farmer plowed under fields of kale and collard greens because they were no longer contracted and replanted an easier crop to offload. In another case, a local poultry farm that had a contract to provide about 160 cases of chicken wings each month to a school stands to lose $13,000 a month in revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Overall impact on California and Texas? You tell us.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea for this joint statewide special developed during a transformative time for our country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collectively, it’s difficult — and perhaps even unfair — to find the right words that capture what is unfolding. It’s still too early to tell what the true impact will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We know reactions in California and Texas are different — they’re bound to be — different states with different budget demands, different priorities, different cultures and different political views among the majority of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, granular polling so far in both states is rather lean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what’s the impact of the first 100 days on California and Texas? You tell us. It’ll help us in our coverage going forward, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can reach the Texas Standard by emailing \u003ca href=\"mailto:texasstandard@kut.org\">texasstandard@kut.org\u003c/a> and the California Newsroom by emailing \u003ca href=\"mailto:CaliforniaNewsroom@kqed.org\">CaliforniaNewsroom@kqed.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from Angela Korcherga of KTEP in El Paso, Michael Marks of the Texas Standard, Levi Sumagaysay and Carolyn Jones of CalMatters in Sacramento, Stella Chávez of the Texas Newsroom, Gustavo Solis of KPBS in San Diego, Tyche Hendricks of KQED in San Francisco, and Jessica Greenwell of KVCR in Riverside, California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In an hour-long special, the California Newsroom and the Texas Standard team up to examine how the Trump administration is changing life in two of the nation’s largest states.\r\n",
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"title": "100 Days, 2 Americas: Assessing the Impact of Trump’s Policies on California and Texas | KQED",
"description": "In an hour-long special, the California Newsroom and the Texas Standard team up to examine how the Trump administration is changing life in two of the nation’s largest states.\r\n",
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"headline": "100 Days, 2 Americas: Assessing the Impact of Trump’s Policies on California and Texas",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The 100-day marker for presidential administrations is really nothing more than that: A marker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The benchmark was established during Franklin D. Roosevelt’s first term because \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/04/23/525310208/the-first-100-days-presidential-benchmark-goes-back-to-fdr-and-napoleon\">he got a lot done\u003c/a> in those first few months as president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His moves in a relatively short amount of time — helped by a Congress controlled by Democrats — has since defined a period where presidents are expected to show what they are initially accomplishing in the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it’s Trump’s turn, again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, we’ve witnessed a reshaping of how the United States \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5357511/state-department-human-rights-report-cuts\">deals with the world\u003c/a>, a dismantling of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/18/nx-s1-5332274/judge-ruling-usaid-shutdown\">multiple federal agencies\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/15/nx-s1-5328721/reduction-in-force-rif-federal-workers-job-cuts-musk-doge-layoffs\">mass\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5364544/fda-inspections-layoffs-food-and-drug-supply-less-safe\">layoffs\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/17/nx-s1-5349435/us-census-bureau-data-decennial\">government workers\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/14/nx-s1-5361461/fentanyl-medicaid-addiction\">deep cuts\u003c/a> to administrative functions and funds that support a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/24/nx-s1-5337999/elon-musk-doge-social-security-cuts\">variety of programs\u003c/a> that serve millions of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014668\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014668\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump arrives to deliver remarks about American energy production during a visit to the Double Eagle Energy Oil Rig on July 29, 2020, in Midland, Texas. \u003ccite>(Evan Vucci/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In these first 100 days, we’ve heard a lot from D.C. pundits. Today, we’re looking at how those decisions are hitting home. We’re focusing on two of America’s biggest and most complex states: Texas and California. Two states with enormous economic power, deep diversity and very different politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Texas, the Republican leadership controls \u003ca href=\"https://www.texasstandard.org/stories/donald-trump-texas-republicans-future-policy/\">both houses in the Legislature and the governor’s office\u003c/a>, and they’ve largely aligned themselves with President Trump’s second-term agenda. In California, where