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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036939/san-francisco-chinatown-businesses-survival-mode-trade-war\">trade war\u003c/a> with China could prove to be even more devastating to businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown than the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to Donald Luu, president of the San Francisco Chinese Chamber of Commerce, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">the administration’s\u003c/a> steep tariffs on Chinese goods — of up to 145% — are creating a nearly impossible situation for the more than 1,000 mostly small businesses in this historic immigrant community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking at a Tuesday press event on Clay Street, in the heart of Chinatown, Luu said about 90% of goods sold there are from China, and the tariffs have already forced many merchants to raise their prices by at least 30%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this economic trade war, we feel that the effect’s going to be long-lasting and it’s going to threaten the very fabric of Chinatown,” said Luu, flanked by local business leaders and state Assemblymember Matt Haney, who represents the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magan Li, the owner of Lion Trading, which sells religious and spiritual items, said nearly all the products lining her shelves come from China. As costs skyrocket, she said she can only increase prices so much before customers refuse to pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a very, very big blow to our small business,” said Li in Cantonese. “We’re at risk of losing the traditions that the community has spent so much time protecting. And so I hope that the government will work something out and help small businesses like us to continue to thrive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese exports to the U.S. have plummeted amid the administration’s outsized tariffs (and China’s reciprocal 125% import duties on U.S. products), prompting major U.S. retailers and small businesses alike to sound the alarm about imminent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/china-exports-to-us-drop-sharply/\">supply shortages\u003c/a>. The Port of Los Angeles, a major entry point for Chinese goods, has seen that drop firsthand, leading its director to recently predict that cargo shipments to the port will drop by 35% within a few weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that bodes well for businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown, the oldest and largest of its kind in the country, which has been reluctantly thrust onto the frontlines of Trump’s escalating trade war.[aside postID=news_12036939 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-32-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“I think Chinatown is at the center of why these tariffs are so harmful and how devastating they’re going to be — not to another country’s government, but to us here, in our country,” Haney said on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many products sold here can’t be found anywhere else in the city, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a direct attack on these businesses, and it’s a direct attack on our residents who rely on this community,” Haney said. “This is where they get their medicine. This is where they get their clothing. This is where they get their goods to cook.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said that if the administration refuses to relent on the tariffs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has indicated he would begin negotiating directly with China on a California trade agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate that California is increasingly having to act like our own country, negotiating trade agreements with countries and trying to find ways to reduce the cost of these imports,” said Haney, who noted California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036199/trumps-tariffs-could-wreck-californias-economy-the-state-is-suing\">recent lawsuit\u003c/a> against the administration over the tariffs. “Because our businesses, our economy, cannot survive without these imports, especially coming from Asia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade war has pushed Chinatown merchants into an existential crisis, Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the Chinatown Community Development Center, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036939/san-francisco-chinatown-businesses-survival-mode-trade-war\">told KQED\u003c/a> for a recent story profiling several local business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ This has always been a community that has been built around trade,” he said, noting the resiliency of the district throughout its long history. “Trade created an opportunity for upward economic mobility for people through owning stores, or by leveraging relationships that they have back in China.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/camiiddominguez\">\u003cem>Cami Dominguez\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">\u003cem>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this economic trade war, we feel that the effect’s going to be long-lasting and it’s going to threaten the very fabric of Chinatown,” said Luu, flanked by local business leaders and state Assemblymember Matt Haney, who represents the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magan Li, the owner of Lion Trading, which sells religious and spiritual items, said nearly all the products lining her shelves come from China. As costs skyrocket, she said she can only increase prices so much before customers refuse to pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-CHINATOWNTARIFFS-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a very, very big blow to our small business,” said Li in Cantonese. “We’re at risk of losing the traditions that the community has spent so much time protecting. And so I hope that the government will work something out and help small businesses like us to continue to thrive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese exports to the U.S. have plummeted amid the administration’s outsized tariffs (and China’s reciprocal 125% import duties on U.S. products), prompting major U.S. retailers and small businesses alike to sound the alarm about imminent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/china-exports-to-us-drop-sharply/\">supply shortages\u003c/a>. The Port of Los Angeles, a major entry point for Chinese goods, has seen that drop firsthand, leading its director to recently predict that cargo shipments to the port will drop by 35% within a few weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that bodes well for businesses in San Francisco’s Chinatown, the oldest and largest of its kind in the country, which has been reluctantly thrust onto the frontlines of Trump’s escalating trade war.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think Chinatown is at the center of why these tariffs are so harmful and how devastating they’re going to be — not to another country’s government, but to us here, in our country,” Haney said on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many products sold here can’t be found anywhere else in the city, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a direct attack on these businesses, and it’s a direct attack on our residents who rely on this community,” Haney said. “This is where they get their medicine. This is where they get their clothing. This is where they get their goods to cook.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said that if the administration refuses to relent on the tariffs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has indicated he would begin negotiating directly with China on a California trade agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate that California is increasingly having to act like our own country, negotiating trade agreements with countries and trying to find ways to reduce the cost of these imports,” said Haney, who noted California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036199/trumps-tariffs-could-wreck-californias-economy-the-state-is-suing\">recent lawsuit\u003c/a> against the administration over the tariffs. “Because our businesses, our economy, cannot survive without these imports, especially coming from Asia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade war has pushed Chinatown merchants into an existential crisis, Malcolm Yeung, executive director of the Chinatown Community Development Center, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036939/san-francisco-chinatown-businesses-survival-mode-trade-war\">told KQED\u003c/a> for a recent story profiling several local business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ This has always been a community that has been built around trade,” he said, noting the resiliency of the district throughout its long history. “Trade created an opportunity for upward economic mobility for people through owning stores, or by leveraging relationships that they have back in China.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/camiiddominguez\">\u003cem>Cami Dominguez\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">\u003cem>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Speaking in Los Angeles on Tuesday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> said a father came up to him during halftime at their children’s basketball game over the weekend and asked him, “Wouldn’t it be good if the blue states would come together and do a DOGE?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The father was referring to the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038026/san-francisco-santa-clara-counties-sue-trump-over-mass-doge-led-firings\">Department of Government Efficiency\u003c/a>, effectively led by tech billionaire Elon Musk. Newsom said that as he tried to explain that DOGE is not the only example of how to streamline government, nor the first, the man’s eyes glazed over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wants to see the chainsaw,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tuesday’s news conference at the L.A. offices of consulting company Accenture, Newsom announced that the state has entered into three new agreements meant to boost the efficiency of government services — not by mass layoffs but by making use of generative artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re DOGE, but better … because we’ve been doing it \u003cem>with \u003c/em>people, not \u003cem>to \u003c/em>people,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the agreements aim to improve the Department of Transportation’s ability to identify and prevent traffic bottlenecks, accidents and near-misses: one with Accenture to use Azure OpenAI, developed by Microsoft, and the other with Deloitte Consulting to use Google’s Gemini GenAI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the third partnership, Department of Tax and Fee Administration officials will use generative AI to build on a pilot project carried out over the last 10 months by SymSoft Solutions, using Anthropic’s Claude, to reduce the time it takes to handle an average customer inquiry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he’s rolling out generative AI projects with multiple corporate partners across eight state departments, at a scale he said has yet to be seen anywhere else in the country. The latest projects build on Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/09/05/governor-newsom-seeks-to-harness-the-power-of-genai-to-address-homelessness-other-challenges/\">2023 executive order\u003c/a> directing state agencies to use generative AI technologies to improve state services and help solve intractable issues.[aside postID=news_12037518 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2159615518-1020x680.jpg']California Transportation Secretary Toks Omishakin said state agencies are committed to delivering on the expectation of better customer service, pointing to the Department of Motor Vehicles as an example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Six years ago, there were only a dozen transactions that you could do online. Only 12. Today, there are 50,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California government’s sclerotic relationship with IT has been the subject of many press inquiries and government reports over the decades. But ethics watchdogs warn generative AI is not necessarily a quick fix, nor an inexpensive one, given that corporate consultants are handling the rollout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So much depends on which contexts and how genAI will be used,” wrote Irina Raicu, director of the Internet Ethics program at the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics at Santa Clara University. She argued the state government risks adding to the “pervasive AI hype that’s now endangering, among other things, the technology itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raicu suggested every state agency should ask itself a set of tough questions ahead of every pilot program: “Why should we integrate generative AI into our processes? Is this the type of AI best suited to the problems that we are hoping to address? Do we have evidence that the AI tool we hope to use works as intended? If it does, is this the most cost-effective way to respond? Have we considered the risks that come with generative AI (and associated issues like its environmental impact), not just the benefits that it would bring?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom was talking, the Legislative Analyst’s Office published a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/5034\">preliminary assessment\u003c/a> of his generative AI initiative to overhaul the state’s IT project approval process. Upshot: “premature,” without enough information to assess whether the new process would be an improvement on the old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Speaking in Los Angeles on Tuesday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> said a father came up to him during halftime at their children’s basketball game over the weekend and asked him, “Wouldn’t it be good if the blue states would come together and do a DOGE?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The father was referring to the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038026/san-francisco-santa-clara-counties-sue-trump-over-mass-doge-led-firings\">Department of Government Efficiency\u003c/a>, effectively led by tech billionaire Elon Musk. Newsom said that as he tried to explain that DOGE is not the only example of how to streamline government, nor the first, the man’s eyes glazed over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wants to see the chainsaw,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tuesday’s news conference at the L.A. offices of consulting company Accenture, Newsom announced that the state has entered into three new agreements meant to boost the efficiency of government services — not by mass layoffs but by making use of generative artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re DOGE, but better … because we’ve been doing it \u003cem>with \u003c/em>people, not \u003cem>to \u003c/em>people,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the agreements aim to improve the Department of Transportation’s ability to identify and prevent traffic bottlenecks, accidents and near-misses: one with Accenture to use Azure OpenAI, developed by Microsoft, and the other with Deloitte Consulting to use Google’s Gemini GenAI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the third partnership, Department of Tax and Fee Administration officials will use generative AI to build on a pilot project carried out over the last 10 months by SymSoft Solutions, using Anthropic’s Claude, to reduce the time it takes to handle an average customer inquiry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he’s rolling out generative AI projects with multiple corporate partners across eight state departments, at a scale he said has yet to be seen anywhere else in the country. The latest projects build on Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/09/05/governor-newsom-seeks-to-harness-the-power-of-genai-to-address-homelessness-other-challenges/\">2023 executive order\u003c/a> directing state agencies to use generative AI technologies to improve state services and help solve intractable issues.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California Transportation Secretary Toks Omishakin said state agencies are committed to delivering on the expectation of better customer service, pointing to the Department of Motor Vehicles as an example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Six years ago, there were only a dozen transactions that you could do online. Only 12. Today, there are 50,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California government’s sclerotic relationship with IT has been the subject of many press inquiries and government reports over the decades. But ethics watchdogs warn generative AI is not necessarily a quick fix, nor an inexpensive one, given that corporate consultants are handling the rollout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So much depends on which contexts and how genAI will be used,” wrote Irina Raicu, director of the Internet Ethics program at the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics at Santa Clara University. She argued the state government risks adding to the “pervasive AI hype that’s now endangering, among other things, the technology itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raicu suggested every state agency should ask itself a set of tough questions ahead of every pilot program: “Why should we integrate generative AI into our processes? Is this the type of AI best suited to the problems that we are hoping to address? Do we have evidence that the AI tool we hope to use works as intended? If it does, is this the most cost-effective way to respond? Have we considered the risks that come with generative AI (and associated issues like its environmental impact), not just the benefits that it would bring?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom was talking, the Legislative Analyst’s Office published a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/5034\">preliminary assessment\u003c/a> of his generative AI initiative to overhaul the state’s IT project approval process. Upshot: “premature,” without enough information to assess whether the new process would be an improvement on the old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-sent-investigators-ice-facilities-found-more-detainees-health-care-gaps",
"title": "California Sent Investigators to ICE Facilities. They Found More Detainees, and Health Care Gaps",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new report from the California Department of Justice finds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> detention facilities across the state continue to fall short in providing basic mental health care, with gaps in suicide prevention and treatment, recordkeeping, and use of force incidents against mentally ill detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report’s release today comes alongside an aggressive expansion of immigration enforcement and broader changes to immigration policy under President Donald Trump’s second administration. The timing of the report’s release signals California officials plan to continue oversight as federal officials move to expand immigration detention capacity in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It flagged that California’s detainee population has grown since the state’s last review: more than 3,100 people were held in immigration detention statewide as of April 16, up from the daily average of about 1,750 in 2021, the report found. About 75% of those detained had no documented criminal history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators with the state’s Department of Justice inspected all six active immigration facilities in California. The inspections were conducted \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB103/id/1637414\">under a 2017 state law\u003c/a> that mandated the Attorney General’s office review and report on immigration detention facilities operating in California. It’s the fourth report to be released on conditions in facilities where noncitizens are detained in California by federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings come amid broader concerns about federal oversight: the report notes that the federal Department of Homeland Security recently moved to shutter internal offices tasked with investigating\u003ca href=\"https://news.bgov.com/bloomberg-government-news/civil-rights-advocates-brace-for-cuts-in-homeland-security-unit\"> civil rights complaints\u003c/a> and detention conditions. Last week, the homeland security department quietly removed more than 100 civil rights and civil liberties records from its website, sparking concerns about transparency and accountability in immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959336\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959336\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"California's Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks into a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta fields questions during a press conference on Monday, Aug. 28, 2023, in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“California’s facility reviews remain especially critical in light of efforts by the Trump Administration to both eliminate oversight of conditions at immigration detention facilities and increase its inhumane campaign of mass immigration enforcement, potentially exacerbating critical issues already present in these facilities by packing them with more people,” said Attorney General Rob Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 165-page report details conditions at privately operated facilities where federal immigration officials detain people facing deportation. State investigators found “deficiencies in suicide prevention and intervention strategies” at every site, including missed mental health screenings and improper clinical decisions about when to release detainees from suicide watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staffing shortages, poor coordination between medical and mental health care providers, and widespread problems with record-keeping contributed to the risks for detainees, many of whom suffer from depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder, according to the report.[aside postID=news_12037889 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-1020x602.jpg']Conditions that can worsen mental health, such as solitary confinement, remain common, the report found. At facilities known as Desert View Annex, Imperial, and Otay Mesa, investigators found that force was disproportionately used against individuals with mental health conditions, including cases where chemical agents were deployed. At the Mesa Verde facility in Bakersfield, officials failed to properly document or report the forced transfer of detainees who had participated in a peaceful hunger strike, the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite federal guidelines discouraging the isolation of detainees with mental illness, the California review found people with serious mental health conditions were routinely placed in segregation, sometimes for months at a time. Investigators found some facilities failed to properly inform detainees about protections under a federal court settlement that requires legal representation for people with severe mental health disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pat-down policies at the Mesa Verde center discouraged detainees from seeking health care, the review found. Detainees reported feeling that invasive searches deterred them from attending medical appointments or accessing other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Geo Group, the private company that operates several of the facilities, did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the just-released report, but previously told CalMatters that the company provides high-quality medical services including “around-the-clock access to medical care, which is governed by the \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/83yMC5y4qOUYRgA3SzbK9z?domain=ice.gov\">Performance-Based National Detention Standards\u003c/a> set by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and independently accredited by the National Commission on Correctional Health Care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In all instances, our contracted services are monitored by the federal government to ensure strict compliance with \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/UwYVCXDljNhjWwgkc6Xw7d?domain=urldefense.us\">Performance-Based National Detention Standards\u003c/a>, which apply to all ICE Processing Centers,” Geo spokesman Christopher Ferreira said in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A California law empowers state investigators to check on conditions at ICE detention centers. A new report raises concerns about health care inside them.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new report from the California Department of Justice finds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> detention facilities across the state continue to fall short in providing basic mental health care, with gaps in suicide prevention and treatment, recordkeeping, and use of force incidents against mentally ill detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report’s release today comes alongside an aggressive expansion of immigration enforcement and broader changes to immigration policy under President Donald Trump’s second administration. The timing of the report’s release signals California officials plan to continue oversight as federal officials move to expand immigration detention capacity in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It flagged that California’s detainee population has grown since the state’s last review: more than 3,100 people were held in immigration detention statewide as of April 16, up from the daily average of about 1,750 in 2021, the report found. About 75% of those detained had no documented criminal history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators with the state’s Department of Justice inspected all six active immigration facilities in California. The inspections were conducted \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB103/id/1637414\">under a 2017 state law\u003c/a> that mandated the Attorney General’s office review and report on immigration detention facilities operating in California. It’s the fourth report to be released on conditions in facilities where noncitizens are detained in California by federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings come amid broader concerns about federal oversight: the report notes that the federal Department of Homeland Security recently moved to shutter internal offices tasked with investigating\u003ca href=\"https://news.bgov.com/bloomberg-government-news/civil-rights-advocates-brace-for-cuts-in-homeland-security-unit\"> civil rights complaints\u003c/a> and detention conditions. Last week, the homeland security department quietly removed more than 100 civil rights and civil liberties records from its website, sparking concerns about transparency and accountability in immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959336\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959336\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"California's Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks into a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta fields questions during a press conference on Monday, Aug. 28, 2023, in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“California’s facility reviews remain especially critical in light of efforts by the Trump Administration to both eliminate oversight of conditions at immigration detention facilities and increase its inhumane campaign of mass immigration enforcement, potentially exacerbating critical issues already present in these facilities by packing them with more people,” said Attorney General Rob Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 165-page report details conditions at privately operated facilities where federal immigration officials detain people facing deportation. State investigators found “deficiencies in suicide prevention and intervention strategies” at every site, including missed mental health screenings and improper clinical decisions about when to release detainees from suicide watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staffing shortages, poor coordination between medical and mental health care providers, and widespread problems with record-keeping contributed to the risks for detainees, many of whom suffer from depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder, according to the report.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Conditions that can worsen mental health, such as solitary confinement, remain common, the report found. At facilities known as Desert View Annex, Imperial, and Otay Mesa, investigators found that force was disproportionately used against individuals with mental health conditions, including cases where chemical agents were deployed. At the Mesa Verde facility in Bakersfield, officials failed to properly document or report the forced transfer of detainees who had participated in a peaceful hunger strike, the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite federal guidelines discouraging the isolation of detainees with mental illness, the California review found people with serious mental health conditions were routinely placed in segregation, sometimes for months at a time. Investigators found some facilities failed to properly inform detainees about protections under a federal court settlement that requires legal representation for people with severe mental health disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pat-down policies at the Mesa Verde center discouraged detainees from seeking health care, the review found. Detainees reported feeling that invasive searches deterred them from attending medical appointments or accessing other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Geo Group, the private company that operates several of the facilities, did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the just-released report, but previously told CalMatters that the company provides high-quality medical services including “around-the-clock access to medical care, which is governed by the \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/83yMC5y4qOUYRgA3SzbK9z?domain=ice.gov\">Performance-Based National Detention Standards\u003c/a> set by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and independently accredited by the National Commission on Correctional Health Care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In all instances, our contracted services are monitored by the federal government to ensure strict compliance with \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/UwYVCXDljNhjWwgkc6Xw7d?domain=urldefense.us\">Performance-Based National Detention Standards\u003c/a>, which apply to all ICE Processing Centers,” Geo spokesman Christopher Ferreira said in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-santa-clara-counties-sue-trump-over-mass-doge-led-firings",
