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"content": "\u003cp>It’s tough for California voters to say no to more money for school construction. They almost always approve state bond requests, and this month they passed a $9 billion package that backers promised would help pay for repairs and upgrades needed to preserve students’ access to safe, modern classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike previous bonds, however, Proposition 51 was placed on the ballot not by elected lawmakers, but by developers looking out for their own interests. Its approval locks in an outdated system that was designed for a time when the student population was growing, and its application process may limit poor districts’ chances of claiming their fair share of the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of prioritizing projects for needy communities, the state will dole out these bond proceeds the way it always has: on a first-come, first-served basis. Scores of well-off districts are already in line, and small impoverished ones have no one in their corner helping them navigate the complicated application process. That means some worthy repair projects may never see a dime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Children all across the state are sitting in subpar buildings with leaky roofs and classrooms that can’t support their curriculum,” said Jeff Vincent, who directs UC Berkeley’s Center for Cities and Schools. “Some of those problems may not get fixed any time soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s widely agreed that California needs more money for school facilities, and that the bond will help pay for projects that have languished. But the problem starts with how the funding is divided among projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One-third of the $9 billion bond’s proceeds will support new construction, another third will finance modernization projects and the rest of it will go to career technical education, charter school and community college buildings. That mix may sound reasonable. But when the state created the School Facility Program in 1998, California’s population was booming and new school construction was needed to keep pace. By contrast, public school enrollment over the next decade is projected to dip slightly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be some new construction needs. Some counties are growing,” said Vincent. “But to suggest that we should spend as much on new construction as we spend on modernization is out of skew with our needs on the ground. Demand for upgrades is far greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next problem is how the money is awarded. Districts applying to the state must provide matching funds, giving wealthier communities an advantage because they can tap a deeper well of local taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Hanford Elementary School District, which serves a small farming town in the Central Valley, the wish list includes replacing old electrical wiring in schools that are more than half a century old, improving students’ access to computers and getting some new fire alarms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anticipating voter approval of Proposition 51, Hanford was one of nearly 200 districts across the state that used the November ballot to also seek voter approval of local school bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s $24 million bond passed, but Hanford will never qualify for as much state support as the Campbell Union School District, located in the heart of Silicon Valley. Voters there approved a $72 million bond, which could mean three times as much state matching money as Hanford — even though the districts serve about the same number of students in roughly the same number of buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This disparity isn’t fair to students from Hanford and other needy parts of the state, said Shin Green, an Oakland-based consultant whose firm specializes in school infrastructure financing. “We don’t know where the next doctor or physicist or inventor will come from,” Green said. “Substantial differences in the quality of our facilities mean substantial differences in our kids’ opportunities to learn. And that strikes me as wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poor districts incapable of raising money locally through bonds or developer fees — which communities charge to help pay for new school construction — may ask the state to cover a project’s full cost. But few are familiar enough with the application process to make it work in their favor, Green said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Districts trying to get the septic system fixed or get that bus alternator replaced may not even know who in Sacramento to call for help,” Green said. “I’ve run across districts that assume they can’t get any money and don’t bother applying.”[subscription_form]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Proposition 51 drew support from a large, diverse coalition of interest groups and politicians, including the California Chamber of Commerce, the State Building and Construction Trades Council, and both the state Democratic and Republican parties. Proponents were eager to replenish California’s fund for school construction, which ran dry four years ago after churning through $40 billion in bond money over the last two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breaking with recent tradition, this year’s measure was sponsored by two groups that stand to benefit from an incoming wave of school and home building: the Coalition for Adequate School Housing, which promotes new school construction, and the California Building Industry Association, a trade group for developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from both organizations declined a CALmattters request for interviews about their motivations and the need for the bond. Had it failed, districts likely would have raised fees on developers to pay for school projects — either cutting into developers’ bottom lines or prompting them to raise home prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 51’s loudest critic was Gov. Jerry Brown, who called it “a blunderbuss” and said in an interview with the Los Angeles Times that the Legislature could have done a better job than “the developers who put that one together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early this year, Brown collaborated with legislative leaders on a much smaller $5 billion bond that would also have changed the way the state distributes the money, prioritizing projects that reduce overcrowding and protect students’ health and safety. But the developers who sponsored the measure refused to change anything about the existing program or even discuss how to improve it, state Department of Finance Director Michael Cohen noted in an October op-ed urging a no vote. “They insisted on the status quo,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Chris Funk, who leads San Jose’s East Side Union High School District, says he’s glad the measure passed because school systems such as his can’t wait any longer to get financing for repairs on old pipes, leaky roofs and broken air-conditioning systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funk also rejected the governor’s criticism of the measure’s price tag, which the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office pegs at $17.6 billion to pay off both the bond’s principal and interest over the next 35 years — via payments of about $500 million annually. “Until the governor starts fully funding education and providing the right money for facilities, I would much rather perpetuate the current system,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tucked into Proposition 51 is a key provision that voters likely glossed over: It prohibits the state from modifying the way it allocates school construction funding without another vote of the people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outgoing state Senate Education Committee Chairwoman Carol Liu, D-Glendale, said she opposed the bond, too, and wishes the Legislature could have done more to fix the problem. “We have lost an opportunity to reform a fragmented system of bond administration and disbursement that does not ensure that school districts and communities with the greatest need for new facilities receive funds,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit news venture devoted to coverage of state policy and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Voter-approved Proposition 51 was placed on the ballot not by elected lawmakers, but by developers looking out for their own interests. It now locks in an outdated system.",
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"title": "School Building Bonanza—But New Dollars Might Not Reach Poor Districts | KQED",
"description": "Voter-approved Proposition 51 was placed on the ballot not by elected lawmakers, but by developers looking out for their own interests. It now locks in an outdated system.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>Jessica Calefati, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/school-building-bonanzabut-new-dollars-might-not-reach-poor-districts/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s tough for California voters to say no to more money for school construction. They almost always approve state bond requests, and this month they passed a $9 billion package that backers promised would help pay for repairs and upgrades needed to preserve students’ access to safe, modern classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike previous bonds, however, Proposition 51 was placed on the ballot not by elected lawmakers, but by developers looking out for their own interests. Its approval locks in an outdated system that was designed for a time when the student population was growing, and its application process may limit poor districts’ chances of claiming their fair share of the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of prioritizing projects for needy communities, the state will dole out these bond proceeds the way it always has: on a first-come, first-served basis. Scores of well-off districts are already in line, and small impoverished ones have no one in their corner helping them navigate the complicated application process. That means some worthy repair projects may never see a dime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Children all across the state are sitting in subpar buildings with leaky roofs and classrooms that can’t support their curriculum,” said Jeff Vincent, who directs UC Berkeley’s Center for Cities and Schools. “Some of those problems may not get fixed any time soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s widely agreed that California needs more money for school facilities, and that the bond will help pay for projects that have languished. But the problem starts with how the funding is divided among projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One-third of the $9 billion bond’s proceeds will support new construction, another third will finance modernization projects and the rest of it will go to career technical education, charter school and community college buildings. That mix may sound reasonable. But when the state created the School Facility Program in 1998, California’s population was booming and new school construction was needed to keep pace. By contrast, public school enrollment over the next decade is projected to dip slightly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be some new construction needs. Some counties are growing,” said Vincent. “But to suggest that we should spend as much on new construction as we spend on modernization is out of skew with our needs on the ground. Demand for upgrades is far greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next problem is how the money is awarded. Districts applying to the state must provide matching funds, giving wealthier communities an advantage because they can tap a deeper well of local taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Hanford Elementary School District, which serves a small farming town in the Central Valley, the wish list includes replacing old electrical wiring in schools that are more than half a century old, improving students’ access to computers and getting some new fire alarms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anticipating voter approval of Proposition 51, Hanford was one of nearly 200 districts across the state that used the November ballot to also seek voter approval of local school bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s $24 million bond passed, but Hanford will never qualify for as much state support as the Campbell Union School District, located in the heart of Silicon Valley. Voters there approved a $72 million bond, which could mean three times as much state matching money as Hanford — even though the districts serve about the same number of students in roughly the same number of buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This disparity isn’t fair to students from Hanford and other needy parts of the state, said Shin Green, an Oakland-based consultant whose firm specializes in school infrastructure financing. “We don’t know where the next doctor or physicist or inventor will come from,” Green said. “Substantial differences in the quality of our facilities mean substantial differences in our kids’ opportunities to learn. And that strikes me as wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poor districts incapable of raising money locally through bonds or developer fees — which communities charge to help pay for new school construction — may ask the state to cover a project’s full cost. But few are familiar enough with the application process to make it work in their favor, Green said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Districts trying to get the septic system fixed or get that bus alternator replaced may not even know who in Sacramento to call for help,” Green said. “I’ve run across districts that assume they can’t get any money and don’t bother applying.”[subscription_form]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Proposition 51 drew support from a large, diverse coalition of interest groups and politicians, including the California Chamber of Commerce, the State Building and Construction Trades Council, and both the state Democratic and Republican parties. Proponents were eager to replenish California’s fund for school construction, which ran dry four years ago after churning through $40 billion in bond money over the last two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breaking with recent tradition, this year’s measure was sponsored by two groups that stand to benefit from an incoming wave of school and home building: the Coalition for Adequate School Housing, which promotes new school construction, and the California Building Industry Association, a trade group for developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from both organizations declined a CALmattters request for interviews about their motivations and the need for the bond. Had it failed, districts likely would have raised fees on developers to pay for school projects — either cutting into developers’ bottom lines or prompting them to raise home prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 51’s loudest critic was Gov. Jerry Brown, who called it “a blunderbuss” and said in an interview with the Los Angeles Times that the Legislature could have done a better job than “the developers who put that one together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early this year, Brown collaborated with legislative leaders on a much smaller $5 billion bond that would also have changed the way the state distributes the money, prioritizing projects that reduce overcrowding and protect students’ health and safety. But the developers who sponsored the measure refused to change anything about the existing program or even discuss how to improve it, state Department of Finance Director Michael Cohen noted in an October op-ed urging a no vote. “They insisted on the status quo,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Chris Funk, who leads San Jose’s East Side Union High School District, says he’s glad the measure passed because school systems such as his can’t wait any longer to get financing for repairs on old pipes, leaky roofs and broken air-conditioning systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funk also rejected the governor’s criticism of the measure’s price tag, which the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office pegs at $17.6 billion to pay off both the bond’s principal and interest over the next 35 years — via payments of about $500 million annually. “Until the governor starts fully funding education and providing the right money for facilities, I would much rather perpetuate the current system,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tucked into Proposition 51 is a key provision that voters likely glossed over: It prohibits the state from modifying the way it allocates school construction funding without another vote of the people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outgoing state Senate Education Committee Chairwoman Carol Liu, D-Glendale, said she opposed the bond, too, and wishes the Legislature could have done more to fix the problem. “We have lost an opportunity to reform a fragmented system of bond administration and disbursement that does not ensure that school districts and communities with the greatest need for new facilities receive funds,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Aiming for a Supermajority in California, Democrats Play the Trump Card",
"title": "Aiming for a Supermajority in California, Democrats Play the Trump Card",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The one shred of power Republicans hold in the California statehouse -- enough seats to block Democratic lawmakers from a “supermajority” -- is on the brink in this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, California is one of only seven states in which Democrats control the Legislature and the governor’s office (as compared with \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/research/about-state-legislatures/partisan-composition.aspx\">23 states\u003c/a> where the GOP holds both). Here, Republicans no longer hold a single statewide office. What they do have is enough seats to block Democrats from a two-thirds majority -- meaning that Democrats can’t raise taxes or pass certain kinds of bills without some bipartisan support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even that modicum of clout could slip away at the polls next month. The Republican share of California’s registered voters has dwindled to just 27 percent. Demographics, voting trends and turnout at the polls all threaten to cut even further against the GOP here. And of course there’s the elephant in the room: Donald Trump, a presidential nominee quite \u003ca href=\"http://www.realclearpolitics.com/epolls/2016/president/ca/california_trump_vs_clinton-5849.html\">unpopular\u003c/a> in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state emerges after Nov. 8 with a Democratic supermajority, the only consolation prize for conservatives will be the reality that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/rise-of-the-business-democrat/\">some\u003c/a> of those Democrats will be moderate, pro-business types willing to buck liberals in their own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t much cushion the fall for Republicans -- the once-dominant party of Ronald Reagan, now struggling to maintain a voice in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What already looked to have been a very steep uphill challenge for legislative Republicans in California is now looking like an almost insurmountable obstacle,” said Dan Schnur, director of the Unruh Institute of Politics at the University of Southern California, who spent decades working for Republican politicians. “There is simply not enough information available to voters about most Assembly and Senate candidates to disassociate them from the top of the ticket. ... Most voters translate that ‘R’ next to their name as ‘Friend of Trump.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats hope to capitalize on that perception, and are paying for ads linking Trump to Republican lawmakers. One portrays Trump as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fwl1cdFowCQ\">puppet master\u003c/a> of Assemblywoman Young Kim of Fullerton; another shows Trump and Rancho Cucamonga Assemblyman Marc Steinorth as two sides of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8jfxPn4-4R4\">same coin\u003c/a>; and a third claims Trump and Manhattan Beach Assemblyman David Hadley possess “\u003ca href=\"http://hadleytrump.com/\">shared values\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attacks may not be fair -- Steinorth and Hadley have publicly said they’re not voting for Trump -- but that hasn’t deterred Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a long campaign stoking fears of immigrants and insulting Latinos, Trump has given California Democrats plenty of fodder. Latinos \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-census-latinos-20150708-story.html\">outnumber whites\u003c/a> in California, home to \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/us-immigrant-population-state-and-county\">more immigrants\u003c/a> than any other state. Earlier this month, several Democratic legislators staged an event to mobilize Latino and immigrant voters by deploying taco trucks on several Los Angeles street corners -- a jab at the Trump supporter who \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/03/us/politics/taco-trucks-on-every-corner-trump-supporters-anti-immigration-warning.html?_r=0\">made headlines\u003c/a> by ominously predicting that would be America’s future unless Trump was victorious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Donald Trump has had a significant impact on lots of folks in California. His vision for America is something that a lot of folks are rejecting. Anyone associated with his ideas is in trouble now,” said Democratic Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, who has been campaigning for Democrats in swing districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His Republican counterpart called the attacks linking California lawmakers to Trump “more than ridiculous,” but acknowledged that Trump’s candidacy is making a tough situation worse. “It is having a negative impact. ... It makes these races more competitive than they otherwise would be,” said Assemblyman Chad Mayes of Yucca Valley, who leads the GOP caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11148164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11148164\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-800x506.jpg\" alt=\"The chambers of the California Legislature.\" width=\"800\" height=\"506\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-800x506.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-1180x746.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-960x607.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-240x152.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-375x237.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-520x329.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The chambers of the California Legislature.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even without Trump, Democrats were in a strong position to gain seats this year. They typically show higher turnout rates in presidential election years -- and that may be particularly true this time, with little on the state ballot to ignite Republican interest (the two contenders in the U.S. Senate race, for example, are both Democrats.) And \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/states-voter-rolls-are-surgingand-1-in-3-new-voters-is-latino/\">only 15 percent\u003c/a> of California’s 2.2 million new voters have registered as Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 100 legislative seats up for election this fall, the balance of power will be determined by races in \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article109083257.html\">12 swing districts\u003c/a>, most of them in Los Angeles, Orange and San Bernardino counties. Assuming Democrats hold the seats they have, they need to pick up only three additional seats -- two in the Assembly and one in the Senate -- to gain a supermajority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they succeed, that bloc of Democrats would have enough votes to raise taxes, change political ethics laws, put constitutional amendments on the ballot and override gubernatorial vetoes -- wiping out any need to compromise with Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Republicans used the two-thirds vote requirement to force Democrats to compromise on money to build new reservoirs in the 2014 water bond, and the restructuring of a tax on health plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the biggest issue that once allowed Republicans to leverage their position on two-thirds votes is no longer an issue in Sacramento. Until a few years ago, a supermajority was needed to pass the annual state budget. That led to months of partisan standoffs, which so frustrated voters that they overturned the requirement in 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, a supermajority would be unlikely to trigger huge policy changes -- at least in the near term. Democrats from swing districts would be reluctant to raise taxes, and the party is already \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/rise-of-the-business-democrat/\">split\u003c/a> on key environmental and labor issues. Nor did Democrats do much with the supermajority they won in 2012, before they lost it in early 2014 when two senators went on leave to fight criminal indictments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this election is unusual because of its potential to shape the Legislature for many years to come. A change to term limits -- lawmakers are now allowed to run for re-election to the same house for up to 12 years -- means the Assembly will have no vacancies created by term limits until 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This election will affect the supermajority for the next decade -- not just the next two years,” said Assemblywoman Catharine Baker, a Dublin Republican making the case that her re-election is critical to maintain “any semblance of balance” in the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit news venture devoted to covering California policy and politics. For more analysis by Laurel Rosenhall, go \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/laurel-rosenhall/?page=3\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California Democrats are doing their best to associate GOP candidates with Donald Trump as a way to go after the one shred of power Republicans hold in the statehouse.",
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"headline": "Aiming for a Supermajority in California, Democrats Play the Trump Card",
