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"content": "\u003cp>California won’t be adopting \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/single-payer-healthcare-california-advocates-playing-long-game/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">single-payer\u003c/a> health care with its $400 billion price tag any time soon. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon made sure of that by opposing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the health care system is ailing, and organized labor, health care advocates and several Democratic lawmakers are offering a new prescription in the form of several bills. The measures could provide a bridge to a single-payer system in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Universal coverage is within our grasp,” Anthony Wright of Health Access California, the leading proponent of the package, said at a press conference at the state Capitol Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures are intended to rein in health care costs, fend off Trump administration efforts to undermine Obamacare, provide lower-income Californians with greater access to care and reduce pressure on Democrats to embrace the costly single-payer concept. The overall cost is yet to be determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers say they hope to deliver them to Gov. Jerry Brown’s desk for his signature in the final months of his tenure. It won’t be easy. Measures that would cost money—and any significant bill would—probably would need to be approved before the deadline for adopting a new budget by July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement comes a week after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-may-buck-congress-health-insurance-requirement/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Covered California\u003c/a>, which oversees the Affordable Care Act in this state, reported that health care premiums for some Obamacare customers could rise as much \u003ca href=\"http://hbex.coveredca.com/data-research/library/CoveredCA_High_Premium_Increases_3-8-18.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">35 percent\u003c/a> by 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More of KQED's Coverage on Single-Payer Health Care\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11650534/single-payer-health-care-in-california-why-advocates-are-playing-the-long-game\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Single-Payer Health Care in California? Why Advocates Are Playing the Long Game\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Separately, \u003ca href=\"http://healthcare.assembly.ca.gov/sites/healthcare.assembly.ca.gov/files/Report%20Final%203_13_18.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a report\u003c/a> produced earlier this week as part of an Assembly inquiry into health care said 21 percent of Californians who have health insurance are considered underinsured, and cannot afford out-of-pocket health care expenses. There are, for example, people earning $30,000 a year who have insurance policies requiring them to pay annual deductibles of as much as $6,000, an impossibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal includes bills to provide greater subsidies for middle-income earners who rely on Obamacare and help them pay for prescriptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other measures would attempt to regulate health insurance company profits, including one by Assembly Health Committee Chairman Jim Wood, a Democrat from Healdsburg, to impose \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB595\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">greater oversight\u003c/a> when health care providers want to merge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB910\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A bill\u003c/a> by Senate Health Committee Chairman Ed Hernandez, a Democratic from Covina, aims to prohibit the sale in California of the low-cost short-term insurance policies, a concept that would undercut an idea pushed by the Republican-controlled Congress and President Trump. Democrats dismiss such policies as junk because they fail to provide basic coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wright said the coalition, which includes organized labor, consumers, immigrant advocates and groups such as Planned Parenthood, is advocating a state-only individual mandate, intended to compel people to buy health insurance. Such a bill likely would require a two-thirds vote of the Legislature. Congress abolished the federal mandate that had been part of the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One goal would to be expand coverage to include more undocumented immigrants. The state already provides health care coverage for all children, including about 225,000 who are undocumented. Sponsors hope to extend that coverage, at a minimum, for undocumented individuals up to age 26, and to elderly people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies and many business groups surely will oppose most, if not all, of the bills as too costly and burdensome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the left, the California Nurses Association is skeptical of the package. The union is a leading advocate for replacing our existing private insurance with a single-payer system, funded by taxpayers and administered by the state—and is an aggressive political force that pushes Democratic candidates to embrace it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chuck Idelson, the union’s spokesman, said the union supports expanded coverage for undocumented immigrants, but called the proposal “fragmented” and said it would reinforce an insurance-based system that depends on profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The leaders of California are sitting on their thumbs or taking half-steps,” Idelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has made a point of backing single-payer in his Democratic bid for governor, was quick to issue a statement calling the package \"a step in the right direction\" toward universal coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic politicians worried about attacks from the left see the new package as a way to show voters, who are increasingly concerned about health care, that they are acting. No matter what comes of the roughly 20 bills, whoever becomes the next governor will need to grapple with health care coverage, costs and the politics of it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California won’t be adopting \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/single-payer-healthcare-california-advocates-playing-long-game/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">single-payer\u003c/a> health care with its $400 billion price tag any time soon. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon made sure of that by opposing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the health care system is ailing, and organized labor, health care advocates and several Democratic lawmakers are offering a new prescription in the form of several bills. The measures could provide a bridge to a single-payer system in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Universal coverage is within our grasp,” Anthony Wright of Health Access California, the leading proponent of the package, said at a press conference at the state Capitol Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures are intended to rein in health care costs, fend off Trump administration efforts to undermine Obamacare, provide lower-income Californians with greater access to care and reduce pressure on Democrats to embrace the costly single-payer concept. The overall cost is yet to be determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers say they hope to deliver them to Gov. Jerry Brown’s desk for his signature in the final months of his tenure. It won’t be easy. Measures that would cost money—and any significant bill would—probably would need to be approved before the deadline for adopting a new budget by July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement comes a week after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-may-buck-congress-health-insurance-requirement/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Covered California\u003c/a>, which oversees the Affordable Care Act in this state, reported that health care premiums for some Obamacare customers could rise as much \u003ca href=\"http://hbex.coveredca.com/data-research/library/CoveredCA_High_Premium_Increases_3-8-18.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">35 percent\u003c/a> by 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More of KQED's Coverage on Single-Payer Health Care\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11650534/single-payer-health-care-in-california-why-advocates-are-playing-the-long-game\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Single-Payer Health Care in California? Why Advocates Are Playing the Long Game\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Separately, \u003ca href=\"http://healthcare.assembly.ca.gov/sites/healthcare.assembly.ca.gov/files/Report%20Final%203_13_18.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a report\u003c/a> produced earlier this week as part of an Assembly inquiry into health care said 21 percent of Californians who have health insurance are considered underinsured, and cannot afford out-of-pocket health care expenses. There are, for example, people earning $30,000 a year who have insurance policies requiring them to pay annual deductibles of as much as $6,000, an impossibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal includes bills to provide greater subsidies for middle-income earners who rely on Obamacare and help them pay for prescriptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other measures would attempt to regulate health insurance company profits, including one by Assembly Health Committee Chairman Jim Wood, a Democrat from Healdsburg, to impose \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB595\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">greater oversight\u003c/a> when health care providers want to merge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB910\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A bill\u003c/a> by Senate Health Committee Chairman Ed Hernandez, a Democratic from Covina, aims to prohibit the sale in California of the low-cost short-term insurance policies, a concept that would undercut an idea pushed by the Republican-controlled Congress and President Trump. Democrats dismiss such policies as junk because they fail to provide basic coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wright said the coalition, which includes organized labor, consumers, immigrant advocates and groups such as Planned Parenthood, is advocating a state-only individual mandate, intended to compel people to buy health insurance. Such a bill likely would require a two-thirds vote of the Legislature. Congress abolished the federal mandate that had been part of the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One goal would to be expand coverage to include more undocumented immigrants. The state already provides health care coverage for all children, including about 225,000 who are undocumented. Sponsors hope to extend that coverage, at a minimum, for undocumented individuals up to age 26, and to elderly people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies and many business groups surely will oppose most, if not all, of the bills as too costly and burdensome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the left, the California Nurses Association is skeptical of the package. The union is a leading advocate for replacing our existing private insurance with a single-payer system, funded by taxpayers and administered by the state—and is an aggressive political force that pushes Democratic candidates to embrace it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chuck Idelson, the union’s spokesman, said the union supports expanded coverage for undocumented immigrants, but called the proposal “fragmented” and said it would reinforce an insurance-based system that depends on profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The leaders of California are sitting on their thumbs or taking half-steps,” Idelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Lt. Gov. 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"disqusTitle": "At California’s Top Universities, Why a Dearth of Latino Professors Matters",