"title": "San Francisco, Santa Clara Counties Sue Trump Over Mass DOGE-Led Firings",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:05 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Bay Area counties are suing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> over its reorganization and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034478/federal-workers-fired-thousands-california-wants-hire-them\">downsizing of the federal government\u003c/a> without congressional approval, their top attorneys announced Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu and Santa Clara County Counsel Tony LoPresti joined cities and counties in Texas, Illinois, Washington and Maryland, as well as labor unions representing affected workers, to bring the suit alleging that the mass restructuring violates the constitutional principle of separation of powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, which names President Donald Trump, the Department of Government Efficiency, the Office of Personnel Management and the Office of Management and Budget, was filed Monday evening in the U.S. District Court of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case really boils down to the basic civics that we all learned in high school. There are three co-equal branches of government,” LoPresti said at a Tuesday press conference in San José. “The president’s job is to execute the laws, not to make the laws. When the president attempts to take the legislative power away from the legislative branch and claim it as his own, we are facing an existential threat to democracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs allege that Trump’s executive orders, which demand reductions in the function and workforce of federal departments, exceed his executive authority and illegally take away Congress’ exclusive authority to create U.S. law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu and LoPresti argue that Trump needs the legislative branch’s permission to make these significant changes to the size and structure of the federal government — a rule he should know, the lawsuit said, since he “tried and failed to obtain that authorization during his first term in office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028373\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028373\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2195560285-scaled-e1745951058371.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump holds up a signed executive order in the Oval Office of the White House on Jan. 23. \u003ccite>(Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“President Trump determined that in his second term, he would proceed without Congress,” the lawsuit alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first weeks in office, Trump created the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033139/doge-says-it-needs-to-know-the-governments-most-sensitive-data-but-cant-say-why\">Department of Government Efficiency\u003c/a>, which, despite its name, is set up as a White House executive office, not an official Cabinet-level department. Headed by Elon Musk, DOGE was tasked with carrying out an 18-month agenda to reduce the government’s “waste, bloat, and insularity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Trump introduced an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/02/implementing-the-presidents-department-of-government-efficiency-workforce-optimization-initiative/\">executive order on his “Workforce Optimization Initiative,”\u003c/a> which required all government agencies to submit downsizing plans to DOGE, along with the offices of Management and Budget, and Personnel Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, more than 58,000 employees have been fired as part of the DOGE-led restructuring, while 76,000 more took a buyout offered by the Trump administration in January, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/03/28/us/politics/trump-doge-federal-job-cuts.html\">according to data tracked by the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. \u003c/em>(The federal government has kept no official tally of the number of affected workers.)\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Planned cuts could hit more than 148,000 additional federal workers, according to the \u003cem>Times\u003c/em> tracker, and multiple government agencies have been all but shut down through hiring and funding freezes and executive orders from the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our federal government has been decimated and thrown into complete disarray,” Chiu said Tuesday. “These dramatic and illegal changes have made it extremely difficult for local communities and local governments to effectively deliver our programs and services, as massive layoffs and staffing shortages have ground intergovernmental work to a halt.”[aside postID=news_12037889 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty-1020x602.jpg']This week’s lawsuit alleges that Trump’s executive order on the federal workforce and three others targeting a dozen specific government agencies — including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/65308/the-education-department-is-being-cut-in-half-heres-whats-being-lost\">Department of Education\u003c/a>, the Institute of Peace, and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027864/trump-moves-slash-presidio-trust-agency-runs-historic-sf-park\">Presidio Trust\u003c/a> in San Francisco — violate the requirement for congressional approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Workforce Executive Order does not simply suggest or encourage agencies to exercise their own statutory authority to effectuate a government-wide reorganization: it orders them to act according to the President’s vision, regardless of that statutory authority,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local governments and labor unions are requesting that a federal judge vacate the executive order to downsize the federal workforce and declare that Trump acted unconstitutionally. It also asks the judge to find that departments carrying out Trump’s requests have acted unlawfully and outside the authority granted to them by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the president takes for himself the legislative power of Congress to recreate federal agencies in the manner he sees fit, he violates the Constitution,” the suit said. “And when the president does so across every federal agency, he threatens the very constitutional foundation of this nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If successful, the parties aim to halt future reduction-in-force plans at federal agencies and reverse cuts they say were made unconstitutionally, which have already affected Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029178/trumps-mass-layoffs-noaa-cut-into-bay-area-weather-service\">National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration\u003c/a> workers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033338/bay-area-air-traffic-control-is-down-to-1-meteorologist-after-trumps-hiring-freeze\">air traffic controllers\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034527/meals-on-wheels-child-welfare-hhs-staff-sf-woke-up-our-jobs-gone\">Health and Human Services \u003c/a>employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as I know, we still live in a democracy, and what is happening is illegal and authoritarian,” Chiu said. “This is why San Francisco stands with this coalition and this lawsuit to stand up for the constitution and our rule of law while it still exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:05 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Bay Area counties are suing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a> over its reorganization and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034478/federal-workers-fired-thousands-california-wants-hire-them\">downsizing of the federal government\u003c/a> without congressional approval, their top attorneys announced Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu and Santa Clara County Counsel Tony LoPresti joined cities and counties in Texas, Illinois, Washington and Maryland, as well as labor unions representing affected workers, to bring the suit alleging that the mass restructuring violates the constitutional principle of separation of powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, which names President Donald Trump, the Department of Government Efficiency, the Office of Personnel Management and the Office of Management and Budget, was filed Monday evening in the U.S. District Court of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case really boils down to the basic civics that we all learned in high school. There are three co-equal branches of government,” LoPresti said at a Tuesday press conference in San José. “The president’s job is to execute the laws, not to make the laws. When the president attempts to take the legislative power away from the legislative branch and claim it as his own, we are facing an existential threat to democracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs allege that Trump’s executive orders, which demand reductions in the function and workforce of federal departments, exceed his executive authority and illegally take away Congress’ exclusive authority to create U.S. law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu and LoPresti argue that Trump needs the legislative branch’s permission to make these significant changes to the size and structure of the federal government — a rule he should know, the lawsuit said, since he “tried and failed to obtain that authorization during his first term in office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028373\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028373\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2195560285-scaled-e1745951058371.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump holds up a signed executive order in the Oval Office of the White House on Jan. 23. \u003ccite>(Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“President Trump determined that in his second term, he would proceed without Congress,” the lawsuit alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first weeks in office, Trump created the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033139/doge-says-it-needs-to-know-the-governments-most-sensitive-data-but-cant-say-why\">Department of Government Efficiency\u003c/a>, which, despite its name, is set up as a White House executive office, not an official Cabinet-level department. Headed by Elon Musk, DOGE was tasked with carrying out an 18-month agenda to reduce the government’s “waste, bloat, and insularity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Trump introduced an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/02/implementing-the-presidents-department-of-government-efficiency-workforce-optimization-initiative/\">executive order on his “Workforce Optimization Initiative,”\u003c/a> which required all government agencies to submit downsizing plans to DOGE, along with the offices of Management and Budget, and Personnel Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, more than 58,000 employees have been fired as part of the DOGE-led restructuring, while 76,000 more took a buyout offered by the Trump administration in January, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/03/28/us/politics/trump-doge-federal-job-cuts.html\">according to data tracked by the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. \u003c/em>(The federal government has kept no official tally of the number of affected workers.)\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Planned cuts could hit more than 148,000 additional federal workers, according to the \u003cem>Times\u003c/em> tracker, and multiple government agencies have been all but shut down through hiring and funding freezes and executive orders from the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our federal government has been decimated and thrown into complete disarray,” Chiu said Tuesday. “These dramatic and illegal changes have made it extremely difficult for local communities and local governments to effectively deliver our programs and services, as massive layoffs and staffing shortages have ground intergovernmental work to a halt.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This week’s lawsuit alleges that Trump’s executive order on the federal workforce and three others targeting a dozen specific government agencies — including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/65308/the-education-department-is-being-cut-in-half-heres-whats-being-lost\">Department of Education\u003c/a>, the Institute of Peace, and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027864/trump-moves-slash-presidio-trust-agency-runs-historic-sf-park\">Presidio Trust\u003c/a> in San Francisco — violate the requirement for congressional approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Workforce Executive Order does not simply suggest or encourage agencies to exercise their own statutory authority to effectuate a government-wide reorganization: it orders them to act according to the President’s vision, regardless of that statutory authority,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local governments and labor unions are requesting that a federal judge vacate the executive order to downsize the federal workforce and declare that Trump acted unconstitutionally. It also asks the judge to find that departments carrying out Trump’s requests have acted unlawfully and outside the authority granted to them by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the president takes for himself the legislative power of Congress to recreate federal agencies in the manner he sees fit, he violates the Constitution,” the suit said. “And when the president does so across every federal agency, he threatens the very constitutional foundation of this nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If successful, the parties aim to halt future reduction-in-force plans at federal agencies and reverse cuts they say were made unconstitutionally, which have already affected Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029178/trumps-mass-layoffs-noaa-cut-into-bay-area-weather-service\">National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration\u003c/a> workers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033338/bay-area-air-traffic-control-is-down-to-1-meteorologist-after-trumps-hiring-freeze\">air traffic controllers\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034527/meals-on-wheels-child-welfare-hhs-staff-sf-woke-up-our-jobs-gone\">Health and Human Services \u003c/a>employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as I know, we still live in a democracy, and what is happening is illegal and authoritarian,” Chiu said. “This is why San Francisco stands with this coalition and this lawsuit to stand up for the constitution and our rule of law while it still exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-paris-by-night-became-the-spirit-of-vietnamese-american-life",
"title": "How ‘Paris by Night’ Became the Spirit of Vietnamese American Life",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:26 a.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the days before smartphones and personalized feeds, every family had their regular shows they watched on the living room TV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some sat down to watch the nightly news, others tuned in to a game show or rooted for the winning basketball team. However, if your family is Vietnamese, one show has always played for everyone in practically every household: \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in East San José, my grandma’s house was the center for all family functions. My extended family would show up in droves, bringing platters of egg rolls, roasted pork, fried rice and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the aunts and uncles gleefully hollered over food and gossip, \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> consistently permeated through the clamor. And that’s a common experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh my God, that was the soundtrack of my life; it still is,” Santa Clara County Supervisor Betty Duong said. “As a kid, it was the only time that you saw cool Asians on TV,” adding that there was excitement in her entire family about getting the latest episode. “It was, like, religious. Any time the newest \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> came out, when the VHS tape dropped, that was a day that was marked on the calendar.”[aside postID=news_12037893 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20250412_MIENGAMEMORIES_19-KQED-1020x680.jpg']What did we see?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Vietnamese folk singer belting out a ballad with gravitas or a euro-dance pop number booming through the big living room TV speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Occasionally, the “grown-ups” would pause their conversation to listen in and reminisce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elders, like my grandma, would have a front-row seat, tuning out the buzz and tuning into this larger-than-life display of Vietnamese culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>is a flashy variety show with musical acts, dance numbers, interviews and vaudeville-style comedy skits. For many decades, it was the cultural anchor for “Viet Kieu,” or Vietnamese people who had fled their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s the purpose of \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>: to reconnect the Vietnamese diaspora, like my grandma, to the culture that was left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fleeing to Paris, recreating Vietnam in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The show’s beginnings can be traced back to Tô Văn Lai, who \u003ca href=\"https://saigoneer.com/saigon-music-art/25830-a-brief-history-of-paris-by-night,-the-anchor-of-vietnamese-culture-abroad\">sold cassette tapes in their Saigon record shop of local singers\u003c/a>, like Thaí Thanh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he and his wife Thuy \u003ca href=\"https://thesmartlocal.com/vietnam/to-van-lai/\">fled to Paris\u003c/a> in 1976, they brought their collection of tapes and records to remind them of Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Paris night skies, Tô, who deeply missed his homeland, dreamt of recapturing the melodies that would bring him the warmth of Vietnam. And so, \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em> was conceived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Thuy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"613\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Thuy.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Thuy-800x511.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Thuy-160x102.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photo of Thuy taken by Lai at the Saigon Zoo and Botanical Garden. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Marie Tô)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037956\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037956\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"651\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photo of Tô Văn Lai in Saigon in front of the Central Post Office. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Marie Tô)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037957\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037957\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1448\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie-800x579.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie-1020x738.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie-1536x1112.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie-1920x1390.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lai and Thuy with their daughter Marie in Saigon. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Marie Tô)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nearly 22 episodes of the show were produced for the Vietnamese community in France before expanding internationally and relocating to \u003ca href=\"https://saigoneer.com/saigon-music-art/25830-a-brief-history-of-paris-by-night,-the-anchor-of-vietnamese-culture-abroad\">Orange County, California\u003c/a>. Tô and Thuy’s daughter, Marie Tô Ngoc Thuy, now serves as the executive producer with her husband, Paul Huynh, at Thuy Nga Productions, the company that owns \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em>, we have 138 volumes. And then beside that, we produce comedies, live concerts, so anything related to Vietnamese music,” Marie Tô said, not to mention the 600 CDs they have produced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037958\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1593px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037958 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1593\" height=\"1196\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode.jpg 1593w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode-800x601.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode-1536x1153.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1593px) 100vw, 1593px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marie Tô and her husband, Paul Huynh, with singer Thanh Hà in Paris for the 70th episode. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Marie Tô)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back when videotapes and DVDs were a hot commodity, \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em> flourished. The shift from France to Southern California also proved to be the right business move since there was a pool of Hollywood producers, designers and choreographers next door. As a result, production levels soared and became more sophisticated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanda Sawyer was one of those Hollywood choreographers who came into \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>. Sawyer is an L.A.-based creative director and choreographer and works closely with Marie Tô to come up with set pieces and musical numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s such a long creative relationship, but we really create well together,” said Sawyer, who has been with \u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>for over 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before every show is filmed, Sawyer has two weeks to work with the Vietnamese artists and backup dancers to rehearse their numbers. She said, “I was able to really connect with the Vietnamese artists in a way that I could help them not only realize their individual songs, but recreate a lot of the culture that had been lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037959 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1086\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh-800x434.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh-1020x554.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh-160x87.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh-1536x834.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh-1920x1043.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Singer Như Quỳnh performs at the 129th episode of “Paris By Night.” Shanda Sawyer is the creative director and choreographer behind this and many other performances. \u003ccite>(\"Paris By Night\" Official YouTube)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to creating videos, the company performed live in multiple cities, including San José in 2003, and cemented the household name it is today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My parents attended that show, and when I asked my mom about it, she paused in a daze, trying to remember those long-ago memories. She said watching it live was so much better than viewing it at home on DVDs. She also recalled the music, dancing, choreography, the banners and even her favorite singers, Ý Lan and Khánh Ly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RRlHV9V4Ip0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong told KQED that her mother would wait in line at the Lion Plaza in San José to get the newest videotapes and her whole family would excitedly sit down to watch them on repeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On Saturdays and Sundays, it would just play in the background nonstop,” she said. “For my parents, the more classical songs would give them a sense of home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A contrast to representation in American media\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For the Vietnamese diaspora, \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em> was a welcome contrast to how we were represented in Western visual media. Most depictions of Vietnam have centered around the war, typically from the perspective of American soldiers, like \u003cem>Platoon\u003c/em>, \u003cem>The Deer Hunter\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Casualties of War\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rarely has there been a piece of visual media about the Vietnam War (also known in Vietnam as the American War) that has centered on the Vietnamese perspective. That is, until last year’s HBO mini-series, \u003cem>The Sympathizer\u003c/em>, based on the Pulitzer Prize-winning book of the same title written by Viet Thanh Nguyen, who fled Vietnam when he was 4 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037960\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12037960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/The-Sympathizer-Poster-800x1185.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1185\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/The-Sympathizer-Poster-800x1185.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/The-Sympathizer-Poster-160x237.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/The-Sympathizer-Poster.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“The Sympathizer” poster. \u003ccite>(HBO Max)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s a war that continues to need to be grappled with, but it’s also exhausting that everything is concentrated so much around this horrific experience of colonialism and war,” explained Nguyen. “It’s something that we should remember, but we shouldn’t pass on. How do we do that? That’s a balancing act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a lot of the Vietnamese diaspora, we wanted to find a representation of home that didn’t just depict graphic violence or Asian stereotypes of a war-torn country, but rather showcased our joy, resilience, nostalgia, music, performing arts, comedy, etc. Paris By Night was able to fill that tall order — weaving this complicated tapestry of emotions and politics into an at-home experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen explained that his parents were culturally conservative, but still found \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> entertaining. He called it the Hollywood of the Vietnamese diaspora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wasn’t particularly infatuated with \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em>, but I knew it. I knew who they were,” he remarked. “I knew the music that they were singing and somehow that rubbed off on me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which meant that even if you weren’t into the show, it still influenced the burgeoning Vietnamese American culture in unexpected ways, such as knowing how to do outdated dances from the late 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I went to college, I learned how to do the cha-cha,” he told me. “You could do the cha-cha if you’re a Vietnamese American,” Nguyen said. “This was all wrapped up with the idea of\u003cem> Paris by Night \u003c/em>that we had a distinct Vietnamese American youth culture, pop culture and subculture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Full circle to Vietnam\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By the late 1990s and early 2000s, counterfeit DVDs and videotapes helped \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> reach a wider audience, including viewers in Vietnam, but the illegal copies also undermined the show’s ability to make a profit. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2015/07/29/sold-out-shows-and-thousands-of-dvds-sold-so-why-is-little-saigons-popular-paris-by-night-fighting-to-survive/\">Bootlegs were sold in the thousands at video stores. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.rajraf.org/article/paris-by-nightand-the-making-of-vietnamese-american-music/1162\">In Vietnam, official merchandise of \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em> is banned due to its occasional political messaging\u003c/a>; however, the underground piracy market allowed locals to access the show, and they have expressed gratitude and excitement for its cultural impact. In a full-circle moment, \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> still manages to reach Vietnamese audiences not only internationally, but also in the homeland — the longing for which inspired the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037954\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037954\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Paris-By-Night-100-e1745875653968.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"723\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Poster of the 100th episode of “Paris By Night.” \u003ccite>(Thuy Nga \"Paris By Night\" Fandom Encyclopedia)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One time, when Tô was traveling in Da Nang, a taxi driver recognized her as “chị Thuy” (sister Thuy) and expressed his gratitude. “They thank us for preserving the culture, preserving the song, that all those \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> would be the success,” Tô added about the people she met in Vietnam. “That was the happiest moment for them, watching with their family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through music and performing, the Vietnamese diaspora felt more united. “There’s this beautiful connection of all of the artists who left Vietnam paying homage to their culture and then that culture returning to Vietnam,” Sawyer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the piracy troubles nearly put the company \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressenterprise.com/2015/08/02/media-vietnamese-juggernaut-paris-by-night-struggles-to-survive/\">out of business in 2010\u003c/a>, but community support and new business strategies managed to salvage it. However, operating the company is still a struggle, and Tô has to find a way to reach a new generation of audiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this is the digital era, the income from all the digital platforms are not enough for you to produce a quality show,” Marie Tô said. “Our talented singers, now they’re getting older … I think if we want to continue \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em>, we have to renew our blood, like do a talent show, looking for new singers. So we have to start a new road again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to fight piracy and achieve a larger digital reach, Thuy Nga archived many of \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>’s older episodes on its official YouTube channel. While I was watching \u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>episodes on YouTube, I noticed that most, if not all, of the comments are in Vietnamese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M6_y55GpOq8\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The comments under the Têt-themed episode ranged from nostalgic, like, “I miss my family, I miss my hometown, I miss my grandparents, I miss old memories when my family was still full,” to curious, “I’m 10 years old, but I really like Vietnamese Tet. I’m trying to learn Vietnamese and preserve Vietnamese culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It appears that the older generation is still seeking out cultural comfort, while some in the younger generation feel connected to the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Marie Tô gets nostalgic for \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>, thinking about the opening song in the 40th Anniversary of the “Fall of Saigon” episode (#114) in 2015. “I watched that performance the other day, and I had tears in my eyes,” she said. “That’s the sweetest memory for me. Because that, I think, tells what \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em> wants to achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F0UJkbyzJ2E\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> for the next generations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Vietnamese Americans like me who grew up primarily in the U.S., language barriers still exist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have a basic understanding of the language — I can ask grandma what she ate that morning and if she slept well the previous night — but going deeper and asking about her childhood is a challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watching \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>, there was a lot I didn’t quite grasp. Like, why did this MC make a joke that had my family falling out of their seats, while I was sitting there feeling left out? Or, when a musical performance would make references to an old folktale, I’d have to ask my aunt for a full backstory.[aside postID=news_12037680 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg']In my mind, this show has been something for the “grown-ups.” This was made for my parents’ generation, by my parents’ generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Older generations are still tuning in as new episodes become available on DVD or drop on the Thuy Nga YouTube channel. My mom and aunts will gossip about which singer on the show recently got divorced with the same fervor as when my friends and I talk about the latest \u003cem>The White Lotus\u003c/em> episode. As our parents’ generation ages, so does the show, but \u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>isn’t something that could be passed down the same way an heirloom might when a relative dies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, I find myself wondering how I will continue to engage in my own culture. It might be the food I make, the Viet pop songs I listen to every now and then or the phrases I’d say when my cat is stinky (con mèo thúi). I think a lot of us are still trying to reconnect with what was left behind — or, in my case, something I’ve never fully known.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>was built on memories over many decades and continues to be a cultural throughline for a lot of the Vietnamese diaspora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No matter where we live, my whole family still gravitates to my grandma’s house every year during Têt. Of course, \u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>still plays on the big living room TV, as if to remind us that this is home, in so many ways. And that’s when I feel the same warmth that Tô yearned for way back when in Paris, right here in my grandma’s home in San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:26 a.