Democrats hold a supermajority, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036199/trumps-tariffs-could-wreck-californias-economy-the-state-is-suing\">state’s pushing back\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many cities across both Texas and California, you’ll find plenty of people who share a skepticism — if not scorn — for the second Trump administration. However, in more rural areas of both states, support for Trump’s direction is strong, especially when it comes to issues like immigration or cutting what some see as government waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, this change is happening so quickly that it can be hard to keep up. The ripple effects of mass layoffs, deportations and trade threats are making many people anxious, and that fear seems to be crossing clear party lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Journalists at public radio stations and nonprofit newsrooms in California and Texas spoke with dozens of residents, reporters and political observers to dig into that uncertainty. Not just the economics, but across the board — where it’s coming from and what it means.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California, Texas respond to second Trump administration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California and Texas are similar by size and population metrics, but politically, the two states are opposites. In the 2024 presidential election, for example, roughly 58.5% of Californians voted for Kamala Harris, while 56.14% of Texans voted for Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Pineda is an associate professor of communications with a focus on politics at the University of Texas at El Paso. He said Texas leaders at all levels seem to be in “lockstep” with President Trump. But that’s not the case across the state, he added, especially in areas that tend to vote blue — like El Paso and Travis counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there is a tremendous amount of concern about some of these changes, especially when you see shifts that are happening politically rolling into things like the University of Texas system,” Pineda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some traditionally blue counties are starting to see increases in Republican voters, he added. That can be seen in \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2024/11/06/donald-trump-near-sweep-texas-border-counties/\">Starr, Hidalgo, Willacy and Cameron counties\u003c/a> — all of which are border counties that have historically voted blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not to a point that the county will change anytime soon, but even short shifts means that the state is becoming even redder than before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Mitchell is the vice president of \u003ca href=\"https://politicaldata.com/\">Political Data, Inc.\u003c/a>, a voter data firm in California. He said the state, which was seen as the resistance state during Trump’s first term — filing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/01/california-lawsuits-against-donald-trump/\">over 120 lawsuits against his administration\u003c/a> — hasn’t had the same “clear point of focus” this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of what Trump tried to do early on (in his first term) that really galvanized support from Democrats in California was he was trying to undo Obamacare,” Mitchell said. “In this first 100 days, you’ve seen him \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/03/newsom-transgender-athletes/\">go after transgender issues\u003c/a>, and a lot of Democrats don’t know necessarily what to do with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the Californians polled by journalists working on this project expressed deep concern over the president’s actions, while others said they were “cautiously optimistic.” Some in the latter category suggested that their backing of President Trump had to do with frustration over state and local governments, more than the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell said the 2024 election came at the “perfect time” for those frustrated by these issues in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of voters saw what he was proposing as real action, where they look at California policy makers — whether they’re looking at the lack of action on high-speed rail or these other promises that lawmakers have made — and they say, ‘Well, they’re not delivering here in California, this guy is offering to make big real change,’” Mitchell said. “And I think that that was important to his victory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas is booming right now: There’s a huge \u003ca href=\"https://www.tpr.org/government-politics/2023-01-09/texas-has-an-unprecedented-budget-surplus-what-can-be-done-with-the-billions-of-dollars\">budget surplus\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.keranews.org/news/2024-12-02/texas-leads-nation-net-migration-census\">population is growing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.houstonpublicmedia.org/articles/technology/2025/04/14/518779/nvidia-houston-ai-supercomputer-manufacturing-plant-amid-tariff-concerns/\">business is moving there\u003c/a>. In fact, Elon Musk has picked up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kut.org/business/2024-07-16/elon-musk-twitter-spacex-california-relocate-austin-texas\">most of his operations\u003c/a> and moved them out of California to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038133\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP20089833722736-scaled-e1745962998545.