"datePublished": "2016-10-27T12:11:21-07:00",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/about/staff/laurel-rosenhall/\">Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/a> \u003cbr> \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The one shred of power Republicans hold in the California statehouse -- enough seats to block Democratic lawmakers from a “supermajority” -- is on the brink in this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, California is one of only seven states in which Democrats control the Legislature and the governor’s office (as compared with \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/research/about-state-legislatures/partisan-composition.aspx\">23 states\u003c/a> where the GOP holds both). Here, Republicans no longer hold a single statewide office. What they do have is enough seats to block Democrats from a two-thirds majority -- meaning that Democrats can’t raise taxes or pass certain kinds of bills without some bipartisan support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even that modicum of clout could slip away at the polls next month. The Republican share of California’s registered voters has dwindled to just 27 percent. Demographics, voting trends and turnout at the polls all threaten to cut even further against the GOP here. And of course there’s the elephant in the room: Donald Trump, a presidential nominee quite \u003ca href=\"http://www.realclearpolitics.com/epolls/2016/president/ca/california_trump_vs_clinton-5849.html\">unpopular\u003c/a> in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state emerges after Nov. 8 with a Democratic supermajority, the only consolation prize for conservatives will be the reality that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/rise-of-the-business-democrat/\">some\u003c/a> of those Democrats will be moderate, pro-business types willing to buck liberals in their own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t much cushion the fall for Republicans -- the once-dominant party of Ronald Reagan, now struggling to maintain a voice in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What already looked to have been a very steep uphill challenge for legislative Republicans in California is now looking like an almost insurmountable obstacle,” said Dan Schnur, director of the Unruh Institute of Politics at the University of Southern California, who spent decades working for Republican politicians. “There is simply not enough information available to voters about most Assembly and Senate candidates to disassociate them from the top of the ticket. ... Most voters translate that ‘R’ next to their name as ‘Friend of Trump.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats hope to capitalize on that perception, and are paying for ads linking Trump to Republican lawmakers. One portrays Trump as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fwl1cdFowCQ\">puppet master\u003c/a> of Assemblywoman Young Kim of Fullerton; another shows Trump and Rancho Cucamonga Assemblyman Marc Steinorth as two sides of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8jfxPn4-4R4\">same coin\u003c/a>; and a third claims Trump and Manhattan Beach Assemblyman David Hadley possess “\u003ca href=\"http://hadleytrump.com/\">shared values\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attacks may not be fair -- Steinorth and Hadley have publicly said they’re not voting for Trump -- but that hasn’t deterred Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a long campaign stoking fears of immigrants and insulting Latinos, Trump has given California Democrats plenty of fodder. Latinos \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-census-latinos-20150708-story.html\">outnumber whites\u003c/a> in California, home to \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/us-immigrant-population-state-and-county\">more immigrants\u003c/a> than any other state. Earlier this month, several Democratic legislators staged an event to mobilize Latino and immigrant voters by deploying taco trucks on several Los Angeles street corners -- a jab at the Trump supporter who \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/03/us/politics/taco-trucks-on-every-corner-trump-supporters-anti-immigration-warning.html?_r=0\">made headlines\u003c/a> by ominously predicting that would be America’s future unless Trump was victorious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Donald Trump has had a significant impact on lots of folks in California. His vision for America is something that a lot of folks are rejecting. Anyone associated with his ideas is in trouble now,” said Democratic Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, who has been campaigning for Democrats in swing districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His Republican counterpart called the attacks linking California lawmakers to Trump “more than ridiculous,” but acknowledged that Trump’s candidacy is making a tough situation worse. “It is having a negative impact. ... It makes these races more competitive than they otherwise would be,” said Assemblyman Chad Mayes of Yucca Valley, who leads the GOP caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11148164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11148164\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-800x506.jpg\" alt=\"The chambers of the California Legislature.\" width=\"800\" height=\"506\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-800x506.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-1180x746.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-960x607.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-240x152.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-375x237.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/CaliforniaLegislature-520x329.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The chambers of the California Legislature.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even without Trump, Democrats were in a strong position to gain seats this year. They typically show higher turnout rates in presidential election years -- and that may be particularly true this time, with little on the state ballot to ignite Republican interest (the two contenders in the U.S. Senate race, for example, are both Democrats.) And \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/states-voter-rolls-are-surgingand-1-in-3-new-voters-is-latino/\">only 15 percent\u003c/a> of California’s 2.2 million new voters have registered as Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 100 legislative seats up for election this fall, the balance of power will be determined by races in \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article109083257.html\">12 swing districts\u003c/a>, most of them in Los Angeles, Orange and San Bernardino counties. Assuming Democrats hold the seats they have, they need to pick up only three additional seats -- two in the Assembly and one in the Senate -- to gain a supermajority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they succeed, that bloc of Democrats would have enough votes to raise taxes, change political ethics laws, put constitutional amendments on the ballot and override gubernatorial vetoes -- wiping out any need to compromise with Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Republicans used the two-thirds vote requirement to force Democrats to compromise on money to build new reservoirs in the 2014 water bond, and the restructuring of a tax on health plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the biggest issue that once allowed Republicans to leverage their position on two-thirds votes is no longer an issue in Sacramento. Until a few years ago, a supermajority was needed to pass the annual state budget. That led to months of partisan standoffs, which so frustrated voters that they overturned the requirement in 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, a supermajority would be unlikely to trigger huge policy changes -- at least in the near term. Democrats from swing districts would be reluctant to raise taxes, and the party is already \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/rise-of-the-business-democrat/\">split\u003c/a> on key environmental and labor issues. Nor did Democrats do much with the supermajority they won in 2012, before they lost it in early 2014 when two senators went on leave to fight criminal indictments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this election is unusual because of its potential to shape the Legislature for many years to come. A change to term limits -- lawmakers are now allowed to run for re-election to the same house for up to 12 years -- means the Assembly will have no vacancies created by term limits until 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This election will affect the supermajority for the next decade -- not just the next two years,” said Assemblywoman Catharine Baker, a Dublin Republican making the case that her re-election is critical to maintain “any semblance of balance” in the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit news venture devoted to covering California policy and politics. For more analysis by Laurel Rosenhall, go \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/laurel-rosenhall/?page=3\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "pity-the-plastic-bag-will-californians-seal-its-fate-with-a-ban",
"title": "Pity the Plastic Bag: Will Californians Seal Its Fate With a Ban?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oh, to be a plastic bag. Helpful, ubiquitous and ever useful. Carefree, wafting on the wind, and alive for a thousand years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, you are cheap and trashy. Discarded, your presence mars beautiful landscapes. You and your trillions of clones clog sewers, accumulate in the worlds’ oceans, and entangle and choke wildlife and sea creatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California banned your flimsy presence in the Golden State, consigning you to an environmentally-sensitive death by recycling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, as shoppers know all too well, getting rid of plastic bags isn’t that easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “paper-or-plastic?” checkout query was supposed to be a relic of our unenlightened past. After reviewing the scientific evidence of persistent environmental harm, California legislators in 2014 banned thin plastic carryout bags, authorizing stores to charge customers 10 cents for heavier-duty plastic sacks or paper bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ban inflamed the nation’s bag makers, who intervened before the law could take effect. They wielded two ballot measures to poke a stick in the eye of the Legislature and the grocery industry, whom they haven’t forgiven for switching sides to support the ban after the Legislature allowed the grocers to keep the 10 cent fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the confounding manner of direct democracy, California voters in November will ponder two opposing initiatives, each sponsored by the plastic bag industry—which has spent more than $6 million to put them on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 67\u003c/a>, is a referendum—an attempt to block the bag ban by asking voters whether they agree with the new law. The plastic bag industry is hoping to convince enough Californians to vote no, thereby preempting the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 65\u003c/a>, would redirect the 10 cent bag fee consumers pay, so that rather than stores reaping the benefit, it would instead go to an environmental fund administered by the state Wildlife Conservation Board. The plastics industry is backing this one, a smack-down to the grocery industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092839\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092839\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg\" alt=\"Plastic bags at checkout.\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Plastic bags at checkout. \u003ccite>(Day Donaldson/flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the bag ban survives at the polls, Californians would say goodbye to one of the world’s most utilitarian products. Thus would the plastic bag, a humble object engineered to be of long and useful service, become undone by its very design.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It already has been exiled from \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">150 cities and counties\u003c/a>, primarily along the Pacific coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the environmental facts have been misconstrued,” said Phil Rozenski, policy chair of the American Progressive Bag Alliance, and a senior director at Novolex. Its subsidiary, Hilex Poly Co., has contributed to the ballot propositions. “This is all about politics and emotional debate. Science left the building years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of plastic’s durability, even when exposed to constant wave action and degraded by a relentless sun, it doesn’t disappear, but breaks down into tiny particles called microplastics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, a survey of existing research estimated that as many as 51 trillion particles of microplastics are floating around the planet’s oceans, weighing as much as 236,000 metric tons. Closer to home, a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfei.org/documents/microplastic-contamination-san-francisco-bay\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that eight wastewater treatment plants discharge nearly half a million microplastic particles into the San Francisco Bay each day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even taking into consideration that bags represent only a portion of all plastics found in marine debris, researchers say 80 percent of trash floating in the ocean is plastic. “The problems with plastics are well-documented,” said Eben Schwartz, who oversees the California Coastal Commission’s Marine Debris Program. “Sea animals ingest plastic and it not only gives the sense of being full, so they starve, but it can also get caught in the esophagus, and keep food from getting down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092840\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1963px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-1092840 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png\" alt=\"PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean\" width=\"1963\" height=\"1098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png 1963w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-160x89.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-800x447.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-768x430.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1020x571.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1920x1074.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1180x660.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-960x537.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-240x134.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-375x210.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-520x291.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1963px) 100vw, 1963px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Plastic accumulated in the stomach of a marine mammal, renders the animals more buoyant and makes it more difficult to dive for food. Sea turtles can mistake floating plastic bags for their favorite meal, jellyfish. Offshore and onshore, animals become entangled with plastic bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Californians use about 15 million single-use plastic bags a year—as the Legislative Analyst \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">notes\u003c/a>, that’s more than 400 bags per Californian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because plastic is marvelous. Few modern inventions have so quickly shoved aside the competition and staked a spot smack in the middle of American culture, industrial design and manufacturing. Plastics emerged in the late 1940s full of promise and vigor. Then, as now, plastic begins life as a petrochemical. Manufacturing processes convert chains of hydrogen and carbon molecules into a polymer resin that is then heated, shaped and cooled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheap and versatile, it can become just about anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But plastic formulation prevents it from bio-degrading along with other garbage. Scientists sifting through landfills of the future will dredge up diapers—and Safeway bags. Even the industry’s “biodegradable” bags don’t completely break down, and these green plastic bags account for less than 1 per cent of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This description of a plastic bag’s afterlife, from an \u003ca href=\"http://plasticbaglaws.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/MEA_green-cities-CA.pdf\">environmental assessment\u003c/a> prepared for California local governments: “The majority of bags end up as litter or in the landfill, and even those in the landfill may be blown away as litter due to their light weight. Although some recycling facilities will handle plastic bags, most reject them because they can get caught in the machinery and cause malfunctioning, or are contaminated after use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092843\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1653px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092843\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg\" alt=\"Credit:\" width=\"1653\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg 1653w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-768x486.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1180x746.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-960x607.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-240x152.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-375x237.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-520x329.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1653px) 100vw, 1653px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bags snag on tree limbs, blow around on vacant lots and loiter in gutters. But don’t blame the bag, says the industry, blame a populace ridden with litterbugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s marine debris or litter—it shouldn’t be there,” said Rozenski. “We have to work on it as a society. Approaching it on a product-by-product basis is not the way to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others oppose the ban on philosophical grounds. “The government shouldn’t be telling stores what kind of bags to offer. That’s between the store and the customer,” said Ted Brown, chairman of the state Libertarian Party, which opposes both propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do bag bans really make a difference?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since San Francisco’s ban has been in place, plastic bag refuse found on the Bay Area’s inland and coastal beaches has fallen 34 per cent, according to Schwartz of the coastal commission. He cited data gathered at annual Bay Area cleanups showing that in 2008, plastic bags accounted for about 9 percent of all debris removed from beaches. By 2012, they were only 6 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never see drops like that,” he said. “The bans are effective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a non-profit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policies and politics. For more stories by Julie Cart, go to calmatters.org/about/staff/julie-cart/\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California voters will find two opposing plastic bag initiatives on the November ballot -- Proposition 67 and Proposition 65 -- both sponsored by the plastic bag industry.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oh, to be a plastic bag. Helpful, ubiquitous and ever useful. Carefree, wafting on the wind, and alive for a thousand years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, you are cheap and trashy. Discarded, your presence mars beautiful landscapes. You and your trillions of clones clog sewers, accumulate in the worlds’ oceans, and entangle and choke wildlife and sea creatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California banned your flimsy presence in the Golden State, consigning you to an environmentally-sensitive death by recycling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, as shoppers know all too well, getting rid of plastic bags isn’t that easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “paper-or-plastic?” checkout query was supposed to be a relic of our unenlightened past. After reviewing the scientific evidence of persistent environmental harm, California legislators in 2014 banned thin plastic carryout bags, authorizing stores to charge customers 10 cents for heavier-duty plastic sacks or paper bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ban inflamed the nation’s bag makers, who intervened before the law could take effect. They wielded two ballot measures to poke a stick in the eye of the Legislature and the grocery industry, whom they haven’t forgiven for switching sides to support the ban after the Legislature allowed the grocers to keep the 10 cent fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the confounding manner of direct democracy, California voters in November will ponder two opposing initiatives, each sponsored by the plastic bag industry—which has spent more than $6 million to put them on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 67\u003c/a>, is a referendum—an attempt to block the bag ban by asking voters whether they agree with the new law. The plastic bag industry is hoping to convince enough Californians to vote no, thereby preempting the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 65\u003c/a>, would redirect the 10 cent bag fee consumers pay, so that rather than stores reaping the benefit, it would instead go to an environmental fund administered by the state Wildlife Conservation Board. The plastics industry is backing this one, a smack-down to the grocery industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092839\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092839\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg\" alt=\"Plastic bags at checkout.\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Plastic bags at checkout. \u003ccite>(Day Donaldson/flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the bag ban survives at the polls, Californians would say goodbye to one of the world’s most utilitarian products. Thus would the plastic bag, a humble object engineered to be of long and useful service, become undone by its very design.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It already has been exiled from \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">150 cities and counties\u003c/a>, primarily along the Pacific coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the environmental facts have been misconstrued,” said Phil Rozenski, policy chair of the American Progressive Bag Alliance, and a senior director at Novolex. Its subsidiary, Hilex Poly Co., has contributed to the ballot propositions. “This is all about politics and emotional debate. Science left the building years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of plastic’s durability, even when exposed to constant wave action and degraded by a relentless sun, it doesn’t disappear, but breaks down into tiny particles called microplastics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, a survey of existing research estimated that as many as 51 trillion particles of microplastics are floating around the planet’s oceans, weighing as much as 236,000 metric tons. Closer to home, a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfei.org/documents/microplastic-contamination-san-francisco-bay\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that eight wastewater treatment plants discharge nearly half a million microplastic particles into the San Francisco Bay each day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even taking into consideration that bags represent only a portion of all plastics found in marine debris, researchers say 80 percent of trash floating in the ocean is plastic. “The problems with plastics are well-documented,” said Eben Schwartz, who oversees the California Coastal Commission’s Marine Debris Program. “Sea animals ingest plastic and it not only gives the sense of being full, so they starve, but it can also get caught in the esophagus, and keep food from getting down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092840\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1963px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-1092840 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png\" alt=\"PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean\" width=\"1963\" height=\"1098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png 1963w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-160x89.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-800x447.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-768x430.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1020x571.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1920x1074.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1180x660.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-960x537.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-240x134.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-375x210.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-520x291.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1963px) 100vw, 1963px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Plastic accumulated in the stomach of a marine mammal, renders the animals more buoyant and makes it more difficult to dive for food. Sea turtles can mistake floating plastic bags for their favorite meal, jellyfish. Offshore and onshore, animals become entangled with plastic bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Californians use about 15 million single-use plastic bags a year—as the Legislative Analyst \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">notes\u003c/a>, that’s more than 400 bags per Californian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because plastic is marvelous. Few modern inventions have so quickly shoved aside the competition and staked a spot smack in the middle of American culture, industrial design and manufacturing. Plastics emerged in the late 1940s full of promise and vigor. Then, as now, plastic begins life as a petrochemical. Manufacturing processes convert chains of hydrogen and carbon molecules into a polymer resin that is then heated, shaped and cooled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheap and versatile, it can become just about anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But plastic formulation prevents it from bio-degrading along with other garbage. Scientists sifting through landfills of the future will dredge up diapers—and Safeway bags. Even the industry’s “biodegradable” bags don’t completely break down, and these green plastic bags account for less than 1 per cent of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This description of a plastic bag’s afterlife, from an \u003ca href=\"http://plasticbaglaws.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/MEA_green-cities-CA.pdf\">environmental assessment\u003c/a> prepared for California local governments: “The majority of bags end up as litter or in the landfill, and even those in the landfill may be blown away as litter due to their light weight. Although some recycling facilities will handle plastic bags, most reject them because they can get caught in the machinery and cause malfunctioning, or are contaminated after use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092843\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1653px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092843\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg\" alt=\"Credit:\" width=\"1653\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg 1653w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-768x486.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1180x746.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-960x607.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-240x152.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-375x237.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-520x329.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1653px) 100vw, 1653px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bags snag on tree limbs, blow around on vacant lots and loiter in gutters. But don’t blame the bag, says the industry, blame a populace ridden with litterbugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s marine debris or litter—it shouldn’t be there,” said Rozenski. “We have to work on it as a society. Approaching it on a product-by-product basis is not the way to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others oppose the ban on philosophical grounds. “The government shouldn’t be telling stores what kind of bags to offer. That’s between the store and the customer,” said Ted Brown, chairman of the state Libertarian Party, which opposes both propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do bag bans really make a difference?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since San Francisco’s ban has been in place, plastic bag refuse found on the Bay Area’s inland and coastal beaches has fallen 34 per cent, according to Schwartz of the coastal commission. He cited data gathered at annual Bay Area cleanups showing that in 2008, plastic bags accounted for about 9 percent of all debris removed from beaches. By 2012, they were only 6 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never see drops like that,” he said. “The bans are effective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a non-profit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policies and politics. For more stories by Julie Cart, go to calmatters.org/about/staff/julie-cart/\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Registration Surges But GOP's Share Shrinks -- 1 in 3 New Voters Is Latino",