"title": "At California’s Top Universities, Why a Dearth of Latino Professors Matters",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the middle of a talk on immigration policy, UC Berkeley lecturer Pablo Gonzalez suddenly gets personal. Standing at the front of a windowless classroom on this prestigious public university campus, he recounts how his mother and other women in his West Berkeley neighborhood each year would mark the anniversary of their arrival to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They would make a mile-long pilgrimage from their homes to a local church, he says—“all these Mexican women walking up the street, taking up space.” Afterward, they’d go to lunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the traditions that the production of illegality stops,” Gonzalez says. His students nod in recognition. Chicano/Latino Studies majors and minors, they come from Fresno, East Palo Alto, Boonville. Many are the first generation in their families to go to college; some are undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Gonzalez, an anthropologist who peppers his speech with Spanglish and references to pop culture figures like comedians Key and Peele, they see a kindred spirit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s just real,” said senior Juanita Ibarra. “He was brought up in the 'hood, so I can relate to him. I walk in here, and I don’t feel pressured to have to formulate my sentences a certain way. I can fully express myself and I don’t feel judged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez is a rare role model on a campus where only 5 percent of faculty members are Latino. At most University of California campuses, Latinos comprise less than 10 percent of instructors—in a state where Latinos make up nearly a quarter of UC undergrads and more than half of graduates from public high schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos are similarly underrepresented among California State University and community college faculty, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://collegecampaign.org/portfolio/left-out-report/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report on campus diversity\u003c/a> released last week by the \u003ca href=\"http://collegecampaign.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Campaign for College Opportunity\u003c/a>, an organization promoting college access for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11656213\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-800x1066.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-800x1066.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-1020x1359.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-1920x2559.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-960x1279.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-240x320.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-375x500.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although other ethnic groups are also disproportionately absent among faculty, the underrepresentation of Latinos is especially striking given their demographic dominance in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Diversifying the professoriate is interconnected with the future of the academic disciplines themselves,” said Alberto Ledesma, an assistant dean for diversity, inclusion and equity at Berkeley. “You need to be able to expand to these new communities because that’s where your students are coming from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino students find mentors from a variety of cultural backgrounds and academic departments. But some said having support from professors who share their roots made the difference between success and failure at a high-pressure campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra Vences, 29, transferred to UC Berkeley from San Diego City College in 2015. She wanted to be a nurse practitioner and signed up for organic chemistry, but struggled to finish it. She gravitated toward Chicano/Latino studies, where she ended up majoring, building relationships with Gonzalez and other Latino professors whom she found approachable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon she was leading other students on a service and learning trip to Arizona, focusing on immigration issues. She’ll graduate this spring and still plans to enter nursing, but is also applying for a fellowship at the state Capitol to better understand health policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I don’t think I would have survived in any other major,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lack of Latino faculty may also hinder UC campuses’ ability to diversify their student bodies in the first place. The difference between the percentage of UC Berkeley students who are Latino and the proportion of California’s high school graduates who are is bigger than at any other state’s flagship public university, according to \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.wgbh.org/on-campus/2018/1/29/many-state-flagship-universities-leave-black-and-latino-students-behind/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Hechinger Report\u003c/a>, a nonprofit news organization focused on inequality in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the gap affects something even more fundamental, said Gregg Camfield, vice provost for faculty at UC Merced: the questions researchers ask and how they answer them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a big Western bias toward the individual great mind, but we’re coming to understand that most of the world’s problems are extremely complex,” he said, “and we need to tap the perspectives and experience of a very wide range of people in order to solve them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Designed for 35 students, Gonzalez’s classes on Chicanos, Law and Criminal Justice, Mexican Immigration and Chicano Culture brim with 50 to 60. “It’s not healthy whatsoever, but those are 160 students I want to have a conversation with,” says Gonzalez, who lacks tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His cozy fifth-floor office rarely empties, as students continually stop by to chat or seek advice. “I say ‘this door, as long as it’s open, you can come in.’ The students see a lot of closed doors outside of school because of how they look, who they are, who they are becoming,” he says. “I try to make sure they know that this is their space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11656214\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11656214\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Photo2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"UC Berkeley students engage in a class that lecturer Pablo Gonzalez teaches on Mexican immigration.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley students engage in a class that lecturer Pablo Gonzalez teaches on Mexican immigration. \u003ccite>(Felicia Mello/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Born just down the street from the wooded campus, Gonzalez grew up in working-class neighborhoods of Berkeley and Richmond, majoring in Chicano Studies at UC Berkeley before heading to the University of Texas for graduate work in anthropology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had never been to a place where in every field of study, there was Latino faculty,” he says of those years in Texas. “It had me thinking, ‘how do you continue that, but then also (create) the next generation?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mentoring students, he decided, would be a central part of his career. Last year, as anti-immigrant rhetoric filled the airwaves and police descended on Berkeley’s campus in response to planned alt-right events, the knocks on his door became more frequent. Some students had family members being deported, or wanted to know whether they should reapply for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, the program that granted temporary legal status to some immigrant students but is currently in limbo. A few were experiencing mental breakdowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My students still feel that sense of stigma that they don’t belong,” he says. “As an educator, you’re up there, and you have to be their lighthouse. They’re navigating so much. They want to see that there’s at least a path for them to get through. And we have to build way more lighthouses because they’re navigating really blind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rising \u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2016/04/04/new-data-show-tightening-phd-job-market-across-disciplines\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">competition\u003c/a>, the demise of affirmative action, and the concentration of California’s Latino undergraduates at less prestigious universities all impede UC’s ability to recruit the next Pablo Gonzalez, said Alex Saragoza, who has taught Chicano/Latino Studies at UC Berkeley since the 1980s. A generation of faculty members hired before \u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2016/04/04/new-data-show-tightening-phd-job-market-across-disciplines\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California’s Proposition 209\u003c/a> banned affirmative action on public university campuses is now retiring, with an insufficient number of candidates in the pipeline to replace them, Saragoza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of the delay is that the majority of Latino students in four-year universities are not in top-tier institutions, and they have to face competition from people at the Princetons and the Yales and Harvards and Berkeleys in terms of getting to a top-tier graduate program that facilitates going on to a teaching career at the college level,” Saragoza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet a report on UC Berkeley’s Latino community released last year by a task force of students, faculty and administrators indicated the university could do more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the Latinx demographics approaching 50% in California, our miniscule representation on the Berkeley faculty is a glaring reminder that the campus must make a forceful commitment to identifying departments and fields where faculty [can] be aggressively recruited,” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11656216\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-800x1164.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1164\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-800x1164.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-160x233.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-1020x1484.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-1920x2793.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-1180x1716.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-960x1396.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-240x349.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-375x545.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-520x756.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC system is developing a leadership program for Latino faculty and forming an advisory council that can recommend ways to address representation among both faculty and students, UC spokeswoman Claire Doan said. Fellowship and training programs, many privately funded, aim to attract more diverse candidates to graduate programs and faculty positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Merced, the campus with the largest proportion of Latino professors at about 12 percent, faculty-nominated equity advisers strategize with search committee chairs about how to attract diverse candidates and combat implicit bias in hiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re working constantly to make sure the pools we’re hiring from are sufficiently diverse,” said Camfield, the vice provost. “If they aren’t, we extend the search. We’re not willing to let faculty say, ‘Well, this is all we got.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve still got a long way to go,” he added, noting that Latinos make up about half of the campus’ students. But he said the Central Valley location helps lure socially engaged scholars—many of them from underrepresented backgrounds—who are motivated to solve the area’s myriad challenges, from air pollution to health disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To change faculty demographics, experts say, start with graduate students. That’s the focus of a five-year nationwide pilot program, \u003ca href=\"https://cmsi.gse.upenn.edu/hsi-pathways\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Pathways to the Professoriate\u003c/a>, that matches undergraduates from three universities where more than a quarter of students are Latino—California State University, Northridge, the University of Texas at El Paso and Florida International University—with mentors at five major research universities, including UC Davis and UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students attend a six-week boot camp on research skills and applying to graduate school, receive funding to conduct independent research, and work with mentors on their CVs and essays. Sponsored by the \u003ca href=\"https://cmsi.gse.upenn.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Penn Center for Minority Serving Institutions\u003c/a>, the program has helped identify barriers Latino undergraduate applicants may face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their schools often lack the resources to sponsor summer research programs, or don’t offer languages that might give students a leg up in their fields, said Heidi Schumacher, who directs the Pathways program at Cal State, Northridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have students who commute hours each day while getting good grades and working a full-time job,” she said. “That kind of grit and persistence is an indicator of their potential for success. But that doesn’t show up on a college transcript. So we’re asking the research universities, ‘How can we make what is great about these students legible to you?’ \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight Northridge students who participated in the program’s first group applied to schools this spring. Combined, they have received more than 20 offers of admission with full funding from graduate programs across the country, said Schumacher—including Northwestern, the University of Minnesota and the University of Michigan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just one was accepted to UC Davis, she said, and none to UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story and other higher education coverage are being supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/californias-top-public-universities-dearth-latino-professors-matters/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a>—a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the middle of a talk on immigration policy, UC Berkeley lecturer Pablo Gonzalez suddenly gets personal. Standing at the front of a windowless classroom on this prestigious public university campus, he recounts how his mother and other women in his West Berkeley neighborhood each year would mark the anniversary of their arrival to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They would make a mile-long pilgrimage from their homes to a local church, he says—“all these Mexican women walking up the street, taking up space.” Afterward, they’d go to lunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the traditions that the production of illegality stops,” Gonzalez says. His students nod in recognition. Chicano/Latino Studies majors and minors, they come from Fresno, East Palo Alto, Boonville. Many are the first generation in their families to go to college; some are undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Gonzalez, an anthropologist who peppers his speech with Spanglish and references to pop culture figures like comedians Key and Peele, they see a kindred spirit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s just real,” said senior Juanita Ibarra. “He was brought up in the 'hood, so I can relate to him. I walk in here, and I don’t feel pressured to have to formulate my sentences a certain way. I can fully express myself and I don’t feel judged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez is a rare role model on a campus where only 5 percent of faculty members are Latino. At most University of California campuses, Latinos comprise less than 10 percent of instructors—in a state where Latinos make up nearly a quarter of UC undergrads and more than half of graduates from public high schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos are similarly underrepresented among California State University and community college faculty, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://collegecampaign.org/portfolio/left-out-report/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report on campus diversity\u003c/a> released last week by the \u003ca href=\"http://collegecampaign.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Campaign for College Opportunity\u003c/a>, an organization promoting college access for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11656213\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-800x1066.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-800x1066.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-1020x1359.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-1920x2559.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-960x1279.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-240x320.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-375x500.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic1-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although other ethnic groups are also disproportionately absent among faculty, the underrepresentation of Latinos is especially striking given their demographic dominance in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Diversifying the professoriate is interconnected with the future of the academic disciplines themselves,” said Alberto Ledesma, an assistant dean for diversity, inclusion and equity at Berkeley. “You need to be able to expand to these new communities because that’s where your students are coming from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino students find mentors from a variety of cultural backgrounds and academic departments. But some said having support from professors who share their roots made the difference between success and failure at a high-pressure campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra Vences, 29, transferred to UC Berkeley from San Diego City College in 2015. She wanted to be a nurse practitioner and signed up for organic chemistry, but struggled to finish it. She gravitated toward Chicano/Latino studies, where she ended up majoring, building relationships with Gonzalez and other Latino professors whom she found approachable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon she was leading other students on a service and learning trip to Arizona, focusing on immigration issues. She’ll graduate this spring and still plans to enter nursing, but is also applying for a fellowship at the state Capitol to better understand health policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, I don’t think I would have survived in any other major,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lack of Latino faculty may also hinder UC campuses’ ability to diversify their student bodies in the first place. The difference between the percentage of UC Berkeley students who are Latino and the proportion of California’s high school graduates who are is bigger than at any other state’s flagship public university, according to \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.wgbh.org/on-campus/2018/1/29/many-state-flagship-universities-leave-black-and-latino-students-behind/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Hechinger Report\u003c/a>, a nonprofit news organization focused on inequality in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the gap affects something even more fundamental, said Gregg Camfield, vice provost for faculty at UC Merced: the questions researchers ask and how they answer them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a big Western bias toward the individual great mind, but we’re coming to understand that most of the world’s problems are extremely complex,” he said, “and we need to tap the perspectives and experience of a very wide range of people in order to solve them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Designed for 35 students, Gonzalez’s classes on Chicanos, Law and Criminal Justice, Mexican Immigration and Chicano Culture brim with 50 to 60. “It’s not healthy whatsoever, but those are 160 students I want to have a conversation with,” says Gonzalez, who lacks tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His cozy fifth-floor office rarely empties, as students continually stop by to chat or seek advice. “I say ‘this door, as long as it’s open, you can come in.’ The students see a lot of closed doors outside of school because of how they look, who they are, who they are becoming,” he says. “I try to make sure they know that this is their space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11656214\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11656214\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Photo2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"UC Berkeley students engage in a class that lecturer Pablo Gonzalez teaches on Mexican immigration.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley students engage in a class that lecturer Pablo Gonzalez teaches on Mexican immigration. \u003ccite>(Felicia Mello/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Born just down the street from the wooded campus, Gonzalez grew up in working-class neighborhoods of Berkeley and Richmond, majoring in Chicano Studies at UC Berkeley before heading to the University of Texas for graduate work in anthropology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had never been to a place where in every field of study, there was Latino faculty,” he says of those years in Texas. “It had me thinking, ‘how do you continue that, but then also (create) the next generation?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mentoring students, he decided, would be a central part of his career. Last year, as anti-immigrant rhetoric filled the airwaves and police descended on Berkeley’s campus in response to planned alt-right events, the knocks on his door became more frequent. Some students had family members being deported, or wanted to know whether they should reapply for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, the program that granted temporary legal status to some immigrant students but is currently in limbo. A few were experiencing mental breakdowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My students still feel that sense of stigma that they don’t belong,” he says. “As an educator, you’re up there, and you have to be their lighthouse. They’re navigating so much. They want to see that there’s at least a path for them to get through. And we have to build way more lighthouses because they’re navigating really blind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rising \u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2016/04/04/new-data-show-tightening-phd-job-market-across-disciplines\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">competition\u003c/a>, the demise of affirmative action, and the concentration of California’s Latino undergraduates at less prestigious universities all impede UC’s ability to recruit the next Pablo Gonzalez, said Alex Saragoza, who has taught Chicano/Latino Studies at UC Berkeley since the 1980s. A generation of faculty members hired before \u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2016/04/04/new-data-show-tightening-phd-job-market-across-disciplines\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California’s Proposition 209\u003c/a> banned affirmative action on public university campuses is now retiring, with an insufficient number of candidates in the pipeline to replace them, Saragoza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of the delay is that the majority of Latino students in four-year universities are not in top-tier institutions, and they have to face competition from people at the Princetons and the Yales and Harvards and Berkeleys in terms of getting to a top-tier graduate program that facilitates going on to a teaching career at the college level,” Saragoza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet a report on UC Berkeley’s Latino community released last year by a task force of students, faculty and administrators indicated the university could do more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the Latinx demographics approaching 50% in California, our miniscule representation on the Berkeley faculty is a glaring reminder that the campus must make a forceful commitment to identifying departments and fields where faculty [can] be aggressively recruited,” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11656216\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-800x1164.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1164\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-800x1164.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-160x233.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-1020x1484.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-1920x2793.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-1180x1716.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-960x1396.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-240x349.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-375x545.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/LATINO_PROFESSORS_Graphic2-520x756.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC system is developing a leadership program for Latino faculty and forming an advisory council that can recommend ways to address representation among both faculty and students, UC spokeswoman Claire Doan said. Fellowship and training programs, many privately funded, aim to attract more diverse candidates to graduate programs and faculty positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Merced, the campus with the largest proportion of Latino professors at about 12 percent, faculty-nominated equity advisers strategize with search committee chairs about how to attract diverse candidates and combat implicit bias in hiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re working constantly to make sure the pools we’re hiring from are sufficiently diverse,” said Camfield, the vice provost. “If they aren’t, we extend the search. We’re not willing to let faculty say, ‘Well, this is all we got.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve still got a long way to go,” he added, noting that Latinos make up about half of the campus’ students. But he said the Central Valley location helps lure socially engaged scholars—many of them from underrepresented backgrounds—who are motivated to solve the area’s myriad challenges, from air pollution to health disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To change faculty demographics, experts say, start with graduate students. That’s the focus of a five-year nationwide pilot program, \u003ca href=\"https://cmsi.gse.upenn.edu/hsi-pathways\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Pathways to the Professoriate\u003c/a>, that matches undergraduates from three universities where more than a quarter of students are Latino—California State University, Northridge, the University of Texas at El Paso and Florida International University—with mentors at five major research universities, including UC Davis and UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students attend a six-week boot camp on research skills and applying to graduate school, receive funding to conduct independent research, and work with mentors on their CVs and essays. Sponsored by the \u003ca href=\"https://cmsi.gse.upenn.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Penn Center for Minority Serving Institutions\u003c/a>, the program has helped identify barriers Latino undergraduate applicants may face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their schools often lack the resources to sponsor summer research programs, or don’t offer languages that might give students a leg up in their fields, said Heidi Schumacher, who directs the Pathways program at Cal State, Northridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have students who commute hours each day while getting good grades and working a full-time job,” she said. “That kind of grit and persistence is an indicator of their potential for success. But that doesn’t show up on a college transcript. So we’re asking the research universities, ‘How can we make what is great about these students legible to you?’ \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight Northridge students who participated in the program’s first group applied to schools this spring. Combined, they have received more than 20 offers of admission with full funding from graduate programs across the country, said Schumacher—including Northwestern, the University of Minnesota and the University of Michigan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just one was accepted to UC Davis, she said, and none to UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story and other higher education coverage are being supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/californias-top-public-universities-dearth-latino-professors-matters/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a>—a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "supreme-court-challenge-to-california-law-could-hand-abortion-foes-a-victory-or-backfire-on-them",