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038133\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP20089833722736-scaled-e1745962998545.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1180\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vehicles merge onto I-10 on Sunday, March 29, 2020, in Orange, Texas, near the Louisiana border. \u003ccite>(AP Photo/David J. Phillip)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pineda said Texas business leaders have been encouraged by state leadership’s support of the Trump administration’s move to dismantle diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor and the lieutenant governor taking an active stance to try to undercut those [DEI practices] has allowed some businesses to move without having to worry about having those policies or maintaining those policies,” he said. “That then comes on top of the president pushing against these things, and that’s a good climate for these particular businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, overall, he said, growth hasn’t remained consistent for all regions of Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you’re seeing is developments in these sort of core communities, some of the bigger cities,” he said. “There’s still a lot of rural development that has not happened. We’ve looked to try to expand a \u003ca href=\"https://www.texasrailadvocates.org/post/txdots-2024-texas-rail-plan-to-be-released-by-years-end\">rail infrastructure\u003c/a> that seems to come up every couple of years and die down. I do think that the move to bring some of these companies in dovetails with limitations on previously held restrictions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trade and tariffs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>President Trump is no stranger to tariffs — and the battles that come with changing them. During his first term, Trump imposed a number of tariffs on goods imported from China, \u003ca href=\"https://www.piie.com/blogs/trade-and-investment-policy-watch/2018/trumps-trade-war-timeline-date-guide\">sparking a trade war in 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And starting on his first day back in the White House, Trump promised immediate action on the price of imported goods. Since then, news about tariffs has moved quickly. Over the last three months, Trump has imposed, rescinded and reinstated tariffs worldwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether tariffs are active or on hold, California and Texas will feel it. Of all the U.S. states, these two do the most trade with other countries — and \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/04/09/map-us-exports-to-china-states-agriculture\">China\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.worldatlas.com/economics/which-us-states-trade-the-most-with-mexico.html\">Mexico\u003c/a> and Canada are at the top of the list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas and Mexico’s economies are greatly intertwined — in 2023, trade between Texas and Mexico topped $272 billion, ranking \u003ca href=\"https://gov.texas.gov/uploads/files/business/Mexico-Profile.pdf\">Mexico as Texas’ no. 1 trading partner\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://nmbia.org/about-us/board-of-directors/\">Jerry Pacheco\u003c/a>, president of the Border Industrial Association, said the first 100 days of the second Trump administration has felt like “chaos” for both himself and the members of his organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, my world has just been… I get up every day and wonder what’s going to happen,” Pacheco said. “Are we going to lose a prospect that we had close to signing the dotted line? Are we going to see businesses in our industrial base, related particularly to the automotive industry, shuttered?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a similar trade relationship with Mexico, with a highly integrated supply chain that sees individual pieces of larger products often travel back and forth across the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tijuana, for example, hosts a number of car manufacturing plants, \u003ca href=\"https://www.toyota.com/usa/operations/map/tmmbc\">including one owned by Toyota\u003c/a>. But not all pieces of these vehicles are made in Mexico: Individual parts of each vehicle can cross the border multiple times — and there’s a tariff each time it crosses back and forth. Seat leather, for example, could be produced in one country, processed in another, then finished in another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego business professionals echoed the sentiment of their counterparts in Texas, many of whom said they feel uncertain about the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a relationship with Mexico where we’re not just trading together, we’re producing together,” said Jessica Anderson, the interim CEO and president of the \u003ca href=\"https://sdchamber.org/about/team/jessica-anderson/\">San Diego Regional Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a>. “This is not a tax on just Mexican companies. This is a tax on U.S. businesses and on U.S. companies directly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://data.imf.org/en/Data-Explorer?datasetUrn=IMF.RES:WEO(6.0.0)\">International Monetary Fund\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bea.gov/data/gdp/gdp-state\">U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis\u003c/a> announced recently that California had surpassed Japan to become the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/04/23/california-is-now-the-4th-largest-economy-in-the-world/\">fourth-largest