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"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Sure, this presidential campaign has been nasty, divisive and frequently in need of parental control settings. But for how hard it’s been to stomach at times, this election season may be producing a civic upside: Californians are registering to vote at rates not seen in 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s voter rolls are surging. Nearly three-quarters of those eligible to vote are now registered, the highest rate at this point in the election cycle since a different Clinton was running for president in 1996 (because of the ebb and flow of voter registration rolls, it’s best to compare registration counts at the same point in election cycles).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the most recent estimates from the Secretary of State’s Office, California now boasts more than 18 million registered voters -- more than the population of 46 states. That number is likely to grow before California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/\">registration date cutoff on Oct. 24\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CALmatters analysis of voter registration data estimates that up to 2.2 million people who are likely new to the California political process have joined the state’s voter rolls since primary season began in earnest in January of this year. These new voters reflect major growth in the number of Latinos and Asian-American voters, who -- along with younger voters registering for the first time -- are steering clear of the GOP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s voter registration surge could have profound implications for election results next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Watch the GOP Share of California Voters Shrink\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11129734\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 550px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11129734\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/NewVoterGraphic1GIF.gif\" alt='Source: California Secretary of State, CALmatters analysis of voter registration data provided by the firm Political Data Inc. \"New Voters\" defined as those voters who registered after January 1, 2016 with no voting history between 1992 and 2016. Totals will likely include some re-registrants. ' width=\"550\" height=\"634\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: California Secretary of State, CALmatters analysis of voter registration data provided by the firm Political Data Inc. \"New Voters\" defined as those voters who registered after Jan. 1, 2016 with no voting history between 1992 and 2016. Totals will likely include some re-registrants. \u003ccite>(CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Continuing the long-term trend, California’s new voters tend not to register as Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data limitations make it difficult to parse out exactly who is joining California’s electorate for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, courtesy of Sacramento-based data warehousing and consulting firm Political Data Inc., we can separate out voters who have registered since Jan. 1 of this year and have never voted in an election between 1992 and the June primary. This group will contain some long-dormant voters who have re-registered in recent months, but it should serve as a decent proxy for new voters (you could also argue that a long-dormant voter re-registering could be viewed as a sign of renewed political interest, although people re-register for a variety of reasons).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"VdKxZnvwnim91lLeBgwBTxhWEanH3BoK\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proportion of California voters who register Republican has been in relatively steady decline since the 1990s, with a steepening drop over the past four years. New California voters who have registered since January are also resisting the GOP -- only 15 percent of all new voters are Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of factors help explain why: Millennials, who make up the bulk of new voters, aren’t very conservative, and California is already a very blue state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it does appear that this election may be helping Democrats pick up voters in California at a higher clip. About half of new voters who registered after January registered Democrat, while 30 percent registered independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Latinos Lead the Surge in 2016 California Registration\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[LatinosLeadSurge]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s perhaps the most common question in California political circles? Whether GOP presidential nominee Donald Trump’s anti-immigration rhetoric will mobilize California Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer thus far appears to be yes. The number of registered Latino voters has grown by nearly 20 percent from the end of 2015 through this year. About one in three new California voters is Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asian-American registration has also climbed significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New Latinos and Asian-Americans Steer Clear of GOP\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[NewVotersTrendAway]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino and Asian-American voters new to the political process in California are both less likely to register Republican than those already registered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, part of that trend is simply generational, as young Latino and Asian-American voters mirror white millennials in their resistance to the GOP. The pattern of California Asian-Americans trending Democrat possibly in response to Trump \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/02/us/politics/trump-asian-american-voters.html?_r=0\">may also be reflecting\u003c/a> a national trend of increasing concern to Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But interestingly, new Latino voters are registering Democrat at roughly the same rate as current Latino voters. In what could be seen as a missed opportunity for Democrats, a significantly higher percentage are registering independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policies and politics. For more \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/about/staff/matt-levin/\">\u003cem>data stories\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> by Matt Levin, go \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/about/staff/matt-levin/\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Sure, this presidential campaign has been nasty, divisive and frequently in need of parental control settings. But for how hard it’s been to stomach at times, this election season may be producing a civic upside: Californians are registering to vote at rates not seen in 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s voter rolls are surging. Nearly three-quarters of those eligible to vote are now registered, the highest rate at this point in the election cycle since a different Clinton was running for president in 1996 (because of the ebb and flow of voter registration rolls, it’s best to compare registration counts at the same point in election cycles).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the most recent estimates from the Secretary of State’s Office, California now boasts more than 18 million registered voters -- more than the population of 46 states. That number is likely to grow before California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/\">registration date cutoff on Oct. 24\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CALmatters analysis of voter registration data estimates that up to 2.2 million people who are likely new to the California political process have joined the state’s voter rolls since primary season began in earnest in January of this year. These new voters reflect major growth in the number of Latinos and Asian-American voters, who -- along with younger voters registering for the first time -- are steering clear of the GOP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s voter registration surge could have profound implications for election results next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Watch the GOP Share of California Voters Shrink\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11129734\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 550px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11129734\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/NewVoterGraphic1GIF.gif\" alt='Source: California Secretary of State, CALmatters analysis of voter registration data provided by the firm Political Data Inc. \"New Voters\" defined as those voters who registered after January 1, 2016 with no voting history between 1992 and 2016. Totals will likely include some re-registrants. ' width=\"550\" height=\"634\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: California Secretary of State, CALmatters analysis of voter registration data provided by the firm Political Data Inc. \"New Voters\" defined as those voters who registered after Jan. 1, 2016 with no voting history between 1992 and 2016. Totals will likely include some re-registrants. \u003ccite>(CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Continuing the long-term trend, California’s new voters tend not to register as Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data limitations make it difficult to parse out exactly who is joining California’s electorate for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, courtesy of Sacramento-based data warehousing and consulting firm Political Data Inc., we can separate out voters who have registered since Jan. 1 of this year and have never voted in an election between 1992 and the June primary. This group will contain some long-dormant voters who have re-registered in recent months, but it should serve as a decent proxy for new voters (you could also argue that a long-dormant voter re-registering could be viewed as a sign of renewed political interest, although people re-register for a variety of reasons).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proportion of California voters who register Republican has been in relatively steady decline since the 1990s, with a steepening drop over the past four years. New California voters who have registered since January are also resisting the GOP -- only 15 percent of all new voters are Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A couple of factors help explain why: Millennials, who make up the bulk of new voters, aren’t very conservative, and California is already a very blue state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it does appear that this election may be helping Democrats pick up voters in California at a higher clip. About half of new voters who registered after January registered Democrat, while 30 percent registered independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Latinos Lead the Surge in 2016 California Registration\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[LatinosLeadSurge]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s perhaps the most common question in California political circles? Whether GOP presidential nominee Donald Trump’s anti-immigration rhetoric will mobilize California Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer thus far appears to be yes. The number of registered Latino voters has grown by nearly 20 percent from the end of 2015 through this year. About one in three new California voters is Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asian-American registration has also climbed significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New Latinos and Asian-Americans Steer Clear of GOP\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[NewVotersTrendAway]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino and Asian-American voters new to the political process in California are both less likely to register Republican than those already registered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, part of that trend is simply generational, as young Latino and Asian-American voters mirror white millennials in their resistance to the GOP. The pattern of California Asian-Americans trending Democrat possibly in response to Trump \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/02/us/politics/trump-asian-american-voters.html?_r=0\">may also be reflecting\u003c/a> a national trend of increasing concern to Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But interestingly, new Latino voters are registering Democrat at roughly the same rate as current Latino voters. In what could be seen as a missed opportunity for Democrats, a significantly higher percentage are registering independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policies and politics. For more \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/about/staff/matt-levin/\">\u003cem>data stories\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> by Matt Levin, go \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/about/staff/matt-levin/\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Meet the Virtual Landlord Who Rents Political Web Addresses -- for a Fee",
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"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Andrew Naylor was working at a digital advertising firm in Silicon Valley when the “a-ha” moment struck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was 2008, and money -- \u003ca href=\"http://www.nbcnews.com/id/28985504/ns/us_news-life/t/more-million-spent-prop/#.V_Lh0JMrJ0I\">more than $83 million\u003c/a> -- was gushing into the advertising world as Californians prepared to vote on Proposition 8, the measure to limit marriage to heterosexual couples which was later ruled unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw what was happening with politics in California and everything was just huge. The amount of money both sides were spending, for and against, on online advertising and television ads was just incredible,” said Naylor, who lives in Menlo Park. And it opened his eyes to a potential ballot prop campaign bonanza: domain names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those names -- essentially a website’s address -- have long been a hot commodity, as speculators have bought up dot-com labels with commercial appeal and sold the hottest among them for millions. Naylor, a systems administrator with a business degree, had bought up thousands of web addresses, many wine-related, and sold one for a five-figure sum. After watching the Proposition 8 blitz, he started buying addresses with combinations of yes and no on propositions 1 to 100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s how Naylor became a virtual landlord of more than 1,000 campaign domain names -- and a dominant player in California’s marketplace for political web addresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he cares more about tech than politics. But California’s system of direct democracy offers plenty of opportunity to foster an election-year business at the intersection of the two. With 17 measures on the statewide ballot this November, and campaigns seeking websites for and against each one, there is demand for at least 34 domain names this year. Naylor is doing business with 12 campaigns, including those to legalize \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2027/info/proposition-64\">marijuana\u003c/a>, extend \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2018/info/proposition-55\">income taxes\u003c/a>, raise \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2019/info/proposition-56\">cigarette taxes\u003c/a> and repeal the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/proposition-62-and-66-death-penalty/\">death penalty\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was buying them up before (Naylor) got into it. And then all of a sudden I was like, ‘Who is this bidding against me?’” said Dan Schluer, who owns a competing \u003ca href=\"http://ballotmeasuredomains.com/default.aspx\">business\u003c/a> in campaign domains based in San Bernardino County. “(Now) he has a much more extensive portfolio than I do.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"31IBwrX9yFAYx9pthXyFzDPQNcyVDyjE\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naylor doesn’t buy domains that involve the names of specific politicians -- only those that could be used for ballot measure campaigns. That’s because federal law is stricter when it comes to commercial use of domain names based on real people. Domain names that use proposition numbers don’t face the same limits, said Enrico Schaefer, an expert in internet law with the Traverse Legal firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no cyber-squatting issue there because typically there is no trademark in those words,” Schaefer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naylor sees himself almost like a collector who stores a library of web addresses available for the long haul. His model is to lease, rather than sell, his ballot measure domain names -- that way he retains ownership the next time the numbers are used. He says he charges an average of about $300 a month, with most campaigns renting them for five months, from when the state assigns proposition numbers in early July through the end of November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The secretary of state releases the numbers and then my phone starts ringing,” Naylor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'It’s the wild west. The first one in line gets the best names and people have made a business out of that.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>His \u003ca href=\"http://www.votingdomainnames.com/\">website\u003c/a> gives a sense of the sweep of his holdings. For Proposition 51, for example, Naylor owns YesOn51.com, YesOn51.org, YesOnProp51.com, YesOnProp51.org. He also owns the corresponding “No” addresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaigns backed by millions of dollars typically don’t blink over the cost of renting domain names, viewing it as a part of the cost of doing business, Naylor said. Many ask if they can also buy up the addresses their opponents might want. Naylor says he won’t do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have this sense of fairness -- I’d rather they be available to both sides than the one who’s the highest bidder,” Naylor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, for campaigns with less money, coming up with a website can become a puzzle. The campaign for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/proposition-58-bilingual-education/\">Proposition 58\u003c/a>, which seeks to remove limits on bilingual education, opted for supportprop58.com after discovering that Naylor already owned YesOnProp58.com. By California standards, it’s a low-budget campaign, having raised about $1.1 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have money to spend on extra things like buying a domain name,” said campaign spokeswoman Robin Swanson. “That might mean we have to do more social media promoting supportprop58.com so people go to the right web site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another relatively low-budget campaign, supporting \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2030/info/proposition-67\">Proposition 67\u003c/a> to ban plastic bags, also opted to work around the domain name hustle. It chose cayeson67.com after discovering that YesOnProp67.com, YesOnProp67.org, YesOn67.org and YesOn67.com were taken—three of them by Naylor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought our name was stupid. So I asked about it and I was told that the ones we wanted (cost too much money),” said Steve Maviglio, a consultant working on the campaign. “It’s the wild west. The first one in line gets the best names and people have made a business out of that. So God bless their forward thinking.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Andrew Naylor was working at a digital advertising firm in Silicon Valley when the “a-ha” moment struck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was 2008, and money -- \u003ca href=\"http://www.nbcnews.com/id/28985504/ns/us_news-life/t/more-million-spent-prop/#.V_Lh0JMrJ0I\">more than $83 million\u003c/a> -- was gushing into the advertising world as Californians prepared to vote on Proposition 8, the measure to limit marriage to heterosexual couples which was later ruled unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw what was happening with politics in California and everything was just huge. The amount of money both sides were spending, for and against, on online advertising and television ads was just incredible,” said Naylor, who lives in Menlo Park. And it opened his eyes to a potential ballot prop campaign bonanza: domain names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those names -- essentially a website’s address -- have long been a hot commodity, as speculators have bought up dot-com labels with commercial appeal and sold the hottest among them for millions. Naylor, a systems administrator with a business degree, had bought up thousands of web addresses, many wine-related, and sold one for a five-figure sum. After watching the Proposition 8 blitz, he started buying addresses with combinations of yes and no on propositions 1 to 100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s how Naylor became a virtual landlord of more than 1,000 campaign domain names -- and a dominant player in California’s marketplace for political web addresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he cares more about tech than politics. But California’s system of direct democracy offers plenty of opportunity to foster an election-year business at the intersection of the two. With 17 measures on the statewide ballot this November, and campaigns seeking websites for and against each one, there is demand for at least 34 domain names this year. Naylor is doing business with 12 campaigns, including those to legalize \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2027/info/proposition-64\">marijuana\u003c/a>, extend \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2018/info/proposition-55\">income taxes\u003c/a>, raise \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2019/info/proposition-56\">cigarette taxes\u003c/a> and repeal the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/proposition-62-and-66-death-penalty/\">death penalty\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was buying them up before (Naylor) got into it. And then all of a sudden I was like, ‘Who is this bidding against me?’” said Dan Schluer, who owns a competing \u003ca href=\"http://ballotmeasuredomains.com/default.aspx\">business\u003c/a> in campaign domains based in San Bernardino County. “(Now) he has a much more extensive portfolio than I do.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naylor doesn’t buy domains that involve the names of specific politicians -- only those that could be used for ballot measure campaigns. That’s because federal law is stricter when it comes to commercial use of domain names based on real people. Domain names that use proposition numbers don’t face the same limits, said Enrico Schaefer, an expert in internet law with the Traverse Legal firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no cyber-squatting issue there because typically there is no trademark in those words,” Schaefer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naylor sees himself almost like a collector who stores a library of web addresses available for the long haul. His model is to lease, rather than sell, his ballot measure domain names -- that way he retains ownership the next time the numbers are used. He says he charges an average of about $300 a month, with most campaigns renting them for five months, from when the state assigns proposition numbers in early July through the end of November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The secretary of state releases the numbers and then my phone starts ringing,” Naylor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'It’s the wild west. The first one in line gets the best names and people have made a business out of that.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>His \u003ca href=\"http://www.votingdomainnames.com/\">website\u003c/a> gives a sense of the sweep of his holdings. For Proposition 51, for example, Naylor owns YesOn51.com, YesOn51.org, YesOnProp51.com, YesOnProp51.org. He also owns the corresponding “No” addresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaigns backed by millions of dollars typically don’t blink over the cost of renting domain names, viewing it as a part of the cost of doing business, Naylor said. Many ask if they can also buy up the addresses their opponents might want. Naylor says he won’t do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have this sense of fairness -- I’d rather they be available to both sides than the one who’s the highest bidder,” Naylor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, for campaigns with less money, coming up with a website can become a puzzle. The campaign for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/proposition-58-bilingual-education/\">Proposition 58\u003c/a>, which seeks to remove limits on bilingual education, opted for supportprop58.com after discovering that Naylor already owned YesOnProp58.com. By California standards, it’s a low-budget campaign, having raised about $1.1 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have money to spend on extra things like buying a domain name,” said campaign spokeswoman Robin Swanson. “That might mean we have to do more social media promoting supportprop58.com so people go to the right web site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another relatively low-budget campaign, supporting \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2030/info/proposition-67\">Proposition 67\u003c/a> to ban plastic bags, also opted to work around the domain name hustle. It chose cayeson67.com after discovering that YesOnProp67.com, YesOnProp67.org, YesOn67.org and YesOn67.com were taken—three of them by Naylor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought our name was stupid. So I asked about it and I was told that the ones we wanted (cost too much money),” said Steve Maviglio, a consultant working on the campaign. “It’s the wild west. The first one in line gets the best names and people have made a business out of that. So God bless their forward thinking.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Hey Big Spenders: Three Multimillionaires Stake a Claim on State Ballot",
"title": "Hey Big Spenders: Three Multimillionaires Stake a Claim on State Ballot",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>California has more billionaires than any other state, and an abundance of direct democracy. Those two facts intersect during election season, when spending by wealthy donors helps determine which initiatives make it on the ballot and how many TV commercials and mailers campaigns can buy. Their donations carry the potential to influence state policy for years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at three high rollers influencing California’s statewide ballot this November:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Steyer\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco billionaire -- who exited the hedge-fund world a few years ago to devote himself to Democratic politics and environmental causes -- is now the biggest individual \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/summ.php?cycle=2016&disp=D&type=V&superonly=S\" target=\"_blank\">super-PAC donor\u003c/a> in the nation. He’s put $38 million into a committee running ads against Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump and is working to register new voters in battleground states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though deep-blue California isn’t a swing state, Steyer is digging deep here, too. He’s spent $1.6 million so far on a major drive to register new voters, trying to connect with the 7 million Californians who are eligible to vote but not registered. Largely young adults and people of color, Steyer called their lack of participation a “threat to democracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He appears prominently in \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LE9agKVFv9c&feature=youtu.be\" target=\"_blank\">TV ads\u003c/a> urging people to vote, fueling speculation that he plans to \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/bill-whalen/article99340517.html\" target=\"_blank\">run for governor\u003c/a> in two years. Steyer said he’ll make that call after the election. Until then, he’s concentrating on the upcoming ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is really important that California become more progressive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state with a long list of liberal ballot measures, Steyer and his political organization, NextGen Climate group, are boosting some of the most progressive causes. So far, he has given $1 million to Proposition 56, which would hike cigarette taxes by $2 a pack to fund the Medi-Cal health plan for the poor, and $50,000 to Proposition 67, which would ban plastic shopping bags. He also recently endorsed Proposition 62 to repeal the death penalty, and his aide said a financial contribution is forthcoming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NextGen even gave $61,000 to a campaign opposing money in politics. Proposition 59 asks voters if they want elected officials to take steps to repeal Citizens United, the U.S. Supreme Court decision that allowed unions and corporations to spend unlimited sums on political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer said he looks for ballot measures that represent contests between ordinary Californians and major corporations trying to preserve their bottom line. Though health care interests have donated roughly $17 million to support the tobacco tax, cigarette companies have poured almost $56 million into opposing it, while plastic bag manufacturers have given $2.9 million to defeat the bag ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He frames his support for repealing Citizens United in similar terms, saying the Supreme Court’s ruling created a “David and Goliath situation” in American politics. Even as the nation’s largest super-PAC donor, Steyer identifies more with David. He calls his own political spending “a counterweight to what we see as an overwhelming amount of money representing corporate interests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Charles Munger Jr.