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the days before smartphones and personalized feeds, every family had their regular shows they watched on the living room TV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some sat down to watch the nightly news, others tuned in to a game show or rooted for the winning basketball team. However, if your family is Vietnamese, one show has always played for everyone in practically every household: \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in East San José, my grandma’s house was the center for all family functions. My extended family would show up in droves, bringing platters of egg rolls, roasted pork, fried rice and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the aunts and uncles gleefully hollered over food and gossip, \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> consistently permeated through the clamor. And that’s a common experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh my God, that was the soundtrack of my life; it still is,” Santa Clara County Supervisor Betty Duong said. “As a kid, it was the only time that you saw cool Asians on TV,” adding that there was excitement in her entire family about getting the latest episode. “It was, like, religious. Any time the newest \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> came out, when the VHS tape dropped, that was a day that was marked on the calendar.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What did we see?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Vietnamese folk singer belting out a ballad with gravitas or a euro-dance pop number booming through the big living room TV speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Occasionally, the “grown-ups” would pause their conversation to listen in and reminisce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elders, like my grandma, would have a front-row seat, tuning out the buzz and tuning into this larger-than-life display of Vietnamese culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>is a flashy variety show with musical acts, dance numbers, interviews and vaudeville-style comedy skits. For many decades, it was the cultural anchor for “Viet Kieu,” or Vietnamese people who had fled their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s the purpose of \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>: to reconnect the Vietnamese diaspora, like my grandma, to the culture that was left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fleeing to Paris, recreating Vietnam in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The show’s beginnings can be traced back to Tô Văn Lai, who \u003ca href=\"https://saigoneer.com/saigon-music-art/25830-a-brief-history-of-paris-by-night,-the-anchor-of-vietnamese-culture-abroad\">sold cassette tapes in their Saigon record shop of local singers\u003c/a>, like Thaí Thanh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he and his wife Thuy \u003ca href=\"https://thesmartlocal.com/vietnam/to-van-lai/\">fled to Paris\u003c/a> in 1976, they brought their collection of tapes and records to remind them of Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the Paris night skies, Tô, who deeply missed his homeland, dreamt of recapturing the melodies that would bring him the warmth of Vietnam. And so, \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em> was conceived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Thuy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"613\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Thuy.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Thuy-800x511.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Thuy-160x102.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photo of Thuy taken by Lai at the Saigon Zoo and Botanical Garden. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Marie Tô)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037956\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037956\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"651\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-800x543.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photo of Tô Văn Lai in Saigon in front of the Central Post Office. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Marie Tô)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037957\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037957\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1448\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie-800x579.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie-1020x738.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie-1536x1112.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/To-Van-Lai-Thuy-Marie-1920x1390.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lai and Thuy with their daughter Marie in Saigon. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Marie Tô)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nearly 22 episodes of the show were produced for the Vietnamese community in France before expanding internationally and relocating to \u003ca href=\"https://saigoneer.com/saigon-music-art/25830-a-brief-history-of-paris-by-night,-the-anchor-of-vietnamese-culture-abroad\">Orange County, California\u003c/a>. Tô and Thuy’s daughter, Marie Tô Ngoc Thuy, now serves as the executive producer with her husband, Paul Huynh, at Thuy Nga Productions, the company that owns \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em>, we have 138 volumes. And then beside that, we produce comedies, live concerts, so anything related to Vietnamese music,” Marie Tô said, not to mention the 600 CDs they have produced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037958\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1593px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037958 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1593\" height=\"1196\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode.jpg 1593w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode-800x601.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Marie-To-and-husband-Paul-Huynh-with-singer-Thanh-Ha-in-Paris-for-the-70th-episode-1536x1153.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1593px) 100vw, 1593px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marie Tô and her husband, Paul Huynh, with singer Thanh Hà in Paris for the 70th episode. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Marie Tô)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back when videotapes and DVDs were a hot commodity, \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em> flourished. The shift from France to Southern California also proved to be the right business move since there was a pool of Hollywood producers, designers and choreographers next door. As a result, production levels soared and became more sophisticated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanda Sawyer was one of those Hollywood choreographers who came into \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>. Sawyer is an L.A.-based creative director and choreographer and works closely with Marie Tô to come up with set pieces and musical numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s such a long creative relationship, but we really create well together,” said Sawyer, who has been with \u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>for over 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before every show is filmed, Sawyer has two weeks to work with the Vietnamese artists and backup dancers to rehearse their numbers. She said, “I was able to really connect with the Vietnamese artists in a way that I could help them not only realize their individual songs, but recreate a lot of the culture that had been lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037959\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037959 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1086\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh-800x434.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh-1020x554.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh-160x87.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh-1536x834.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Nhu-Quynh-1920x1043.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Singer Như Quỳnh performs at the 129th episode of “Paris By Night.” Shanda Sawyer is the creative director and choreographer behind this and many other performances. \u003ccite>(\"Paris By Night\" Official YouTube)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to creating videos, the company performed live in multiple cities, including San José in 2003, and cemented the household name it is today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My parents attended that show, and when I asked my mom about it, she paused in a daze, trying to remember those long-ago memories. She said watching it live was so much better than viewing it at home on DVDs. She also recalled the music, dancing, choreography, the banners and even her favorite singers, Ý Lan and Khánh Ly.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/RRlHV9V4Ip0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/RRlHV9V4Ip0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Duong told KQED that her mother would wait in line at the Lion Plaza in San José to get the newest videotapes and her whole family would excitedly sit down to watch them on repeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On Saturdays and Sundays, it would just play in the background nonstop,” she said. “For my parents, the more classical songs would give them a sense of home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A contrast to representation in American media\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For the Vietnamese diaspora, \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em> was a welcome contrast to how we were represented in Western visual media. Most depictions of Vietnam have centered around the war, typically from the perspective of American soldiers, like \u003cem>Platoon\u003c/em>, \u003cem>The Deer Hunter\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Casualties of War\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rarely has there been a piece of visual media about the Vietnam War (also known in Vietnam as the American War) that has centered on the Vietnamese perspective. That is, until last year’s HBO mini-series, \u003cem>The Sympathizer\u003c/em>, based on the Pulitzer Prize-winning book of the same title written by Viet Thanh Nguyen, who fled Vietnam when he was 4 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037960\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12037960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/The-Sympathizer-Poster-800x1185.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1185\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/The-Sympathizer-Poster-800x1185.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/The-Sympathizer-Poster-160x237.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/The-Sympathizer-Poster.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“The Sympathizer” poster. \u003ccite>(HBO Max)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s a war that continues to need to be grappled with, but it’s also exhausting that everything is concentrated so much around this horrific experience of colonialism and war,” explained Nguyen. “It’s something that we should remember, but we shouldn’t pass on. How do we do that? That’s a balancing act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a lot of the Vietnamese diaspora, we wanted to find a representation of home that didn’t just depict graphic violence or Asian stereotypes of a war-torn country, but rather showcased our joy, resilience, nostalgia, music, performing arts, comedy, etc. Paris By Night was able to fill that tall order — weaving this complicated tapestry of emotions and politics into an at-home experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen explained that his parents were culturally conservative, but still found \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> entertaining. He called it the Hollywood of the Vietnamese diaspora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wasn’t particularly infatuated with \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em>, but I knew it. I knew who they were,” he remarked. “I knew the music that they were singing and somehow that rubbed off on me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which meant that even if you weren’t into the show, it still influenced the burgeoning Vietnamese American culture in unexpected ways, such as knowing how to do outdated dances from the late 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I went to college, I learned how to do the cha-cha,” he told me. “You could do the cha-cha if you’re a Vietnamese American,” Nguyen said. “This was all wrapped up with the idea of\u003cem> Paris by Night \u003c/em>that we had a distinct Vietnamese American youth culture, pop culture and subculture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Full circle to Vietnam\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By the late 1990s and early 2000s, counterfeit DVDs and videotapes helped \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> reach a wider audience, including viewers in Vietnam, but the illegal copies also undermined the show’s ability to make a profit. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2015/07/29/sold-out-shows-and-thousands-of-dvds-sold-so-why-is-little-saigons-popular-paris-by-night-fighting-to-survive/\">Bootlegs were sold in the thousands at video stores. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.rajraf.org/article/paris-by-nightand-the-making-of-vietnamese-american-music/1162\">In Vietnam, official merchandise of \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em> is banned due to its occasional political messaging\u003c/a>; however, the underground piracy market allowed locals to access the show, and they have expressed gratitude and excitement for its cultural impact. In a full-circle moment, \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> still manages to reach Vietnamese audiences not only internationally, but also in the homeland — the longing for which inspired the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037954\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037954\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Paris-By-Night-100-e1745875653968.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"723\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Poster of the 100th episode of “Paris By Night.” \u003ccite>(Thuy Nga \"Paris By Night\" Fandom Encyclopedia)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One time, when Tô was traveling in Da Nang, a taxi driver recognized her as “chị Thuy” (sister Thuy) and expressed his gratitude. “They thank us for preserving the culture, preserving the song, that all those \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> would be the success,” Tô added about the people she met in Vietnam. “That was the happiest moment for them, watching with their family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through music and performing, the Vietnamese diaspora felt more united. “There’s this beautiful connection of all of the artists who left Vietnam paying homage to their culture and then that culture returning to Vietnam,” Sawyer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the piracy troubles nearly put the company \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressenterprise.com/2015/08/02/media-vietnamese-juggernaut-paris-by-night-struggles-to-survive/\">out of business in 2010\u003c/a>, but community support and new business strategies managed to salvage it. However, operating the company is still a struggle, and Tô has to find a way to reach a new generation of audiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this is the digital era, the income from all the digital platforms are not enough for you to produce a quality show,” Marie Tô said. “Our talented singers, now they’re getting older … I think if we want to continue \u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em>, we have to renew our blood, like do a talent show, looking for new singers. So we have to start a new road again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to fight piracy and achieve a larger digital reach, Thuy Nga archived many of \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>’s older episodes on its official YouTube channel. While I was watching \u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>episodes on YouTube, I noticed that most, if not all, of the comments are in Vietnamese.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/M6_y55GpOq8'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/M6_y55GpOq8'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The comments under the Têt-themed episode ranged from nostalgic, like, “I miss my family, I miss my hometown, I miss my grandparents, I miss old memories when my family was still full,” to curious, “I’m 10 years old, but I really like Vietnamese Tet. I’m trying to learn Vietnamese and preserve Vietnamese culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It appears that the older generation is still seeking out cultural comfort, while some in the younger generation feel connected to the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Marie Tô gets nostalgic for \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>, thinking about the opening song in the 40th Anniversary of the “Fall of Saigon” episode (#114) in 2015. “I watched that performance the other day, and I had tears in my eyes,” she said. “That’s the sweetest memory for me. Because that, I think, tells what \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em> wants to achieve.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/F0UJkbyzJ2E'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/F0UJkbyzJ2E'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch2>\u003cem>Paris by Night\u003c/em> for the next generations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Vietnamese Americans like me who grew up primarily in the U.S., language barriers still exist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have a basic understanding of the language — I can ask grandma what she ate that morning and if she slept well the previous night — but going deeper and asking about her childhood is a challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watching \u003cem>Paris By Night\u003c/em>, there was a lot I didn’t quite grasp. Like, why did this MC make a joke that had my family falling out of their seats, while I was sitting there feeling left out? Or, when a musical performance would make references to an old folktale, I’d have to ask my aunt for a full backstory.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In my mind, this show has been something for the “grown-ups.” This was made for my parents’ generation, by my parents’ generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Older generations are still tuning in as new episodes become available on DVD or drop on the Thuy Nga YouTube channel. My mom and aunts will gossip about which singer on the show recently got divorced with the same fervor as when my friends and I talk about the latest \u003cem>The White Lotus\u003c/em> episode. As our parents’ generation ages, so does the show, but \u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>isn’t something that could be passed down the same way an heirloom might when a relative dies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These days, I find myself wondering how I will continue to engage in my own culture. It might be the food I make, the Viet pop songs I listen to every now and then or the phrases I’d say when my cat is stinky (con mèo thúi). I think a lot of us are still trying to reconnect with what was left behind — or, in my case, something I’ve never fully known.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>was built on memories over many decades and continues to be a cultural throughline for a lot of the Vietnamese diaspora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No matter where we live, my whole family still gravitates to my grandma’s house every year during Têt. Of course, \u003cem>Paris By Night \u003c/em>still plays on the big living room TV, as if to remind us that this is home, in so many ways. And that’s when I feel the same warmth that Tô yearned for way back when in Paris, right here in my grandma’s home in San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Trump Administration Considers Immigration Detention on Bay Area Military Base, Records Show",
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"headTitle": "Trump Administration Considers Immigration Detention on Bay Area Military Base, Records Show | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration is looking to build an immigration detention facility at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California, and pushing to speed up a review process, according to internal government communications obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed installation is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016823/ice-plans-new-detention-center-near-san-francisco-can-california-stop-it\">an aggressive effort to expand immigration detention \u003c/a>nationally, and specifically to use property owned by the U.S. Department of Defense in service of President Donald Trump’s stated goal of deporting 1 million people in his first year in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early April emails, federal officials discussed efforts to evaluate several military installations, including Travis Air Force Base, for Homeland Security’s immigration detention and removal operations — and tee them up for approval by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emails show significant coordination among Department of Defense and Homeland Security officials to expedite the plans. The emails do not describe the scope or design of the proposed detention compound at Travis Air Force Base, nor how many people it would be expected to hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not respond directly to questions about Travis Air Force Base, but he did affirm that ICE is actively working to expand detention capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>While we cannot confirm individual pre-decisional conversations, we can confirm that ICE is exploring all options in California to meet its current and future detention requirements, which include new detention facilities and possible support from partner agencies,” a written statement from the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1182\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-800x473.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1020x603.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1536x908.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1920x1135.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Air Force C-5 Galaxy and a C-17 Globemaster sit on the tarmac at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California, on July 17, 2008. \u003ccite>(Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials at Travis Air Force Base declined to comment, and the Department of Defense did not respond to KQED’s request for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials have been considering at least 10 military bases around the country for immigration detention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/24/nx-s1-5307156/immigration-dhs-memo-trump-migrant-detention-military-bases\">NPR has reported\u003c/a>. A February Homeland Security memo obtained by NPR described a plan to use Fort Bliss, near El Paso, TX, as a model for other facilities, with up to 1,000 people initially detained there, eventually expanding to as many as 10,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revelation that Travis is on the list of military facilities came as a shock to East Bay Rep. John Garamendi, a Democrat and senior member of the House Armed Services Committee whose district includes the Fairfield base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Travis Air Force Base is absolutely inappropriate for an immigration detention facility,” Garamendi told KQED. “Travis has a critical national security role of providing worldwide transportation services for personnel and material around the world. An immigration facility would significantly hamper the national security work that Travis is responsible for.”[aside postID=news_12037508 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/026_SanJose_Immigration_08232021-1020x680.jpg']Earlier this year, Garamendi and other members of Congress \u003ca href=\"https://garamendi.house.gov/media/press-releases/garamendi-sends-letter-demanding-answers-pentagon-over-use-military-assets-0\">raised strenuous opposition\u003c/a> when military aircraft from the base — C-17 planes typically meant for troops or cargo — were used for deportation flights to remove immigrants from the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just in terms of the cost factor, to say nothing of the readiness, every time you take a military aircraft and you use it for purposes that are not directly related to the national security work, that degrades the ability of the military to do what it’s supposed to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/expanding-migrant-operations-center-at-naval-station-guantanamo-bay-to-full-capacity/\">a plan to use the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba\u003c/a>, to detain as many as 30,000 immigrants appears to have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/national-security/trump-admin-rethinking-guantanamo-immigrant-detention-plan-rcna194274\">scaled back drastically\u003c/a> in the face of obstacles, including public outcry over the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033989/guantanamo-ice-detention-costs-40-million-in-1st-month-padilla-calls-spending-exorbitant\">$40 million pricetag\u003c/a> to lock up a couple of hundred men during its first month of operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is currently holding nearly 48,000 immigrants in detention facilities nationwide. Last year, ICE’s detention capacity was 41,500 beds. However, last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/news/congress-approves-even-more-funding-detention-deportation\">Congress added $430,000\u003c/a> to ICE’s current-year detention budget, allowing the agency to \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/trump-2-immigration-first-100-days\">increase capacity to 54,500 beds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of detention beds is one factor limiting the Trump administration’s ability to increase deportations. ICE would also need to increase staffing and other resources, beyond last year’s $3.4 billion detention budget, which \u003ca href=\"https://nipnlg.org/news/press-releases/200-ngos-oppose-bidens-historic-expansion-ice-detention-system-detention-should\">advocates say was already a historic high\u003c/a>. The administration is looking to the Republican-controlled Congress to vastly expand the Homeland Security budget, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/07/us/politics/trump-administration-immigrant-detention-facilities-services.html\">\u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> has reported\u003c/a> that ICE has already solicited proposals from contractors worth as much as $45 billion for the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037936\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037936\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A KC-10 Extender is parked on the ramp as a C-5M Super Galaxy takes off at Travis Air Force Base, California, March 16, 2017. \u003ccite>(Hum Images/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Previous administrations have \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/IN10937\">used military bases to temporarily house \u003c/a>arriving refugees and have \u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Arthur/Brief-History-Military-Assistance-Immigration-Enforcement\">deployed soldiers to provide logistical support to the U.S. Border Patrol\u003c/a>. But the plan to use Travis and other military facilities for ICE detention represents a more substantial move toward militarizing immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s “border czar,” Tom Homan, has called the Department of Defense a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=1712826589498788\">“force multiplier”\u003c/a> for his deportation plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Jehan Laner, a senior staff attorney at the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, argues that using military bases for ICE detention violates the Posse Comitatus Act, a 19th-century law that limits the use of military personnel to enforce domestic policies within the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our country is kind of turning towards authoritarianism when you have the military starting to do civil law enforcement,” she said. “It becomes a very scary prospect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californianewsroom#:~:text=About%20the%20California%20Newsroom&text=The%20California%20Newsroom%3A&text=provides%20one%2Don%2Done%20mentorship,UC%20Berkeley%20Journalism%20Fellows%20program.\">The California Newsroom\u003c/a> provided editorial support for this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Rep. John Garamendi said he has “serious opposition” to using Travis Air Force base to lock up immigrants for deportation, a move he says would compromise military readiness and national security.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration is looking to build an immigration detention facility at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California, and pushing to speed up a review process, according to internal government communications obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed installation is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016823/ice-plans-new-detention-center-near-san-francisco-can-california-stop-it\">an aggressive effort to expand immigration detention \u003c/a>nationally, and specifically to use property owned by the U.S. Department of Defense in service of President Donald Trump’s stated goal of deporting 1 million people in his first year in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early April emails, federal officials discussed efforts to evaluate several military installations, including Travis Air Force Base, for Homeland Security’s immigration detention and removal operations — and tee them up for approval by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emails show significant coordination among Department of Defense and Homeland Security officials to expedite the plans. The emails do not describe the scope or design of the proposed detention compound at Travis Air Force Base, nor how many people it would be expected to hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not respond directly to questions about Travis Air Force Base, but he did affirm that ICE is actively working to expand detention capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>While we cannot confirm individual pre-decisional conversations, we can confirm that ICE is exploring all options in California to meet its current and future detention requirements, which include new detention facilities and possible support from partner agencies,” a written statement from the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1182\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-800x473.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1020x603.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1536x908.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty3-1920x1135.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Air Force C-5 Galaxy and a C-17 Globemaster sit on the tarmac at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California, on July 17, 2008. \u003ccite>(Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials at Travis Air Force Base declined to comment, and the Department of Defense did not respond to KQED’s request for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials have been considering at least 10 military bases around the country for immigration detention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/24/nx-s1-5307156/immigration-dhs-memo-trump-migrant-detention-military-bases\">NPR has reported\u003c/a>. A February Homeland Security memo obtained by NPR described a plan to use Fort Bliss, near El Paso, TX, as a model for other facilities, with up to 1,000 people initially detained there, eventually expanding to as many as 10,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revelation that Travis is on the list of military facilities came as a shock to East Bay Rep. John Garamendi, a Democrat and senior member of the House Armed Services Committee whose district includes the Fairfield base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Travis Air Force Base is absolutely inappropriate for an immigration detention facility,” Garamendi told KQED. “Travis has a critical national security role of providing worldwide transportation services for personnel and material around the world. An immigration facility would significantly hamper the national security work that Travis is responsible for.