economy\u003c/a> in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State legislative leaders say California’s booming economy is the driving force behind their \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/23/g-s1-62417/trump-tariff-lawsuits-states\">tariff-related lawsuit\u003c/a> against the Trump administration. They’ve also said the fluctuating stock market is a risk to California’s budget, which is highly dependent on income tax revenue from capital gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Within hours after his second inauguration in January, President Trump signed dozens of executive orders, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2025/02/07/donald-trump-immigration-executive-orders/\">10 aimed at the immigration system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP25115031458660-scaled-e1745963102151.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038131\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP25115031458660-scaled-e1745963102151.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Border Patrol agent walks past four men being detained after crossing the border through a gap in the walls separating Mexico and the United States, Jan. 23, 2025, in San Diego. \u003ccite>(AP Photo/Gregory Bull)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among other actions, these orders pledge to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/data-graphics/us-immigration-tracker-follow-arrests-detentions-border-crossings-rcna189148\">detain and deport undocumented immigrants\u003c/a> accused of crimes and stop the resettlement of refugees from countries like Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of it has – or at least promises to have – a deep impact on Texas and California, hugely diverse states with some of the largest undocumented and refugee populations in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Response to these orders has been mixed, largely across party lines:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, I live here on the border and I’ve seen firsthand what happened the last several years with immigration, and now it’s the numbers have plummeted,” said Tim Wilkins of McAllen, Texas. “I mean, it’s almost zero activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way that the Trump administration is handling this is frightening — deporting people to El Salvador and some of those people are not the gang members that they say they are and there’s no due process,” said Jane Demian, who lives in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, ICE raids and enforcement actions by federal agents in cities like San Diego, Pomona and Los Angeles have heightened fears in immigrant communities. In Texas, agents from multiple federal agencies \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2025/01/26/texas-immigration-deportation-ice-austin-san-antonio/\">began carrying out immigration enforcement operations\u003c/a> in late January in a number of cities, including Austin, Dallas-Fort Worth and San Antonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reactions to these operations have mixed — Texans in conservative areas are largely supportive, while Texas immigration advocates and professionals are concerned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many people in the immigrant community, many clients, fear for their future in this country, even lawful permanent residents and naturalized citizens,” said Irving-based immigration attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.haimvasquezlegal.com/\">Haim Vasquez\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Inauguration Day, a number of university students have \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2025/04/09/texas-universities-international-students-legal-status/\">had their visas canceled\u003c/a>. Some international students around the country have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/international-students-revoked-visas-reasons-why-rcna200313\">even been detained\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of these California students are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034742/california-students-visa-cancellations-sue-trump-administration\">suing the Trump administration\u003c/a>. In recent days, a handful \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037662/ice-is-reversing-termination-of-legal-status-for-international-students-around-us-lawyer-says\">have won temporary restraining orders\u003c/a> with federal judges saying they must not be detained or deported while their cases are heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say everybody is scared right now,” Zahra Biloo, director for the \u003ca href=\"https://ca.cair.com/staff/zahra-billoo/\">Bay Area chapter of the Council on American Islamic Relations,\u003c/a> said. “The most challenging types of calls we are receiving are from U.S. citizens, and so I think to myself, if U.S. citizens with as much privilege and safety as they carry are scared, so, too, then are student visa-holders as well as undocumented students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California leaders are no strangers to taking action against the Trump administration. This time around, California Attorney General staff \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2024/11/07/prepared-for-trumps-comeback-californias-attorney-general-is-ready-to-fight/\">began writing briefs before Inauguration Day\u003c/a>, and in early February, Gov. Gavin Newsom approved \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/02/newsom-lawsuit-fund-california-trump/\">$25 million to sue the Trump