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A physicist who lives in Palo Alto, Munger is California’s biggest Republican donor and the son of a corporate billionaire. In addition to funding GOP candidates, Munger has a long history of supporting ballot measures that have gradually altered the state’s political landscape by chipping away at power held by Democrats and their allies in organized labor. He contributed to past measures that created a neutral body to redraw legislative and congressional districts, and paved the way for the state’s open primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Munger has poured $7.9 million into Proposition 54. It goes after the Legislature’s practice of writing and passing some bills at the last minute, without giving the public much chance to weigh in. The measure would require that all bills be published at least 72 hours before a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one citizen benefits from transparency so much that they would take the Legislature on over this, but everyone will benefit considerably, so it’s worthwhile doing this as a form of philanthropy,” Munger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 54 is endorsed by several chambers of commerce and groups that promote open government. “Our democracy is stronger the more we have more people participating,” said supporter Helen Hutchison, president of the League of Women Voters of California, adding that the measure is not partisan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Munger is the sole financial donor to Proposition 54, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/soapbox/article95120762.html\" target=\"_blank\">prompting critics\u003c/a> to say that the measure is not about philanthropy but about evening the political playing field for Republicans and their business allies. With Democrats holding a solid majority in the Legislature, last-minute maneuvers typically pass despite Republican objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munger says he’s “under no illusions” that his idea would face any less resistance if he were pushing a transparency measure in a Republican-dominated state. “Whoever thinks they control the government never really wants a transparent government if they have an agenda that would best be moved by keeping the public ignorant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that in 2006, when Republicans controlled the U.S. Senate, a Democratic senator wrote a bill to require all legislation be in print for 72 hours before a vote. That senator? Barack Obama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sean Parker\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of California’s marquee tech moguls is dropping big money into two California ballot measures. Sean Parker, the billionaire founder of Napster and first president of Facebook, has contributed $400,000 to Proposition 63, a gun control measure, and $3.8 million to support Proposition 64, which would legalize recreational marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both initiatives are backed by Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, who was a guest at Parker’s 2013 wedding -- a lavish Big Sur bash that infuriated environmentalists because it involved building a dance floor and other construction near an ancient redwood forest. Parker has given Newsom more than $56,000 for his 2018 run for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parker did not respond to an interview request. Proposition 64 spokesman Jason Kinney said in a statement that Parker supports making marijuana use legal for adults as “an important cause for social justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policies and politics. For more stories by Laurel Rosenhall, go to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/laurel-rosenhall/\" target=\"_blank\">calmatters.org/newsanalysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Tom Steyer, Charles Munger Jr. and Sean Parker are spending big to influence California’s statewide ballot this November.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California has more billionaires than any other state, and an abundance of direct democracy. Those two facts intersect during election season, when spending by wealthy donors helps determine which initiatives make it on the ballot and how many TV commercials and mailers campaigns can buy. Their donations carry the potential to influence state policy for years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at three high rollers influencing California’s statewide ballot this November:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Steyer\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco billionaire -- who exited the hedge-fund world a few years ago to devote himself to Democratic politics and environmental causes -- is now the biggest individual \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/summ.php?cycle=2016&disp=D&type=V&superonly=S\" target=\"_blank\">super-PAC donor\u003c/a> in the nation. He’s put $38 million into a committee running ads against Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump and is working to register new voters in battleground states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though deep-blue California isn’t a swing state, Steyer is digging deep here, too. He’s spent $1.6 million so far on a major drive to register new voters, trying to connect with the 7 million Californians who are eligible to vote but not registered. Largely young adults and people of color, Steyer called their lack of participation a “threat to democracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He appears prominently in \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LE9agKVFv9c&feature=youtu.be\" target=\"_blank\">TV ads\u003c/a> urging people to vote, fueling speculation that he plans to \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/bill-whalen/article99340517.html\" target=\"_blank\">run for governor\u003c/a> in two years. Steyer said he’ll make that call after the election. Until then, he’s concentrating on the upcoming ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is really important that California become more progressive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state with a long list of liberal ballot measures, Steyer and his political organization, NextGen Climate group, are boosting some of the most progressive causes. So far, he has given $1 million to Proposition 56, which would hike cigarette taxes by $2 a pack to fund the Medi-Cal health plan for the poor, and $50,000 to Proposition 67, which would ban plastic shopping bags. He also recently endorsed Proposition 62 to repeal the death penalty, and his aide said a financial contribution is forthcoming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NextGen even gave $61,000 to a campaign opposing money in politics. Proposition 59 asks voters if they want elected officials to take steps to repeal Citizens United, the U.S. Supreme Court decision that allowed unions and corporations to spend unlimited sums on political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer said he looks for ballot measures that represent contests between ordinary Californians and major corporations trying to preserve their bottom line. Though health care interests have donated roughly $17 million to support the tobacco tax, cigarette companies have poured almost $56 million into opposing it, while plastic bag manufacturers have given $2.9 million to defeat the bag ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He frames his support for repealing Citizens United in similar terms, saying the Supreme Court’s ruling created a “David and Goliath situation” in American politics. Even as the nation’s largest super-PAC donor, Steyer identifies more with David. He calls his own political spending “a counterweight to what we see as an overwhelming amount of money representing corporate interests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Charles Munger Jr.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A physicist who lives in Palo Alto, Munger is California’s biggest Republican donor and the son of a corporate billionaire. In addition to funding GOP candidates, Munger has a long history of supporting ballot measures that have gradually altered the state’s political landscape by chipping away at power held by Democrats and their allies in organized labor. He contributed to past measures that created a neutral body to redraw legislative and congressional districts, and paved the way for the state’s open primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Munger has poured $7.9 million into Proposition 54. It goes after the Legislature’s practice of writing and passing some bills at the last minute, without giving the public much chance to weigh in. The measure would require that all bills be published at least 72 hours before a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one citizen benefits from transparency so much that they would take the Legislature on over this, but everyone will benefit considerably, so it’s worthwhile doing this as a form of philanthropy,” Munger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 54 is endorsed by several chambers of commerce and groups that promote open government. “Our democracy is stronger the more we have more people participating,” said supporter Helen Hutchison, president of the League of Women Voters of California, adding that the measure is not partisan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Munger is the sole financial donor to Proposition 54, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/soapbox/article95120762.html\" target=\"_blank\">prompting critics\u003c/a> to say that the measure is not about philanthropy but about evening the political playing field for Republicans and their business allies. With Democrats holding a solid majority in the Legislature, last-minute maneuvers typically pass despite Republican objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munger says he’s “under no illusions” that his idea would face any less resistance if he were pushing a transparency measure in a Republican-dominated state. “Whoever thinks they control the government never really wants a transparent government if they have an agenda that would best be moved by keeping the public ignorant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that in 2006, when Republicans controlled the U.S. Senate, a Democratic senator wrote a bill to require all legislation be in print for 72 hours before a vote. That senator? Barack Obama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sean Parker\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of California’s marquee tech moguls is dropping big money into two California ballot measures. Sean Parker, the billionaire founder of Napster and first president of Facebook, has contributed $400,000 to Proposition 63, a gun control measure, and $3.8 million to support Proposition 64, which would legalize recreational marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both initiatives are backed by Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, who was a guest at Parker’s 2013 wedding -- a lavish Big Sur bash that infuriated environmentalists because it involved building a dance floor and other construction near an ancient redwood forest. Parker has given Newsom more than $56,000 for his 2018 run for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parker did not respond to an interview request. Proposition 64 spokesman Jason Kinney said in a statement that Parker supports making marijuana use legal for adults as “an important cause for social justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policies and politics. For more stories by Laurel Rosenhall, go to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/laurel-rosenhall/\" target=\"_blank\">calmatters.org/newsanalysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Will State Ban Property Seizures From People Who Aren't Criminals?",
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"content": "\u003cp>She is known by the pseudonym of \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/article/read-stories-civil-asset-forfeiture-victims\">Elizabeth James\u003c/a> -- a retiree from the phone company who was contemplating a cross-country trip with her machinist husband. They had worked for decades raising two children and caring for her disabled sister, who lived in a home the couple had bought and remodeled in East Palo Alto. Then police raided the sister’s home and arrested the Jameses' son, who had been living in a back room, for drug-dealing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Elizabeth James was never charged with a crime -- she insisted she didn’t know what her son was doing -- city police worked with federal authorities who evicted her sister and seized the house under a process known as civil asset forfeiture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 220 California law enforcement agencies have partnered with federal prosecutors to instigate civil asset forfeiture, allowing them to seize and liquidate the assets of people who weren’t convicted or even charged with crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal: to deny drug dealers working capital and divert the value of their assets to crime-fighting efforts. But critics have condemned it as “policing for profit,” arguing that it strips citizens of their goods \u003ca href=\"https://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Drug_Policy_Alliance_Above_the_Law_Civil_Asset_Forfeiture_in_California.pdf\">without due process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After overcoming objections from some in law enforcement, a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB443\">bill\u003c/a> to curtail the practice cleared the Legislature by a wide margin and is awaiting Gov. Jerry Brown’s signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 443 isn’t the platinum reform standard for civil asset forfeiture, but it’s still a very good bill,” said Lee McGrath, legislative counsel for the \u003ca href=\"http://ij.org/\">Institute for Justice\u003c/a>. “More to the point, this is a California bill. When California does something, everybody in the nation pays attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law already prevents civil asset forfeiture in most state cases -- an exception being large bundles of cash -- unless the owner is convicted. But it allows state and local police to collaborate on drug cases with the federal government, which not only doesn’t require convictions for civil asset forfeiture, but rewards cooperating agencies with up to \u003ca href=\"http://www.ij.org/images/legislation/california/factsaboutequitablesharing.pdf\">80 percent\u003c/a> of the assets’ worth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result has been a big surge in the federal variety. A state Senate \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB443\">bill analysis\u003c/a> indicates that the amount California agencies collected under the federal program in 2014 was \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/afp/reports-congress/fy2014-california\">$77 million\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[SeizedProperty]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s biggest impact: It would ban local and state police from reaping the gains of federal civil asset forfeiture unless the owner of the assets is convicted of a crime. It also would bolster existing protections under state law by raising the threshold for the forfeiture of cash absent a conviction from $25,000 to $40,000, and requiring a conviction before the government can claim property such as boats and cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if SB 443 becomes law, it will be too late for Elizabeth James. Her lawyer recommended a deal: Their son pleaded guilty and the government would drop all claims to the house -- although it would not reimburse the couple for legal fees or home damage from the raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her case illustrates “why I think civil asset forfeiture is tantamount to theft,” said her attorney, James Cooper. He maintained James’ son was a “low-level dealer” and that “the house was in no way germane to the case,” he said. The U.S. Attorney’s Office and East Palo Alto police did not respond to questions about the 2009 case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mica Doctoroff of the American Civil Liberties Union called it “a prime example of people not guilty of doing anything wrong getting swept up in asset forfeiture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, support for California’s SB 443, sponsored by state Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles) and Assemblyman David Hadley (R-Manhattan Beach), wasn’t unanimous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My argument is that it’s just as important to take down the small-time dealers as the kingpins,” said Assemblyman Jim Cooper. “I served 30 years in the (Sacramento County) sheriff’s department, and worked 10 years in narcotics and gangs. I spent years undercover, buying drugs from ‘small-time’ dealers. I see what they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way to hobble drug traffickers, he says, “is to hit them in the pocketbook, and asset forfeiture is the most effective way to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11069377\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11069377\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord-800x520.jpg\" alt=\"Anaheim landlord Tony Jalali had to battle to get back his seized commercial building. \" width=\"800\" height=\"520\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord-800x520.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord-400x260.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord-1180x767.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord-960x624.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anaheim landlord Tony Jalali had to battle to get back his seized commercial building. \u003ccite>(CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But critics -- from the conservative \u003ca href=\"http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2015/04/civil-asset-forfeiture-good-intentions-gone-awry-and-the-need-for-reform\">Heritage Foundation\u003c/a> to the liberal \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusandiego.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/ACLU-Civil-Asset-Forfeiture-Report-1.pdf\">ACLU\u003c/a> -- say more Jameses are being ensnared than El Chapos or Pablo Escobars. Examples:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The immigrant \u003ca href=\"http://ij.org/case/caforfeiture/#backgrounder\">landlord in Anaheim\u003c/a> whose modest commercial building was seized because his tenants included not just a dentist and an insurance company, but also a marijuana dispensary.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/article/read-stories-civil-asset-forfeiture-victims\">taco truck operator\u003c/a> who had $10,000 in cash confiscated after he was stopped by the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/article/read-stories-civil-asset-forfeiture-victims\">music promoter\u003c/a> who had to battle for the return of $13,000 cash seized in a Shasta County traffic stop -- the door receipts from his Mexican music concerts.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In each instance, the property owner was not arrested. Sometimes they got their property back, but only after a costly legal battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura Police Chief Ken Corney, president of the California Police Chiefs Association, said the bill strikes a balance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many times when it may not be possible to apprehend or convict a trafficker. Many would rather abandon their money or property than be held accountable for their acts. So denying them resources can at least inhibit some of their future activities, and helps us keep the pressure on them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, he said, people can always go to court to get their property back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the people who are caught up in this are poor and are often people of color, people who are struggling to get by under the best of circumstances,” countered Shillinger. “They may not speak English. They’re intimidated by the courts, they often can’t take time off from work to go through lengthy judicial proceedings, and they usually don’t have the wherewithal to hire an attorney. So they tend to just suffer their losses and walk away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the police count on that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit news outlet covering state policy and politics \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>She is known by the pseudonym of \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/article/read-stories-civil-asset-forfeiture-victims\">Elizabeth James\u003c/a> -- a retiree from the phone company who was contemplating a cross-country trip with her machinist husband. They had worked for decades raising two children and caring for her disabled sister, who lived in a home the couple had bought and remodeled in East Palo Alto. Then police raided the sister’s home and arrested the Jameses' son, who had been living in a back room, for drug-dealing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Elizabeth James was never charged with a crime -- she insisted she didn’t know what her son was doing -- city police worked with federal authorities who evicted her sister and seized the house under a process known as civil asset forfeiture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 220 California law enforcement agencies have partnered with federal prosecutors to instigate civil asset forfeiture, allowing them to seize and liquidate the assets of people who weren’t convicted or even charged with crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal: to deny drug dealers working capital and divert the value of their assets to crime-fighting efforts. But critics have condemned it as “policing for profit,” arguing that it strips citizens of their goods \u003ca href=\"https://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Drug_Policy_Alliance_Above_the_Law_Civil_Asset_Forfeiture_in_California.pdf\">without due process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After overcoming objections from some in law enforcement, a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB443\">bill\u003c/a> to curtail the practice cleared the Legislature by a wide margin and is awaiting Gov. Jerry Brown’s signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 443 isn’t the platinum reform standard for civil asset forfeiture, but it’s still a very good bill,” said Lee McGrath, legislative counsel for the \u003ca href=\"http://ij.org/\">Institute for Justice\u003c/a>. “More to the point, this is a California bill. When California does something, everybody in the nation pays attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State law already prevents civil asset forfeiture in most state cases -- an exception being large bundles of cash -- unless the owner is convicted. But it allows state and local police to collaborate on drug cases with the federal government, which not only doesn’t require convictions for civil asset forfeiture, but rewards cooperating agencies with up to \u003ca href=\"http://www.ij.org/images/legislation/california/factsaboutequitablesharing.pdf\">80 percent\u003c/a> of the assets’ worth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result has been a big surge in the federal variety. A state Senate \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB443\">bill analysis\u003c/a> indicates that the amount California agencies collected under the federal program in 2014 was \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/afp/reports-congress/fy2014-california\">$77 million\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[SeizedProperty]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s biggest impact: It would ban local and state police from reaping the gains of federal civil asset forfeiture unless the owner of the assets is convicted of a crime. It also would bolster existing protections under state law by raising the threshold for the forfeiture of cash absent a conviction from $25,000 to $40,000, and requiring a conviction before the government can claim property such as boats and cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if SB 443 becomes law, it will be too late for Elizabeth James. Her lawyer recommended a deal: Their son pleaded guilty and the government would drop all claims to the house -- although it would not reimburse the couple for legal fees or home damage from the raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her case illustrates “why I think civil asset forfeiture is tantamount to theft,” said her attorney, James Cooper. He maintained James’ son was a “low-level dealer” and that “the house was in no way germane to the case,” he said. The U.S. Attorney’s Office and East Palo Alto police did not respond to questions about the 2009 case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mica Doctoroff of the American Civil Liberties Union called it “a prime example of people not guilty of doing anything wrong getting swept up in asset forfeiture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, support for California’s SB 443, sponsored by state Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles) and Assemblyman David Hadley (R-Manhattan Beach), wasn’t unanimous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My argument is that it’s just as important to take down the small-time dealers as the kingpins,” said Assemblyman Jim Cooper. “I served 30 years in the (Sacramento County) sheriff’s department, and worked 10 years in narcotics and gangs. I spent years undercover, buying drugs from ‘small-time’ dealers. I see what they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way to hobble drug traffickers, he says, “is to hit them in the pocketbook, and asset forfeiture is the most effective way to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11069377\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11069377\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord-800x520.jpg\" alt=\"Anaheim landlord Tony Jalali had to battle to get back his seized commercial building. \" width=\"800\" height=\"520\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord-800x520.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord-400x260.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord-1180x767.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/AnaheimLandlord-960x624.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anaheim landlord Tony Jalali had to battle to get back his seized commercial building. \u003ccite>(CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But critics -- from the conservative \u003ca href=\"http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2015/04/civil-asset-forfeiture-good-intentions-gone-awry-and-the-need-for-reform\">Heritage Foundation\u003c/a> to the liberal \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusandiego.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/ACLU-Civil-Asset-Forfeiture-Report-1.pdf\">ACLU\u003c/a> -- say more Jameses are being ensnared than El Chapos or Pablo Escobars. Examples:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The immigrant \u003ca href=\"http://ij.org/case/caforfeiture/#backgrounder\">landlord in Anaheim\u003c/a> whose modest commercial building was seized because his tenants included not just a dentist and an insurance company, but also a marijuana dispensary.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/article/read-stories-civil-asset-forfeiture-victims\">taco truck operator\u003c/a> who had $10,000 in cash confiscated after he was stopped by the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/article/read-stories-civil-asset-forfeiture-victims\">music promoter\u003c/a> who had to battle for the return of $13,000 cash seized in a Shasta County traffic stop -- the door receipts from his Mexican music concerts.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In each instance, the property owner was not arrested. Sometimes they got their property back, but only after a costly legal battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura Police Chief Ken Corney, president of the California Police Chiefs Association, said the bill strikes a balance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many times when it may not be possible to apprehend or convict a trafficker. Many would rather abandon their money or property than be held accountable for their acts. So denying them resources can at least inhibit some of their future activities, and helps us keep the pressure on them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, he said, people can always go to court to get their property back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the people who are caught up in this are poor and are often people of color, people who are struggling to get by under the best of circumstances,” countered Shillinger. “They may not speak English. They’re intimidated by the courts, they often can’t take time off from work to go through lengthy judicial proceedings, and they usually don’t have the wherewithal to hire an attorney. So they tend to just suffer their losses and walk away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the police count on that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit news outlet covering state policy and politics \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Judging the Judges: Recalls May Become Easier, But Is That Better for California?",
"title": "Judging the Judges: Recalls May Become Easier, But Is That Better for California?",