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Earlier this year, Garamendi and other members of Congress \u003ca href=\"https://garamendi.house.gov/media/press-releases/garamendi-sends-letter-demanding-answers-pentagon-over-use-military-assets-0\">raised strenuous opposition\u003c/a> when military aircraft from the base — C-17 planes typically meant for troops or cargo — were used for deportation flights to remove immigrants from the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just in terms of the cost factor, to say nothing of the readiness, every time you take a military aircraft and you use it for purposes that are not directly related to the national security work, that degrades the ability of the military to do what it’s supposed to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/expanding-migrant-operations-center-at-naval-station-guantanamo-bay-to-full-capacity/\">a plan to use the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba\u003c/a>, to detain as many as 30,000 immigrants appears to have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/national-security/trump-admin-rethinking-guantanamo-immigrant-detention-plan-rcna194274\">scaled back drastically\u003c/a> in the face of obstacles, including public outcry over the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033989/guantanamo-ice-detention-costs-40-million-in-1st-month-padilla-calls-spending-exorbitant\">$40 million pricetag\u003c/a> to lock up a couple of hundred men during its first month of operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE is currently holding nearly 48,000 immigrants in detention facilities nationwide. Last year, ICE’s detention capacity was 41,500 beds. However, last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/news/congress-approves-even-more-funding-detention-deportation\">Congress added $430,000\u003c/a> to ICE’s current-year detention budget, allowing the agency to \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/trump-2-immigration-first-100-days\">increase capacity to 54,500 beds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of detention beds is one factor limiting the Trump administration’s ability to increase deportations. ICE would also need to increase staffing and other resources, beyond last year’s $3.4 billion detention budget, which \u003ca href=\"https://nipnlg.org/news/press-releases/200-ngos-oppose-bidens-historic-expansion-ice-detention-system-detention-should\">advocates say was already a historic high\u003c/a>. The administration is looking to the Republican-controlled Congress to vastly expand the Homeland Security budget, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/07/us/politics/trump-administration-immigrant-detention-facilities-services.html\">\u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> has reported\u003c/a> that ICE has already solicited proposals from contractors worth as much as $45 billion for the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037936\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037936\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/TravisAirForceBaseGetty2-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A KC-10 Extender is parked on the ramp as a C-5M Super Galaxy takes off at Travis Air Force Base, California, March 16, 2017. \u003ccite>(Hum Images/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Previous administrations have \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/IN10937\">used military bases to temporarily house \u003c/a>arriving refugees and have \u003ca href=\"https://cis.org/Arthur/Brief-History-Military-Assistance-Immigration-Enforcement\">deployed soldiers to provide logistical support to the U.S. Border Patrol\u003c/a>. But the plan to use Travis and other military facilities for ICE detention represents a more substantial move toward militarizing immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s “border czar,” Tom Homan, has called the Department of Defense a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=1712826589498788\">“force multiplier”\u003c/a> for his deportation plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Jehan Laner, a senior staff attorney at the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, argues that using military bases for ICE detention violates the Posse Comitatus Act, a 19th-century law that limits the use of military personnel to enforce domestic policies within the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our country is kind of turning towards authoritarianism when you have the military starting to do civil law enforcement,” she said. “It becomes a very scary prospect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californianewsroom#:~:text=About%20the%20California%20Newsroom&text=The%20California%20Newsroom%3A&text=provides%20one%2Don%2Done%20mentorship,UC%20Berkeley%20Journalism%20Fellows%20program.\">The California Newsroom\u003c/a> provided editorial support for this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "former-antioch-cop-testifies-about-selling-illegal-steroids-to-fellow-law-enforcement",
"title": "Former Antioch Cop Testifies About Selling Illegal Steroids to Fellow Law Enforcement",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the first day of a former Antioch police officer’s federal trial on charges of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037299/former-antioch-cop-faces-drug-charges-in-second-conspiracy-trial\">conspiring to illegally distribute anabolic steroids\u003c/a>, his former co-defendant testified about selling the drugs to law enforcement in the East Bay and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After taking a plea deal with prosecutors, Daniel Harris took the stand Monday in an Oakland federal courtroom to testify against Devon Wenger, a fellow former Antioch officer who Harris called a friend and who sold him his Discovery Bay home before federal authorities descended upon it in March 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were among the more than a dozen officers implicated in several scandals unearthed within the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/antioch-police-department\">Antioch Police Department\u003c/a> over the following year, including allegations that a small group of officers — including Wenger — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">conspired to use excessive force on residents\u003c/a> without cause. That case against Wenger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">ended in a mistrial\u003c/a> last month, but he’s scheduled to be retried in that case later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his current trial, Wenger is charged with conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute anabolic steroids as well as destruction, alteration and falsification of records in a federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris testified Monday that he began using anabolic steroids to help recover from an injury, then later used them as he trained to be a competitive bodybuilder, all while on medical leave from the Antioch Police Department. He said he’d buy the steroids from “an underground lab” in Florida and distribute them to “clients” in other states, most of whom were former or current law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029718\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Antioch Police vehicle drives through Antioch on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People love the stuff I get from you so there are no complaints,” Harris testified to emailing his dealer, known as “True Shot Pharmaceuticals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people was allegedly Wenger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his time with Antioch police, Wenger had aspirations of training to become a Green Beret, the nickname for the elite U.S. Army Special Forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I need some test or growth shit in my life,” Wenger texted Harris in February 2023, with Harris explaining on the witness stand that “test” is slang for testosterone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m tired of being lean bro,” Wenger texted. “I just want to be a fucking animal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You already are an animal,” Harris replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In opening statements, Assistant U.S. Attorney Eric Cheng called Wenger “a sworn police officer who agreed to distribute anabolic steroids to someone else, and when he got caught, he destroyed the evidence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger’s attorney, Dena Young, agreed in her opening statement that the trial was about a police officer who distributed steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037299 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But that’s not Mr. Wenger. That’s Daniel Harris,” Young said, adding that there was no evidence of Wenger possessing steroids. Wenger sat next to his attorney in court in a dark suit, sometimes nodding or shaking his head as people testified about his alleged involvement in the steroid conspiracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young pointed to Harris’ plea agreement with federal authorities, saying he has agreed to testify truthfully “in the eyes of the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His fate is in the hands of the government,” Young said, asking jurors to pay attention to inconsistencies in his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following opening statements, prosecutors called a slew of federal government employees, including\u003cbr>\nforensic chemists from the Drug Enforcement Administration in Pleasanton who testified that testing showed the substances seized were variations of anabolic steroids, which are Schedule 3 controlled substances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As prosecutors laid out their case against Wenger, they pointed to digital evidence, including text messages and Venmo records, which they say Wenger used to pay Harris for steroids. Harris replied with “GET HUGE BRO” after their first of only two transactions, the Venmo records showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after allegedly using the anabolic steroids, Wenger texted Harris: “Feeling juicy bro.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Signage on a large building reads A.F. Bray Courts Buidling.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The A.F. Bray Courthouse in Martinez on Aug. 25, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Welcome to the anabolic club!” Harris responded, later adding that the two should be quiet about it so that people at the Police Department didn’t find out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege that Wenger soon introduced Harris to Brendon Mahoney, another potential customer, in February 2022. “Wenger acted in the middle,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney, a medic with the U.S. Army’s Special Forces, testified to meeting Wenger at a Special Forces training in 2021 and subsequently becoming friends. Wenger told him about Harris because of the “line of work we’re in, it’s physically demanding,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was interested in purchasing testosterone,” Mahoney said. “Mr. Harris seemed like the individual who would facilitate that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney testified that he assumed payment and delivery of the testosterone would have “come through Devon,” but he never actually paid for or received anything from Wenger and had easily directly contacted Harris himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young asked Mahoney if he needed Wenger to buy steroids from Harris. “I don’t believe so,” Mahoney replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 1, 2022, federal law enforcement agents seized a Priority Mail package with a tracking number from the clandestine Florida lab, which a postal inspector testified was a fictitious business name tied to a single-family residence. The package was addressed to “Danny Moore” at Harris’ home in Discovery Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037346 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AntiochHousingDevelopmentGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one named Danny Moore lived at that address,” said Sukhdeep Singh, a postal inspector with the U.S. Postal Inspection Service, the law enforcement arm of the USPS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, it was meant for Harris, who was allegedly going to distribute them to Wenger, who would deliver them to Mahoney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, authorities searched Harris’ residence, finding drawers full of steroids, needles and other contraband. They seized his iPhone, which allegedly showed his text messages about steroid dealing with Wenger and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his questioning of Harris, Cheng asked him what oath he took as a police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laughing, Harris said, “To uphold the constitution and protect and serve the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you regret what you did? Cheng asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day,” Harris replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities soon went to Wenger’s home, where he hung up on them when they called his phone. Cheng said FBI agents texted with Wenger, who indicated he may have believed it was a potential scam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trying to give you a professional courtesy of a low profile,” Teak Wilson, then a crisis negotiator with the FBI in San Francisco, testified to texting Wenger that morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They texted for nearly an hour before Wenger agreed to meet agents at a nearby parking lot. Cheng said Wenger surrendered his phone, but he had already deleted relevant information, including text messages with Harris and his contact on the Venmo app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng told the court that the government intends to rest its case on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In the first day of the Oakland federal trial of Devon Wenger on charges of conspiring to distribute anabolic steroids, his former co-defendant took the stand to testify against him. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the first day of a former Antioch police officer’s federal trial on charges of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037299/former-antioch-cop-faces-drug-charges-in-second-conspiracy-trial\">conspiring to illegally distribute anabolic steroids\u003c/a>, his former co-defendant testified about selling the drugs to law enforcement in the East Bay and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After taking a plea deal with prosecutors, Daniel Harris took the stand Monday in an Oakland federal courtroom to testify against Devon Wenger, a fellow former Antioch officer who Harris called a friend and who sold him his Discovery Bay home before federal authorities descended upon it in March 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were among the more than a dozen officers implicated in several scandals unearthed within the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/antioch-police-department\">Antioch Police Department\u003c/a> over the following year, including allegations that a small group of officers — including Wenger — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">conspired to use excessive force on residents\u003c/a> without cause. That case against Wenger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">ended in a mistrial\u003c/a> last month, but he’s scheduled to be retried in that case later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his current trial, Wenger is charged with conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute anabolic steroids as well as destruction, alteration and falsification of records in a federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris testified Monday that he began using anabolic steroids to help recover from an injury, then later used them as he trained to be a competitive bodybuilder, all while on medical leave from the Antioch Police Department. He said he’d buy the steroids from “an underground lab” in Florida and distribute them to “clients” in other states, most of whom were former or current law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029718\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Antioch Police vehicle drives through Antioch on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People love the stuff I get from you so there are no complaints,” Harris testified to emailing his dealer, known as “True Shot Pharmaceuticals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people was allegedly Wenger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his time with Antioch police, Wenger had aspirations of training to become a Green Beret, the nickname for the elite U.S. Army Special Forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I need some test or growth shit in my life,” Wenger texted Harris in February 2023, with Harris explaining on the witness stand that “test” is slang for testosterone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m tired of being lean bro,” Wenger texted. “I just want to be a fucking animal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You already are an animal,” Harris replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In opening statements, Assistant U.S. Attorney Eric Cheng called Wenger “a sworn police officer who agreed to distribute anabolic steroids to someone else, and when he got caught, he destroyed the evidence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger’s attorney, Dena Young, agreed in her opening statement that the trial was about a police officer who distributed steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But that’s not Mr. Wenger. That’s Daniel Harris,” Young said, adding that there was no evidence of Wenger possessing steroids. Wenger sat next to his attorney in court in a dark suit, sometimes nodding or shaking his head as people testified about his alleged involvement in the steroid conspiracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young pointed to Harris’ plea agreement with federal authorities, saying he has agreed to testify truthfully “in the eyes of the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His fate is in the hands of the government,” Young said, asking jurors to pay attention to inconsistencies in his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following opening statements, prosecutors called a slew of federal government employees, including\u003cbr>\nforensic chemists from the Drug Enforcement Administration in Pleasanton who testified that testing showed the substances seized were variations of anabolic steroids, which are Schedule 3 controlled substances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As prosecutors laid out their case against Wenger, they pointed to digital evidence, including text messages and Venmo records, which they say Wenger used to pay Harris for steroids. Harris replied with “GET HUGE BRO” after their first of only two transactions, the Venmo records showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after allegedly using the anabolic steroids, Wenger texted Harris: “Feeling juicy bro.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Signage on a large building reads A.F. Bray Courts Buidling.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230825-ANTIOCH-RACIAL-JUSTICE-HEARING-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The A.F. Bray Courthouse in Martinez on Aug. 25, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Welcome to the anabolic club!” Harris responded, later adding that the two should be quiet about it so that people at the Police Department didn’t find out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege that Wenger soon introduced Harris to Brendon Mahoney, another potential customer, in February 2022. “Wenger acted in the middle,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney, a medic with the U.S. Army’s Special Forces, testified to meeting Wenger at a Special Forces training in 2021 and subsequently becoming friends. Wenger told him about Harris because of the “line of work we’re in, it’s physically demanding,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was interested in purchasing testosterone,” Mahoney said. “Mr. Harris seemed like the individual who would facilitate that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney testified that he assumed payment and delivery of the testosterone would have “come through Devon,” but he never actually paid for or received anything from Wenger and had easily directly contacted Harris himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young asked Mahoney if he needed Wenger to buy steroids from Harris. “I don’t believe so,” Mahoney replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 1, 2022, federal law enforcement agents seized a Priority Mail package with a tracking number from the clandestine Florida lab, which a postal inspector testified was a fictitious business name tied to a single-family residence. The package was addressed to “Danny Moore” at Harris’ home in Discovery Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one named Danny Moore lived at that address,” said Sukhdeep Singh, a postal inspector with the U.S. Postal Inspection Service, the law enforcement arm of the USPS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, it was meant for Harris, who was allegedly going to distribute them to Wenger, who would deliver them to Mahoney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, authorities searched Harris’ residence, finding drawers full of steroids, needles and other contraband. They seized his iPhone, which allegedly showed his text messages about steroid dealing with Wenger and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his questioning of Harris, Cheng asked him what oath he took as a police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laughing, Harris said, “To uphold the constitution and protect and serve the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you regret what you did? Cheng asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day,” Harris replied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities soon went to Wenger’s home, where he hung up on them when they called his phone. Cheng said FBI agents texted with Wenger, who indicated he may have believed it was a potential scam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trying to give you a professional courtesy of a low profile,” Teak Wilson, then a crisis negotiator with the FBI in San Francisco, testified to texting Wenger that morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They texted for nearly an hour before Wenger agreed to meet agents at a nearby parking lot. Cheng said Wenger surrendered his phone, but he had already deleted relevant information, including text messages with Harris and his contact on the Venmo app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng told the court that the government intends to rest its case on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "former-antioch-cop-faces-drug-charges-in-second-conspiracy-trial",
"title": "Former Antioch Cop Faces Drug Charges in Second Conspiracy Trial",
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"headTitle": "Former Antioch Cop Faces Drug Charges in Second Conspiracy Trial | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:36 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">former Antioch police officer\u003c/a> faces a federal criminal trial set to start Monday on charges he conspired with another officer to distribute steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege that Devon Christopher Wenger was part of a conspiracy to obtain and sell steroids with one-time co-defendant Daniel James Harris, who is expected to testify against Wenger as part of a plea deal with federal prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’ll be the second time this year that Wenger defends himself against conspiracy charges in an Oakland federal courtroom, after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029444/ex-antioch-officers-corruption-trial-begins\">previous case\u003c/a> alleging he and other officers repeatedly violated suspects’ civil rights \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">ended in a mistrial\u003c/a> for him last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The steroids case is the latest to reach a jury stemming from a widespread investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Contra Costa County District Attorney’s Office where authorities unearthed a trove of racist and misogynistic text messages shared among officers in Antioch and some in Pittsburg, which was first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958522/fbi-arrests-antioch-pittsburg-police-officers-following-indictments\">announced\u003c/a> in the late summer of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation determined that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946551/antiochs-racist-police-text-message-scandal-could-mean-dropped-charges-in-other-cases\">14 Antioch officers\u003c/a> — including Wenger and fellow former Antioch police officers Morteza Amiri and Eric Rombough — exchanged those texts. Some indicated violations of civil rights, and many included racist memes and derogatory messages about Black and Latino residents. While about half of the department’s officers received those messages, none reported them to superiors or outside authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent\" href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029719\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Antioch Police vehicle sits in the parking lot of the Antioch Police Department on March 3, 2025.The texts were discovered while the FBI was investigating members of the Antioch Police Department on accusations ranging from alleged civil rights violations to faking college degrees, along with the allegations of steroid distribution. A federal grand jury indicted \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/file/1310956/dl?inline\">10 Antioch and Pittsburg officers\u003c/a> for those crimes in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opening statements are scheduled Monday on charges against Wenger alleging conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute anabolic steroids as well as destruction, alteration and falsification of records in a federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/former-antioch-police-officer-found-guilty-deprivation-civil-rights-and-falsification\">Harris pleaded guilty\u003c/a> in September to conspiracy to distribute anabolic steroids, possession of anabolic steroids with the intent to distribute, and attempted possession of anabolic steroids with the intent to distribute, as well as bank fraud in another case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors expect Harris to testify that he purchased anabolic steroids from a source in Florida to use himself as well as distribute to other law enforcement officers, according to the government’s \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.416992/gov.uscourts.cand.416992.158.0.pdf\">trial brief\u003c/a>. Prosecutors allege Wenger was aware that Harris sold steroids and purchased some, later noting to Harris in a text that his “dad might want some too, he’s trying to cut fat and gain muscle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036413 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250417-LAWYER-SETTLEMENT-MD-04-KQED-KQED-11-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford law professor Robert Weisberg said it’s likely that the defense will play up the fact that Harris took a plea, but juries largely find police to be credible witnesses, especially if they’re persuasive on the witness stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cops may have more credibility even if they did something wrong, but it’s not a happy thing for a cop to testify against a cop,” Weisberg said. “It’s self-interested on Harris’ part, but that’s always true in these cases where the cooperator is self-interested. The fact is that there’s a blue wall, and if he’s willing to breach it, he may have more credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger also allegedly connected Harris to a friend with the initials B.M. to purchase steroids, but law enforcement intercepted that shipment in March 2022 as Wenger was allegedly trying to retrieve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 2, 2022, Wenger texted Harris and asked if he could “come by Monday or Sunday to pick up [B.M.’s] stuff?” according to the prosecution’s court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m leaving to Long Beach on Tuesday, so I’ll pick your stuff up from Dan on Monday or one of those days before I leave!” Wenger wrote to B.M. a minute later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fuck yeah!” B.M. responded. “LET’S GET FUCKING JACKEEEEEEEEEED.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that month, law enforcement agents in Weatherford, Texas, seized Harris’ iPhone. Soon, law enforcement seized Wenger’s phone. Prosecutors allege Wenger attempted to delete full message threads and phone call logs between Wenger, Harris and B.M. from his phone prior to handing it over to law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11958535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11958535\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of community members, families of police violence and activists joined a rally outside of the Antioch Police Department on April 18, 2023, to protest the racist and homophobic text messages shared among the department. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A forensic review was unable to retrieve any messages from Signal, an encrypted messaging service. Prosecutors say they’ll bring evidence to show Wenger “selectively deleted messages relevant to his purchase and distribution of anabolic steroids,” according to their trial brief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That brief also says while Wenger may argue that he had “a mere buyer-seller relationship with Harris,” the evidence they plan to present at trial shows that Wenger’s facilitating sales between his father and B.M. showed he had a “knowing participation in the conspiracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Attorney’s Office declined to comment ahead of the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During jury selection, Dena Marie Young, an attorney for Wenger, posed additional questions to potential jurors, including those with law enforcement experience, family members who were in law enforcement, and those who worked closely with law enforcement. Several of the questions centered around whether testimony from those in law enforcement should have more weight than others, because “they take an oath.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12029793 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/GettyImages-1459218231-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you open to the possibility that law enforcement officers might be mistaken, or even lie?” Young wrote in one set of potential questions. “Can you set aside your opinion and judge the testimony of law enforcement officers the same [as] any other witness?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/antioch-and-pittsburg-police-officers-and-employee-charged-various-crimes-ranging\">August 2023\u003c/a>, a federal grand jury also indicted Wenger — along with Amiri and Rombough — on charges of conspiracy against rights and deprivation of rights under color of law. Amiri and Wenger were each charged with one count of conspiracy “to injure, oppress, threaten, and intimidate residents of Antioch, California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Rombough pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy and two counts of deprivation of rights under the color of the law. As part of his plea deal with prosecutors, Rombough testified at trial last month that he and other Antioch officers used premeditated violence, failed to report uses of force and then falsified police reports to cover up those acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger faced one count of deprivation of rights under the color of law for a specific incident: the allegedly unreasonable use of a 40-millimeter impact launcher. But on the third day of trial, Judge Jeffrey S. White \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">announced a mistrial in Wenger’s case\u003c/a>, due to issues regarding Wenger’s representation by attorney Nicole Castronovo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029481\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029481\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The prosecution presents text messages on the first day of the federal trial against Morteza Amiri and Devon Christopher Wenger at the U.S. District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. Amiri and Wenger face charges that they conspired to severely injure suspects over a period of three years. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amiri’s trial continued without Wenger and the jury returned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031189/federal-trial-of-former-antioch-police-officer-ends-in-limited-split-verdict\">a split verdict\u003c/a> in mid-March, finding him guilty of violating one person’s rights and falsifying a police report but not on the more sweeping conspiracy allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The FBI remains committed to holding accountable any officer who violates their oath and deprives citizens of their constitutional rights,” FBI Special Agent in Charge Sanjay Virmani said in a statement following that trial. “The people of Antioch and communities everywhere deserve better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri is scheduled to be sentenced on June 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger is scheduled to be retried on the alleged violation of civil rights charges beginning on July 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Harris’ and Rombough’s plea deals are contingent on their cooperation and testimony, both are due back in court on Aug. 19, when Wenger’s two trials are expected to be completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>April 29: This story has been corrected to indicate that the Contra Costa County district attorney’s report from 2023 found officers exchanged texts including potential violations of civil rights, as well as messages that are racist.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Devon Wenger faces his second jury in an Oakland federal courtroom in as many months, this time on conspiracy to distribute steroids to fellow officers. \r\n",