administration\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The response from Texas leaders has looked a bit different: Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton announced recently that he was \u003ca href=\"https://www.keranews.org/government/2025-03-13/dallas-sanctuary-city-ken-paxton-investigation\">opening an investigation into the city of Dallas\u003c/a>, accusing it of having “sanctuary city” policies, or policies that would not allow city staff to cooperate with federal law enforcement in arresting or detaining undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Agriculture and business\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All eyes are on the economy. The Trump administration’s approach to tariffs and other economic policies has a lot of people wondering where things are headed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some, that uncertainty brings on a whole lot of anxiety: “Because he enacted a policy that made me lose my job, yeah, I’m anxious, I’m worried, my budget’s completely changed, and, you know, [I’m] living off beans and rice,” said Benjamin Dechard of Austin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are bullish about the president’s actions: “People are willing to start investing again in their businesses, not holding cash back as a reserve, but now using this as an opportunity to make those investments,” said David Stein from Tyler, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agriculture is one business sector that’s got some questions. It’s a huge economic driver in both states: Texas sold about \u003ca href=\"https://www.texasstandard.org/stories/texas-farm-ranch-working-dogs/#:~:text=Texas%20livestock%20farms%3F-,Some%20ranchers%20are%20turning%20to%20dogs%20for%20help,work%20with%20sheep%20or%20cattle.\">$32 billion in agricultural products\u003c/a> in 2022, and California, the nation’s largest supplier, sold a little more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.nass.usda.gov/AgCensus/\">$59 billion worth of goods\u003c/a> in the same year. A big chunk of that money comes from exports to countries like Mexico, Canada, and China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest exports coming out of Texas are \u003ca href=\"https://agrilifetoday.tamu.edu/2021/03/18/texas-tops-all-u-s-states-in-exports-for-19th-consecutive-year/\">beef and cotton\u003c/a>, amounting to roughly $2.6 billion every year. However, the state also imports and takes in a lot of goods, and farmers are concerned about tariffs affecting the cost to raise their crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038132\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP25117835043903-scaled-e1745963195295.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038132\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP25117835043903-scaled-e1745963195295.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers harvest cabbage on Wednesday, March 5, 2025, on a field less than ten miles from the border with Mexico, in Holtville, Calif. (AP Photo/Gregory Bull)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Materials like \u003ca href=\"https://www.dtnpf.com/agriculture/web/ag/crops/article/2025/04/09/uan32-continues-lead-higher-prices-8\">fertilizer\u003c/a>, insecticides, seeds and parts for farm equipment are imported and have begun to rise in price, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I apologize, I don’t mean to sound ignorant, but there’s probably more unknowns than known,” said Dale Murden, a citrus farmer in the Rio Grande Valley. “I’m like… ‘Uh, wait a minute, my fertilizer cost just tripled. Where’d that come from?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s been a lot of back and forth over tariffs. But the ongoing battle is with China, whose leaders responded with their own levies on U.S. goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas sends a \u003ca href=\"https://stories.tamu.edu/news/2018/04/12/economist-china-commodities-tariffs-would-hit-texas-cotton-sorghum-hardest/\">large share of its cotton\u003c/a>, beef and rice to China. Market leaders are concerned that these U.S.-made goods may become prohibitively expensive for Chinese consumers, and push other exporting countries to swoop in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last time there was a Trump tariff issue, cotton did get caught up in that, and it just caused this great reshuffle,” said \u003ca href=\"https://agecon.tamu.edu/people/robinson-john-r-c/\">John Robinson\u003c/a>, a cotton market specialist with Texas A&M University. “We actually sent more of our cotton to Vietnam, and Brazil took our market share formerly with China. Great big reshuffle. It’s inefficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s largest exports are nuts and dairy — the state produces 80% of the world’s almonds — and a lot of that goes to China. Some California farmers share concerns about the state of the industry as tariffs are set to go into effect, though not all of them are sure of what to expect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenny Holtermann, a fourth-generation farmer in Kern County, said she’s “worried and sort of not worried,” though she ultimately supports Trump’s tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that even if her almond farm takes a hit, she’s hoping tariffs will bring business back to the U.S. However, she mentioned she is facing higher costs and she’s already made adjustments in her farm operations because of them. The last time Trump was president and imposed tariffs, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/tariffs-california-agriculture-wine/\">exports