"title": "Supreme Court Challenge to California Law Could Hand Abortion Foes a Victory—or Backfire on Them",
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"headTitle": "Supreme Court Challenge to California Law Could Hand Abortion Foes a Victory—or Backfire on Them | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Should an organization that opposes abortion be required to tell women where they can seek an abortion? It’s a question the U.S. Supreme Court will face this month as it considers a challenge to a California state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB775\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The law in question\u003c/a>, known as the California Reproductive FACT Act, was signed by Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown in 2015. It requires licensed “crisis pregnancy centers”—many of which are run by Christian groups whose mission is to discourage pregnant women from getting abortions—to post signs or distribute notices informing clients that the state offers subsidized programs for family planning services, including abortion. The notice must include a phone number for the closest government social services office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates, which runs roughly 200 pregnancy centers in California, sued the state over the law. It argues the law infringes on its freedom of speech by compelling the centers “to speak a government message and to promote government programs contrary to their pro-life beliefs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The centers typically offer pregnancy tests and ultrasounds, and counsel women to carry their pregnancies to term by providing information on adoption and parenting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of their speech is designed to encourage childbirth. The Act purposely hampers this advocacy at the very beginning of a pregnancy center’s interaction with expectant mothers. While the centers exist to support childbirth, the Act forces them to point the way to ending unborn babies’ lives,” the institute says in a court filing. The group did not make anyone available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state argues the law is necessary because some pregnancy centers were misleading women about what services they’re licensed to provide and making false claims about the risks of abortion. Its provisions also require unlicensed counseling centers to disclose in advertisements and client notices that they aren’t licensed to provide medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone is entitled to accurate information about their health care, and that’s simply what the FACT Act says,” said California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, a Democrat. “There is nothing coercive, nothing intrusive in the requirements of the law that infringe upon someone’s First Amendment rights. It’s about making sure women have accurate information about their health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11656183 alignright\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"723\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-160x210.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-240x315.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-375x493.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-520x684.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case, which the Supreme Court will hear on March 20, is the latest battleground in a long legal debate at the intersection of free speech and abortion access. It highlights how much a state’s approach to abortion is shaped by its politics—and could wind up as a pivot point in the national debate over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In blue states like California and Hawaii, Democrats who support abortion rights have approved laws requiring pregnancy centers to notify women that abortions are available elsewhere. In red states, Republicans who oppose abortion have passed laws requiring doctors to tell women seeking them various specific statements: abortion ends “the life of a whole, separate, unique, living human being” (South Dakota); the father is liable for child support (Georgia); she can review a booklet prepared by the state that says the “unborn human individual” in her womb has a heartbeat (Arkansas). Both types of notifications have been challenged on grounds that they violate the First Amendment right to free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a fascinating legal twist, California is defending its Reproductive FACT Act in part based on a ruling that supports notifications in other states that abortions rights proponents have challenged. The state’s legal brief cites a 1992 case in which Planned Parenthood sued the state of Pennsylvania over a law that requires doctors tell women seeking abortion that the state offers brochures with information about fetal development, as well as the availability of adoption, paternal child support and other alternatives to abortion. The U.S. Supreme Court rejected Planned Parenthood’s First Amendment challenge and upheld the Pennsylvania law, saying speech by licensed professionals in the practice of their professions is “subject to reasonable licensing and regulation by the State.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the court rules that California’s law is unconstitutional, some legal scholars say it \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2017/11/abortion_foes_latest_supreme_court_challenge_could_turn_out_badly_for_them.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">could set the stage\u003c/a> for abortion rights groups to challenge a host of laws in conservative states that require doctors to make specific statements before performing abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If one decides this case based on the principle that the government cannot compel someone to say something they are opposed to, then I think all of those laws are challengeable,” said Wendy Mariner, a Boston University professor of health law. “That is a real issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other legal scholars say the situations are different and that striking down the California law wouldn’t impact states with anti-abortion notification laws. Richard Garnett, a professor at Notre Dame Law School, said the pregnancy centers shouldn’t be held to the same standard for required speech because they exist to offer “pro-life” counseling, not a medical service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is an important distinction between making sure someone about to have a procedure knows about it, as opposed to telling a nonprofit they have to tell someone about a procedure they are morally opposed to and don’t plan to provide,” Garnett said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California law was written with major input from NARAL Pro-Choice California and then-Attorney General Kamala Harris, after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/Unmasking-Fake-Clinics-The-Truth-About-Crisis-Pregnancy-Centers-in-California-.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a report\u003c/a> by the abortion rights group indicated that many pregnancy centers in California counseled women against abortion by incorrectly saying it would increase their risk of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/cancer/cancer-causes/medical-treatments/abortion-and-breast-cancer-risk.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">breast cancer\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-lifestyle/getting-pregnant/expert-answers/abortion/faq-20058551\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">infertility\u003c/a>. NARAL’s report also noted that many centers did not disclose their ideological affiliation upfront, misleading women into thinking they were mainstream health clinics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Auto shops and nail salons are required to post health-related notices, and so should pregnancy resource centers,” said Amy Everitt, director of NARAL Pro-Choice California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill fills a really important need for public health so that women know there are options that are supported by the state of California that they weren’t otherwise aware of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Should an organization that opposes abortion be required to tell women where they can seek an abortion? It’s a question the U.S. Supreme Court will face this month as it considers a challenge to a California state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB775\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The law in question\u003c/a>, known as the California Reproductive FACT Act, was signed by Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown in 2015. It requires licensed “crisis pregnancy centers”—many of which are run by Christian groups whose mission is to discourage pregnant women from getting abortions—to post signs or distribute notices informing clients that the state offers subsidized programs for family planning services, including abortion. The notice must include a phone number for the closest government social services office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates, which runs roughly 200 pregnancy centers in California, sued the state over the law. It argues the law infringes on its freedom of speech by compelling the centers “to speak a government message and to promote government programs contrary to their pro-life beliefs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The centers typically offer pregnancy tests and ultrasounds, and counsel women to carry their pregnancies to term by providing information on adoption and parenting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of their speech is designed to encourage childbirth. The Act purposely hampers this advocacy at the very beginning of a pregnancy center’s interaction with expectant mothers. While the centers exist to support childbirth, the Act forces them to point the way to ending unborn babies’ lives,” the institute says in a court filing. The group did not make anyone available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state argues the law is necessary because some pregnancy centers were misleading women about what services they’re licensed to provide and making false claims about the risks of abortion. Its provisions also require unlicensed counseling centers to disclose in advertisements and client notices that they aren’t licensed to provide medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone is entitled to accurate information about their health care, and that’s simply what the FACT Act says,” said California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, a Democrat. “There is nothing coercive, nothing intrusive in the requirements of the law that infringe upon someone’s First Amendment rights. It’s about making sure women have accurate information about their health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11656183 alignright\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"723\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-160x210.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-240x315.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-375x493.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/calmattersinsert-520x684.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case, which the Supreme Court will hear on March 20, is the latest battleground in a long legal debate at the intersection of free speech and abortion access. It highlights how much a state’s approach to abortion is shaped by its politics—and could wind up as a pivot point in the national debate over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In blue states like California and Hawaii, Democrats who support abortion rights have approved laws requiring pregnancy centers to notify women that abortions are available elsewhere. In red states, Republicans who oppose abortion have passed laws requiring doctors to tell women seeking them various specific statements: abortion ends “the life of a whole, separate, unique, living human being” (South Dakota); the father is liable for child support (Georgia); she can review a booklet prepared by the state that says the “unborn human individual” in her womb has a heartbeat (Arkansas). Both types of notifications have been challenged on grounds that they violate the First Amendment right to free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a fascinating legal twist, California is defending its Reproductive FACT Act in part based on a ruling that supports notifications in other states that abortions rights proponents have challenged. The state’s legal brief cites a 1992 case in which Planned Parenthood sued the state of Pennsylvania over a law that requires doctors tell women seeking abortion that the state offers brochures with information about fetal development, as well as the availability of adoption, paternal child support and other alternatives to abortion. The U.S. Supreme Court rejected Planned Parenthood’s First Amendment challenge and upheld the Pennsylvania law, saying speech by licensed professionals in the practice of their professions is “subject to reasonable licensing and regulation by the State.