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"content": "\u003cp>The reaction has been swift, viral and unrelenting. Shortly after Santa Clara County Judge Aaron Persky sentenced an ex-Stanford University swimmer to only six months in jail for sexually assaulting an unconscious woman, the victim’s emotional 12-page court \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeed.com/katiejmbaker/heres-the-powerful-letter-the-stanford-victim-read-to-her-ra?utm_term=.ktk1JzabGr#.lm1P6OdGb1\">statement\u003c/a> drew 13 million readers online, and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/california-state-house-recall-judge-aaron-persky?source_location=movement\">cyber-petition\u003c/a> demanding the judge’s removal garnered well over a million signatures. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Thursday night, the judge himself had been, at his own request, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/08/26/judge-aaron-persky-brock-turner-case/\" target=\"_blank\">removed from hearing criminal cases altogether\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the judge’s reassignment to civil court, announced in a statement by the county’s presiding judge, a \u003ca href=\"http://www.recallaaronpersky.com/\">recall\u003c/a> movement is moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can still transfer back to hearing criminal cases any time he chooses,” said Stanford law professor Michele Dauber, a friend of the victim’s family who is organizing the recall. “Furthermore, judicial bias is just as serious regardless of whether a case is civil or criminal. Many issues affecting women are heard in civil court every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a recall is rare nationwide, and by design, California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/recalls/procedure-recalling-state-and-local-officials/\">system\u003c/a> makes it difficult. But amid a constellation of factors, some legal experts believe we could be plunging into a new era in which judges increasingly fear losing their jobs over unpopular decisions -- and that, in turn, may influence how they behave on the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evidence suggests that judges tend to hand down stiffer sentences shortly before they have to face the voters in retention elections. And although there is little research on the effects of judicial recalls because there have been so few of them, growing mistrust in the justice system and the rise of social media could change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People are less inclined to be deferential to their public institutions than was once the case,\" said Kevin Cole, a professor at University of San Diego School of Law. \"And it’s easier for criticism to spread. Now all you need is an internet connection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When California voters initially gave themselves the ability to oust judges by recall in 1911, it was seen as a tool to protect the judiciary from corporate influence. Progressives at the time argued that in a true democracy, judges -- and all elected officials -- should be held accountable to the will of the people. Interestingly, over the past century notable recalls have targeted male judges who were viewed as dismissive of the concerns of women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Judges2]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, many legal scholars are warning of dangers inherent in politicizing the courts: 46 California law professors have signed a \u003ca href=\"http://www.therecorder.com/id=1202763810644/46-California-Law-Professors-Letter-Opposes-Persky-Ouster?slreturn=20160716202015\">letter\u003c/a> that, while criticizing Brock Turner’s sentence, warns that a recall poses \"grave collateral damage\" to justice in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Naked political pressure of this kind risks undermining the very foundation of dispassionate, independent judgment upon which all criminal convictions and sentences depend for their legitimacy,\" they wrote. “If disappointed litigants can influence the outcomes of future cases by unseating judges who rule against their interests, the administration of justice quickly falls into the hands of the wealthy, special interest groups, and anyone who wants to launch a political action committee on the heels of media coverage of a controversial case.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky, who joined other law professors in signing the anti-recall letter, \u003ca href=\"http://www.ocregister.com/articles/judge-719460-sentence-judges.html\">wrote\u003c/a> that recall efforts mostly target judges seen as rendering lenient sentences. He has represented defendants given a life sentence for stealing $153 of videotapes and 25 years to life for stealing an umbrella and two bottles of liquor worth $49, but can’t remember a recall ever mounted against a judge for imposing \"an outrageously long sentence.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another online \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/california-commission-on-judicial-performance-a-letter-in-support-of-judge-aaron-persky-and-judicial-discretion\">petition\u003c/a>, this one started by public defenders in support of Persky, cautions that his removal would \"deter other judges from extending mercy. ... We fear that this shift will disproportionately impact the underprivileged and minorities in our communities and perpetuate mass incarceration.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Persky’s sentencing of Turner and the impassioned reaction to it are extraordinary. The Committee to Recall Judge Persky, which aims to raise $1 million for a political action committee, was founded by Stanford law professor Michele Dauber, a friend of the victim's family, and is getting help from a co-founder of Electing Women Silicon Valley and experienced social media consultants. The committee and the invitation-only women’s group \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1740782152831754/\">Grlcvlt\u003c/a> already have hosted a star-studded benefit in Brooklyn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dauber has said that Persky needs to be removed not merely for the sentence he handed down to Turner, but because he \"exhibits a clear pattern of bias against sexual violence and violence against women.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think,” she said, “voters will agree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11059993\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11059993\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky-800x545.jpg\" alt=\"Santa Clara County Judge Aaron Persky faces a recall movement after he sentenced an ex-Stanford University swimmer to six months in jail for sexually assaulting an unconscious woman.\" width=\"800\" height=\"545\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky-800x545.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky-400x273.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky-1180x804.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky-960x655.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara County Judge Aaron Persky faces a recall movement after he sentenced an ex-Stanford University swimmer to six months in jail for sexually assaulting an unconscious woman. \u003ccite>(Jason Doiy/The Recorder)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California, of course, has a body ready-made to respond to the voters: the Legislature. Before wrapping up their 2016 session this month, for example, lawmakers will decide the fate of a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB2888\">bill\u003c/a> designed to establish mandatory prison time for sex crimes against victims incapable of giving consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor is the judicial branch immune to political blowback. One indication may be that Persky just \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/crime-courts/ci_30277943/brock-turner-judge-kicks-himself-off-first-sex\">recused\u003c/a> himself from a case in which he had previously indicated his willingness to reduce a plumber’s felony conviction for child pornography possession down to a misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And other judges feel a chill as well -- which at least one Santa Clara County public defender suggests is already happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am really fearful that the recall effort will impact the clients I represent,\" said public defender Sajid Khan. He has not gone before Persky, but says he has already encountered a case in which another county judge offered to remove a strike for a defendant in exchange for a guilty plea -- but rescinded the offer after the Turner case. \"It seemed more than a coincidence,\" he said. “I was left to wonder if his change in course was due to fear of backlash or a subconscious concern about what Judge Persky has to go through.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the absence of research on recalls, studies on retention votes -- where judges face a vote to keep their seats -- do show \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/publication/rethinking-judicial-selection-state-courts\">evidence\u003c/a> that judges are more likely to sentence defendants to more prison time and uphold death penalty sentences in election years. One 2012 \u003ca href=\"http://faculty.haas.berkeley.edu/yuchtman/Noam_Yuchtman_files/Berdejo_Yuchtman_April_2012.pd\">study\u003c/a> by researchers at Loyola Law School and UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business found that judges in Washington state handed down longer sentences for serious crimes at the end of their election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The question is, might this be harkening a new emphasis on judicial recall and what does this mean for judges who are hearing cases that are controversial?” said Alicia Bannon, a senior counsel at the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law, and author of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/publication/rethinking-judicial-selection-state-courts\">report\u003c/a> warning of politicized courtrooms. “In the end, judges are often going to make decisions that aren’t popular... The facts are troubling in this particular case, but raise broader questions about the integrity of our court system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And judges do feel the pressure. The late California Supreme Court Justice Otto Kaus once likened deciding controversial cases before elections to “finding a crocodile in your bathtub when you go in to shave in the morning. You know it’s there, and you try not to think about it, but it’s hard to think of much else while you’re shaving.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re only human,” former Iowa Supreme Court Judge Michael Streit told a forum at Drake University a year after he and two other judges were blocked from retention following a decision to legalize same-sex marriage. But regardless of pressure, he said, judges must consciously avoid making decisions based on politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, says Cathal Conneely, a public information officer for the Judicial Council of California, judges are aware of the balancing act they face every day on every case. “It’s assumed that comes with the judicial temperament,” he said, adding that judges -- who come to the bench with at least 10 years of legal experience -- have “robust” guidance, education, supervision and support when needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"SJo4pZ8HgVpcFIe2ZhULEPQ7BvGsjtkj\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of only \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/recall-of-state-officials.aspx#List_of_States_with_Process\">eight states\u003c/a> to allow voters to remove a judge, and one of even fewer where a judge can be tossed out without having clearly broken the law. The independent California Commission on Judicial Performance investigates complaints of misconduct where judges may have broken the law, which can result in removal or sanctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s 1,535 Superior Court judges appear on the ballot in a nonpartisan election every six years, facing potential ouster only if an opponent challenges them. Only two recall efforts have worked, in 1913 and 1932.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for appointed California Supreme Court justices, there have been 27 attempts to remove those. Former Chief Justice Rose Bird and Justices Joseph Grodin and Cruz Reynoso were rejected in 1986 by voters angered over their resistance to capital punishment. Supreme Court judges face simple retention votes -- where voters are asked to mark yes or no on their ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has two things that are relatively unique,” said William Raftery, a senior analyst for the National Center for State Courts. “You have more judges there than just about anywhere in the United States and you do have recall. Just looking broadly in the United States, recall very, very, very rarely happens, whether it’s a governor or a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last recalled judge was County Judge Arnie Simonson, ousted by Wisconsin voters in 1977 -- after he had commented during a juvenile sex assault hearing that “given the way women dress, rape is a normal reaction.” He sentenced a teen convicted of attacking a 15-year-old girl in a school stairway to a year of home supervision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recalls are rare primarily because they are expensive and time-consuming. Proponents of recalling Judge Persky must wait until April to begin gathering 80,000 signatures of Santa Clara County voters to guarantee the measure will make the ballot. That means keeping the public engaged until an off-year election in November 2017, and raising money for what will be a long campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often recalls simply sputter out. One case in point was an \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/M._Marc_Kelly_recall,_Orange_County_Superior_Court,_California_(2015)\">effort to recall\u003c/a> Orange County Superior Court Judge M. Marc Kelly last year. The judge faced outrage after he sentenced a man convicted of sodomizing a 3-year-old girl to 10 years in prison, the mandatory minimum. Tens of thousands signed a Change.org petition but not enough people added their names to an official petition that would put the recall on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While supporters of the Persky recall have to work to keep momentum going, they have a responsive public. A Gallup \u003ca href=\"http://www.gallup.com/poll/183593/confidence-institutions-below-historical-norms.aspx\">Poll\u003c/a> last year found a historically low level of confidence in government, with fewer than a third professing faith in the criminal justice system. A recent \u003ca href=\"http://politicaldata.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Sextant-Santa-Clara-Judicial-Recall-Tabs-for-CA120.pdf\">survey\u003c/a> found that two-thirds of voters in Santa Clara County support recalling Persky -- and among younger women, that support was by a 4-to-1 margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Judges1]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the backlash is unsurprising, given that the sentence came amid widespread concern about a reported epidemic of sexual assaults on campuses nationwide. Turner was a student at an elite university, a swimmer with Olympic aspirations caught with an unresponsive woman near a dumpster outside a frat party. The woman, who didn’t remember the assault, suffered vaginal injuries from a foreign object. Turner was prosecuted and convicted of three felonies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge handed down the minimum sentence after considering the “severe impact” of a long sentence, the mitigating factor of alcohol, and the fact that Turner will have to register as a sex offender. Statements from Turner’s father, describing his son’s loss of appetite and how his life had been ruined over “20 minutes of action”—which Dauber tweeted out—further inflamed public reaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coverage was ubiquitous: Cosmopolitan, the New Yorker and everything in between. The petition on Change.org calling for impeachment — not related to a recall — is still racking up signatures. The recall effort’s website has posted endorsements and stories about sentences Persky has handed down in other sex assault cases, including one where he sentenced a man to less than a week in jail for possession of child abuse images and another for “weekend jail” after being convicted of felony battery in a domestic violence case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cole, from the University of San Diego, hopes voters understand what’s at stake. The issues—involving mandated minimum sentencing and the need to evaluate each defendant individually—go to the heart of how a judge deliberates and are complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These arguments are too cerebral for Facebook,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was no Facebook in the few cases where voters decided to recall judges. Why did those succeed?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What they shared, according to Stanford history professor Estelle Freedman, was outrage that sparked the attention of women’s groups. The earlier recalls — and the effort building against Persky — occurred amid a backdrop of “perceived lenience toward rape at a time of political mobilization by feminists,” she noted in a New York Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/10/opinion/when-feminists-take-on-judges-over-rape.html?_r=0\">op-ed\u003c/a> headlined “Why Feminists Take on Judges Over Rape”. And in the case against Judge Simonson in Wisconsin, the National Organization for Women organized meetings and “feminist networks in the area led the response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1913, when San Francisco Police Court Judge Charles Weller reduced bail for a man charged with felony assault of a 16-year old girl, women’s clubs took action, as \u003ca href=\"http://cdnc.ucr.edu/cgi-bin/cdnc?a=d&d=SFC19130124.2.78\">reported\u003c/a> at the time by the San Francisco Call. The vice president of the Oceanside Women’s Club, who instigated the recall, said that “no power on earth could prevent the good women of San Francisco from exercising their rights of franchise in so noble a cause,” the paper reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oceanside Women’s Club official and her allies went door to door and collected signatures. “The men have failed to force good government,” she told the Call. “The women will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policy and politics. For more stories, go to calmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Some experts think we may be entering an era in which judges increasingly fear losing their jobs over unpopular decisions -- and that may influence how they behave on the bench.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The reaction has been swift, viral and unrelenting. Shortly after Santa Clara County Judge Aaron Persky sentenced an ex-Stanford University swimmer to only six months in jail for sexually assaulting an unconscious woman, the victim’s emotional 12-page court \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeed.com/katiejmbaker/heres-the-powerful-letter-the-stanford-victim-read-to-her-ra?utm_term=.ktk1JzabGr#.lm1P6OdGb1\">statement\u003c/a> drew 13 million readers online, and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/california-state-house-recall-judge-aaron-persky?source_location=movement\">cyber-petition\u003c/a> demanding the judge’s removal garnered well over a million signatures. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Thursday night, the judge himself had been, at his own request, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/08/26/judge-aaron-persky-brock-turner-case/\" target=\"_blank\">removed from hearing criminal cases altogether\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the judge’s reassignment to civil court, announced in a statement by the county’s presiding judge, a \u003ca href=\"http://www.recallaaronpersky.com/\">recall\u003c/a> movement is moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can still transfer back to hearing criminal cases any time he chooses,” said Stanford law professor Michele Dauber, a friend of the victim’s family who is organizing the recall. “Furthermore, judicial bias is just as serious regardless of whether a case is civil or criminal. Many issues affecting women are heard in civil court every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a recall is rare nationwide, and by design, California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/recalls/procedure-recalling-state-and-local-officials/\">system\u003c/a> makes it difficult. But amid a constellation of factors, some legal experts believe we could be plunging into a new era in which judges increasingly fear losing their jobs over unpopular decisions -- and that, in turn, may influence how they behave on the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evidence suggests that judges tend to hand down stiffer sentences shortly before they have to face the voters in retention elections. And although there is little research on the effects of judicial recalls because there have been so few of them, growing mistrust in the justice system and the rise of social media could change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People are less inclined to be deferential to their public institutions than was once the case,\" said Kevin Cole, a professor at University of San Diego School of Law. \"And it’s easier for criticism to spread. Now all you need is an internet connection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When California voters initially gave themselves the ability to oust judges by recall in 1911, it was seen as a tool to protect the judiciary from corporate influence. Progressives at the time argued that in a true democracy, judges -- and all elected officials -- should be held accountable to the will of the people. Interestingly, over the past century notable recalls have targeted male judges who were viewed as dismissive of the concerns of women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Judges2]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, many legal scholars are warning of dangers inherent in politicizing the courts: 46 California law professors have signed a \u003ca href=\"http://www.therecorder.com/id=1202763810644/46-California-Law-Professors-Letter-Opposes-Persky-Ouster?slreturn=20160716202015\">letter\u003c/a> that, while criticizing Brock Turner’s sentence, warns that a recall poses \"grave collateral damage\" to justice in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Naked political pressure of this kind risks undermining the very foundation of dispassionate, independent judgment upon which all criminal convictions and sentences depend for their legitimacy,\" they wrote. “If disappointed litigants can influence the outcomes of future cases by unseating judges who rule against their interests, the administration of justice quickly falls into the hands of the wealthy, special interest groups, and anyone who wants to launch a political action committee on the heels of media coverage of a controversial case.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky, who joined other law professors in signing the anti-recall letter, \u003ca href=\"http://www.ocregister.com/articles/judge-719460-sentence-judges.html\">wrote\u003c/a> that recall efforts mostly target judges seen as rendering lenient sentences. He has represented defendants given a life sentence for stealing $153 of videotapes and 25 years to life for stealing an umbrella and two bottles of liquor worth $49, but can’t remember a recall ever mounted against a judge for imposing \"an outrageously long sentence.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another online \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/california-commission-on-judicial-performance-a-letter-in-support-of-judge-aaron-persky-and-judicial-discretion\">petition\u003c/a>, this one started by public defenders in support of Persky, cautions that his removal would \"deter other judges from extending mercy. ... We fear that this shift will disproportionately impact the underprivileged and minorities in our communities and perpetuate mass incarceration.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Persky’s sentencing of Turner and the impassioned reaction to it are extraordinary. The Committee to Recall Judge Persky, which aims to raise $1 million for a political action committee, was founded by Stanford law professor Michele Dauber, a friend of the victim's family, and is getting help from a co-founder of Electing Women Silicon Valley and experienced social media consultants. The committee and the invitation-only women’s group \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1740782152831754/\">Grlcvlt\u003c/a> already have hosted a star-studded benefit in Brooklyn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dauber has said that Persky needs to be removed not merely for the sentence he handed down to Turner, but because he \"exhibits a clear pattern of bias against sexual violence and violence against women.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think,” she said, “voters will agree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11059993\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11059993\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky-800x545.jpg\" alt=\"Santa Clara County Judge Aaron Persky faces a recall movement after he sentenced an ex-Stanford University swimmer to six months in jail for sexually assaulting an unconscious woman.\" width=\"800\" height=\"545\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky-800x545.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky-400x273.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky-1180x804.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Persky-960x655.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara County Judge Aaron Persky faces a recall movement after he sentenced an ex-Stanford University swimmer to six months in jail for sexually assaulting an unconscious woman. \u003ccite>(Jason Doiy/The Recorder)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California, of course, has a body ready-made to respond to the voters: the Legislature. Before wrapping up their 2016 session this month, for example, lawmakers will decide the fate of a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB2888\">bill\u003c/a> designed to establish mandatory prison time for sex crimes against victims incapable of giving consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor is the judicial branch immune to political blowback. One indication may be that Persky just \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/crime-courts/ci_30277943/brock-turner-judge-kicks-himself-off-first-sex\">recused\u003c/a> himself from a case in which he had previously indicated his willingness to reduce a plumber’s felony conviction for child pornography possession down to a misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And other judges feel a chill as well -- which at least one Santa Clara County public defender suggests is already happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am really fearful that the recall effort will impact the clients I represent,\" said public defender Sajid Khan. He has not gone before Persky, but says he has already encountered a case in which another county judge offered to remove a strike for a defendant in exchange for a guilty plea -- but rescinded the offer after the Turner case. \"It seemed more than a coincidence,\" he said. “I was left to wonder if his change in course was due to fear of backlash or a subconscious concern about what Judge Persky has to go through.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the absence of research on recalls, studies on retention votes -- where judges face a vote to keep their seats -- do show \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/publication/rethinking-judicial-selection-state-courts\">evidence\u003c/a> that judges are more likely to sentence defendants to more prison time and uphold death penalty sentences in election years. One 2012 \u003ca href=\"http://faculty.haas.berkeley.edu/yuchtman/Noam_Yuchtman_files/Berdejo_Yuchtman_April_2012.pd\">study\u003c/a> by researchers at Loyola Law School and UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business found that judges in Washington state handed down longer sentences for serious crimes at the end of their election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The question is, might this be harkening a new emphasis on judicial recall and what does this mean for judges who are hearing cases that are controversial?” said Alicia Bannon, a senior counsel at the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law, and author of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/publication/rethinking-judicial-selection-state-courts\">report\u003c/a> warning of politicized courtrooms. “In the end, judges are often going to make decisions that aren’t popular... The facts are troubling in this particular case, but raise broader questions about the integrity of our court system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And judges do feel the pressure. The late California Supreme Court Justice Otto Kaus once likened deciding controversial cases before elections to “finding a crocodile in your bathtub when you go in to shave in the morning. You know it’s there, and you try not to think about it, but it’s hard to think of much else while you’re shaving.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re only human,” former Iowa Supreme Court Judge Michael Streit told a forum at Drake University a year after he and two other judges were blocked from retention following a decision to legalize same-sex marriage. But regardless of pressure, he said, judges must consciously avoid making decisions based on politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, says Cathal Conneely, a public information officer for the Judicial Council of California, judges are aware of the balancing act they face every day on every case. “It’s assumed that comes with the judicial temperament,” he said, adding that judges -- who come to the bench with at least 10 years of legal experience -- have “robust” guidance, education, supervision and support when needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of only \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/recall-of-state-officials.aspx#List_of_States_with_Process\">eight states\u003c/a> to allow voters to remove a judge, and one of even fewer where a judge can be tossed out without having clearly broken the law. The independent California Commission on Judicial Performance investigates complaints of misconduct where judges may have broken the law, which can result in removal or sanctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s 1,535 Superior Court judges appear on the ballot in a nonpartisan election every six years, facing potential ouster only if an opponent challenges them. Only two recall efforts have worked, in 1913 and 1932.