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"title": "Former Antioch Cop Faces Drug Charges in Second Conspiracy Trial | KQED",
"description": "Devon Wenger faces his second jury in an Oakland federal courtroom in as many months, this time on conspiracy to distribute steroids to fellow officers. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:36 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">former Antioch police officer\u003c/a> faces a federal criminal trial set to start Monday on charges he conspired with another officer to distribute steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors allege that Devon Christopher Wenger was part of a conspiracy to obtain and sell steroids with one-time co-defendant Daniel James Harris, who is expected to testify against Wenger as part of a plea deal with federal prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’ll be the second time this year that Wenger defends himself against conspiracy charges in an Oakland federal courtroom, after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029444/ex-antioch-officers-corruption-trial-begins\">previous case\u003c/a> alleging he and other officers repeatedly violated suspects’ civil rights \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">ended in a mistrial\u003c/a> for him last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The steroids case is the latest to reach a jury stemming from a widespread investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Contra Costa County District Attorney’s Office where authorities unearthed a trove of racist and misogynistic text messages shared among officers in Antioch and some in Pittsburg, which was first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958522/fbi-arrests-antioch-pittsburg-police-officers-following-indictments\">announced\u003c/a> in the late summer of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation determined that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946551/antiochs-racist-police-text-message-scandal-could-mean-dropped-charges-in-other-cases\">14 Antioch officers\u003c/a> — including Wenger and fellow former Antioch police officers Morteza Amiri and Eric Rombough — exchanged those texts. Some indicated violations of civil rights, and many included racist memes and derogatory messages about Black and Latino residents. While about half of the department’s officers received those messages, none reported them to superiors or outside authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent\" href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029719\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Antioch Police vehicle sits in the parking lot of the Antioch Police Department on March 3, 2025.The texts were discovered while the FBI was investigating members of the Antioch Police Department on accusations ranging from alleged civil rights violations to faking college degrees, along with the allegations of steroid distribution. A federal grand jury indicted \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/file/1310956/dl?inline\">10 Antioch and Pittsburg officers\u003c/a> for those crimes in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opening statements are scheduled Monday on charges against Wenger alleging conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute anabolic steroids as well as destruction, alteration and falsification of records in a federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/former-antioch-police-officer-found-guilty-deprivation-civil-rights-and-falsification\">Harris pleaded guilty\u003c/a> in September to conspiracy to distribute anabolic steroids, possession of anabolic steroids with the intent to distribute, and attempted possession of anabolic steroids with the intent to distribute, as well as bank fraud in another case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors expect Harris to testify that he purchased anabolic steroids from a source in Florida to use himself as well as distribute to other law enforcement officers, according to the government’s \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.416992/gov.uscourts.cand.416992.158.0.pdf\">trial brief\u003c/a>. Prosecutors allege Wenger was aware that Harris sold steroids and purchased some, later noting to Harris in a text that his “dad might want some too, he’s trying to cut fat and gain muscle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford law professor Robert Weisberg said it’s likely that the defense will play up the fact that Harris took a plea, but juries largely find police to be credible witnesses, especially if they’re persuasive on the witness stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cops may have more credibility even if they did something wrong, but it’s not a happy thing for a cop to testify against a cop,” Weisberg said. “It’s self-interested on Harris’ part, but that’s always true in these cases where the cooperator is self-interested. The fact is that there’s a blue wall, and if he’s willing to breach it, he may have more credibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger also allegedly connected Harris to a friend with the initials B.M. to purchase steroids, but law enforcement intercepted that shipment in March 2022 as Wenger was allegedly trying to retrieve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 2, 2022, Wenger texted Harris and asked if he could “come by Monday or Sunday to pick up [B.M.’s] stuff?” according to the prosecution’s court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m leaving to Long Beach on Tuesday, so I’ll pick your stuff up from Dan on Monday or one of those days before I leave!” Wenger wrote to B.M. a minute later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fuck yeah!” B.M. responded. “LET’S GET FUCKING JACKEEEEEEEEEED.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that month, law enforcement agents in Weatherford, Texas, seized Harris’ iPhone. Soon, law enforcement seized Wenger’s phone. Prosecutors allege Wenger attempted to delete full message threads and phone call logs between Wenger, Harris and B.M. from his phone prior to handing it over to law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11958535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11958535\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64569_010_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of community members, families of police violence and activists joined a rally outside of the Antioch Police Department on April 18, 2023, to protest the racist and homophobic text messages shared among the department. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A forensic review was unable to retrieve any messages from Signal, an encrypted messaging service. Prosecutors say they’ll bring evidence to show Wenger “selectively deleted messages relevant to his purchase and distribution of anabolic steroids,” according to their trial brief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That brief also says while Wenger may argue that he had “a mere buyer-seller relationship with Harris,” the evidence they plan to present at trial shows that Wenger’s facilitating sales between his father and B.M. showed he had a “knowing participation in the conspiracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Attorney’s Office declined to comment ahead of the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During jury selection, Dena Marie Young, an attorney for Wenger, posed additional questions to potential jurors, including those with law enforcement experience, family members who were in law enforcement, and those who worked closely with law enforcement. Several of the questions centered around whether testimony from those in law enforcement should have more weight than others, because “they take an oath.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you open to the possibility that law enforcement officers might be mistaken, or even lie?” Young wrote in one set of potential questions. “Can you set aside your opinion and judge the testimony of law enforcement officers the same [as] any other witness?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/antioch-and-pittsburg-police-officers-and-employee-charged-various-crimes-ranging\">August 2023\u003c/a>, a federal grand jury also indicted Wenger — along with Amiri and Rombough — on charges of conspiracy against rights and deprivation of rights under color of law. Amiri and Wenger were each charged with one count of conspiracy “to injure, oppress, threaten, and intimidate residents of Antioch, California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Rombough pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy and two counts of deprivation of rights under the color of the law. As part of his plea deal with prosecutors, Rombough testified at trial last month that he and other Antioch officers used premeditated violence, failed to report uses of force and then falsified police reports to cover up those acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger faced one count of deprivation of rights under the color of law for a specific incident: the allegedly unreasonable use of a 40-millimeter impact launcher. But on the third day of trial, Judge Jeffrey S. White \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">announced a mistrial in Wenger’s case\u003c/a>, due to issues regarding Wenger’s representation by attorney Nicole Castronovo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029481\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029481\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Amiri-Opening_KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The prosecution presents text messages on the first day of the federal trial against Morteza Amiri and Devon Christopher Wenger at the U.S. District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. Amiri and Wenger face charges that they conspired to severely injure suspects over a period of three years. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amiri’s trial continued without Wenger and the jury returned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031189/federal-trial-of-former-antioch-police-officer-ends-in-limited-split-verdict\">a split verdict\u003c/a> in mid-March, finding him guilty of violating one person’s rights and falsifying a police report but not on the more sweeping conspiracy allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The FBI remains committed to holding accountable any officer who violates their oath and deprives citizens of their constitutional rights,” FBI Special Agent in Charge Sanjay Virmani said in a statement following that trial. “The people of Antioch and communities everywhere deserve better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri is scheduled to be sentenced on June 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger is scheduled to be retried on the alleged violation of civil rights charges beginning on July 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Harris’ and Rombough’s plea deals are contingent on their cooperation and testimony, both are due back in court on Aug. 19, when Wenger’s two trials are expected to be completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>April 29: This story has been corrected to indicate that the Contra Costa County district attorney’s report from 2023 found officers exchanged texts including potential violations of civil rights, as well as messages that are racist.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Reparative movements have a hope problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a> — a solidarity and action hub that braids narratives and grows movements for reparative and redistributive policy — call the distance between support for a movement and belief in its feasibility the “hope gap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/63e94c8ea475597f7bbc51e7/t/68094609b33fd33efecc6407/1745438229721/Fabric+of+Repair_LONG_2025.pdf\">New research published last week\u003c/a> by BLIS Collective shows that it’s one thing to believe reparative movements — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparations for Black people\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/education/535779/land-back-the-indigenous-fight-to-reclaim-stolen-lands\">Land Back for Indigenous people\u003c/a> — should happen, and another thing altogether to believe that they can happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And to be clear, in order for this country to live up to its stated ideals of democracy, both must happen. America was founded on stolen land and labor — on the exploitation of Indigenous and Black bodies. Repair for these dual original sins is the only way for this country to realize its stated values and ensure freedom and liberation for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While 76% of surveyed Black respondents support reparations and 80% of Indigenous respondents support Land Back, only about 20% believe such policies are actually achievable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the first state to establish both a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/members\">reparations task force\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://tribalaffairs.ca.gov/cthc/\">truth and healing council for Native Californians\u003c/a>, the ground is fertile for helping close this hope gap. In 2020, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 3121, creating the California Reparations Task Force to study and develop proposals for potential reparations for descendants of enslaved people and those impacted by slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12028920 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exhibit What Are Reparations, a bilingual zine and art installation by Katie Quan, at the Edge on the Square gallery in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on Feb. 19, 2025. The installation explores the ongoing debate about reparations for Black communities in San Francisco, particularly within the context of systemic injustices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This task force released its final recommendations in 2023, including proposals for financial compensation for housing discrimination, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">the creation of a dedicated state agency\u003c/a> to implement reparations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">formal apologies for historical injustices\u003c/a> and educational reforms to accurately teach Black history in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Newsom established the Truth and Healing Council to clarify the historical record of the state’s relationship with California Native Americans and provide recommendations on reparative policies by 2025. This dual-track approach to addressing historical injustices offers California a rare chance to show the nation that repair is not just theoretical — it’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why the hope gap matters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Support for a movement alone won’t activate people to participate, engage or advocate without also having the belief that meaningful change is possible. Active engagement from supporters is the only way to grow a movement and ensure its success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the hope gap isn’t just about pessimism, it reflects generations of oppression, historic disenfranchisement, broken promises and eroded trust in government institutions. When only 21.5% of Black respondents and 19.1% of Indigenous respondents believe reparative policies are feasible, we face a fundamental challenge that goes beyond building support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We need to rebuild public belief in what’s possible. In a society that continues to breed apathy and despair, addressing the hope gap for a reparative and liberated future is the project of our generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Research insights: The power of braided narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The hope gap findings emerged from our national study, which tested the impact of a “braided narrative” \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@garrisonhayes/video/7412648697215061294?is_from_webapp=1&web_id=7429881490349934122\">video\u003c/a>, which illustrated how the histories and solutions for Black and Indigenous communities are inherently intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strengthening solidarity between communities could be a powerful strategy for narrowing the hope gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11891757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/1920_GettyImages-859129098-scaled-e1745610765619.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a T-shirt saying \"You Are on Indian Land\" and wearing two long braids with white ribbons stands amid a crowd.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dancers from Anahuacalmecac International University Preparatory of North America prepare to dance on Hollywood Boulevard during an event celebrating Indigenous Peoples Day, Oct. 8, 2017, in the Hollywood section of Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The survey results demonstrate that we can successfully increase support and solidarity by highlighting the interconnectedness of the reparations and Land Back movements. Solidarity matters for several important reasons: It broadens the base of support for each movement, helps overcome the historical divisions intentionally sown between these communities by the U.S. government and ensures that victories for one community can spark momentum and hope for the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our data show that Black and Indigenous communities are already primed for solidarity, with 68% of Black respondents supporting Land Back and 51% of Indigenous respondents supporting reparations. The braided narrative approach further strengthened cross-movement support, particularly among Democrats in both groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s encouraging that the majority of both groups support one another at baseline, and even more so that a brief exposure to a solidarity narrative can boost cross-movement support. This should serve as evidence for a scaled solidarity narrative rooted in the truth about the nation’s founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The spillover effect: How movements strengthen each other\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The study also revealed an important narrative spillover effect: When Black viewers watched content about reparations, their support for Land Back increased, even without content related to it. Similarly, Indigenous viewers who watched content about Land Back showed increased support for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This suggests that hearing about progress for one movement can boost support for the other. While these movements have distinct and rich histories, both communities recognize that Land Back and reparations are linked and that justice for both populations is interconnected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bakari Olatunji, Western Regional Party Representative of the African People’s Socialist Party, speaks during a rally for reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another promising approach to addressing the hope gap is to publicly highlight evidence of past and current successes for reparative movements. History shows that local wins, even when they seem small, can create powerful precedents that fuel hope and transform what people believe is possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider how marriage equality spread across the United States. In 2004, Massachusetts became the first state to legalize same-sex marriage, a decision that seemed impossibly radical to many at the time. That single, state-level victory created a tangible example that advocates could point to, gradually shifting public opinion and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11911275/supreme-court-ruling-clears-way-for-release-of-footage-from-landmark-trial-that-legalized-same-sex-marriage-in-california\">inspiring other states to follow\u003c/a>, including California.[aside postID=news_12036599 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-10-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']What once seemed unattainable became reality nationwide just 11 years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, the municipal reparations program in Evanston, Illinois, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13921493/erika-alexander-reparations-the-big-payback\">provides a powerful contemporary example\u003c/a>. When Evanston approved the first government reparations program for Black residents in 2021, it created a concrete precedent that advocates across the country could reference. This local policy breakthrough has inspired similar efforts in dozens of municipalities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101894622/whats-next-for-san-franciscos-slavery-reparations-plan\">from Providence to San Francisco\u003c/a>, showing how quickly “impossible” can become “inevitable” once the first domino falls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Minnesota offers a model for transferring a state park to tribal communities, with the state Legislature voting in 2023 to transfer Upper Sioux Agency State Park to a Dakota tribe as a form of repair for the violent acts preceding and during the U.S.-Dakota War of 1862.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that while this case offers a strong model, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956856/how-a-coast-miwok-group-are-buying-back-a-piece-of-their-ancestral-land-in-marin\">California’s Land Back strategy\u003c/a> will require significant intention and tact, given the state’s more than 100 federally recognized tribes and dozens fighting for federal recognition, creating a unique landscape for this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These historical patterns highlight why publicizing successes is important: Precedent breeds hope, which fuels movements that transform society.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A blueprint for building hope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is uniquely positioned to leverage both approaches to make a real impact on the hope gap across the nation. The dual processes of the California Reparations Task Force and Truth and Healing Council offer an opportunity for key communicators and leaders to present them as part of the same reparative project — to braid their narratives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our study shows this approach can effectively strengthen solidarity between Black and Indigenous communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Second, there is a significant opportunity to showcase the work of the reparations task force and the ongoing efforts of the Truth and Healing Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the reparations task force is no longer active, former members continue to advocate for the policies outlined in the final report. Greater communication about the successes and processes of each commission can show that repair is not just a theoretical concept, but that active steps have been taken in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California should actively build support while directly addressing skepticism about feasibility through evidence-based storytelling. This means:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>Amplifying every concrete win across both commissions, no matter how small\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Connecting current achievements to longer-term goals\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Using a braided narrative approach that highlights how these efforts are fundamentally related and can support each other.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>The communication efforts should center trusted voices from California’s Black and Indigenous communities — and must be persistent. Closing a hope gap of more than 80 percentage points will require sustained effort over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From hope to action: Creating pathways for participation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While government commissions are essential, closing the hope gap requires a broader ecosystem of actors demonstrating progress and providing infrastructure for sustained solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California shows that change is possible through commissions, it must simultaneously create meaningful ways for people to participate. When people begin to believe that reparative policies are achievable, they’re more likely to engage — but only if there are clear opportunities to contribute.[aside postID=news_11966087 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231002-TULUWAT-ISLAND-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']By creating community engagement mechanisms, supporting local initiatives and establishing educational programs that build public understanding, California can transform growing hope into concrete action. There is also an opportunity to uplift community-led initiatives that are already advancing reparations and Land Back in big and small ways across the state, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://sogoreate-landtrust.org\">Sogorea Te’ Land Trust\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.santamonica.gov/topic-explainers/landback-reparations\">Santa Monica Landback and Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">the Section 14 settlement in Palm Springs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a historic opportunity to show that reparative justice is achievable. By building visible wins, fostering cross-movement solidarity and creating pathways for participation, the state can establish a national model that shows how we move from acknowledging historical harms to actually repairing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This work isn’t just about policy — it’s about healing generations of justified skepticism and creating a foundation for true liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Camilla Griffiths, Ph.D., is a behavioral scientist and the director of applied narrative research at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Reparative movements have a hope problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a> — a solidarity and action hub that braids narratives and grows movements for reparative and redistributive policy — call the distance between support for a movement and belief in its feasibility the “hope gap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/63e94c8ea475597f7bbc51e7/t/68094609b33fd33efecc6407/1745438229721/Fabric+of+Repair_LONG_2025.pdf\">New research published last week\u003c/a> by BLIS Collective shows that it’s one thing to believe reparative movements — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparations for Black people\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/education/535779/land-back-the-indigenous-fight-to-reclaim-stolen-lands\">Land Back for Indigenous people\u003c/a> — should happen, and another thing altogether to believe that they can happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And to be clear, in order for this country to live up to its stated ideals of democracy, both must happen. America was founded on stolen land and labor — on the exploitation of Indigenous and Black bodies. Repair for these dual original sins is the only way for this country to realize its stated values and ensure freedom and liberation for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While 76% of surveyed Black respondents support reparations and 80% of Indigenous respondents support Land Back, only about 20% believe such policies are actually achievable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the first state to establish both a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/members\">reparations task force\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://tribalaffairs.ca.gov/cthc/\">truth and healing council for Native Californians\u003c/a>, the ground is fertile for helping close this hope gap. In 2020, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 3121, creating the California Reparations Task Force to study and develop proposals for potential reparations for descendants of enslaved people and those impacted by slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12028920 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exhibit What Are Reparations, a bilingual zine and art installation by Katie Quan, at the Edge on the Square gallery in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on Feb. 19, 2025. The installation explores the ongoing debate about reparations for Black communities in San Francisco, particularly within the context of systemic injustices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This task force released its final recommendations in 2023, including proposals for financial compensation for housing discrimination, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">the creation of a dedicated state agency\u003c/a> to implement reparations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">formal apologies for historical injustices\u003c/a> and educational reforms to accurately teach Black history in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Newsom established the Truth and Healing Council to clarify the historical record of the state’s relationship with California Native Americans and provide recommendations on reparative policies by 2025. This dual-track approach to addressing historical injustices offers California a rare chance to show the nation that repair is not just theoretical — it’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why the hope gap matters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Support for a movement alone won’t activate people to participate, engage or advocate without also having the belief that meaningful change is possible. Active engagement from supporters is the only way to grow a movement and ensure its success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the hope gap isn’t just about pessimism, it reflects generations of oppression, historic disenfranchisement, broken promises and eroded trust in government institutions. When only 21.5% of Black respondents and 19.1% of Indigenous respondents believe reparative policies are feasible, we face a fundamental challenge that goes beyond building support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We need to rebuild public belief in what’s possible. In a society that continues to breed apathy and despair, addressing the hope gap for a reparative and liberated future is the project of our generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Research insights: The power of braided narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The hope gap findings emerged from our national study, which tested the impact of a “braided narrative” \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@garrisonhayes/video/7412648697215061294?is_from_webapp=1&web_id=7429881490349934122\">video\u003c/a>, which illustrated how the histories and solutions for Black and Indigenous communities are inherently intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strengthening solidarity between communities could be a powerful strategy for narrowing the hope gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11891757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/1920_GettyImages-859129098-scaled-e1745610765619.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a T-shirt saying \"You Are on Indian Land\" and wearing two long braids with white ribbons stands amid a crowd.