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the court rules that California’s law is unconstitutional, some legal scholars say it \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2017/11/abortion_foes_latest_supreme_court_challenge_could_turn_out_badly_for_them.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">could set the stage\u003c/a> for abortion rights groups to challenge a host of laws in conservative states that require doctors to make specific statements before performing abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If one decides this case based on the principle that the government cannot compel someone to say something they are opposed to, then I think all of those laws are challengeable,” said Wendy Mariner, a Boston University professor of health law. “That is a real issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other legal scholars say the situations are different and that striking down the California law wouldn’t impact states with anti-abortion notification laws. Richard Garnett, a professor at Notre Dame Law School, said the pregnancy centers shouldn’t be held to the same standard for required speech because they exist to offer “pro-life” counseling, not a medical service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is an important distinction between making sure someone about to have a procedure knows about it, as opposed to telling a nonprofit they have to tell someone about a procedure they are morally opposed to and don’t plan to provide,” Garnett said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California law was written with major input from NARAL Pro-Choice California and then-Attorney General Kamala Harris, after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/Unmasking-Fake-Clinics-The-Truth-About-Crisis-Pregnancy-Centers-in-California-.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a report\u003c/a> by the abortion rights group indicated that many pregnancy centers in California counseled women against abortion by incorrectly saying it would increase their risk of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/cancer/cancer-causes/medical-treatments/abortion-and-breast-cancer-risk.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">breast cancer\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-lifestyle/getting-pregnant/expert-answers/abortion/faq-20058551\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">infertility\u003c/a>. NARAL’s report also noted that many centers did not disclose their ideological affiliation upfront, misleading women into thinking they were mainstream health clinics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Auto shops and nail salons are required to post health-related notices, and so should pregnancy resource centers,” said Amy Everitt, director of NARAL Pro-Choice California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill fills a really important need for public health so that women know there are options that are supported by the state of California that they weren’t otherwise aware of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Data Dig: Are Foreign Investors Driving Up Real Estate in Your California Neighborhood?",
"title": "Data Dig: Are Foreign Investors Driving Up Real Estate in Your California Neighborhood?",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Scott and Erica Rothenberg thought the years of scrimping and saving had finally paid off. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The three-bedroom house outside of Elk Grove—an upper-middle-class suburb of Sacramento—checked all of the boxes: quiet neighborhood, quality school district, ample space to start a family.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>But the couple knew competition for the house—like most houses in desirable California neighborhoods—would be cut-throat. Their agent warned they’d be bidding against not only a glut of young Sacramento-area families vying for a starter home, but also wealthier Bay Area residents fleeing astronomical prices. Even wealthy foreign investors from China, sensing an opportunity to park their cash and make steady returns, were getting in on the action. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I was like, ‘Are you serious?’ In Elk Grove?,’” said Scott. “It’s really hard to deal with because it’s like, how do I compete with this? How do I compete with all this money? It really kind of blew me away.” \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Rothenbergs offered $10,000 above asking price, in the low $300,000s, and wrote the owners to explain who they were and how they loved the house. Days went by. Then their agent broke the news. The bid wasn’t too low—it was actually the highest offer the seller received, the realtor told them. But another buyer offered cash—meaning a cleaner, quicker sale.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“We were pretty upset, we figured it was just some investor who was going to rent it out,” said Scott. “If we would have lost out to a person who was going to occupy, we wouldn’t have been as upset.” \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Their hunch was right. The property ended up being rented out, to another California family hoping to own a house someday, maybe when the market cools a little. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Which made Scott wonder: How much are foreign buyers and investment firms—two of the most common sources of all-cash transactions—impacting the average California family’s ability to buy a home? He \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/#You-asked-Were-answering\">\u003cem>reached out\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> to CALmatters to help answer that question. So we tried—starting with foreign buyers. Here’s what we learned. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How many all-cash home sales happened in your neighborhood?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>With the help of real estate data firm ATTOM Data Solutions, we’ve mapped all-cash home sales for each zip code in California from 2005 to 2017. Zip codes with less than 100 total sales over that time period were omitted from the map. Enter your zip code or city name to find your neighborhood on the map.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"520\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://mlevin.carto.com/viz/c75e47a5-7e3c-4611-96b4-d35d93114ef1/embed_map\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Data on foreign buyers is weak. And likely underplays their influence.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back in 2006, about 10 percent of California single-family homes were purchased in all-cash transactions, according to the real estate data firm ATTOM Data Solutions. A decade later, it’s nearly 25 percent. That means a quarter of California’s extremely tight housing inventory is unlikely to go to households like the Rothenbergs—moderate-income families who need a mortgage to buy a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While all-cash buyers are often treated as a rough proxy for international buyers—the California Association of Realtors estimates they are more than twice as likely to pay in cash as domestic buyers—in reality they are more varied. Some are rich enough to not need to finance a first (or second or third) home, or simply prefer California real estate to the stock market. Private investment firms snapped up a ton of cheap homes during the foreclosure crisis—at one point more than one in three California homes was being purchased with all-cash. And increasingly older people, or their children, are liquidating assets to make all-cash offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"infogram-embed\" data-id=\"767b7237-e7f3-4523-92a1-babee85f7f92\" data-type=\"interactive\" data-title=\"Cash sales in California \">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript>!function(e,t,s,i){var n=\"InfogramEmbeds\",o=e.getElementsByTagName(\"script\")[0],d=/^http:/.test(e.location)?\"http:\":\"https:\";if(/^\\/{2}/.test(i)&&(i=d+i),window[n]&&window[n].initialized)window[n].process&&window[n].process();else if(!e.getElementById(s)){var r=e.createElement(\"script\");r.async=1,r.id=s,r.src=i,o.parentNode.insertBefore(r,o)}}(document,0,\"infogram-async\",\"https://e.infogram.com/js/dist/embed-loader-min.js\");\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts came to see foreign buyers as a bigger force in the market, and a contributor to the rise in single-family rentals California has seen the past 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My guess would be that it’s flipped and that foreign buyers are now having a bigger impact than institutional investors,” said Daren Blomquist, senior vice president at ATTOM. “They aren’t a huge percentage of buyers, but certainly they are one of the reasons that the California market has bounced back so strongly from the recession.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what percentage of California’s housing stock is owned by foreign investors?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s start with this major caveat: Foreign buyer real estate data is not good. California sales deeds don’t require a buyer or seller to disclose citizenship or residency status. So analysts rely on rough proxies for foreign ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The house the Rothenbergs tried to buy is a good example. You can verify that the transaction was all cash, which is a good flag for a foreign buyer. You can verify that the tax address for the buyer is outside California, which is also a good flag. You can see the buyer's surname, but given California's demographic diversity, that's hardly evidence foreign ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s all you can really say. Judging by the records, the owner of the Rothenbergs’ dream house could be a foreign-based investment buyer—or he might just be a wealthy Chinese-American who lives outside California and wants to invest in Sacramento real estate. (Attempts to contact the owners and the management company of the property were unsuccessful).\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11628537/the-withering-california-dream-by-the-numbers\">The Withering California Dream, by the Numbers\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11628537/the-withering-california-dream-by-the-numbers\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/SFHomes-1920x1236.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors estimates that 3 percent of last year’s purchases went to international buyers. Their data even suggests the share of international buyers has been on a downward trajectory since 2008—but that data relies on a survey of realtors, and could be undercounting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For one thing, the survey is conducted in English,” said Oscar Wei, senior economist for the California Association of Realtors. “So if you have Chinese buyers and Chinese agents, they may not necessarily want to participate in a survey written in English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wei also acknowledges that Realtors may not always know the citizenship status of their clients, and that the timing of the survey could bias the overall results towards domestic buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His rough estimate: 5 to 10 percent of the state’s single-family housing stock could be owned by international buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So can we conclude anything reliable about foreign buyers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We do have a decent grasp on where they’re coming from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fear of Chinese millionaires gobbling up American homes as just another piece in their global investment portfolio can veer into the cartoonish and xenophobic very quickly. As recently as 2014, Canadians purchased more U.S. homes than Chinese buyers, according to the National Realtors Association. And while Canadians are actually more likely to make all-cash offers, they receive nowhere near the scrutiny as the Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, however, Asian buyers do dominate: Last year they accounted for 71 percent of California homes sold to foreign buyers. That dwarfs the next closest group of international buyers, Latin Americans at 14 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"infogram-embed\" data-id=\"befaaa1a-3373-48ec-a5cb-63deee597d14\" data-type=\"interactive\" data-title=\"Foreign Buyer Origins in California\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript>!function(e,t,s,i){var n=\"InfogramEmbeds\",o=e.getElementsByTagName(\"script\")[0],d=/^http:/.test(e.location)?