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for appointed California Supreme Court justices, there have been 27 attempts to remove those. Former Chief Justice Rose Bird and Justices Joseph Grodin and Cruz Reynoso were rejected in 1986 by voters angered over their resistance to capital punishment. Supreme Court judges face simple retention votes -- where voters are asked to mark yes or no on their ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has two things that are relatively unique,” said William Raftery, a senior analyst for the National Center for State Courts. “You have more judges there than just about anywhere in the United States and you do have recall. Just looking broadly in the United States, recall very, very, very rarely happens, whether it’s a governor or a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last recalled judge was County Judge Arnie Simonson, ousted by Wisconsin voters in 1977 -- after he had commented during a juvenile sex assault hearing that “given the way women dress, rape is a normal reaction.” He sentenced a teen convicted of attacking a 15-year-old girl in a school stairway to a year of home supervision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recalls are rare primarily because they are expensive and time-consuming. Proponents of recalling Judge Persky must wait until April to begin gathering 80,000 signatures of Santa Clara County voters to guarantee the measure will make the ballot. That means keeping the public engaged until an off-year election in November 2017, and raising money for what will be a long campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often recalls simply sputter out. One case in point was an \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/M._Marc_Kelly_recall,_Orange_County_Superior_Court,_California_(2015)\">effort to recall\u003c/a> Orange County Superior Court Judge M. Marc Kelly last year. The judge faced outrage after he sentenced a man convicted of sodomizing a 3-year-old girl to 10 years in prison, the mandatory minimum. Tens of thousands signed a Change.org petition but not enough people added their names to an official petition that would put the recall on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While supporters of the Persky recall have to work to keep momentum going, they have a responsive public. A Gallup \u003ca href=\"http://www.gallup.com/poll/183593/confidence-institutions-below-historical-norms.aspx\">Poll\u003c/a> last year found a historically low level of confidence in government, with fewer than a third professing faith in the criminal justice system. A recent \u003ca href=\"http://politicaldata.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Sextant-Santa-Clara-Judicial-Recall-Tabs-for-CA120.pdf\">survey\u003c/a> found that two-thirds of voters in Santa Clara County support recalling Persky -- and among younger women, that support was by a 4-to-1 margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Judges1]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the backlash is unsurprising, given that the sentence came amid widespread concern about a reported epidemic of sexual assaults on campuses nationwide. Turner was a student at an elite university, a swimmer with Olympic aspirations caught with an unresponsive woman near a dumpster outside a frat party. The woman, who didn’t remember the assault, suffered vaginal injuries from a foreign object. Turner was prosecuted and convicted of three felonies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge handed down the minimum sentence after considering the “severe impact” of a long sentence, the mitigating factor of alcohol, and the fact that Turner will have to register as a sex offender. Statements from Turner’s father, describing his son’s loss of appetite and how his life had been ruined over “20 minutes of action”—which Dauber tweeted out—further inflamed public reaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coverage was ubiquitous: Cosmopolitan, the New Yorker and everything in between. The petition on Change.org calling for impeachment — not related to a recall — is still racking up signatures. The recall effort’s website has posted endorsements and stories about sentences Persky has handed down in other sex assault cases, including one where he sentenced a man to less than a week in jail for possession of child abuse images and another for “weekend jail” after being convicted of felony battery in a domestic violence case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cole, from the University of San Diego, hopes voters understand what’s at stake. The issues—involving mandated minimum sentencing and the need to evaluate each defendant individually—go to the heart of how a judge deliberates and are complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These arguments are too cerebral for Facebook,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was no Facebook in the few cases where voters decided to recall judges. Why did those succeed?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What they shared, according to Stanford history professor Estelle Freedman, was outrage that sparked the attention of women’s groups. The earlier recalls — and the effort building against Persky — occurred amid a backdrop of “perceived lenience toward rape at a time of political mobilization by feminists,” she noted in a New York Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/10/opinion/when-feminists-take-on-judges-over-rape.html?_r=0\">op-ed\u003c/a> headlined “Why Feminists Take on Judges Over Rape”. And in the case against Judge Simonson in Wisconsin, the National Organization for Women organized meetings and “feminist networks in the area led the response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1913, when San Francisco Police Court Judge Charles Weller reduced bail for a man charged with felony assault of a 16-year old girl, women’s clubs took action, as \u003ca href=\"http://cdnc.ucr.edu/cgi-bin/cdnc?a=d&d=SFC19130124.2.78\">reported\u003c/a> at the time by the San Francisco Call. The vice president of the Oceanside Women’s Club, who instigated the recall, said that “no power on earth could prevent the good women of San Francisco from exercising their rights of franchise in so noble a cause,” the paper reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oceanside Women’s Club official and her allies went door to door and collected signatures. “The men have failed to force good government,” she told the Call. “The women will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policy and politics. For more stories, go to calmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "On the Offense: Transgender Californians Aim to Pre-Empt Ballot Struggle",
"title": "On the Offense: Transgender Californians Aim to Pre-Empt Ballot Struggle",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>One after another they stepped to the podium telling stories of liberation through transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was the man, in suit and bow tie, who once played college basketball on a women’s team. There was the woman, in a red lace dress, who said attaining a female physique was like “holding a prize in my hand.” Gone were the anxiety, depression and thoughts of suicide that came with living in the male body that didn’t match her spirit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stories they shared at this press conference outside the state Capitol were part of a broader statewide effort to make Californians more familiar with transgender people and the discrimination they say they face. Similar events have already taken place in Los Angeles, San Jose and San Francisco, with more planned for Fresno, Palm Springs and San Diego. Videos about Californians who changed their gender are featured on a \u003ca href=\"http://www.transformcalifornia.com/\">website\u003c/a>, and a media ad campaign is in the works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1.2 million Transform California campaign is attempting to sway public opinion long before Californians might ever vote on any ballot measure that could restrict rights -- like access to bathrooms and locker rooms -- now granted to people whose gender identity doesn’t match the sex on their birth certificate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Call it preventative politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservative groups have tried twice in recent years to put a measure on the California ballot that would require people to use facilities based on their assigned sex at birth. Both efforts fell short, but proponents are undaunted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One goal of Transform California’s publicity effort: build resistance now. “It’s easier to reach people when you’re outside the crucible of a ballot measure campaign,” said Rick Zbur, executive director of the gay rights advocacy group Equality California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11053581\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11053581\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-800x635.jpg\" alt=\"Leon Burse and other transgender advocates participate in a Transform California event outside the state Capitol.\" width=\"800\" height=\"635\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-800x635.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-400x317.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-1920x1524.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-1180x936.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-960x762.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leon Burse and other transgender advocates participate in a Transform California event outside the state Capitol. \u003ccite>(Lauren Rosenhall/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His organization and the Transgender Law Center in Oakland, leaders of the Transform campaign, are inspired by lessons learned after California voters approved Proposition 8 in 2008. That measure outlawed same-sex marriage in the state, but was overturned by the courts -- and a later U.S. Supreme Court ruling legalized same-sex marriage in every state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Both with Prop. 8 and with (an ordinance) in Houston, they got on the ballot and you had a very short amount of time to move communities,” Zbur said. “We know that progress is not something that is short term. It is gradual and long term, and it requires meeting people where they currently are in all the various communities in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approximately 1.4 million U.S. adults -- about 0.6 percent -- identify as transgender, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"http://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/How-Many-Adults-Identify-as-Transgender-in-the-United-States.pdf\">study\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transgender rights have become the latest flashpoint in America’s culture wars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, North Carolina enacted a law requiring people to use public bathrooms that correspond to the gender on their birth certificate, essentially banning transgender people from restrooms that sync with their transformed identities. The Obama administration then directed every U.S. school district to allow students to use the bathrooms that match their gender identity -- a directive that 13 states promptly filed suit to \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/nation/nationnow/la-na-transgender-issues-20160813-snap-story.html\">challenge\u003c/a>. The final resolution may be up to the U.S. Supreme Court, which has temporarily \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/04/us/politics/supreme-court-blocks-order-allowing-transgender-student-restroom-choice.html?_r=0\">blocked\u003c/a> a Virginia court order allowing a transgender student who identifies as a boy to use the boys’ bathroom at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue also is playing out on a global stage: for the first time, \u003ca href=\"https://stillmed.olympic.org/media/Document%20Library/OlympicOrg/IOC/Who-We-Are/Commissions/Medical-and-Scientific-Commission/EN-IOC-Consensus-Meeting-on-Sex-Reassignment-and-Hyperandrogenism.pdf#_ga=1.71479515.993500529.1471306035\">transgender athletes \u003c/a>competing in the current Olympics are allowed to join teams that fit their identities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, Gov. Jerry Brown signed a bill three years ago allowing transgender public school students to use the bathrooms and locker rooms that correspond with their gender identities. Supporters said it would reduce bullying; opponents warned it would invade the privacy of the majority of students who are used to single-sex toilets and showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the problem is that you’re not comfortable, how is it a solution to make the other 98 percent share that same intense discomfort? That’s just not logical,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TseYbKHVN20\">said\u003c/a> former Assemblyman Tim Donnelly (R-Twin Peaks).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, via the group Privacy for All Students, tried to put a referendum on the ballot to overturn the law. Election officials determined that the effort lacked enough valid signatures. The group tried another tactic in 2015 -- proposing an initiative to expand the gender restrictions to bathrooms in any government building -- but that effort also failed for lack of signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy for All Students hasn’t given up: It’s arguing in court that it had enough signatures to force a referendum on the school facilities law, and recently persuaded a judge to order local elections officials to release signatures for its lawyers to review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the group prevails, it aims to put the referendum on the ballot, perhaps in 2018, said spokeswoman Karen England. “We are confident that when it comes to the issue of locker rooms and restrooms and private facilities that the people are on our side,” said England, he who’s talking about the issue at Christian youth conferences and encouraging churches to register new voters. “We believe it is an invasion and we will win at the ballot box.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More Californians now favor open bathroom access than oppose it, the opposite of the national sentiment -- in fact, 52 percent of California voters support the state policy allowing students to choose the bathroom that best suits them, according to a USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-latimes-transgender-primary-poll-20160611-snap-story.html\">poll\u003c/a> earlier this year. That was a huge increase from the 43 percent who favored the idea just three years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found that people who personally know a transgender person are far more supportive of bathroom access: 62 percent of those who knew a transgender person supported the law, compared with 44 percent support among those who did not have a transgender friend or acquaintance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doing these type of campaigns around different cities will ... help enlighten other folks who don’t necessarily know that there are trans folks, or that they know trans folks,” said Leon Burse, the Sacramento man who once played on a women’s basketball team. “We are people just like everybody else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policy and politics. For more stories by Laurel Rosenhall, go to calmatters.org/newsanalysis\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One after another they stepped to the podium telling stories of liberation through transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was the man, in suit and bow tie, who once played college basketball on a women’s team. There was the woman, in a red lace dress, who said attaining a female physique was like “holding a prize in my hand.” Gone were the anxiety, depression and thoughts of suicide that came with living in the male body that didn’t match her spirit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stories they shared at this press conference outside the state Capitol were part of a broader statewide effort to make Californians more familiar with transgender people and the discrimination they say they face. Similar events have already taken place in Los Angeles, San Jose and San Francisco, with more planned for Fresno, Palm Springs and San Diego. Videos about Californians who changed their gender are featured on a \u003ca href=\"http://www.transformcalifornia.com/\">website\u003c/a>, and a media ad campaign is in the works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1.2 million Transform California campaign is attempting to sway public opinion long before Californians might ever vote on any ballot measure that could restrict rights -- like access to bathrooms and locker rooms -- now granted to people whose gender identity doesn’t match the sex on their birth certificate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Call it preventative politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservative groups have tried twice in recent years to put a measure on the California ballot that would require people to use facilities based on their assigned sex at birth. Both efforts fell short, but proponents are undaunted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One goal of Transform California’s publicity effort: build resistance now. “It’s easier to reach people when you’re outside the crucible of a ballot measure campaign,” said Rick Zbur, executive director of the gay rights advocacy group Equality California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11053581\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11053581\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-800x635.jpg\" alt=\"Leon Burse and other transgender advocates participate in a Transform California event outside the state Capitol.\" width=\"800\" height=\"635\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-800x635.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-400x317.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-1920x1524.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-1180x936.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Trangender2_advocates_at_Capitol_rally_photocredit_by_Laurel_Rosenhall-960x762.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leon Burse and other transgender advocates participate in a Transform California event outside the state Capitol. \u003ccite>(Lauren Rosenhall/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His organization and the Transgender Law Center in Oakland, leaders of the Transform campaign, are inspired by lessons learned after California voters approved Proposition 8 in 2008. That measure outlawed same-sex marriage in the state, but was overturned by the courts -- and a later U.S. Supreme Court ruling legalized same-sex marriage in every state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Both with Prop. 8 and with (an ordinance) in Houston, they got on the ballot and you had a very short amount of time to move communities,” Zbur said. “We know that progress is not something that is short term. It is gradual and long term, and it requires meeting people where they currently are in all the various communities in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approximately 1.4 million U.S. adults -- about 0.6 percent -- identify as transgender, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"http://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/How-Many-Adults-Identify-as-Transgender-in-the-United-States.pdf\">study\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transgender rights have become the latest flashpoint in America’s culture wars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, North Carolina enacted a law requiring people to use public bathrooms that correspond to the gender on their birth certificate, essentially banning transgender people from restrooms that sync with their transformed identities. The Obama administration then directed every U.S. school district to allow students to use the bathrooms that match their gender identity -- a directive that 13 states promptly filed suit to \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/nation/nationnow/la-na-transgender-issues-20160813-snap-story.html\">challenge\u003c/a>. The final resolution may be up to the U.S. Supreme Court, which has temporarily \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/04/us/politics/supreme-court-blocks-order-allowing-transgender-student-restroom-choice.html?_r=0\">blocked\u003c/a> a Virginia court order allowing a transgender student who identifies as a boy to use the boys’ bathroom at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue also is playing out on a global stage: for the first time, \u003ca href=\"https://stillmed.olympic.org/media/Document%20Library/OlympicOrg/IOC/Who-We-Are/Commissions/Medical-and-Scientific-Commission/EN-IOC-Consensus-Meeting-on-Sex-Reassignment-and-Hyperandrogenism.pdf#_ga=1.71479515.993500529.1471306035\">transgender athletes \u003c/a>competing in the current Olympics are allowed to join teams that fit their identities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, Gov. Jerry Brown signed a bill three years ago allowing transgender public school students to use the bathrooms and locker rooms that correspond with their gender identities. Supporters said it would reduce bullying; opponents warned it would invade the privacy of the majority of students who are used to single-sex toilets and showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the problem is that you’re not comfortable, how is it a solution to make the other 98 percent share that same intense discomfort? That’s just not logical,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TseYbKHVN20\">said\u003c/a> former Assemblyman Tim Donnelly (R-Twin Peaks).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, via the group Privacy for All Students, tried to put a referendum on the ballot to overturn the law. Election officials determined that the effort lacked enough valid signatures. The group tried another tactic in 2015 -- proposing an initiative to expand the gender restrictions to bathrooms in any government building -- but that effort also failed for lack of signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy for All Students hasn’t given up: It’s arguing in court that it had enough signatures to force a referendum on the school facilities law, and recently persuaded a judge to order local elections officials to release signatures for its lawyers to review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the group prevails, it aims to put the referendum on the ballot, perhaps in 2018, said spokeswoman Karen England. “We are confident that when it comes to the issue of locker rooms and restrooms and private facilities that the people are on our side,” said England, he who’s talking about the issue at Christian youth conferences and encouraging churches to register new voters. “We believe it is an invasion and we will win at the ballot box.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More Californians now favor open bathroom access than oppose it, the opposite of the national sentiment -- in fact, 52 percent of California voters support the state policy allowing students to choose the bathroom that best suits them, according to a USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-latimes-transgender-primary-poll-20160611-snap-story.html\">poll\u003c/a> earlier this year. That was a huge increase from the 43 percent who favored the idea just three years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll also found that people who personally know a transgender person are far more supportive of bathroom access: 62 percent of those who knew a transgender person supported the law, compared with 44 percent support among those who did not have a transgender friend or acquaintance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doing these type of campaigns around different cities will ... help enlighten other folks who don’t necessarily know that there are trans folks, or that they know trans folks,” said Leon Burse, the Sacramento man who once played on a women’s basketball team. “We are people just like everybody else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California's Rich-Poor Gap: The Reality May Surprise You",
"title": "California's Rich-Poor Gap: The Reality May Surprise You",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Where in California has the gap between rich and poor grown most since the Great Recession?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area, home of your Zuckerbergs and Steyers and some of the most \u003ca href=\"http://www.forbes.com/sites/betsyschiffman/2015/11/10/full-list-most-expensive-zip-codes-in-2015/#7fbaafa12b0b\">expensive zip codes\u003c/a> in the country, seems like a logical answer. Over the past decade, what other part of California has minted as many members of the “1 percent” as Silicon Valley?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to research from the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California, income inequality in the Bay Area has worsened only marginally, at least when compared to other parts of the state. In 2007, Bay Area households at the top 10 percent of incomes made about 10.6 times what Bay Area households at the bottom 10 percent of incomes brought home. By 2014, they made about 11.6 times as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that 10 percent increase in the income gap is notable, it pales in comparison to almost every other region in the state. The “90/10” ratio grew by over 30 percent in the greater Sacramento region and in the more rural counties north of the Bay Area. The Inland Empire in Southern California, still reeling from its foreclosure crisis, saw the biggest jump in income inequality in the state at more than 40 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[IncomeGapGrowing]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So much for the growth in the gap; what about the size of the gap itself? Income inequality within California may not look like what you would expect. Regions such as Orange County and the Bay Area, despite their notable concentrations of wealth, are some of the more equal in the state. By far, the most unequal California region is the Central Valley, where high-income households make 14 times as much as poor households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what gives? Are the tech barons of San Francisco relocating to Fresno and commuting via private jet?