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dancers from Anahuacalmecac International University Preparatory of North America prepare to dance on Hollywood Boulevard during an event celebrating Indigenous Peoples Day, Oct. 8, 2017, in the Hollywood section of Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The survey results demonstrate that we can successfully increase support and solidarity by highlighting the interconnectedness of the reparations and Land Back movements. Solidarity matters for several important reasons: It broadens the base of support for each movement, helps overcome the historical divisions intentionally sown between these communities by the U.S. government and ensures that victories for one community can spark momentum and hope for the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our data show that Black and Indigenous communities are already primed for solidarity, with 68% of Black respondents supporting Land Back and 51% of Indigenous respondents supporting reparations. The braided narrative approach further strengthened cross-movement support, particularly among Democrats in both groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s encouraging that the majority of both groups support one another at baseline, and even more so that a brief exposure to a solidarity narrative can boost cross-movement support. This should serve as evidence for a scaled solidarity narrative rooted in the truth about the nation’s founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The spillover effect: How movements strengthen each other\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The study also revealed an important narrative spillover effect: When Black viewers watched content about reparations, their support for Land Back increased, even without content related to it. Similarly, Indigenous viewers who watched content about Land Back showed increased support for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This suggests that hearing about progress for one movement can boost support for the other. While these movements have distinct and rich histories, both communities recognize that Land Back and reparations are linked and that justice for both populations is interconnected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bakari Olatunji, Western Regional Party Representative of the African People’s Socialist Party, speaks during a rally for reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another promising approach to addressing the hope gap is to publicly highlight evidence of past and current successes for reparative movements. History shows that local wins, even when they seem small, can create powerful precedents that fuel hope and transform what people believe is possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider how marriage equality spread across the United States. In 2004, Massachusetts became the first state to legalize same-sex marriage, a decision that seemed impossibly radical to many at the time. That single, state-level victory created a tangible example that advocates could point to, gradually shifting public opinion and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11911275/supreme-court-ruling-clears-way-for-release-of-footage-from-landmark-trial-that-legalized-same-sex-marriage-in-california\">inspiring other states to follow\u003c/a>, including California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What once seemed unattainable became reality nationwide just 11 years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, the municipal reparations program in Evanston, Illinois, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13921493/erika-alexander-reparations-the-big-payback\">provides a powerful contemporary example\u003c/a>. When Evanston approved the first government reparations program for Black residents in 2021, it created a concrete precedent that advocates across the country could reference. This local policy breakthrough has inspired similar efforts in dozens of municipalities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101894622/whats-next-for-san-franciscos-slavery-reparations-plan\">from Providence to San Francisco\u003c/a>, showing how quickly “impossible” can become “inevitable” once the first domino falls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Minnesota offers a model for transferring a state park to tribal communities, with the state Legislature voting in 2023 to transfer Upper Sioux Agency State Park to a Dakota tribe as a form of repair for the violent acts preceding and during the U.S.-Dakota War of 1862.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that while this case offers a strong model, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956856/how-a-coast-miwok-group-are-buying-back-a-piece-of-their-ancestral-land-in-marin\">California’s Land Back strategy\u003c/a> will require significant intention and tact, given the state’s more than 100 federally recognized tribes and dozens fighting for federal recognition, creating a unique landscape for this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These historical patterns highlight why publicizing successes is important: Precedent breeds hope, which fuels movements that transform society.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A blueprint for building hope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is uniquely positioned to leverage both approaches to make a real impact on the hope gap across the nation. The dual processes of the California Reparations Task Force and Truth and Healing Council offer an opportunity for key communicators and leaders to present them as part of the same reparative project — to braid their narratives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our study shows this approach can effectively strengthen solidarity between Black and Indigenous communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Second, there is a significant opportunity to showcase the work of the reparations task force and the ongoing efforts of the Truth and Healing Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the reparations task force is no longer active, former members continue to advocate for the policies outlined in the final report. Greater communication about the successes and processes of each commission can show that repair is not just a theoretical concept, but that active steps have been taken in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California should actively build support while directly addressing skepticism about feasibility through evidence-based storytelling. This means:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>Amplifying every concrete win across both commissions, no matter how small\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Connecting current achievements to longer-term goals\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Using a braided narrative approach that highlights how these efforts are fundamentally related and can support each other.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>The communication efforts should center trusted voices from California’s Black and Indigenous communities — and must be persistent. Closing a hope gap of more than 80 percentage points will require sustained effort over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From hope to action: Creating pathways for participation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While government commissions are essential, closing the hope gap requires a broader ecosystem of actors demonstrating progress and providing infrastructure for sustained solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California shows that change is possible through commissions, it must simultaneously create meaningful ways for people to participate. When people begin to believe that reparative policies are achievable, they’re more likely to engage — but only if there are clear opportunities to contribute.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>By creating community engagement mechanisms, supporting local initiatives and establishing educational programs that build public understanding, California can transform growing hope into concrete action. There is also an opportunity to uplift community-led initiatives that are already advancing reparations and Land Back in big and small ways across the state, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://sogoreate-landtrust.org\">Sogorea Te’ Land Trust\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.santamonica.gov/topic-explainers/landback-reparations\">Santa Monica Landback and Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">the Section 14 settlement in Palm Springs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a historic opportunity to show that reparative justice is achievable. By building visible wins, fostering cross-movement solidarity and creating pathways for participation, the state can establish a national model that shows how we move from acknowledging historical harms to actually repairing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This work isn’t just about policy — it’s about healing generations of justified skepticism and creating a foundation for true liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Camilla Griffiths, Ph.D., is a behavioral scientist and the director of applied narrative research at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "‘Beginning of Our Identity’: How San José Became Home for Betty Duong and Vietnamese Americans",
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"headTitle": "‘Beginning of Our Identity’: How San José Became Home for Betty Duong and Vietnamese Americans | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017754/meet-betty-duong-santa-clara-countys-first-vietnamese-american-supervisor\">Betty Duong\u003c/a> said that everyone she speaks with in her Vietnamese American community has a different feeling about April 30, 1975, when American soldiers pulled out of South Vietnam and the war officially ended. But they all agree on its significance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just two years after that day, Duong’s recently married mother fled Vietnam in the middle of the night with her husband on a fishing boat packed with people. She watched helplessly as her brother, who was on board a different vessel, was captured by pirates. Their survival was uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still a very painful part of time in their lives, that I don’t know if they’ve completely gotten past or processed fully,” Duong, 44, said of her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her parents’ generation, that day marks the loss of their home country and a day of mourning. Duong’s peers see it somewhat differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I talk to my second-generation colleagues and counterparts, they say it was the beginning of our identity as a diaspora,” she said. “It’s how we end up here in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Duong stands as an example of the growth and influence of the Vietnamese American diaspora in San José. Beginning with the arrival of tens of thousands of refugees in the years after the war, the community has grown, along with its political power, spurred by a need for cultural understanding and by critical events, like the police killing of a Vietnamese American mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034774\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12034774 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Betty Duong holding her daughter, Harper, and her marriage photo with her husband, Khai, are displayed in her office at the Santa Clara County Administration Building in San José on April 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Duong grew up in the city and attended local schools before going on to UC Berkeley and Davis. After graduating, she became an attorney and then began work in the public sector for the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, she became the first Vietnamese American elected to the office of Santa Clara County Supervisor. Her success, some say, is rooted in her ability to connect with varied voting groups, developed through her own upbringing in the community and her reliance on public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong was born in San José after her parents arrived here with the help of Santa Clara County’s refugee resettlement program; her uncle, after escaping from the pirates, eventually ended up in Australia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She learned English in school, picking it up faster than her parents, and she often found herself translating for them at parent-teacher conferences, medical appointments and the DMV, an experience children of many immigrants and refugees are familiar with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037737\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037737 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"508\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1-160x203.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong as a baby, being held by her father, Thông Dương, and her sister, Kathy, being held by her mother, Ngọc Từ, outside of San José State University. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This was also during the time when police officers and first responders didn’t have a language line or language access, so when 911 was called, I was also volunteered to help translate these very serious situations,” Duong said, something she feels a child should never have to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in Section 8 housing in downtown San José, Duong thought the whole world looked like the five-block radius around her, made up largely of Vietnamese and Latino families, with doors left open all day in the warmer months for lack of air conditioning. Many families were reliant on county services to help make ends meet, put food on the table and access medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong sings the praises of the county for welcoming Vietnamese refugees with open arms and offering support to her family at a critical time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, her work in public service has been shaped by her family’s experience with poorly implemented or culturally insensitive safety net programs that didn’t consider the different ways people might need assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It always kind of fell short, and it always added a sense of chaos to the world,” she said of the services she received. “It was always somebody else’s call what we were going to eat, how we were going to eat, where we were going to live, how are we going to live and what that entailed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Vietnamese American culture helps define San José and the region, and politicians have understood for many years the value of the group as a coveted voting bloc. About 122,000 residents identify as Vietnamese American, representing more than 10% of the city’s population, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Vietnamese Americans had to make major strides to overcome ignorance, racism, systemic exclusion and cultural and language access barriers along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>“We weren’t wanted”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Duong was growing up, her family experienced blunt racism and bigotry, with people directing slurs at her parents, or telling her father to learn English or go back to his country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vietnamese refugees arrived in America at a fraught time. The country was in an economic recession, and the war itself was causing division, according to Hien Duc Do, a professor of sociology and Asian American studies at San José State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037728\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037728 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1072\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2.jpeg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-800x536.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-1020x683.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-1536x1029.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong as a toddler with her mom, Ngọc Từ, standing outside an apartment complex on South Fifth Street where they lived at the time, across from San José State University. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There were people who were happy with the refugees. There were people who weren’t happy with refugees,” said Do, who has written extensively about Vietnamese Americans. “ You have about 100,000 people or so coming from a war-torn country and a lot of them came literally without anything but the clothes on their backs. So for them, it was a very traumatic experience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Gerald Ford, in his attempt to avoid “ghettoism,” ordered the initial waves of refugees from Vietnam to be dispersed into different areas in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do said that broke apart networks of extended families and people who had come to know each other in refugee camps, making it harder for them to find stability. Ford’s plan didn’t last long, as groups of refugees eventually coalesced around warm weather areas such as Orange County, the Bay Area, and Texas, according to the Immigration Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are all these laws that were passed against people like us when we first came, because we weren’t wanted, in the same way that every community had gone through that,” Do said. “And sometimes people tend to forget that. Sometimes, success breeds this idea that America is this land of meritocracy, it’s this open society, when in fact it is not. It could be, but it’s not quite there yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Government cheese\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Duong recalls how she and other low-income families received so-called “government cheese” from food banks. “But for a population that’s like 90% lactose intolerant, that was just not a viable option,” Duong said of her family and other Vietnamese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s just one example of the sometimes ham-fisted approaches to public welfare that she experienced growing up. She learned that building effective safety net programs requires collective input and designing empathetically for the unique needs of people with different backgrounds and experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037745\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2184px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037745 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2184\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2.jpg 2184w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-800x563.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1020x717.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1536x1080.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-2048x1440.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1920x1350.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2184px) 100vw, 2184px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong’s parents, Thông Dương and Ngọc Từ, seen in front of the old Hammer Theater in San José. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To receive health care, her mother often had to make elaborate public transit plans, seeing a primary doctor in one area of San José and then being sent to see a specialist across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wasn’t alone. Decades later, a 2012 county study showed that Vietnamese Americans still faced physical and mental health challenges, as well as intergenerational conflict and difficulty in navigating county services, according to the county.[aside postID=news_12017754 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Betty-and-Community-Member-1020x680.jpg']To help address those needs, former Santa Clara County Supervisors Dave Cortese and Cindy Chavez, for whom Duong served as chief of staff, helped spearhead the opening of the Vietnamese American Services Center in 2021 on Senter Road, close to Vietnamese American neighborhoods and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center is meant to be a one-stop shop, with culturally competent services for mental and behavioral health, a general health center, dental clinic, pharmacy, social services and nutrition programs for older adults. Duong was the project’s lead for the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why does it take this long for us to have this?” Duong said of equitable services and centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There needs to be more Vietnamese representation. There needs to be more Latino representation. There needs to be more South Asian representation. Our elected bodies don’t look like our communities yet, quite yet,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Duong and so much of the Vietnamese American community, the need for that representation became more urgent about two decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Police killing of Bich Cau Thi Tran\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the summer of 2003, Duong was attending De Anza College when she, like many others in the community, was shaken by the fatal police shooting of a Vietnamese American woman who was experiencing a mental health crisis in her San José home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bich Cau Thi Tran was a small woman weighing less than 100 pounds, and a mother of two young boys who struggled with her mental health. She was killed by San José Police Officer Chad Marshall when he responded to a call about a domestic concern at Tran’s apartment in the Northside neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tran was holding a Vietnamese-style vegetable peeler, known as a dao bào. Marshall said later he thought it was a knife, and he thought she was going to kill him. Seconds after confronting Tran, he shot her in the chest, and she died on her kitchen floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034770\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12034770 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong, Santa Clara County Supervisor, speaks to KQED reporter Joseph Geha for an interview at the Santa Clara County Administration Building in San José on April 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When the story first broke, we were hearing on TV that this woman attacked the officer with a butcher knife,” Duong said. It was only through testimony in a rare open grand jury proceeding that more details were revealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then, when we saw that it was the same vegetable peeler that’s in every single Asian household … it was just really heartbreaking,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The killing touched off protests, marches and a reckoning within the community about how police treat residents in American communities. It helped propel Madison Nguyen into a San José City Council seat in 2005, becoming the first Vietnamese American person elected in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tam Nguyen, a 45-year resident of San José, attorney and former council member, said before Tran’s killing, the Vietnamese American community was less engaged in local politics, and often treated as an afterthought by power brokers and the establishment in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because we were poor, we were busy earning a living, we didn’t know about politics or civic engagement. So out of ignorance, out of economic and cultural disadvantage, and also because of the system and how it was designed, to keep Asian people quiet,” Nguyen said. “That was the mentality, and how things were going during the 80s and 90s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1804px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037760 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1804\" height=\"1145\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497.jpg 1804w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-800x508.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-1536x975.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1804px) 100vw, 1804px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters marched to the civic center about a mile away from Bich Cau Thi Tran’s home. The Vietnamese community and others from around the Santa Clara Valley turned out in force for a vigil and march on City Hall on July 16, 2003, in San José to denounce the fatal police shooting of the single mother. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He recalls being on Mayor Tom McEnery’s Advisory Group on Minority Affairs, which amounted to monthly meetings where the mayor told the group things were going well, but didn’t seek their input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, Nguyen said the community began clamoring about the lack of Vietnamese American representation on the city council and in city staffing ranks, and the lack of a clear path to apply for city contracts or grants. In response, a city hall emissary was sent to tell the community they were being heard, but not to “burden yourself” by putting up a Vietnamese American candidate for office, and not to confuse “equal rights for equal representation,” Nguyen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always been that things don’t change until people speak out, get together and act with their votes,” he said. Tran’s killing “woke people up, that we need to stand up, we need to raise our voice, we need to get our act together, get our votes together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Konda, the executive director of the Asian Law Alliance, also helped form the Coalition for Justice and Accountability in the wake of Tran’s killing, calling for greater cultural sensitivity in San José’s policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konda said the shooting shifted the sole focus of many in the Vietnamese American community in San José away from the issues in their home country, which were still looming large in the collective consciousness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037773\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flags at City Hall in San José, California, on Aug. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For many of them, they weren’t really looking inward in terms of the politics of local or state government,” Konda said. “This may have been, I don’t know if you want to call it a triggering point, but something that maybe caused some people to kind of think about, ‘Hey, we need to maybe get more involved locally.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong called Tran’s death a “defining moment” for herself and her community, and she still becomes emotional when speaking about her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Tran’s killing — that was the first time that we were faced with this reality that, as a whole, as a community, it was really undeniable at that point that there is a problem, a challenge. There is a rift between police and community in this country,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong, who translated for her community in police interactions as a child, said those experiences inspired her to help develop language access policies in 2014. The county built on that, establishing a dedicated language access unit in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said it was a rare moment that she and her father saw eye to eye on law enforcement during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad has been very, very, very pro-police, very pro-law and order,” Duong said. However, as more details emerged about the killing, “he and I really agreed that significant missteps, inherent biases, camouflaged racism — these were all at play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More representation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since then, the community has grown in power and influence, and for decades now, politicians and city and county officials have courted Vietnamese American voters. They often show up to celebrations or events near the Grand Century Mall and the Vietnam Town shopping center in Little Saigon to talk with residents. Some wear traditional Vietnamese clothing known as an ao dai, or carry the flag of South Vietnam, and learn short phrases in Vietnamese to show solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having a seat at the table is a recent accomplishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only five Vietnamese Americans have been elected to the San José City Council in 50 years, and Duong is the first to become a county supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037727 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Duong family at Betty Duong’s Santa Clara County Supervisor swearing-in ceremony in January 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Do, the San José State professor, credits Duong’s election victory to her ability to appeal to the common humanity across many different constituencies, not just Vietnamese Americans, which he said represents a maturation for politicians from the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was able to build this coalition that she’s not only seen as this great, amazing, young politician, but one that really understands how to work the system to benefit all of us, not just her own Vietnamese American community, because that would not have been enough to elect her,” he said. “She really can bridge a lot of these amazing stories from different communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Looking forward, looking back\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This year marks half a century as a Vietnamese American community for so many in San José. As the culture continues to change, newer generations keep the memories and feelings of their elders close at heart, but also hold different concerns, like how to best honor the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong, like so many Vietnamese Americans, said she faces a “constant negotiation” about how to share her Vietnamese American identity with her young, third-generation daughter, and what to reinforce and what to let go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Betty-and-Community-Member-scaled-e1745619585830.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong won the election to represent Santa Clara County’s District 2, which includes San José, Alum Rock and the East Foothills. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Our ancestors, our heritage, why we eat certain foods, why we do certain things, our cultural traditions and ceremonies — that originated in a country called Vietnam,” she said, as she tells her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that my daughter will learn as much as possible, know as much as I do about her grandparents’ journey to America and how that translates to why we need to take care of each other in community,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do noted that over the decades, as groups hold annual remembrances for the Fall of Saigon, there has at times been tension between the generations, or a disconnect about what they experienced. He attributed that to a lack of education in American schools about the war, and that elders may sometimes be hesitant to share details about their trauma, guilt and memories because they want to protect youth from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So many Vietnamese refugees who ended up in San José were forced to start over professionally, facing major setbacks. Even if they were business professionals, educators or high-ranking military officers in Vietnam, in America, some had to learn new skills to become engineers or assembly line workers, others became janitors and dishwashers, while some opened restaurants and grocery stores, some of which proliferated widely, like Lee’s Sandwiches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remembrances are important, especially for older generations, “to renew their friendship, to be in community together, to eat together, to cry together, to just to be in a space where they don’t have to explain to people how and why they feel the way that they feel,” Do said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11299999\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11299999\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pulitzer Prize-winning author Viet Thanh Nguyen signs copies of his new collection of short stories, “The Refugees.” Nguyen came to the United States with his family as a refugee from Vietnam after the end of the Vietnam War in 1975. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Viet Thanh Nguyen, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author and professor who grew up in San José after fleeing Vietnam with his parents at a young age, also spoke of the difficulties Vietnamese Americans face in trying to ensure younger generations know the history of their elders and the war, while allowing them enough freedom from horrific experiences to create their own paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He drew inspiration from the conclusion of Toni Morrison’s novel about slavery, Beloved, in which she wrote, “This is not a story to pass on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a story that we should avoid, but it’s also not a story that we should pass on to another generation. These two things are contradictory, but they exist simultaneously because we haven’t escaped from history yet,” Nguyen said. “And I think that’s true for the Vietnam War. It’s something that we should remember, but it’s also something that we shouldn’t pass on. How do we do that?” he said. “That’s a balancing act that I think is part of our challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is undeniable is the growth of the Vietnamese American community in Santa Clara County in political and cultural prominence, which may have been tough to see in the beginning years after the Fall of Saigon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From my childhood to my adulthood, something shifted at some point where now we were welcomed,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s night and day. I wish I could go back and tell my younger self that this world gets better, it changes. This life becomes more integrated and surrounded with joy and you would be proud to be Vietnamese American,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Half a century removed from the Fall of Saigon, Vietnamese American culture is woven into the fabric of San José. However, the group faced a rocky path in the South Bay as it grew in influence and political power. ",