\"http:\":\"https:\";if(/^\\/{2}/.test(i)&&(i=d+i),window[n]&&window[n].initialized)window[n].process&&window[n].process();else if(!e.getElementById(s)){var r=e.createElement(\"script\");r.async=1,r.id=s,r.src=i,o.parentNode.insertBefore(r,o)}}(document,0,\"infogram-async\",\"https://e.infogram.com/js/dist/embed-loader-min.js\");\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No state in the country has attracted nearly as much attention from Chinese buyers as California, site of nearly 40 percent of all Chinese home purchases in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why are the Chinese so enamored with California real estate? First, it’s important to understand what we mean by “foreign.” Those statistics include recently arrived immigrants, of which California has quite a few. There’s legitimate debate over whether those immigrants should be counted as “foreign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the recently arrived Chinese snapping up California properties are holders of EB-5 visas—a U.S. program granting green cards to foreigners who invest $500,000 in U.S. business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The wife and kids are in the U.S., some of the husbands are here some of the time and some are not, they have a portion of their money here and they have a portion of their money in China,” says Lin He, a real estate investor and developer who courts Chinese property speculators in places like Newport Beach and Irvine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of Chinese diaspora already settled in areas such as Orange County and the San Gabriel Valley attract a great deal of foreign investment because cultural and language similarities make the purchase process easier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of that money goes towards primary residences—Chinese visa holders living with their family in a U.S. home. But after getting a foothold in California, many recently arrived Chinese view residential real estate as an attractive investment strategy—one that was not readily available to them in China, either because of government policy or exorbitant cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real estate in Beijing and some other places is really expensive,” says He. “They spend a year here, they buy a house, they say, “You won’t believe it, it’s so cheap here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Realtors’ survey found only 40 percent of Chinese foreign buyers intend to use their U.S. home as a primary residence for their recently immigrated family. The remainder eyed it as an investment vehicle, vacation home, or for use by a student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese government is not fond of letting its citizens’ burgeoning wealth wind up in American housing tracts. For years they’ve tried to clamp down on private investment leaving the country. A rule that limited Chinese citizens from taking more than $50,000 outside the country was more rigorously enforced last year, reducing Chinese home buying here according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.businessinsider.com/capital-controls-stop-mainland-chinese-real-estate-buyers-2017-05\">some reports\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But He cautions that people “will figure out ways to get money out of China. The appetite is always there, it’s just a matter of how they get the money out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What can California learn from Vancouver’s Foreign Buyer Tax?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The housing market in Vancouver, Canada resembles many California cities. Costs for single-family homes and condos have skyrocketed, making the city and its surrounding suburbs among the priciest places to live in North America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vancouver homes have also been a favored destination of overseas investment, primarily from China. Many residents fretted about the influence of foreign dollars on the city’s limited housing stock, but although good data was scarce, experts figured foreign buyers accounted for about 5 percent of home purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, under intense pressure from Vancouver residents, the British Columbia provincial government began mandating that homebuyers disclose citizenship on sales documents. The data revealed that in fact, 10 to 15 percent of houses were going to neither Canadian citizens nor permanent residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the provincial government slapped a 15 percent tax on all sales to foreign home buyers. The immediate response was stunning: Within a few months, the price of a single-family property in the greater Vancouver area dropped 20 percent. In contrast, prices in Toronto and other major Canadian cities kept rising—buoyed in part by foreign capital searching for a new market outside Vancouver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the impact of the foreign buyer tax on Vancouver’s housing market appears to have waned somewhat. While foreign ownership is down, the price of single family home is about back to where it was before the tax enacted—well beyond reach for many Vancouver families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean the tax isn’t making Vancouver home prices slightly more affordable than they otherwise would be, proponents say. It means the tax isn’t singlehandedly making Vancouver home prices affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"infogram-embed\" data-id=\"18789e7f-af4a-4224-adee-b56ce9b0e6f9\" data-type=\"interactive\" data-title=\"Vancouver Home Prices Before and After Tax\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript>!function(e,t,s,i){var n=\"InfogramEmbeds\",o=e.getElementsByTagName(\"script\")[0],d=/^http:/.test(e.location)?\"http:\":\"https:\";if(/^\\/{2}/.test(i)&&(i=d+i),window[n]&&window[n].initialized)window[n].process&&window[n].process();else if(!e.getElementById(s)){var r=e.createElement(\"script\");r.async=1,r.id=s,r.src=i,o.parentNode.insertBefore(r,o)}}(document,0,\"infogram-async\",\"https://e.infogram.com/js/dist/embed-loader-min.js\");\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The foreign buyer tax will have helped, and there is zero doubt about that,” says Joshua Gordon, public policy professor at Simon Fraser University and a tax supporter. “Whether it’s a panacea, and it is quite clear that is not a panacea, is a different question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon cautions that taxing foreign buyers is not the same thing as taxing foreign money going into local real estate. Foreign investors can use local friends and families to purchase property for them. Or they can channel their money through investment funds or other instruments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are foreign buyers driving up prices by keeping homes off the market?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of a foreign buyer tax has been floated in \u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/sanjose/news/2017/07/24/y-combinator-altman-politics-california-housing.html\">some quarters of California\u003c/a>, including Silicon Valley, but has never received significant legislative attention at the state or local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly because without solid data on foreign buyers, it’s tough to gauge how much they might be driving up California prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most economists agree that locales attracting lots of foreign investment—Irvine and the San Gabriel Valley, for example—are seeing prices rise because of an influx of foreign capital. It’s difficult to extrapolate that effect statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who argue the effect of foreign buyers on California home prices is overstated often cite the type of homes offshore investors are often interested in: newly constructed houses and higher-priced houses at the top of the market. They also point to ever-rising prices in California neighborhoods that have little appeal to foreign buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very limited number of homes,” says He, the Orange County real estate investor. “They may sell faster, but I don’t think it has much impact on price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the most intense competition from abroad might be for more expensive properties, that demand can still have an impact down-market. Blunt that demand, says Wei, the Realtors’ economist, and “you’d probably see some softening in the higher-priced properties. And that would lead of course to some softening in home prices not just in those areas, but it would trigger down to the statewide median price.” But he stresses that average home prices wouldn’t see a major dip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the focus on foreign buyers demand for listed houses, their effect on the inventory of current houses for sale could be just as important. If foreign buyers are more inclined to buy property as a long-term investment vehicle, they may be less inclined to sell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The typical homeowner now stays in their house seven to 10 years,” says Rosanna Garcia, a Sacramento-area agent who specializes in investment properties for foreign buyers. “If you’re looking at a foreign investor, they’ve got the money to wait. The longer you can hold on to it, the more money you can make in the end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means fewer properties on the market, and more to rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia stresses that it’s easy to blame foreign buyers for California’s housing market woes, rather than focusing on the lack of new construction or other distortions to the state’s dysfunctional housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not only foreign buyers who are making all-cash offers like the one that beat out the Rothenbergs. Next we’ll examine the role of private investment firms in our continuing coverage of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/\">housing crisis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"calmatters.org\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Nearly 25 percent of California’s single-family homes were purchased in all-cash transactions in 2016. Cash buyers tend to correlate with foreign buyers, but it’s complicated.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Scott and Erica Rothenberg thought the years of scrimping and saving had finally paid off. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The three-bedroom house outside of Elk Grove—an upper-middle-class suburb of Sacramento—checked all of the boxes: quiet neighborhood, quality school district, ample space to start a family.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>But the couple knew competition for the house—like most houses in desirable California neighborhoods—would be cut-throat. Their agent warned they’d be bidding against not only a glut of young Sacramento-area families vying for a starter home, but also wealthier Bay Area residents fleeing astronomical prices. Even wealthy foreign investors from China, sensing an opportunity to park their cash and make steady returns, were getting in on the action. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I was like, ‘Are you serious?’ In Elk Grove?,’” said Scott. “It’s really hard to deal with because it’s like, how do I compete with this? How do I compete with all this money? It really kind of blew me away.” \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Rothenbergs offered $10,000 above asking price, in the low $300,000s, and wrote the owners to explain who they were and how they loved the house. Days went by. Then their agent broke the news. The bid wasn’t too low—it was actually the highest offer the seller received, the realtor told them. But another buyer offered cash—meaning a cleaner, quicker sale.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“We were pretty upset, we figured it was just some investor who was going to rent it out,” said Scott. “If we would have lost out to a person who was going to occupy, we wouldn’t have been as upset.” \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Their hunch was right. The property ended up being rented out, to another California family hoping to own a house someday, maybe when the market cools a little. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Which made Scott wonder: How much are foreign buyers and investment firms—two of the most common sources of all-cash transactions—impacting the average California family’s ability to buy a home? He \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/#You-asked-Were-answering\">\u003cem>reached out\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> to CALmatters to help answer that question. So we tried—starting with foreign buyers. Here’s what we learned. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How many all-cash home sales happened in your neighborhood?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>With the help of real estate data firm ATTOM Data Solutions, we’ve mapped all-cash home sales for each zip code in California from 2005 to 2017. Zip codes with less than 100 total sales over that time period were omitted from the map. Enter your zip code or city name to find your neighborhood on the map.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"520\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://mlevin.carto.com/viz/c75e47a5-7e3c-4611-96b4-d35d93114ef1/embed_map\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Data on foreign buyers is weak. And likely underplays their influence.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back in 2006, about 10 percent of California single-family homes were purchased in all-cash transactions, according to the real estate data firm ATTOM Data Solutions. A decade later, it’s nearly 25 percent. That means a quarter of California’s extremely tight housing inventory is unlikely to go to households like the Rothenbergs—moderate-income families who need a mortgage to buy a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While all-cash buyers are often treated as a rough proxy for international buyers—the California Association of Realtors estimates they are more than twice as likely to pay in cash as domestic buyers—in reality they are more varied. Some are rich enough to not need to finance a first (or second or third) home, or simply prefer California real estate to the stock market. Private investment firms snapped up a ton of cheap homes during the foreclosure crisis—at one point more than one in three California homes was being purchased with all-cash. And increasingly older people, or their children, are liquidating assets to make all-cash offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"infogram-embed\" data-id=\"767b7237-e7f3-4523-92a1-babee85f7f92\" data-type=\"interactive\" data-title=\"Cash sales in California \">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript>!function(e,t,s,i){var n=\"InfogramEmbeds\",o=e.getElementsByTagName(\"script\")[0],d=/^http:/.test(e.location)?