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The recovery has happened faster in the Bay Area -- that’s a big part of it,” says Sarah Bohn, a research fellow at PPIC and co-author on the study. “Incomes fell across the board during the recession, and the fastest to recover typically see better results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other important lessons to draw from how income inequality varies throughout the state and how the pattern has changed since the Great Recession. Part of the reason why regions such as the Bay Area and Orange County stack up favorably is because recent changes in income inequality have more to do with the deteriorating incomes of the poor than the growing fortunes of the rich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[PoorPoorer]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those at the bottom 10 percent of incomes in the Inland Empire, for example, saw their income drop by 35 percent since 2007. That’s mostly why the region, which includes Riverside and San Bernardino counties, suffered a 40 percent widening of the gap between rich and poor. In contrast, equivalent low-income residents of the Bay Area saw incomes fall just 9 percent, which helps explain why income inequality increased only marginally there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those California regions with the biggest chasm between rich and poor typically have some of the poorest populations in the state. In the Central Valley, for example, households in the bottom 10 percent of the income distribution made less than $10,000 per year (adjusted for a family of four). Their equivalents in the Bay Area made more than double that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re talking incomes that low, you’re likely talking about people who work in agriculture and who really have highly variables incomes because they’re not at a traditional job,” says Ann Stevens, director of the UC Davis Center for Poverty Research. “Or they may be doing temporary work or field work or running a small agricultural business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's important to note that the PPIC study does not control for the fact that low-income families may be relocating to more affordable areas of California -- or leaving the state altogether. Such a migration could lower inequality ratios in more expensive parts of the state such as the Bay Area and Orange County, where housing and other costs have risen rapidly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But across California, income inequality has gotten worse since 2007. And it’s not the rich getting richer per se -- it’s the already very poor getting even poorer. Incomes of the bottom 10 percent of Californians have dropped by 26 percent since 2007. Since 2007, the rich haven’t actually gotten that much richer -- or at least those at the top 10 percent are not racking up more income. In fact, incomes at the top 10 percent have also dropped over the same time period, but by a much smaller amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If incomes fell across the board at the same rate, then income inequality wouldn’t change that much,” Bohn says. “But because top incomes recover quicker and lower incomes don’t, that’s where the growth in inequality is coming from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How exactly you measure income inequality matters a great deal, both in terms of presenting the size of the income gap itself and devising the policy prescriptions to fix it -- assuming you think it should be fixed in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[WaysToMeasure]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Focusing on very rich households will yield different results than focusing on even slightly less rich households. \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/research/city-and-metropolitan-inequality-on-the-rise-driven-by-declining-incomes/\">Research from the Brookings Institute\u003c/a> that compares higher-income households (those at the top 5 percent) to those at the bottom 20 percent makes the Bay Area appear much more unequal, with the greater San Francisco metro area the third most unequal region in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But looking at other portions of the income distribution can be even more illuminating. The PPIC researchers also compared the median income of each region to the bottom 10 percent, which can roughly be interpreted as how far very low-income households must climb up the income ladder to reach middle-class status. They also looked at the “80/20” ratio, which captures less of the extremes of rich and poor and examines a broader swath of upper- and lower-class families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The different measures tell a broader story about which households on the income spectrum are faring well and which aren’t. By the 80/20 measure, Los Angeles County is the third most unequal region in the state. But the county does much better by the 50/10 measure, where the gap between the poor and middle class is the second-lowest in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any measure of income inequality also comes with a couple of important -- yet often overlooked -- caveats. First, most look only at pre-tax earnings or cash income. They don’t include the income-leveling effect of taxes on richer households, nor do they include safety-net supports for low-income households such as food stamps and the Earned Income Tax Credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When counting only work and retirement income, a California household at the top 10 percent of income appears to make 17 times as much as a household at the bottom 10 percent. But factor in both taxes and safety-net supports, and that disparity shrinks by almost half -- with the top tier collecting eight times the income of the bottom tier. (The shrinkage of the gap is due more to the buttressing of incomes for the very poor than to the income-reducing effects of taxes on the rich.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ReducingGap]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s good news for those who believe income inequality is a problem worthy of government action. Driven by powerful macroeconomic forces such as globalization and technological change, income inequality is often framed as an intractable economic problem beyond the scope of simple policy solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the research indicates that policies such as the Earned Income Tax Credit -- which proves a sizable income boost to many low-income working families in the form of an annual refundable tax credit -- could do a great deal to reduce inequality in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Policy to reduce income inequality is hard when you’re just looking at labor market earnings,” Bohn says. “But in reality, what families live on -- there’s a lot more than just labor market earnings. We have targeted programs that are aimed at low-income families, and those are the places where policy can make a difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to explaining state policies and politics.\u003c/em> \u003cem>For more stories like this one, go to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003cem>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/about/staff/matt-levin/\">Matt Levin\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Where in California has the gap between rich and poor grown most since the Great Recession?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area, home of your Zuckerbergs and Steyers and some of the most \u003ca href=\"http://www.forbes.com/sites/betsyschiffman/2015/11/10/full-list-most-expensive-zip-codes-in-2015/#7fbaafa12b0b\">expensive zip codes\u003c/a> in the country, seems like a logical answer. Over the past decade, what other part of California has minted as many members of the “1 percent” as Silicon Valley?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to research from the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California, income inequality in the Bay Area has worsened only marginally, at least when compared to other parts of the state. In 2007, Bay Area households at the top 10 percent of incomes made about 10.6 times what Bay Area households at the bottom 10 percent of incomes brought home. By 2014, they made about 11.6 times as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that 10 percent increase in the income gap is notable, it pales in comparison to almost every other region in the state. The “90/10” ratio grew by over 30 percent in the greater Sacramento region and in the more rural counties north of the Bay Area. The Inland Empire in Southern California, still reeling from its foreclosure crisis, saw the biggest jump in income inequality in the state at more than 40 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[IncomeGapGrowing]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So much for the growth in the gap; what about the size of the gap itself? Income inequality within California may not look like what you would expect. Regions such as Orange County and the Bay Area, despite their notable concentrations of wealth, are some of the more equal in the state. By far, the most unequal California region is the Central Valley, where high-income households make 14 times as much as poor households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what gives? Are the tech barons of San Francisco relocating to Fresno and commuting via private jet?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The recovery has happened faster in the Bay Area -- that’s a big part of it,” says Sarah Bohn, a research fellow at PPIC and co-author on the study. “Incomes fell across the board during the recession, and the fastest to recover typically see better results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other important lessons to draw from how income inequality varies throughout the state and how the pattern has changed since the Great Recession. Part of the reason why regions such as the Bay Area and Orange County stack up favorably is because recent changes in income inequality have more to do with the deteriorating incomes of the poor than the growing fortunes of the rich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[PoorPoorer]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those at the bottom 10 percent of incomes in the Inland Empire, for example, saw their income drop by 35 percent since 2007. That’s mostly why the region, which includes Riverside and San Bernardino counties, suffered a 40 percent widening of the gap between rich and poor. In contrast, equivalent low-income residents of the Bay Area saw incomes fall just 9 percent, which helps explain why income inequality increased only marginally there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those California regions with the biggest chasm between rich and poor typically have some of the poorest populations in the state. In the Central Valley, for example, households in the bottom 10 percent of the income distribution made less than $10,000 per year (adjusted for a family of four). Their equivalents in the Bay Area made more than double that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re talking incomes that low, you’re likely talking about people who work in agriculture and who really have highly variables incomes because they’re not at a traditional job,” says Ann Stevens, director of the UC Davis Center for Poverty Research. “Or they may be doing temporary work or field work or running a small agricultural business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's important to note that the PPIC study does not control for the fact that low-income families may be relocating to more affordable areas of California -- or leaving the state altogether. Such a migration could lower inequality ratios in more expensive parts of the state such as the Bay Area and Orange County, where housing and other costs have risen rapidly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But across California, income inequality has gotten worse since 2007. And it’s not the rich getting richer per se -- it’s the already very poor getting even poorer. Incomes of the bottom 10 percent of Californians have dropped by 26 percent since 2007. Since 2007, the rich haven’t actually gotten that much richer -- or at least those at the top 10 percent are not racking up more income. In fact, incomes at the top 10 percent have also dropped over the same time period, but by a much smaller amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If incomes fell across the board at the same rate, then income inequality wouldn’t change that much,” Bohn says. “But because top incomes recover quicker and lower incomes don’t, that’s where the growth in inequality is coming from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How exactly you measure income inequality matters a great deal, both in terms of presenting the size of the income gap itself and devising the policy prescriptions to fix it -- assuming you think it should be fixed in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[WaysToMeasure]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Focusing on very rich households will yield different results than focusing on even slightly less rich households. \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/research/city-and-metropolitan-inequality-on-the-rise-driven-by-declining-incomes/\">Research from the Brookings Institute\u003c/a> that compares higher-income households (those at the top 5 percent) to those at the bottom 20 percent makes the Bay Area appear much more unequal, with the greater San Francisco metro area the third most unequal region in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But looking at other portions of the income distribution can be even more illuminating. The PPIC researchers also compared the median income of each region to the bottom 10 percent, which can roughly be interpreted as how far very low-income households must climb up the income ladder to reach middle-class status. They also looked at the “80/20” ratio, which captures less of the extremes of rich and poor and examines a broader swath of upper- and lower-class families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The different measures tell a broader story about which households on the income spectrum are faring well and which aren’t. By the 80/20 measure, Los Angeles County is the third most unequal region in the state. But the county does much better by the 50/10 measure, where the gap between the poor and middle class is the second-lowest in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any measure of income inequality also comes with a couple of important -- yet often overlooked -- caveats. First, most look only at pre-tax earnings or cash income. They don’t include the income-leveling effect of taxes on richer households, nor do they include safety-net supports for low-income households such as food stamps and the Earned Income Tax Credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When counting only work and retirement income, a California household at the top 10 percent of income appears to make 17 times as much as a household at the bottom 10 percent. But factor in both taxes and safety-net supports, and that disparity shrinks by almost half -- with the top tier collecting eight times the income of the bottom tier. (The shrinkage of the gap is due more to the buttressing of incomes for the very poor than to the income-reducing effects of taxes on the rich.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ReducingGap]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s good news for those who believe income inequality is a problem worthy of government action. Driven by powerful macroeconomic forces such as globalization and technological change, income inequality is often framed as an intractable economic problem beyond the scope of simple policy solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the research indicates that policies such as the Earned Income Tax Credit -- which proves a sizable income boost to many low-income working families in the form of an annual refundable tax credit -- could do a great deal to reduce inequality in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Policy to reduce income inequality is hard when you’re just looking at labor market earnings,” Bohn says. “But in reality, what families live on -- there’s a lot more than just labor market earnings. We have targeted programs that are aimed at low-income families, and those are the places where policy can make a difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to explaining state policies and politics.\u003c/em> \u003cem>For more stories like this one, go to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003cem>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has taken the national stage to tout California’s fight against global warming, telling cheering throngs at the Democratic National Convention that the state has “the toughest climate laws in the country.” Yet inside the state Capitol, the fate of the policy’s centerpiece—legislation to drastically reduce greenhouse gas emissions—is in peril.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One ominous sign: The Democratic leader of the Assembly has not thrown his weight behind the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, it’s not imperative that it get done this year,” said Anthony Rendon, who has a background as an environmentalist but \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/gripping-power-for-the-long-term/\">rose to speaker\u003c/a> this year with support from a powerful bloc of business-friendly Democrats. “It’s a program that has had its success, but at the same time there are some corrections that could be made. We just want to make sure that if we’re going to set something up for the long term, that we get it right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 32 is shaping up as the biggest fight lawmakers are likely to tackle in what remains of the legislative year. It pits environmentalist Democrats, mostly from the state’s more prosperous coastal areas, against Democrats and Republicans from struggling inland areas who side with oil companies and other businesses, and whose constituents could be harder hit by rising energy prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, which sets ambitious targets to cut planet-warming emissions by 2030, faces a critical deadline with the Legislature set to wrap up for the year on Aug. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11040582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11040582\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley-800x571.jpg\" alt=\"California State Sen. Fran Pavley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"571\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley-400x286.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley-1180x843.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley-960x686.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Sen. Fran Pavley. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sen. Fran Pavley—the Agoura Hills Democrat widely regarded as an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/sen-fran-pavley-a-quiet-force-in-the-climate-storm/\">environmental champion\u003c/a>—authored the legislation to build on a pioneering climate change agenda the Legislature enacted a decade ago, when it passed her Assembly Bill 32. That bill set targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 2020 and led to California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/cap-and-trade-in-two-and-half-minutes-video/\">cap and trade system\u003c/a>, which limits how much climate-warming gas businesses can emit while allowing them to buy and sell permits to pollute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pavley, now serving her last year in the Legislature, wants to extend the approach further into the future. But the Legislature has changed a lot since her earlier bill passed in 2006—no one currently in the Assembly was in office then—and the lower house rejected SB 32 last year amid \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/ad-blitz-heats-up-climate-change-fight/\">intense lobbying\u003c/a> by the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Failure again this month would indicate a major about-face for the California Legislature, reversing course on the environmental leadership role that Brown routinely boasts of in national and international appearances. It would also mark defeat for Pavley, a maverick in the war on global warming who is leaving the Capitol because of term limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really not about me,” she said, but about the Legislature’s commitment to keep combatting climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This should be easier to pass this year than it was 10 years ago, because now we can show that putting a cap on emissions and rolling it back does send signals for investment (in clean energy businesses). And we’re seeing those new jobs here in California. We have success stories to tell but the challenge has been that the Assembly, of course, hasn’t been paying close attention because they weren’t here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/static/iframes/20150709_greenhouse/\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her effort is backed by a big advertising push from environmental groups. NextGen Climate, headed by San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/climate-soulmates/\">billionaire Tom Steyer\u003c/a>, is spending $1.2 million to air \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=znS2E_IU9BM&feature=youtu.be\">television ads\u003c/a> around the state criticizing oil companies for “trying to weaken our clean air laws.” The California League of Conservation Voters has launched a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ecovote/posts/10153782360091245\">social media campaign\u003c/a> urging voters to contact Democrats who helped defeat SB 32 last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw what happened last year,” said spokeswoman Jenesse Miller, “so this year going in we knew we were going to have to ask those lawmakers to do the right thing and vote the way their constituents want.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication.asp?i=1200\">polling\u003c/a> found that a majority of Californians support reducing greenhouse gas emissions, even if it means paying more for gas and electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But businesses that use lots of electricity say their costs have already \u003ca href=\"http://www.cmta.net/multimedia/20160614_ca_electricity_premium_for_classes_since_2010.pdf\">gone up\u003c/a> too much—and they fear SB 32 will trigger continual increases without enough oversight from legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we’re moving from 2020 to 2030, we need to understand what the policies are going to be that will be available to be used,” said Dorothy Rothrock, president of the California Manufacturers and Technology Association, which opposes the bill. “With simply a goal with nothing else attached to it, it’s throwing it all over to (\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/battling-climate-change-agency-draws-controversy/\">the Air Resources Board\u003c/a>) to do whatever they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That board, largely made up of Brown appointees and beyond the Legislature’s control, is already at work on a Plan B—drafting rules that could act as a back-up for Brown’s environmental agenda in case SB 32 withers. But environmentalists want the state’s climate policy to have the political backing of the Legislature, knowing that it’s hard to reverse a law. If the policy is carried out simply as the go-it-alone work of a governor who will leave office in two years, it could be undone, or face a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”xR11dKfqMQ4IaeasVIF1ippPmHkXGcuI”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the board’s work to require emissions cuts and continue cap and trade—along with a Chamber of Commerce lawsuit asserting that cap and trade is an illegal tax—could also stymie climate policy action in the Legislature. Dean Florez, a former state lawmaker who now sits on the air board, said he’s talked to lawmakers who feel less pressure to vote for a controversial bill because the governor is pursuing his agenda without them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are ‘sitting pretty’ because they can say the Governor has spoken and the courts will ultimately decide and thus there’s no hurry to act on SB 32 now,” Florez said by text message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These Democrats “can have their cake and eat it too,” he wrote. “They get to say they are with the Governor AND with the oil companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor himself won’t say whether he’s pulling for SB 32 or is satisfied to let the air board decide policy. All Brown’s office would say, via an email from spokeswoman Deborah Hoffman is: “We will not meet our world-leading clean air and emission reduction targets unless we solidify and redouble our commitment to the state’s cap and trade program and climate goals beyond 2020 and we will work hard to get that done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate supporters of SB 32, meanwhile, say they remain undaunted. Senate President pro Tem Kevin de Leon, a Democrat, said extending the targets past 2020 “will get done one way or the other.” And Pavley is getting creative and seeking new allies to rescue her bill. One of those is Assemblyman Eduardo Garcia, a Coachella Democrat who did not support SB 32 last year. The two got to know each other during the global climate negotiations \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-a-climate-model-for-the-world-has-work-to-do-at-home/\">in Paris\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Garcia is carrying a bill to give legislators more oversight of the Air Resources Board, and it is linked to Pavley’s emissions reductions bill—each one can only pass if the other one does too. The alliance illustrates how Pavley is working to win over previous opponents, particularly Democrats who represent people in struggling inland areas who could be hit harder by rising gas and electricity prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is to be more encompassing of California’s economically disadvantaged communities,” Garcia said of his bill. “I think it is a piece of the puzzle in order to get people closer to supporting Senate Bill 32.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another puzzle piece: money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Jim Cooper, an Elk Grove Democrat who leads the caucus of moderate Democrats, argues that too many incentives for solar panels and electric vehicles have gone to California’s wealthy enclaves. “Take care of the poor people first,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats who objected to SB 32 last year could be persuadable if, say, their districts get new money for environmental projects. And it just so happens the state is sitting on $1.4 billion from cap and trade auctions—money that legally must be spent on projects that reduce emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policy and politics. For more stories by Laurel Rosenhall, go to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has taken the national stage to tout California’s fight against global warming, telling cheering throngs at the Democratic National Convention that the state has “the toughest climate laws in the country.” Yet inside the state Capitol, the fate of the policy’s centerpiece—legislation to drastically reduce greenhouse gas emissions—is in peril.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One ominous sign: The Democratic leader of the Assembly has not thrown his weight behind the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, it’s not imperative that it get done this year,” said Anthony Rendon, who has a background as an environmentalist but \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/gripping-power-for-the-long-term/\">rose to speaker\u003c/a> this year with support from a powerful bloc of business-friendly Democrats. “It’s a program that has had its success, but at the same time there are some corrections that could be made. We just want to make sure that if we’re going to set something up for the long term, that we get it right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 32 is shaping up as the biggest fight lawmakers are likely to tackle in what remains of the legislative year. It pits environmentalist Democrats, mostly from the state’s more prosperous coastal areas, against Democrats and Republicans from struggling inland areas who side with oil companies and other businesses, and whose constituents could be harder hit by rising energy prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, which sets ambitious targets to cut planet-warming emissions by 2030, faces a critical deadline with the Legislature set to wrap up for the year on Aug. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11040582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11040582\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley-800x571.jpg\" alt=\"California State Sen. Fran Pavley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"571\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley-400x286.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley-1180x843.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/08/Pavley-960x686.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Sen. Fran Pavley. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sen. Fran Pavley—the Agoura Hills Democrat widely regarded as an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/sen-fran-pavley-a-quiet-force-in-the-climate-storm/\">environmental champion\u003c/a>—authored the legislation to build on a pioneering climate change agenda the Legislature enacted a decade ago, when it passed her Assembly Bill 32. That bill set targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 2020 and led to California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/cap-and-trade-in-two-and-half-minutes-video/\">cap and trade system\u003c/a>, which limits how much climate-warming gas businesses can emit while allowing them to buy and sell permits to pollute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pavley, now serving her last year in the Legislature, wants to extend the approach further into the future. But the Legislature has changed a lot since her earlier bill passed in 2006—no one currently in the Assembly was in office then—and the lower house rejected SB 32 last year amid \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/ad-blitz-heats-up-climate-change-fight/\">intense lobbying\u003c/a> by the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Failure again this month would indicate a major about-face for the California Legislature, reversing course on the environmental leadership role that Brown routinely boasts of in national and international appearances. It would also mark defeat for Pavley, a maverick in the war on global warming who is leaving the Capitol because of term limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really not about me,” she said, but about the Legislature’s commitment to keep combatting climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This should be easier to pass this year than it was 10 years ago, because now we can show that putting a cap on emissions and rolling it back does send signals for investment (in clean energy businesses). And we’re seeing those new jobs here in California. We have success stories to tell but the challenge has been that the Assembly, of course, hasn’t been paying close attention because they weren’t here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/static/iframes/20150709_greenhouse/\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her effort is backed by a big advertising push from environmental groups. NextGen Climate, headed by San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/climate-soulmates/\">billionaire Tom Steyer\u003c/a>, is spending $1.2 million to air \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=znS2E_IU9BM&feature=youtu.be\">television ads\u003c/a> around the state criticizing oil companies for “trying to weaken our clean air laws.” The California League of Conservation Voters has launched a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ecovote/posts/10153782360091245\">social media campaign\u003c/a> urging voters to contact Democrats who helped defeat SB 32 last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw what happened last year,” said spokeswoman Jenesse Miller, “so this year going in we knew we were going to have to ask those lawmakers to do the right thing and vote the way their constituents want.