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"title": "‘Beginning of Our Identity’: How San José Became Home for Betty Duong and Vietnamese Americans | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017754/meet-betty-duong-santa-clara-countys-first-vietnamese-american-supervisor\">Betty Duong\u003c/a> said that everyone she speaks with in her Vietnamese American community has a different feeling about April 30, 1975, when American soldiers pulled out of South Vietnam and the war officially ended. But they all agree on its significance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just two years after that day, Duong’s recently married mother fled Vietnam in the middle of the night with her husband on a fishing boat packed with people. She watched helplessly as her brother, who was on board a different vessel, was captured by pirates. Their survival was uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still a very painful part of time in their lives, that I don’t know if they’ve completely gotten past or processed fully,” Duong, 44, said of her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her parents’ generation, that day marks the loss of their home country and a day of mourning. Duong’s peers see it somewhat differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I talk to my second-generation colleagues and counterparts, they say it was the beginning of our identity as a diaspora,” she said. “It’s how we end up here in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Duong stands as an example of the growth and influence of the Vietnamese American diaspora in San José. Beginning with the arrival of tens of thousands of refugees in the years after the war, the community has grown, along with its political power, spurred by a need for cultural understanding and by critical events, like the police killing of a Vietnamese American mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034774\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12034774 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-20-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Betty Duong holding her daughter, Harper, and her marriage photo with her husband, Khai, are displayed in her office at the Santa Clara County Administration Building in San José on April 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Duong grew up in the city and attended local schools before going on to UC Berkeley and Davis. After graduating, she became an attorney and then began work in the public sector for the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, she became the first Vietnamese American elected to the office of Santa Clara County Supervisor. Her success, some say, is rooted in her ability to connect with varied voting groups, developed through her own upbringing in the community and her reliance on public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong was born in San José after her parents arrived here with the help of Santa Clara County’s refugee resettlement program; her uncle, after escaping from the pirates, eventually ended up in Australia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She learned English in school, picking it up faster than her parents, and she often found herself translating for them at parent-teacher conferences, medical appointments and the DMV, an experience children of many immigrants and refugees are familiar with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037737\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037737 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"508\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/ECEFCE9F-8AED-48FC-8C07-64265BE40EB9_KQED-1-160x203.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong as a baby, being held by her father, Thông Dương, and her sister, Kathy, being held by her mother, Ngọc Từ, outside of San José State University. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This was also during the time when police officers and first responders didn’t have a language line or language access, so when 911 was called, I was also volunteered to help translate these very serious situations,” Duong said, something she feels a child should never have to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in Section 8 housing in downtown San José, Duong thought the whole world looked like the five-block radius around her, made up largely of Vietnamese and Latino families, with doors left open all day in the warmer months for lack of air conditioning. Many families were reliant on county services to help make ends meet, put food on the table and access medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong sings the praises of the county for welcoming Vietnamese refugees with open arms and offering support to her family at a critical time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, her work in public service has been shaped by her family’s experience with poorly implemented or culturally insensitive safety net programs that didn’t consider the different ways people might need assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It always kind of fell short, and it always added a sense of chaos to the world,” she said of the services she received. “It was always somebody else’s call what we were going to eat, how we were going to eat, where we were going to live, how are we going to live and what that entailed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Vietnamese American culture helps define San José and the region, and politicians have understood for many years the value of the group as a coveted voting bloc. About 122,000 residents identify as Vietnamese American, representing more than 10% of the city’s population, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Vietnamese Americans had to make major strides to overcome ignorance, racism, systemic exclusion and cultural and language access barriers along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>“We weren’t wanted”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Duong was growing up, her family experienced blunt racism and bigotry, with people directing slurs at her parents, or telling her father to learn English or go back to his country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vietnamese refugees arrived in America at a fraught time. The country was in an economic recession, and the war itself was causing division, according to Hien Duc Do, a professor of sociology and Asian American studies at San José State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037728\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037728 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1072\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2.jpeg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-800x536.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-1020x683.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2025-03-19_151258-2-1536x1029.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong as a toddler with her mom, Ngọc Từ, standing outside an apartment complex on South Fifth Street where they lived at the time, across from San José State University. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There were people who were happy with the refugees. There were people who weren’t happy with refugees,” said Do, who has written extensively about Vietnamese Americans. “ You have about 100,000 people or so coming from a war-torn country and a lot of them came literally without anything but the clothes on their backs. So for them, it was a very traumatic experience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Gerald Ford, in his attempt to avoid “ghettoism,” ordered the initial waves of refugees from Vietnam to be dispersed into different areas in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do said that broke apart networks of extended families and people who had come to know each other in refugee camps, making it harder for them to find stability. Ford’s plan didn’t last long, as groups of refugees eventually coalesced around warm weather areas such as Orange County, the Bay Area, and Texas, according to the Immigration Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are all these laws that were passed against people like us when we first came, because we weren’t wanted, in the same way that every community had gone through that,” Do said. “And sometimes people tend to forget that. Sometimes, success breeds this idea that America is this land of meritocracy, it’s this open society, when in fact it is not. It could be, but it’s not quite there yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Government cheese\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Duong recalls how she and other low-income families received so-called “government cheese” from food banks. “But for a population that’s like 90% lactose intolerant, that was just not a viable option,” Duong said of her family and other Vietnamese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s just one example of the sometimes ham-fisted approaches to public welfare that she experienced growing up. She learned that building effective safety net programs requires collective input and designing empathetically for the unique needs of people with different backgrounds and experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037745\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2184px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037745 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2184\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2.jpg 2184w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-800x563.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1020x717.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1536x1080.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-2048x1440.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Photo_2024-11-02_190608_Original-2-1920x1350.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2184px) 100vw, 2184px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong’s parents, Thông Dương and Ngọc Từ, seen in front of the old Hammer Theater in San José. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To receive health care, her mother often had to make elaborate public transit plans, seeing a primary doctor in one area of San José and then being sent to see a specialist across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wasn’t alone. Decades later, a 2012 county study showed that Vietnamese Americans still faced physical and mental health challenges, as well as intergenerational conflict and difficulty in navigating county services, according to the county.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>To help address those needs, former Santa Clara County Supervisors Dave Cortese and Cindy Chavez, for whom Duong served as chief of staff, helped spearhead the opening of the Vietnamese American Services Center in 2021 on Senter Road, close to Vietnamese American neighborhoods and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center is meant to be a one-stop shop, with culturally competent services for mental and behavioral health, a general health center, dental clinic, pharmacy, social services and nutrition programs for older adults. Duong was the project’s lead for the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why does it take this long for us to have this?” Duong said of equitable services and centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There needs to be more Vietnamese representation. There needs to be more Latino representation. There needs to be more South Asian representation. Our elected bodies don’t look like our communities yet, quite yet,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Duong and so much of the Vietnamese American community, the need for that representation became more urgent about two decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Police killing of Bich Cau Thi Tran\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the summer of 2003, Duong was attending De Anza College when she, like many others in the community, was shaken by the fatal police shooting of a Vietnamese American woman who was experiencing a mental health crisis in her San José home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bich Cau Thi Tran was a small woman weighing less than 100 pounds, and a mother of two young boys who struggled with her mental health. She was killed by San José Police Officer Chad Marshall when he responded to a call about a domestic concern at Tran’s apartment in the Northside neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tran was holding a Vietnamese-style vegetable peeler, known as a dao bào. Marshall said later he thought it was a knife, and he thought she was going to kill him. Seconds after confronting Tran, he shot her in the chest, and she died on her kitchen floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034770\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12034770 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-4-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong, Santa Clara County Supervisor, speaks to KQED reporter Joseph Geha for an interview at the Santa Clara County Administration Building in San José on April 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When the story first broke, we were hearing on TV that this woman attacked the officer with a butcher knife,” Duong said. It was only through testimony in a rare open grand jury proceeding that more details were revealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then, when we saw that it was the same vegetable peeler that’s in every single Asian household … it was just really heartbreaking,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The killing touched off protests, marches and a reckoning within the community about how police treat residents in American communities. It helped propel Madison Nguyen into a San José City Council seat in 2005, becoming the first Vietnamese American person elected in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tam Nguyen, a 45-year resident of San José, attorney and former council member, said before Tran’s killing, the Vietnamese American community was less engaged in local politics, and often treated as an afterthought by power brokers and the establishment in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because we were poor, we were busy earning a living, we didn’t know about politics or civic engagement. So out of ignorance, out of economic and cultural disadvantage, and also because of the system and how it was designed, to keep Asian people quiet,” Nguyen said. “That was the mentality, and how things were going during the 80s and 90s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1804px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037760 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1804\" height=\"1145\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497.jpg 1804w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-800x508.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-1408373497-1536x975.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1804px) 100vw, 1804px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters marched to the civic center about a mile away from Bich Cau Thi Tran’s home. The Vietnamese community and others from around the Santa Clara Valley turned out in force for a vigil and march on City Hall on July 16, 2003, in San José to denounce the fatal police shooting of the single mother. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He recalls being on Mayor Tom McEnery’s Advisory Group on Minority Affairs, which amounted to monthly meetings where the mayor told the group things were going well, but didn’t seek their input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, Nguyen said the community began clamoring about the lack of Vietnamese American representation on the city council and in city staffing ranks, and the lack of a clear path to apply for city contracts or grants. In response, a city hall emissary was sent to tell the community they were being heard, but not to “burden yourself” by putting up a Vietnamese American candidate for office, and not to confuse “equal rights for equal representation,” Nguyen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always been that things don’t change until people speak out, get together and act with their votes,” he said. Tran’s killing “woke people up, that we need to stand up, we need to raise our voice, we need to get our act together, get our votes together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Konda, the executive director of the Asian Law Alliance, also helped form the Coalition for Justice and Accountability in the wake of Tran’s killing, calling for greater cultural sensitivity in San José’s policing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konda said the shooting shifted the sole focus of many in the Vietnamese American community in San José away from the issues in their home country, which were still looming large in the collective consciousness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037773\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20230801-SJCityHall-04-JY_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flags at City Hall in San José, California, on Aug. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For many of them, they weren’t really looking inward in terms of the politics of local or state government,” Konda said. “This may have been, I don’t know if you want to call it a triggering point, but something that maybe caused some people to kind of think about, ‘Hey, we need to maybe get more involved locally.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong called Tran’s death a “defining moment” for herself and her community, and she still becomes emotional when speaking about her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Tran’s killing — that was the first time that we were faced with this reality that, as a whole, as a community, it was really undeniable at that point that there is a problem, a challenge. There is a rift between police and community in this country,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong, who translated for her community in police interactions as a child, said those experiences inspired her to help develop language access policies in 2014. The county built on that, establishing a dedicated language access unit in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said it was a rare moment that she and her father saw eye to eye on law enforcement during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad has been very, very, very pro-police, very pro-law and order,” Duong said. However, as more details emerged about the killing, “he and I really agreed that significant missteps, inherent biases, camouflaged racism — these were all at play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More representation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since then, the community has grown in power and influence, and for decades now, politicians and city and county officials have courted Vietnamese American voters. They often show up to celebrations or events near the Grand Century Mall and the Vietnam Town shopping center in Little Saigon to talk with residents. Some wear traditional Vietnamese clothing known as an ao dai, or carry the flag of South Vietnam, and learn short phrases in Vietnamese to show solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having a seat at the table is a recent accomplishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only five Vietnamese Americans have been elected to the San José City Council in 50 years, and Duong is the first to become a county supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037727 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/IMG_9346-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Duong family at Betty Duong’s Santa Clara County Supervisor swearing-in ceremony in January 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Do, the San José State professor, credits Duong’s election victory to her ability to appeal to the common humanity across many different constituencies, not just Vietnamese Americans, which he said represents a maturation for politicians from the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was able to build this coalition that she’s not only seen as this great, amazing, young politician, but one that really understands how to work the system to benefit all of us, not just her own Vietnamese American community, because that would not have been enough to elect her,” he said. “She really can bridge a lot of these amazing stories from different communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Looking forward, looking back\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This year marks half a century as a Vietnamese American community for so many in San José. As the culture continues to change, newer generations keep the memories and feelings of their elders close at heart, but also hold different concerns, like how to best honor the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duong, like so many Vietnamese Americans, said she faces a “constant negotiation” about how to share her Vietnamese American identity with her young, third-generation daughter, and what to reinforce and what to let go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/Betty-and-Community-Member-scaled-e1745619585830.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Duong won the election to represent Santa Clara County’s District 2, which includes San José, Alum Rock and the East Foothills. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of Betty Duong)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Our ancestors, our heritage, why we eat certain foods, why we do certain things, our cultural traditions and ceremonies — that originated in a country called Vietnam,” she said, as she tells her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that my daughter will learn as much as possible, know as much as I do about her grandparents’ journey to America and how that translates to why we need to take care of each other in community,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do noted that over the decades, as groups hold annual remembrances for the Fall of Saigon, there has at times been tension between the generations, or a disconnect about what they experienced. He attributed that to a lack of education in American schools about the war, and that elders may sometimes be hesitant to share details about their trauma, guilt and memories because they want to protect youth from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So many Vietnamese refugees who ended up in San José were forced to start over professionally, facing major setbacks. Even if they were business professionals, educators or high-ranking military officers in Vietnam, in America, some had to learn new skills to become engineers or assembly line workers, others became janitors and dishwashers, while some opened restaurants and grocery stores, some of which proliferated widely, like Lee’s Sandwiches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remembrances are important, especially for older generations, “to renew their friendship, to be in community together, to eat together, to cry together, to just to be in a space where they don’t have to explain to people how and why they feel the way that they feel,” Do said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11299999\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11299999\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Viet-Thanh-Nguyen-1-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pulitzer Prize-winning author Viet Thanh Nguyen signs copies of his new collection of short stories, “The Refugees.” Nguyen came to the United States with his family as a refugee from Vietnam after the end of the Vietnam War in 1975. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Viet Thanh Nguyen, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author and professor who grew up in San José after fleeing Vietnam with his parents at a young age, also spoke of the difficulties Vietnamese Americans face in trying to ensure younger generations know the history of their elders and the war, while allowing them enough freedom from horrific experiences to create their own paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He drew inspiration from the conclusion of Toni Morrison’s novel about slavery, Beloved, in which she wrote, “This is not a story to pass on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a story that we should avoid, but it’s also not a story that we should pass on to another generation. These two things are contradictory, but they exist simultaneously because we haven’t escaped from history yet,” Nguyen said. “And I think that’s true for the Vietnam War. It’s something that we should remember, but it’s also something that we shouldn’t pass on. How do we do that?” he said. “That’s a balancing act that I think is part of our challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is undeniable is the growth of the Vietnamese American community in Santa Clara County in political and cultural prominence, which may have been tough to see in the beginning years after the Fall of Saigon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From my childhood to my adulthood, something shifted at some point where now we were welcomed,” Duong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s night and day. I wish I could go back and tell my younger self that this world gets better, it changes. This life becomes more integrated and surrounded with joy and you would be proud to be Vietnamese American,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco State University has completed a new campus project featuring affordable housing for more than 700 students. It’s the first to be completed through a state grant program aimed at tackling the housing crunch for California college students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://cpdc.sfsu.edu/wcg\">West Grove Commons, located on the west side of campus,\u003c/a> also includes a health center and dining hall. California’s Higher Education Student Housing Grant program funded about 65% of the $170 million project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We couldn’t have done it otherwise,” said Lynn Mahoney, president of the university. “The state has not traditionally funded student housing, so this is a really historic first step to what California needs to do to make sure that its public higher education remains affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, almost 4,000 people in the California State University system were on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/CSU%20Student%20Housing%20Data%20Collection%20%E2%80%93%20Annual%20Report%20-%202024.pdf\">waiting list for student housing\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://transformschools.ucla.edu/research/state-of-crisis/\">2020 UCLA report\u003c/a> found that 1 out of 10 CSU students experience homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, lawmakers introduced a bill that established grants to fund affordable housing for students. Apart from the 750 beds at San Francisco State, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/Higher%20Education%20Student%20Housing%20Grant%20Program%20-%202024.pdf\">almost 3,000\u003c/a> more are being added to the California State University system, according to a 2024 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037810\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State University President Lynn Mahoney speaks during a dedication ceremony for the West Grove Commons on April 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the state’s community colleges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cccco.edu/-/media/CCCCO-Website/docs/general/cccco-college-map-round-1-and-2.pdf\">almost 5,000 beds\u003c/a> for low-income students are set to become available in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the West Grove Commons, students have access to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfsu.edu/reduced-rate-student-housing-program\">reduced-rate housing\u003c/a>, meaning they can pay 25% less than the traditional rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rylissa Aquino Javier, a senior at the university, served as a resident assistant in the new dorm this year. When she started at San Francisco State four years ago, she commuted almost two hours from Fairfield twice a week because she couldn’t afford to live on campus.[aside postID=news_11997949 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-serramontedelrey-1-RETAIL-CROPPED-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“Even on campus, the housing is just really expensive and we do have to take out a good amount of loans to be able to afford to live here,” she said. “It’s kind of rare to find a good housing situation for an affordable price as a college student here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her year living at the West Grove commons, she found it welcoming and filled with spaces for students to gather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a big living room downstairs with a communal kitchen and I’ve seen a lot of residents cooking with each other, cooking for each other,” she said. “There’s a lot of opportunities for them to study, relax and just hang out with one another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynne Riesselman, principal architect with EHDD Architecture, which designed the new buildings, said she wanted students to have easy access to the health center, a need that became clear after the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037812\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037812\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An exterior view of the West Grove Commons. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037836\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The on-campus residence hall provides shared spaces for more than 700 students. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s sort of a raised awareness around the importance of mental and physical health,” she said. “And so combining those pieces into a prominent building where students are used to coming on a day-to-day basis where they’re really familiar with it, I think really elevates those services and increases student comfort with using them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project was completed just 25 months after the state provided the grant, far less than the\u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA3743-1.html\"> four years\u003c/a> that housing projects often take to be permitted and completed in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the state allocated that funding, they didn’t want it to take 10 years — you had to have a shovel-ready project and commit to getting it done,” she said. “The state funding was there, our team in capital planning was ready. They literally had a project ready, if ever we could get the funding. And the architects and the construction company — everybody rode in the same direction as fast as they could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco State University has completed a new campus project featuring affordable housing for more than 700 students. It’s the first to be completed through a state grant program aimed at tackling the housing crunch for California college students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://cpdc.sfsu.edu/wcg\">West Grove Commons, located on the west side of campus,\u003c/a> also includes a health center and dining hall. California’s Higher Education Student Housing Grant program funded about 65% of the $170 million project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We couldn’t have done it otherwise,” said Lynn Mahoney, president of the university. “The state has not traditionally funded student housing, so this is a really historic first step to what California needs to do to make sure that its public higher education remains affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, almost 4,000 people in the California State University system were on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/CSU%20Student%20Housing%20Data%20Collection%20%E2%80%93%20Annual%20Report%20-%202024.pdf\">waiting list for student housing\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://transformschools.ucla.edu/research/state-of-crisis/\">2020 UCLA report\u003c/a> found that 1 out of 10 CSU students experience homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, lawmakers introduced a bill that established grants to fund affordable housing for students. Apart from the 750 beds at San Francisco State, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/Higher%20Education%20Student%20Housing%20Grant%20Program%20-%202024.pdf\">almost 3,000\u003c/a> more are being added to the California State University system, according to a 2024 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037810\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State University President Lynn Mahoney speaks during a dedication ceremony for the West Grove Commons on April 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the state’s community colleges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cccco.edu/-/media/CCCCO-Website/docs/general/cccco-college-map-round-1-and-2.pdf\">almost 5,000 beds\u003c/a> for low-income students are set to become available in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the West Grove Commons, students have access to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfsu.edu/reduced-rate-student-housing-program\">reduced-rate housing\u003c/a>, meaning they can pay 25% less than the traditional rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rylissa Aquino Javier, a senior at the university, served as a resident assistant in the new dorm this year. When she started at San Francisco State four years ago, she commuted almost two hours from Fairfield twice a week because she couldn’t afford to live on campus.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Even on campus, the housing is just really expensive and we do have to take out a good amount of loans to be able to afford to live here,” she said. “It’s kind of rare to find a good housing situation for an affordable price as a college student here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her year living at the West Grove commons, she found it welcoming and filled with spaces for students to gather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a big living room downstairs with a communal kitchen and I’ve seen a lot of residents cooking with each other, cooking for each other,” she said. “There’s a lot of opportunities for them to study, relax and just hang out with one another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynne Riesselman, principal architect with EHDD Architecture, which designed the new buildings, said she wanted students to have easy access to the health center, a need that became clear after the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037812\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037812\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An exterior view of the West Grove Commons. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037836\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The on-campus residence hall provides shared spaces for more than 700 students. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s sort of a raised awareness around the importance of mental and physical health,” she said. “And so combining those pieces into a prominent building where students are used to coming on a day-to-day basis where they’re really familiar with it, I think really elevates those services and increases student comfort with using them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project was completed just 25 months after the state provided the grant, far less than the\u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA3743-1.html\"> four years\u003c/a> that housing projects often take to be permitted and completed in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the state allocated that funding, they didn’t want it to take 10 years — you had to have a shovel-ready project and commit to getting it done,” she said. “The state funding was there, our team in capital planning was ready. They literally had a project ready, if ever we could get the funding. And the architects and the construction company — everybody rode in the same direction as fast as they could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "How Trump Tariffs Could Upend California Farms, Wine Businesses and Ports",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s on-again, off-again tariffs are putting many California businesses, jobs and the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/trump-tariffs-california-budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> at risk. They’re affecting not only long-term relationships with trading partners, but an intricate web of ecosystems and supply chains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California business owners and groups grappling with the tariffs — wine shop owners, winery founders, farmers — say the precise effects on their industries are unclear so far. They hope there will be an upside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for those who have a broad view of trade, things look grim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Port of Los Angeles and the Port of Long Beach, the busiest ports in North America, both saw first-quarter increases in imports, but declines in exports, year over year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gene Seroka, executive director for the Port of Los Angeles, attributed the higher volume of cargo being moved to “front-loading as a hedge against tariffs” during a recent media briefing. But he said his port saw year-over-year declines in exports for the fourth month in a row, “raising concerns for our (agriculture) and manufacturing partners as counter-tariffs on exports begin to take effect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seroka — who said companies have been telling him they are holding back on hiring and capital investments — predicted a slowdown in cargo movement beginning in May, and expects a 10% drop in volume from July until next year. His predictions are already beginning to show up in the port’s import volume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that may be due to a decline in Chinese imports. On April 9, Trump raised his tariff on China to 145%, although he later exempted certain electronics, such as laptops and smartphones. China responded on April 12 with 125% tariffs on U.S. products. Chinese goods represent 40% of the imports that pass through the Port of Los Angeles, Seroka said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decline in volume will affect port jobs, though he doesn’t anticipate mass layoffs, he said. More than 1.5 million jobs are tied to the two Southern California ports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effects of decreased trade will vary for different businesses in the state — even within the same industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The California wine industry\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A wine merchant in Walnut Creek who sells mostly European wines — on which the president \u003ca href=\"https://edition.cnn.com/2025/03/13/business/alcohol-tariffs-eu-trump-trade-war/index.html\">has threatened 200% tariffs\u003c/a> — said he’s going to have to make adjustments, like carrying more California wines, or consider closing up shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d have to think about whether it’s worthwhile staying in business,” said Igor Ivanov, owner of wine shop Vinous Reverie. He added that the tariff issues are just the latest of the wine industry’s woes, which include the fact that people just \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/data-graphics/data-shows-wine-decline-consumers-spending-less-drinking-less-rcna187628\">aren’t drinking as much alcohol\u003c/a> as they used to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, increased tariffs on European wine could help boost California wine.[aside postID=news_12036199 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250306-PORT-OF-OAKLAND-MD-01_qed-1020x680.jpg']Natalie Collins, president of the California Association of Winegrape Growers, said tariffs on competing wines could help local wine growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce Lundquist, co-founder of Rack & Riddle, which he said is the largest custom producer of sparkling wine in the nation, agreed with Collins: “I wish Americans would look at wines grown in their backyard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lundquist said so far Healdsburg-based Rack & Riddle is OK — the company is stocked up on supplies that he orders from different places, both in and out of the country. But he can’t say what his winery and retail clients might be going through. Lundquist worries about tariff uncertainty dragging on, say through next year. “There would have to be a reckoning if this thing were to go on,” he said. “It’s already hard enough to run a winery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s at stake as the U.S. wine industry grapples with tariffs: $86 billion in annual sales, U.S. Census Bureau data said. California exported $1.3 billion worth of wine in 2022, per the California Department of Food and Agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the wine produced in this country stays here, tariffs mean winemakers face higher costs on everything from bottles — glass mostly imported from China — to labels and corks, to metal posts and wooden stakes for the vines. As for U.S. wine exports, 95% of those come from California, says Gino DiCaro, spokesperson for the Wine Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And 35% of exports go to Canada, which now has a serious don’t-buy-American, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/california-tourism-canada/\">don’t-go-to-America campaign\u003c/a> in effect because of the president’s threats about tariffs and annexing Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(Canadians) are voting with their feet, and there’s a real sense of betrayal and a sense of shock,” said Rana Sarkar, consul general of Canada in San Francisco. “Economic crisis within Canada will no doubt ensue from this, but it will also be deeply painful in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California recently became the first state to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/04/california-trump-tariffs-lawsuit/\">sue the Trump administration over tariffs\u003c/a>. Gov. Gavin Newsom said the tariffs’ trade and geopolitical effects are “outsized,” while Attorney General Rob Bonta said the president bypassed the power of Congress to tax and regulate commerce by declaring a national emergency. California’s lawsuit seeks to pause the tariffs immediately.[aside postID=forum_2010101909512 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/04/GettyImages-2208657779-1-1020x574.jpg']But in some cases, the damage is already done. The office of U.S. Rep. Mike Thompson, a Democrat whose district includes Napa’s Wine Country, shared anonymized anecdotes from winery owners and managers, who the congressman’s staff said are afraid to go on the record. Thompson’s constituents say their Canadian business partners have canceled hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of orders, and that potential sales to Mexico or the European Union are on hold. One medium-size winery in St. Helena told Thompson’s staff that since the tariffs Trump imposed during his first term, it has lost 90% of its business with China and is no longer seeking to sell there: “China has turned to other wine regions across the globe and we believe rebuilding this market will take over 20 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, “the uncertainty itself has had damage, even though we (may not) get the tariffs,” said Daniel Sumner, economics professor and director of the University of California Agricultural Issues Center at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California and other producers of agricultural products want to be able to tell customers they’re reliable suppliers, Sumner said. “But you can’t do that if prices can go up. That’s a real problem,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sumner added: “A major concern for any industry is the increased likelihood of a global recession and slower growth in general.” Investment banks and economists \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5354927/recession-trump-tariffs\">have said a recession is likely\u003c/a>. Citing Trump’s tariffs, the International Monetary Fund has \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/business/2025/apr/22/imf-major-negative-shock-trump-tariffs-uk\">slashed its forecast\u003c/a> for U.S. and global economic growth this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Farming: Almonds, dairy and other crops\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan Talley is vice president of Talley Farms in Arroyo Grande, in San Luis Obispo County, which was started in the 1940s by his grandfather. Now his children are the fourth generation of his family to work for the farm, which grows a few dozen crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talley said his medium-size farm is still able to sell spinach to Canada, but he’s concerned about being able to sell bell peppers to the country, because harvest season for those won’t come until August through November. He hopes the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement will protect those sales — but Trump has threatened tariffs on Canada and Mexico a few times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talley Farms’ other crops — including cabbage, kale, lettuce and corn — are distributed domestically but are highly perishable. Talley said that means it’s tough to adjust operations to any tariffs because of changes to fuel, fertilizing or other supply costs.[aside postID=news_12034730 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/iPhone16Getty-1020x680.jpg']“We don’t have months to wait something out,” he said. “We have to continue our operations at the intensity that we currently farm.” He added that “we’re going to have to take those rising prices and deal with it the best we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, Talley worries that one possible effect of tariffs is a glut of domestically grown crops. “If the majority of U.S. farms weren’t able to export their product, everything would stay here, which would completely flood the market and send prices down,” he said. “It would be great for consumers (in terms of prices) but in the end it would hurt the American farmer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Talley’s biggest concern is his farm’s workers, who could be affected by Trump’s stated intent of mass deportations: “I can withstand an increase in fuel prices and fertilizer prices and regulatory burden to an extent. But if you take away my labor overnight, it would be hard for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s almost impossible to find a part of California agriculture unaffected by Trump’s tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawna Morris, executive vice president of trade policy at the National Milk Producers Federation, said she is concerned about California’s dairy exports to Mexico, including cheese. The other really big market for California dairy products is China, which has already “pulled the trigger” on retaliatory tariffs, Morris said. California’s dairy exports totaled $3.2 billion in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s biggest export, almonds, had $4.7 billion in foreign sales in 2022. Their longer shelf life is a plus, said almond farmer Jenny Holtermann, in Kern County. “We harvest once a year, then (our processor partners) sell throughout the year,” she said. “The tariffs won’t affect us instantly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holtermann has experience from the tariffs the president imposed during his first term. She would not share specific numbers for her own farm — which has also been in her family for four generations — but acknowledged those tariffs hurt the almond industry, which is “just now starting to rebound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almond growers saw their prices drop from $2.50 a pound to $1.40 a pound after Trump’s tariffs in 2018, according to \u003ca href=\"https://giannini.ucop.edu/publications/are-update/issues/2020/23/3/impact-of-the-us-china-trade-war-on-california-agr/\">research\u003c/a> from the University of California Giannini Foundation of Agricultural Economics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holtermann said farmers’ costs have only gone up, so her farm has adjusted by using less fertilizer, buying fewer tractors or letting trucks run a little longer before replacing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said she thinks the president’s tariffs are part of “a long-game approach … to get our country back to the economic powerhouse we’re supposed to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, Holtermann is counting on a couple of things. One is California almonds’ dominance: The state produces 80% of the world’s almonds, says the Almond Alliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing she’s hoping for is another possible federal bailout, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.yahoo.com/news/bailout-farmers-caught-trump-trade-171113348.html\">reportedly\u003c/a> has been discussed by the Trump administration. During the Trump 1.0 trade war, the federal government provided farmers with “market facilitation funds” of $23 billion to try to offset the business they lost as a result of China’s retaliatory tariffs on the United States, the Government Accountability Office said in a 2021 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Agriculture has not responded to CalMatters’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those funds helped her farm last time, Holtermann said, so she’s hoping for more of the same. “I do know he supports agriculture,” she said of the president. “He’s had a lot of meetings with agriculture organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she expects to take a short-term hit from tariffs this time around, including losing business from certain countries. “I’m not naive,” Holtermann said. “I’m sure we will miss a portion of that market share.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shannon Douglass, president of the California Farm Bureau, is concerned about getting global buyers to return once they switch to other sources. “We know the last round, almonds and pistachios saw a 20% drop in exports,” she said. “Once they have moved it can take a long time to get those markets back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/tariffs-california-agriculture-wine/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s on-again, off-again tariffs are putting many California businesses, jobs and the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/trump-tariffs-california-budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> at risk. They’re affecting not only long-term relationships with trading partners, but an intricate web of ecosystems and supply chains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California business owners and groups grappling with the tariffs — wine shop owners, winery founders, farmers — say the precise effects on their industries are unclear so far. They hope there will be an upside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for those who have a broad view of trade, things look grim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Port of Los Angeles and the Port of Long Beach, the busiest ports in North America, both saw first-quarter increases in imports, but declines in exports, year over year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gene Seroka, executive director for the Port of Los Angeles, attributed the higher volume of cargo being moved to “front-loading as a hedge against tariffs” during a recent media briefing. But he said his port saw year-over-year declines in exports for the fourth month in a row, “raising concerns for our (agriculture) and manufacturing partners as counter-tariffs on exports begin to take effect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seroka — who said companies have been telling him they are holding back on hiring and capital investments — predicted a slowdown in cargo movement beginning in May, and expects a 10% drop in volume from July until next year. His predictions are already beginning to show up in the port’s import volume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that may be due to a decline in Chinese imports. On April 9, Trump raised his tariff on China to 145%, although he later exempted certain electronics, such as laptops and smartphones. China responded on April 12 with 125% tariffs on U.S. products. Chinese goods represent 40% of the imports that pass through the Port of Los Angeles, Seroka said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decline in volume will affect port jobs, though he doesn’t anticipate mass layoffs, he said. More than 1.5 million jobs are tied to the two Southern California ports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effects of decreased trade will vary for different businesses in the state — even within the same industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The California wine industry\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A wine merchant in Walnut Creek who sells mostly European wines — on which the president \u003ca href=\"https://edition.cnn.com/2025/03/13/business/alcohol-tariffs-eu-trump-trade-war/index.html\">has threatened 200% tariffs\u003c/a> — said he’s going to have to make adjustments, like carrying more California wines, or consider closing up shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d have to think about whether it’s worthwhile staying in business,” said Igor Ivanov, owner of wine shop Vinous Reverie. He added that the tariff issues are just the latest of the wine industry’s woes, which include the fact that people just \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/data-graphics/data-shows-wine-decline-consumers-spending-less-drinking-less-rcna187628\">aren’t drinking as much alcohol\u003c/a> as they used to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, increased tariffs on European wine could help boost California wine.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Natalie Collins, president of the California Association of Winegrape Growers, said tariffs on competing wines could help local wine growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce Lundquist, co-founder of Rack & Riddle, which he said is the largest custom producer of sparkling wine in the nation, agreed with Collins: “I wish Americans would look at wines grown in their backyard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lundquist said so far Healdsburg-based Rack & Riddle is OK — the company is stocked up on supplies that he orders from different places, both in and out of the country. But he can’t say what his winery and retail clients might be going through. Lundquist worries about tariff uncertainty dragging on, say through next year. “There would have to be a reckoning if this thing were to go on,” he said. “It’s already hard enough to run a winery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s at stake as the U.S. wine industry grapples with tariffs: $86 billion in annual sales, U.S. Census Bureau data said. California exported $1.3 billion worth of wine in 2022, per the California Department of Food and Agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the wine produced in this country stays here, tariffs mean winemakers face higher costs on everything from bottles — glass mostly imported from China — to labels and corks, to metal posts and wooden stakes for the vines. As for U.S. wine exports, 95% of those come from California, says Gino DiCaro, spokesperson for the Wine Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And 35% of exports go to Canada, which now has a serious don’t-buy-American, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/california-tourism-canada/\">don’t-go-to-America campaign\u003c/a> in effect because of the president’s threats about tariffs and annexing Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(Canadians) are voting with their feet, and there’s a real sense of betrayal and a sense of shock,” said Rana Sarkar, consul general of Canada in San Francisco. “Economic crisis within Canada will no doubt ensue from this, but it will also be deeply painful in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California recently became the first state to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/04/california-trump-tariffs-lawsuit/\">sue the Trump administration over tariffs\u003c/a>. Gov. Gavin Newsom said the tariffs’ trade and geopolitical effects are “outsized,” while Attorney General Rob Bonta said the president bypassed the power of Congress to tax and regulate commerce by declaring a national emergency. California’s lawsuit seeks to pause the tariffs immediately.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But in some cases, the damage is already done. The office of U.S. Rep. Mike Thompson, a Democrat whose district includes Napa’s Wine Country, shared anonymized anecdotes from winery owners and managers, who the congressman’s staff said are afraid to go on the record. Thompson’s constituents say their Canadian business partners have canceled hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of orders, and that potential sales to Mexico or the European Union are on hold. One medium-size winery in St. Helena told Thompson’s staff that since the tariffs Trump imposed during his first term, it has lost 90% of its business with China and is no longer seeking to sell there: “China has turned to other wine regions across the globe and we believe rebuilding this market will take over 20 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, “the uncertainty itself has had damage, even though we (may not) get the tariffs,” said Daniel Sumner, economics professor and director of the University of California Agricultural Issues Center at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California and other producers of agricultural products want to be able to tell customers they’re reliable suppliers, Sumner said. “But you can’t do that if prices can go up. That’s a real problem,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sumner added: “A major concern for any industry is the increased likelihood of a global recession and slower growth in general.” Investment banks and economists \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5354927/recession-trump-tariffs\">have said a recession is likely\u003c/a>. Citing Trump’s tariffs, the International Monetary Fund has \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/business/2025/apr/22/imf-major-negative-shock-trump-tariffs-uk\">slashed its forecast\u003c/a> for U.S. and global economic growth this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Farming: Almonds, dairy and other crops\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan Talley is vice president of Talley Farms in Arroyo Grande, in San Luis Obispo County, which was started in the 1940s by his grandfather. Now his children are the fourth generation of his family to work for the farm, which grows a few dozen crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talley said his medium-size farm is still able to sell spinach to Canada, but he’s concerned about being able to sell bell peppers to the country, because harvest season for those won’t come until August through November. He hopes the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement will protect those sales — but Trump has threatened tariffs on Canada and Mexico a few times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talley Farms’ other crops — including cabbage, kale, lettuce and corn — are distributed domestically but are highly perishable. Talley said that means it’s tough to adjust operations to any tariffs because of changes to fuel, fertilizing or other supply costs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We don’t have months to wait something out,” he said. “We have to continue our operations at the intensity that we currently farm.” He added that “we’re going to have to take those rising prices and deal with it the best we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, Talley worries that one possible effect of tariffs is a glut of domestically grown crops. “If the majority of U.S. farms weren’t able to export their product, everything would stay here, which would completely flood the market and send prices down,” he said. “It would be great for consumers (in terms of prices) but in the end it would hurt the American farmer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Talley’s biggest concern is his farm’s workers, who could be affected by Trump’s stated intent of mass deportations: “I can withstand an increase in fuel prices and fertilizer prices and regulatory burden to an extent. But if you take away my labor overnight, it would be hard for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s almost impossible to find a part of California agriculture unaffected by Trump’s tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawna Morris, executive vice president of trade policy at the National Milk Producers Federation, said she is concerned about California’s dairy exports to Mexico, including cheese. The other really big market for California dairy products is China, which has already “pulled the trigger” on retaliatory tariffs, Morris said. California’s dairy exports totaled $3.2 billion in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s biggest export, almonds, had $4.7 billion in foreign sales in 2022. Their longer shelf life is a plus, said almond farmer Jenny Holtermann, in Kern County. “We harvest once a year, then (our processor partners) sell throughout the year,” she said. “The tariffs won’t affect us instantly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holtermann has experience from the tariffs the president imposed during his first term. She would not share specific numbers for her own farm — which has also been in her family for four generations — but acknowledged those tariffs hurt the almond industry, which is “just now starting to rebound.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almond growers saw their prices drop from $2.50 a pound to $1.40 a pound after Trump’s tariffs in 2018, according to \u003ca href=\"https://giannini.ucop.edu/publications/are-update/issues/2020/23/3/impact-of-the-us-china-trade-war-on-california-agr/\">research\u003c/a> from the University of California Giannini Foundation of Agricultural Economics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holtermann said farmers’ costs have only gone up, so her farm has adjusted by using less fertilizer, buying fewer tractors or letting trucks run a little longer before replacing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said she thinks the president’s tariffs are part of “a long-game approach … to get our country back to the economic powerhouse we’re supposed to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, Holtermann is counting on a couple of things. One is California almonds’ dominance: The state produces 80% of the world’s almonds, says the Almond Alliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing she’s hoping for is another possible federal bailout, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.yahoo.com/news/bailout-farmers-caught-trump-trade-171113348.html\">reportedly\u003c/a> has been discussed by the Trump administration. During the Trump 1.0 trade war, the federal government provided farmers with “market facilitation funds” of $23 billion to try to offset the business they lost as a result of China’s retaliatory tariffs on the United States, the Government Accountability Office said in a 2021 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Agriculture has not responded to CalMatters’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those funds helped her farm last time, Holtermann said, so she’s hoping for more of the same. “I do know he supports agriculture,” she said of the president. “He’s had a lot of meetings with agriculture organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, she expects to take a short-term hit from tariffs this time around, including losing business from certain countries. “I’m not naive,” Holtermann said. “I’m sure we will miss a portion of that market share.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shannon Douglass, president of the California Farm Bureau, is concerned about getting global buyers to return once they switch to other sources. “We know the last round, almonds and pistachios saw a 20% drop in exports,” she said. “Once they have moved it can take a long time to get those markets back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/tariffs-california-agriculture-wine/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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