\"http:\":\"https:\";if(/^\\/{2}/.test(i)&&(i=d+i),window[n]&&window[n].initialized)window[n].process&&window[n].process();else if(!e.getElementById(s)){var r=e.createElement(\"script\");r.async=1,r.id=s,r.src=i,o.parentNode.insertBefore(r,o)}}(document,0,\"infogram-async\",\"https://e.infogram.com/js/dist/embed-loader-min.js\");\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts came to see foreign buyers as a bigger force in the market, and a contributor to the rise in single-family rentals California has seen the past 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My guess would be that it’s flipped and that foreign buyers are now having a bigger impact than institutional investors,” said Daren Blomquist, senior vice president at ATTOM. “They aren’t a huge percentage of buyers, but certainly they are one of the reasons that the California market has bounced back so strongly from the recession.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what percentage of California’s housing stock is owned by foreign investors?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s start with this major caveat: Foreign buyer real estate data is not good. California sales deeds don’t require a buyer or seller to disclose citizenship or residency status. So analysts rely on rough proxies for foreign ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The house the Rothenbergs tried to buy is a good example. You can verify that the transaction was all cash, which is a good flag for a foreign buyer. You can verify that the tax address for the buyer is outside California, which is also a good flag. You can see the buyer's surname, but given California's demographic diversity, that's hardly evidence foreign ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s all you can really say. Judging by the records, the owner of the Rothenbergs’ dream house could be a foreign-based investment buyer—or he might just be a wealthy Chinese-American who lives outside California and wants to invest in Sacramento real estate. (Attempts to contact the owners and the management company of the property were unsuccessful).\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11628537/the-withering-california-dream-by-the-numbers\">The Withering California Dream, by the Numbers\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11628537/the-withering-california-dream-by-the-numbers\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/SFHomes-1920x1236.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors estimates that 3 percent of last year’s purchases went to international buyers. Their data even suggests the share of international buyers has been on a downward trajectory since 2008—but that data relies on a survey of realtors, and could be undercounting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For one thing, the survey is conducted in English,” said Oscar Wei, senior economist for the California Association of Realtors. “So if you have Chinese buyers and Chinese agents, they may not necessarily want to participate in a survey written in English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wei also acknowledges that Realtors may not always know the citizenship status of their clients, and that the timing of the survey could bias the overall results towards domestic buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His rough estimate: 5 to 10 percent of the state’s single-family housing stock could be owned by international buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So can we conclude anything reliable about foreign buyers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We do have a decent grasp on where they’re coming from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fear of Chinese millionaires gobbling up American homes as just another piece in their global investment portfolio can veer into the cartoonish and xenophobic very quickly. As recently as 2014, Canadians purchased more U.S. homes than Chinese buyers, according to the National Realtors Association. And while Canadians are actually more likely to make all-cash offers, they receive nowhere near the scrutiny as the Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, however, Asian buyers do dominate: Last year they accounted for 71 percent of California homes sold to foreign buyers. That dwarfs the next closest group of international buyers, Latin Americans at 14 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"infogram-embed\" data-id=\"befaaa1a-3373-48ec-a5cb-63deee597d14\" data-type=\"interactive\" data-title=\"Foreign Buyer Origins in California\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript>!function(e,t,s,i){var n=\"InfogramEmbeds\",o=e.getElementsByTagName(\"script\")[0],d=/^http:/.test(e.location)?\"http:\":\"https:\";if(/^\\/{2}/.test(i)&&(i=d+i),window[n]&&window[n].initialized)window[n].process&&window[n].process();else if(!e.getElementById(s)){var r=e.createElement(\"script\");r.async=1,r.id=s,r.src=i,o.parentNode.insertBefore(r,o)}}(document,0,\"infogram-async\",\"https://e.infogram.com/js/dist/embed-loader-min.js\");\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No state in the country has attracted nearly as much attention from Chinese buyers as California, site of nearly 40 percent of all Chinese home purchases in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why are the Chinese so enamored with California real estate? First, it’s important to understand what we mean by “foreign.” Those statistics include recently arrived immigrants, of which California has quite a few. There’s legitimate debate over whether those immigrants should be counted as “foreign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the recently arrived Chinese snapping up California properties are holders of EB-5 visas—a U.S. program granting green cards to foreigners who invest $500,000 in U.S. business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The wife and kids are in the U.S., some of the husbands are here some of the time and some are not, they have a portion of their money here and they have a portion of their money in China,” says Lin He, a real estate investor and developer who courts Chinese property speculators in places like Newport Beach and Irvine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of Chinese diaspora already settled in areas such as Orange County and the San Gabriel Valley attract a great deal of foreign investment because cultural and language similarities make the purchase process easier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of that money goes towards primary residences—Chinese visa holders living with their family in a U.S. home. But after getting a foothold in California, many recently arrived Chinese view residential real estate as an attractive investment strategy—one that was not readily available to them in China, either because of government policy or exorbitant cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real estate in Beijing and some other places is really expensive,” says He. “They spend a year here, they buy a house, they say, “You won’t believe it, it’s so cheap here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Realtors’ survey found only 40 percent of Chinese foreign buyers intend to use their U.S. home as a primary residence for their recently immigrated family. The remainder eyed it as an investment vehicle, vacation home, or for use by a student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese government is not fond of letting its citizens’ burgeoning wealth wind up in American housing tracts. For years they’ve tried to clamp down on private investment leaving the country. A rule that limited Chinese citizens from taking more than $50,000 outside the country was more rigorously enforced last year, reducing Chinese home buying here according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.businessinsider.com/capital-controls-stop-mainland-chinese-real-estate-buyers-2017-05\">some reports\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But He cautions that people “will figure out ways to get money out of China. The appetite is always there, it’s just a matter of how they get the money out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What can California learn from Vancouver’s Foreign Buyer Tax?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The housing market in Vancouver, Canada resembles many California cities. Costs for single-family homes and condos have skyrocketed, making the city and its surrounding suburbs among the priciest places to live in North America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vancouver homes have also been a favored destination of overseas investment, primarily from China. Many residents fretted about the influence of foreign dollars on the city’s limited housing stock, but although good data was scarce, experts figured foreign buyers accounted for about 5 percent of home purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, under intense pressure from Vancouver residents, the British Columbia provincial government began mandating that homebuyers disclose citizenship on sales documents. The data revealed that in fact, 10 to 15 percent of houses were going to neither Canadian citizens nor permanent residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the provincial government slapped a 15 percent tax on all sales to foreign home buyers. The immediate response was stunning: Within a few months, the price of a single-family property in the greater Vancouver area dropped 20 percent. In contrast, prices in Toronto and other major Canadian cities kept rising—buoyed in part by foreign capital searching for a new market outside Vancouver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the impact of the foreign buyer tax on Vancouver’s housing market appears to have waned somewhat. While foreign ownership is down, the price of single family home is about back to where it was before the tax enacted—well beyond reach for many Vancouver families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean the tax isn’t making Vancouver home prices slightly more affordable than they otherwise would be, proponents say. It means the tax isn’t singlehandedly making Vancouver home prices affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"infogram-embed\" data-id=\"18789e7f-af4a-4224-adee-b56ce9b0e6f9\" data-type=\"interactive\" data-title=\"Vancouver Home Prices Before and After Tax\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript>!function(e,t,s,i){var n=\"InfogramEmbeds\",o=e.getElementsByTagName(\"script\")[0],d=/^http:/.test(e.location)?\"http:\":\"https:\";if(/^\\/{2}/.test(i)&&(i=d+i),window[n]&&window[n].initialized)window[n].process&&window[n].process();else if(!e.getElementById(s)){var r=e.createElement(\"script\");r.async=1,r.id=s,r.src=i,o.parentNode.insertBefore(r,o)}}(document,0,\"infogram-async\",\"https://e.infogram.com/js/dist/embed-loader-min.js\");\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The foreign buyer tax will have helped, and there is zero doubt about that,” says Joshua Gordon, public policy professor at Simon Fraser University and a tax supporter. “Whether it’s a panacea, and it is quite clear that is not a panacea, is a different question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon cautions that taxing foreign buyers is not the same thing as taxing foreign money going into local real estate. Foreign investors can use local friends and families to purchase property for them. Or they can channel their money through investment funds or other instruments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are foreign buyers driving up prices by keeping homes off the market?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of a foreign buyer tax has been floated in \u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/sanjose/news/2017/07/24/y-combinator-altman-politics-california-housing.html\">some quarters of California\u003c/a>, including Silicon Valley, but has never received significant legislative attention at the state or local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly because without solid data on foreign buyers, it’s tough to gauge how much they might be driving up California prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most economists agree that locales attracting lots of foreign investment—Irvine and the San Gabriel Valley, for example—are seeing prices rise because of an influx of foreign capital. It’s difficult to extrapolate that effect statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who argue the effect of foreign buyers on California home prices is overstated often cite the type of homes offshore investors are often interested in: newly constructed houses and higher-priced houses at the top of the market. They also point to ever-rising prices in California neighborhoods that have little appeal to foreign buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very limited number of homes,” says He, the Orange County real estate investor. “They may sell faster, but I don’t think it has much impact on price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the most intense competition from abroad might be for more expensive properties, that demand can still have an impact down-market. Blunt that demand, says Wei, the Realtors’ economist, and “you’d probably see some softening in the higher-priced properties. And that would lead of course to some softening in home prices not just in those areas, but it would trigger down to the statewide median price.” But he stresses that average home prices wouldn’t see a major dip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the focus on foreign buyers demand for listed houses, their effect on the inventory of current houses for sale could be just as important. If foreign buyers are more inclined to buy property as a long-term investment vehicle, they may be less inclined to sell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The typical homeowner now stays in their house seven to 10 years,” says Rosanna Garcia, a Sacramento-area agent who specializes in investment properties for foreign buyers. “If you’re looking at a foreign investor, they’ve got the money to wait. The longer you can hold on to it, the more money you can make in the end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means fewer properties on the market, and more to rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia stresses that it’s easy to blame foreign buyers for California’s housing market woes, rather than focusing on the lack of new construction or other distortions to the state’s dysfunctional housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not only foreign buyers who are making all-cash offers like the one that beat out the Rothenbergs. Next we’ll examine the role of private investment firms in our continuing coverage of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/\">housing crisis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Can't They All Get Along? New Senate Leader Vows to Cut Capitol's 'Us vs. Them' Rivalry",