of California almonds and pistachios fell 20%\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Holtermann said she’s in a better place than others because she has another job and doesn’t rely on the farm as her family’s sole income. Almonds are also not as perishable as other crops, so she has a little bit more flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Eighty percent of the world’s supply of almonds come from California,” Holtermann said. “At some point, well, if they want almonds, they have to get them from California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan Talley, who owns a \u003ca href=\"https://talleyfarms.com/\">medium-sized farm\u003c/a> that his grandfather started in the 1940s in Arroyo Grande, said he hasn’t seen a big direct impact yet because he sells most of his crops inside the U.S. However, he does sell spinach to Canada — and he’s planning on selling bell peppers in that market, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because the Trump administration is constantly changing its mind about the tariffs, he’s worried because, unlike almond-growers, his crops have a shorter shelf life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re highly perishable,” Talley said of his produce. “We don’t have the ability to hold our products for a month or two to wait for the tariffs to go away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the flip side, some folks in the agriculture business are seeing positive impacts as a result of tariffs. In Texas, people who harvest shrimp and oysters see the tariffs as a bulwark against overseas competition.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Education\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In March, the U.S. Department of Agriculture announced plans to cut a federal program that provides around \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/usda-cancels-local-food-purchasing-food-banks-school-meals/\">$660 million for schools\u003c/a> to buy fresh food directly from farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the Local Food for Schools program served up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/nu/localfoodforschools.asp\">$23 million\u003c/a> of meals around the state. It was about the same amount of money for Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were part of a broader set of pandemic-era initiatives designed to address food insecurity and support local agriculture during COVID-19 disruptions. The USDA now said these programs no longer line up with priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These cuts have already begun affecting residents of both states. In California’s San Bernardino and Riverside counties, the program will expire at the end of this school year. More than $600,000 was awarded for the region to provide organic strawberries, citrus fruits, apples, and lettuce that ends up in school salads, along with produce like dragon fruit and bok choy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has attempted to recreate the program on its own, but schools have to apply to receive grant funding, while the federal program was opt-in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Texas, these federal grants amounted to less than a tenth of what state schools were previously spending for local food. However, if states don’t step in to subsidize these programs, some students could lose an important lifeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many farmers are in a tough situation because they’ve planted their crops with this program in mind. In one case, a California farmer plowed under fields of kale and collard greens because they were no longer contracted and replanted an easier crop to offload. In another case, a local poultry farm that had a contract to provide about 160 cases of chicken wings each month to a school stands to lose $13,000 a month in revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Overall impact on California and Texas? You tell us.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea for this joint statewide special developed during a transformative time for our country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collectively, it’s difficult — and perhaps even unfair — to find the right words that capture what is unfolding. It’s still too early to tell what the true impact will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We know reactions in California and Texas are different — they’re bound to be — different states with different budget demands, different priorities, different cultures and different political views among the majority of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, granular polling so far in both states is rather lean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what’s the impact of the first 100 days on California and Texas? You tell us. It’ll help us in our coverage going forward, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can reach the Texas Standard by emailing \u003ca href=\"mailto:texasstandard@kut.org\">texasstandard@kut.org\u003c/a> and the California Newsroom by emailing \u003ca href=\"mailto:CaliforniaNewsroom@kqed.org\">CaliforniaNewsroom@kqed.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from Angela Korcherga of KTEP in El Paso, Michael Marks of the Texas Standard, Levi Sumagaysay and Carolyn Jones of CalMatters in Sacramento, Stella Chávez of the Texas Newsroom, Gustavo Solis of KPBS in San Diego, Tyche Hendricks of KQED in San Francisco, and Jessica Greenwell of KVCR in Riverside, California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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