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication.asp?i=1200\">polling\u003c/a> found that a majority of Californians support reducing greenhouse gas emissions, even if it means paying more for gas and electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But businesses that use lots of electricity say their costs have already \u003ca href=\"http://www.cmta.net/multimedia/20160614_ca_electricity_premium_for_classes_since_2010.pdf\">gone up\u003c/a> too much—and they fear SB 32 will trigger continual increases without enough oversight from legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we’re moving from 2020 to 2030, we need to understand what the policies are going to be that will be available to be used,” said Dorothy Rothrock, president of the California Manufacturers and Technology Association, which opposes the bill. “With simply a goal with nothing else attached to it, it’s throwing it all over to (\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/battling-climate-change-agency-draws-controversy/\">the Air Resources Board\u003c/a>) to do whatever they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That board, largely made up of Brown appointees and beyond the Legislature’s control, is already at work on a Plan B—drafting rules that could act as a back-up for Brown’s environmental agenda in case SB 32 withers. But environmentalists want the state’s climate policy to have the political backing of the Legislature, knowing that it’s hard to reverse a law. If the policy is carried out simply as the go-it-alone work of a governor who will leave office in two years, it could be undone, or face a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the board’s work to require emissions cuts and continue cap and trade—along with a Chamber of Commerce lawsuit asserting that cap and trade is an illegal tax—could also stymie climate policy action in the Legislature. Dean Florez, a former state lawmaker who now sits on the air board, said he’s talked to lawmakers who feel less pressure to vote for a controversial bill because the governor is pursuing his agenda without them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are ‘sitting pretty’ because they can say the Governor has spoken and the courts will ultimately decide and thus there’s no hurry to act on SB 32 now,” Florez said by text message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These Democrats “can have their cake and eat it too,” he wrote. “They get to say they are with the Governor AND with the oil companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor himself won’t say whether he’s pulling for SB 32 or is satisfied to let the air board decide policy. All Brown’s office would say, via an email from spokeswoman Deborah Hoffman is: “We will not meet our world-leading clean air and emission reduction targets unless we solidify and redouble our commitment to the state’s cap and trade program and climate goals beyond 2020 and we will work hard to get that done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate supporters of SB 32, meanwhile, say they remain undaunted. Senate President pro Tem Kevin de Leon, a Democrat, said extending the targets past 2020 “will get done one way or the other.” And Pavley is getting creative and seeking new allies to rescue her bill. One of those is Assemblyman Eduardo Garcia, a Coachella Democrat who did not support SB 32 last year. The two got to know each other during the global climate negotiations \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-a-climate-model-for-the-world-has-work-to-do-at-home/\">in Paris\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Garcia is carrying a bill to give legislators more oversight of the Air Resources Board, and it is linked to Pavley’s emissions reductions bill—each one can only pass if the other one does too. The alliance illustrates how Pavley is working to win over previous opponents, particularly Democrats who represent people in struggling inland areas who could be hit harder by rising gas and electricity prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is to be more encompassing of California’s economically disadvantaged communities,” Garcia said of his bill. “I think it is a piece of the puzzle in order to get people closer to supporting Senate Bill 32.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another puzzle piece: money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Jim Cooper, an Elk Grove Democrat who leads the caucus of moderate Democrats, argues that too many incentives for solar panels and electric vehicles have gone to California’s wealthy enclaves. “Take care of the poor people first,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats who objected to SB 32 last year could be persuadable if, say, their districts get new money for environmental projects. And it just so happens the state is sitting on $1.4 billion from cap and trade auctions—money that legally must be spent on projects that reduce emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policy and politics. For more stories by Laurel Rosenhall, go to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: In response to comments from the California Air Resources Board, this story was modified July 8 to clarify language about the operation of state climate change laws.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Brian Jones leaned in to the microphone with a tight smile. It was May, and legislators were debating whether to request an audit of the California Air Resources Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frustrated that the agency was not more forthcoming about aspects of the cap-and-trade program it runs, Jones fixed his gaze on the embattled regulator assigned to parry lawmakers’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My experience is: The longer we give CARB to respond, the more unresponsive they become,” said the legislator, a Republican from Santee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His comment touched off a scathing bipartisan scolding over a lack of transparency surrounding cap and trade, the state’s signature climate-change policy, which is intended to help rewind greenhouse gas emissions to 1990 levels within the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[EmissionsGuage]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento and elsewhere, fundamental questions about the program’s effectiveness are unanswered, and criticism has been growing over how billions of dollars from auctions of emissions “credits” are doled out. Many of the complaints echo an admonition familiar to schoolchildren: Show your work. Provide the public with a way to track the state’s performance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Is cap and trade, which essentially levies fees on major polluters, a success? How do we know? Which companies still exceed allowed emissions? Which don’t? The air board has consistently said California would reach its emissions targets; how much is cap and trade contributing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These and other issues persist as the program is assailed from legal, political and financial quarters:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A lawsuit by the California Chamber of Commerce asserts that the price major polluters pay for excessive emissions is an illegal tax. Should the suit prevail, the aspect of the 2006 law that authorized cap and trade could be voided. New legislation would need approval by two-thirds of state lawmakers. That would mean some Republican support — a big ask.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Jerry Brown’s scooping up of auction proceeds to help fund the state’s controversial high-speed rail project has given cap and trade’s opponents a fulcrum for complaint, and the Legislature has yet to decide whether to extend the law past its 2020 expiration date. That’s not a sure bet.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The uncertainty surrounding the future of cap and trade has resounded in the market where emissions credits are bought and sold. Since 2015, each quarterly auction had produced at least $500 million \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/05/26/demand-plummets-for-california-cap-and-trade-pollution-credits\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">until the one held in May\u003c/a>, which yielded only $10 million. A June reserve auction was canceled after no bidders registered.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Michael Gibbs, an assistant executive officer at the air board, insisted that cap and trade is working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can see from the evidence that we are making progress, and moving toward our goals,” Gibbs said in an interview. “We’re getting there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency forecast two years ago that cap and trade would account for about a third of total emissions reductions four years from now. But it’s too soon to say how much improvement so far is attributable to cap and trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very short data trail on cap and trade at this point, so there is no way to credit specific programs as yet,” agency spokesman Dave Clegern said by email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, which began in earnest in 2013 after years of analysis and planning, is only one piece of California’s strategy for fighting climate change. But as the cornerstone of that effort, it is too important to lose, officials say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cap and trade, authorized by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.arb.ca.gov/cc/ab32/ab32.htm\">landmark legislation\u003c/a> signed by then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, was conceived to motivate firms to reduce their carbon footprints by innovating — upgrading to more energy-efficient equipment and technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state sets an annual limit, or cap, on the cumulative emissions of a wide range of businesses. Those operating above their limits must find ways to function more cleanly or buy allowances from less-polluting businesses that sell credits at auction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The success of the auctions created a deep trough of money — $4 billion so far — that by law must be used to fund projects that lower greenhouse gas emissions, including projects in disadvantaged communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[CapTradeProceeds]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s rail project has been awarded $850 million from the fund, drawing fire from critics who see only a tenuous connection between the multibillion-dollar long-term project and overall emissions reduction. And officials have struggled to rationalize other expenditures – forestry and agriculture initiatives and other transportation projects, for example, especially when costs are weighed against the emissions they cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, which advises lawmakers on financial matters, says that all the projects funded so far will, over their lifetimes, remove a total of about 14 million metric tons of emissions from California’s atmosphere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s annual greenhouse gas \u003ca href=\"http://www.arb.ca.gov/cc/inventory/data/data.htm\">emissions in 2014\u003c/a>, the latest year for which figures are available, were estimated at 441 million metric tons, continuing a downward trend. If the trend holds, California is likely to meet its goal for 2020: 431 million metric tons. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency estimates that an average American home annually releases about 12 metric tons of carbon dioxide — a greenhouse gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”5A9sqDwTNegDTBvLWkYCCECU1l4pGZ44″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analyst’s finding, detailed in a \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Detail/3446\">report to the Legislature\u003c/a> in April, excluded the high-speed train, which will not be operational for a decade or more. Once it does begin ferrying passengers up and down the state, according to state estimates, it will reduce state carbon emissions by 44 million tons over 50 years — less than 1 million tons a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analyst also found that not all projects are cost-efficient. For example, the usual price in the auctions of reducing one metric ton of emissions is $12.73. Although some of the projects funded by auction proceeds are excellent deals, some cost more than 10 times that sum to achieve the same result, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cap-and-trade system was developed with industry at the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies subject to a cap must submit annual pollution reports, and officials say that overall the state’s emissions are declining by about 3 percent a year — a remarkable accomplishment in a growing economy, the air board notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is no mechanism for the public to see whether California companies are reducing their emissions by innovating in the way the law intended or are simply writing checks to continue emitting excess carbon dioxide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor can the public know which companies participate in the auctions, or what the bids are. Those details are kept secret, the regulators say, to prevent illegal price fixing. And officials won’t divulge the location where the online trading is managed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[TopEmitters]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some business interests are at pains to say they support cap and trade, even as they complain about the cost of compliance and object to some planned changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, to ease the transition for companies that must reduce their emissions, the air board grants free allowances, which some companies may sell at auction, keeping the money. But regulators plan to begin reducing the free credits next year, saying most firms have successfully integrated the cost of compliance into their business plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy Rothrock, president of the California Manufacturers & Technology Association, disagreed, saying companies still rely on those subsidies, which help level the playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is making manufacturing inhospitable for any number of reasons,” she said, adding that firms here compete against companies elsewhere that are not subject to the same strict rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the helping hand to industry will continue to take a bite out of potential auction proceeds, according to air board projections examined by the state Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which companies receive the free credits, and how many? That’s secret.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly a challenging time for California climate policy,” said Craig Ebert, president of Climate Action Reserve, a private company that helps businesses with compliance issues. “The tea leaves are murky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”iPJxxI9CkXMYlz1JESyPBHhla58C72bk”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, even the state’s emissions-reduction goals have been called into question. The Legislature’s attorneys concluded that \u003ca href=\"http://district16.cssrc.us/sites/default/files/160422_LegCounselOpinion_GGRF.pdf\">Brown overreached\u003c/a> last year when he ordered the air board to ramp them up after 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor and the air board are resolute. The agency maintains that it has existing authority to operate the cap-and-trade system beyond 2020 and is drafting rules for doing so, to be delivered later in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gibbs acknowledges that uncertainty “inevitably has some impact” on the cap-and-trade program, citing the poor showing in the May auction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Understanding what is going to happen post-2020 is fundamental,” Gibbs said. “As those issues get resolved, the uncertainty will be resolved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates argue that cap and trade is the most effective method of cutting emissions and complements California’s myriad other climate policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“First and foremost, cap and trade is about reducing emissions, capping them, and ensuring that we don’t exceed the amount of emissions we’ve committed to as a state,” said Erica Morehouse, an attorney for the Environmental Defense Fund, a national group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Can the state meet its target without cap and trade?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still sort of to be determined,” said Ross Brown of the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though we are a few years in,” he said, “I don’t know at this point if I could say it’s successful. We aren’t there yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters\u003c/a> is a nonprofit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policies and politics. For more stories by Julie Cart, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/about/staff/julie-cart/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">click here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: In response to comments from the California Air Resources Board, this story was modified July 8 to clarify language about the operation of state climate change laws.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Brian Jones leaned in to the microphone with a tight smile. It was May, and legislators were debating whether to request an audit of the California Air Resources Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frustrated that the agency was not more forthcoming about aspects of the cap-and-trade program it runs, Jones fixed his gaze on the embattled regulator assigned to parry lawmakers’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My experience is: The longer we give CARB to respond, the more unresponsive they become,” said the legislator, a Republican from Santee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His comment touched off a scathing bipartisan scolding over a lack of transparency surrounding cap and trade, the state’s signature climate-change policy, which is intended to help rewind greenhouse gas emissions to 1990 levels within the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[EmissionsGuage]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento and elsewhere, fundamental questions about the program’s effectiveness are unanswered, and criticism has been growing over how billions of dollars from auctions of emissions “credits” are doled out. Many of the complaints echo an admonition familiar to schoolchildren: Show your work. Provide the public with a way to track the state’s performance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Is cap and trade, which essentially levies fees on major polluters, a success? How do we know? Which companies still exceed allowed emissions? Which don’t? The air board has consistently said California would reach its emissions targets; how much is cap and trade contributing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These and other issues persist as the program is assailed from legal, political and financial quarters:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A lawsuit by the California Chamber of Commerce asserts that the price major polluters pay for excessive emissions is an illegal tax. Should the suit prevail, the aspect of the 2006 law that authorized cap and trade could be voided. New legislation would need approval by two-thirds of state lawmakers. That would mean some Republican support — a big ask.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Jerry Brown’s scooping up of auction proceeds to help fund the state’s controversial high-speed rail project has given cap and trade’s opponents a fulcrum for complaint, and the Legislature has yet to decide whether to extend the law past its 2020 expiration date. That’s not a sure bet.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The uncertainty surrounding the future of cap and trade has resounded in the market where emissions credits are bought and sold. Since 2015, each quarterly auction had produced at least $500 million \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/05/26/demand-plummets-for-california-cap-and-trade-pollution-credits\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">until the one held in May\u003c/a>, which yielded only $10 million. A June reserve auction was canceled after no bidders registered.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Michael Gibbs, an assistant executive officer at the air board, insisted that cap and trade is working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can see from the evidence that we are making progress, and moving toward our goals,” Gibbs said in an interview. “We’re getting there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency forecast two years ago that cap and trade would account for about a third of total emissions reductions four years from now. But it’s too soon to say how much improvement so far is attributable to cap and trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very short data trail on cap and trade at this point, so there is no way to credit specific programs as yet,” agency spokesman Dave Clegern said by email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, which began in earnest in 2013 after years of analysis and planning, is only one piece of California’s strategy for fighting climate change. But as the cornerstone of that effort, it is too important to lose, officials say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cap and trade, authorized by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.arb.ca.gov/cc/ab32/ab32.htm\">landmark legislation\u003c/a> signed by then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, was conceived to motivate firms to reduce their carbon footprints by innovating — upgrading to more energy-efficient equipment and technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state sets an annual limit, or cap, on the cumulative emissions of a wide range of businesses. Those operating above their limits must find ways to function more cleanly or buy allowances from less-polluting businesses that sell credits at auction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The success of the auctions created a deep trough of money — $4 billion so far — that by law must be used to fund projects that lower greenhouse gas emissions, including projects in disadvantaged communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[CapTradeProceeds]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s rail project has been awarded $850 million from the fund, drawing fire from critics who see only a tenuous connection between the multibillion-dollar long-term project and overall emissions reduction. And officials have struggled to rationalize other expenditures – forestry and agriculture initiatives and other transportation projects, for example, especially when costs are weighed against the emissions they cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, which advises lawmakers on financial matters, says that all the projects funded so far will, over their lifetimes, remove a total of about 14 million metric tons of emissions from California’s atmosphere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s annual greenhouse gas \u003ca href=\"http://www.arb.ca.gov/cc/inventory/data/data.htm\">emissions in 2014\u003c/a>, the latest year for which figures are available, were estimated at 441 million metric tons, continuing a downward trend. If the trend holds, California is likely to meet its goal for 2020: 431 million metric tons. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency estimates that an average American home annually releases about 12 metric tons of carbon dioxide — a greenhouse gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analyst’s finding, detailed in a \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Detail/3446\">report to the Legislature\u003c/a> in April, excluded the high-speed train, which will not be operational for a decade or more. Once it does begin ferrying passengers up and down the state, according to state estimates, it will reduce state carbon emissions by 44 million tons over 50 years — less than 1 million tons a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analyst also found that not all projects are cost-efficient. For example, the usual price in the auctions of reducing one metric ton of emissions is $12.73. Although some of the projects funded by auction proceeds are excellent deals, some cost more than 10 times that sum to achieve the same result, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cap-and-trade system was developed with industry at the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies subject to a cap must submit annual pollution reports, and officials say that overall the state’s emissions are declining by about 3 percent a year — a remarkable accomplishment in a growing economy, the air board notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is no mechanism for the public to see whether California companies are reducing their emissions by innovating in the way the law intended or are simply writing checks to continue emitting excess carbon dioxide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor can the public know which companies participate in the auctions, or what the bids are. Those details are kept secret, the regulators say, to prevent illegal price fixing. And officials won’t divulge the location where the online trading is managed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[TopEmitters]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some business interests are at pains to say they support cap and trade, even as they complain about the cost of compliance and object to some planned changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, to ease the transition for companies that must reduce their emissions, the air board grants free allowances, which some companies may sell at auction, keeping the money. But regulators plan to begin reducing the free credits next year, saying most firms have successfully integrated the cost of compliance into their business plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy Rothrock, president of the California Manufacturers & Technology Association, disagreed, saying companies still rely on those subsidies, which help level the playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is making manufacturing inhospitable for any number of reasons,” she said, adding that firms here compete against companies elsewhere that are not subject to the same strict rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the helping hand to industry will continue to take a bite out of potential auction proceeds, according to air board projections examined by the state Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which companies receive the free credits, and how many? That’s secret.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly a challenging time for California climate policy,” said Craig Ebert, president of Climate Action Reserve, a private company that helps businesses with compliance issues. “The tea leaves are murky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, even the state’s emissions-reduction goals have been called into question. The Legislature’s attorneys concluded that \u003ca href=\"http://district16.cssrc.us/sites/default/files/160422_LegCounselOpinion_GGRF.pdf\">Brown overreached\u003c/a> last year when he ordered the air board to ramp them up after 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor and the air board are resolute. The agency maintains that it has existing authority to operate the cap-and-trade system beyond 2020 and is drafting rules for doing so, to be delivered later in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gibbs acknowledges that uncertainty “inevitably has some impact” on the cap-and-trade program, citing the poor showing in the May auction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Understanding what is going to happen post-2020 is fundamental,” Gibbs said. “As those issues get resolved, the uncertainty will be resolved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates argue that cap and trade is the most effective method of cutting emissions and complements California’s myriad other climate policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“First and foremost, cap and trade is about reducing emissions, capping them, and ensuring that we don’t exceed the amount of emissions we’ve committed to as a state,” said Erica Morehouse, an attorney for the Environmental Defense Fund, a national group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Can the state meet its target without cap and trade?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still sort of to be determined,” said Ross Brown of the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though we are a few years in,” he said, “I don’t know at this point if I could say it’s successful. We aren’t there yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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