"title": "Can't They All Get Along? New Senate Leader Vows to Cut Capitol's 'Us vs. Them' Rivalry",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Shortly after her election to the Assembly in 2010, Democrat Toni Atkins of San Diego came to Sacramento for a new lawmakers’ orientation. She’s never forgotten the adage imparted by a veteran lawmaker: \"The Republicans are our opponents. But the Senate is our enemy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those words reflect a reality that is entrenched for Capitol insiders, yet almost invisible to the outside world: The two houses of the Legislature are long-standing rivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, the Senate and Assembly are both ruled by Democrats. And yes, the two chambers must cooperate to pass any new laws. But that hasn’t stopped a culture of one-upmanship for decades. The result can be substantive -- feuding houses kill each other’s bills -- or petty: the Assembly and Senate once broke for summer recess on different weeks because their leaders couldn’t even agree on the calendar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Atkins is set to make history as the first person in more than 100 years to lead both houses of the Legislature. She was Assembly speaker from 2014 to 2016, and becomes Senate leader on March 21 -- also becoming the first woman and first openly gay person to lead the upper house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While no one expects her tenure to erase the Legislature’s deep rivalries, Atkins is well positioned to tamp them down. She’s taking the Senate reins just as changes to term limits have begun to silo legislators in each house. Previously, many lawmakers moved between the Assembly and Senate as their terms expired. Now that they can seek re-election in the same house for up to 12 years, they’re more inclined to stay put.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anybody can bridge that gap, it’s her,” said Democratic political consultant Steve Maviglio, who saw the Legislature’s rivalries up close as an aide to former Assembly Speaker Fabian Núñez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She understands the dynamics of the Assembly. . … She has years of cat-herding experience. … But most importantly, she has a relationship with the speaker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recent Senate and Assembly leaders emerged from separate spheres of power, with little prior rapport. But Atkins and current Speaker Anthony Rendon were Assembly colleagues for four years. They worked together closely to craft a $7.5 billion water bond in 2014, an effort that required navigating an array of geographic and political interests to create a bipartisan plan. Along the way, Rendon said he came to appreciate Atkins’ thoughtful style, as well as her love for Southern literature and college basketball. When she ran for Senate in 2016, she passed the speakership to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We worked really well together,” Rendon said. “She was someone I leaned on, when I got to Sacramento, for advice and for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The water bond was one of her key accomplishments as speaker during a tenure otherwise plagued by frequent rebellion within her ranks. Atkins couldn’t achieve her own priority in 2015: to fund affordable housing development via a new fee to some real estate transactions (she persisted as a senator and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB2\">prevailed\u003c/a> last year).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11654449\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11654449\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-800x539.jpg\" alt=\"Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, right, calls the Assembly to order before the State of the State address at the State Capitol in Sacramento on Jan. 25, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"539\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-800x539.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-960x647.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-240x162.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-375x253.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-520x350.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1.jpg 1164w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, right, calls the Assembly to order before the State of the State address at the State Capitol in Sacramento on Jan. 25, 2018. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Assembly, “my focus had to become, ‘What are we trying to get done for the whole body?’ And so I couldn't spend the time on my housing bill,” she said. “Now maybe I could've threatened people, but that's not my way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins also couldn’t persuade her caucus to support a high-profile climate change bill in 2015 backed by Gov. Jerry Brown and Senate leader Kevin de León. \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB350\">SB 350\u003c/a> sought to increase energy efficiency and the use of renewable sources to generate electricity, while slashing California’s oil consumption. Many Assembly Democrats balked at the oil provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins had to tell de León that the votes weren’t there, igniting a major feud between the two houses. The Assembly passed the bill after the oil piece was removed -- an industry win and a ding on de León’s environmental record. Months later, at a charity event where lawmakers publicly roast each other, de León \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article81148927.html\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article81148927.html\">lobbed\u003c/a> a brutal comeback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Did you know that WSPA stands for Western States Petroleum Association?” he said. “And all this time I thought it meant We Specialize in Purchasing Assemblymembers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the progressive Senate has passed several bills that have stalled or been watered down in the more moderate Assembly, including legislation to create a single-payer health care system (which Atkins co-authored), get 100 percent of the state’s electricity from renewable sources, and limit how local law enforcers cooperate with immigration agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rendon said his house grew frustrated with the Senate passing “purely symbolic” bills, and that the Assembly was being “more adult” by amending or putting the brakes on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, the two houses struggled to get on \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article190245744.html\">the same page\u003c/a> in responding to allegations of sexual harassment. After 150 women \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11623919/enough-californias-women-in-politics-call-out-sexual-harassment\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">signed an open letter\u003c/a> complaining of pervasive misconduct in the Capitol, the Senate and the Assembly launched separate hearings. Only after criticism from victims did they form a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-california-senate-and-assembly-to-work-1515007240-htmlstory.html\">joint panel\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Senate-Assembly power struggles have become the stuff of Capitol legend. In the 1980s, Assembly speaker Willie Brown billed himself as the “Speaker of the Legislature” on a party invitation, prompting an angry rebuke from Senate leader David Roberti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, jousting was common between Assembly Speaker Fabian Núñez and Senate leader Don Perata. Late one night in 2006, as both houses were working to approve bond measures, Perata tired of waiting for the Assembly to send its bills to the upper house. Suddenly he banged his gavel and ended the session, effectively killing the Assembly’s bills. Núñez was so furious he temporarily banned senators from setting foot on the Assembly floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shocked a lot of people I would do that,” Perata recalled, “but I’m only going to take so much game-playing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The friction can worsen in a session’s final days and hours, as each house may delay transmitting bills to the other house as a way to leverage deals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will Atkins and Rendon avoid such brinkmanship?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully the strength of our relationship and our communication will lessen a lot of that,” Rendon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You get this culture passed on to you,” Atkins said. “But I'm not going to perpetuate this ‘us versus them.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Shortly after her election to the Assembly in 2010, Democrat Toni Atkins of San Diego came to Sacramento for a new lawmakers’ orientation. She’s never forgotten the adage imparted by a veteran lawmaker: \"The Republicans are our opponents. But the Senate is our enemy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those words reflect a reality that is entrenched for Capitol insiders, yet almost invisible to the outside world: The two houses of the Legislature are long-standing rivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, the Senate and Assembly are both ruled by Democrats. And yes, the two chambers must cooperate to pass any new laws. But that hasn’t stopped a culture of one-upmanship for decades. The result can be substantive -- feuding houses kill each other’s bills -- or petty: the Assembly and Senate once broke for summer recess on different weeks because their leaders couldn’t even agree on the calendar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Atkins is set to make history as the first person in more than 100 years to lead both houses of the Legislature. She was Assembly speaker from 2014 to 2016, and becomes Senate leader on March 21 -- also becoming the first woman and first openly gay person to lead the upper house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While no one expects her tenure to erase the Legislature’s deep rivalries, Atkins is well positioned to tamp them down. She’s taking the Senate reins just as changes to term limits have begun to silo legislators in each house. Previously, many lawmakers moved between the Assembly and Senate as their terms expired. Now that they can seek re-election in the same house for up to 12 years, they’re more inclined to stay put.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anybody can bridge that gap, it’s her,” said Democratic political consultant Steve Maviglio, who saw the Legislature’s rivalries up close as an aide to former Assembly Speaker Fabian Núñez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She understands the dynamics of the Assembly. . … She has years of cat-herding experience. … But most importantly, she has a relationship with the speaker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recent Senate and Assembly leaders emerged from separate spheres of power, with little prior rapport. But Atkins and current Speaker Anthony Rendon were Assembly colleagues for four years. They worked together closely to craft a $7.5 billion water bond in 2014, an effort that required navigating an array of geographic and political interests to create a bipartisan plan. Along the way, Rendon said he came to appreciate Atkins’ thoughtful style, as well as her love for Southern literature and college basketball. When she ran for Senate in 2016, she passed the speakership to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We worked really well together,” Rendon said. “She was someone I leaned on, when I got to Sacramento, for advice and for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The water bond was one of her key accomplishments as speaker during a tenure otherwise plagued by frequent rebellion within her ranks. Atkins couldn’t achieve her own priority in 2015: to fund affordable housing development via a new fee to some real estate transactions (she persisted as a senator and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB2\">prevailed\u003c/a> last year).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11654449\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11654449\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-800x539.jpg\" alt=\"Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, right, calls the Assembly to order before the State of the State address at the State Capitol in Sacramento on Jan. 25, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"539\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-800x539.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-960x647.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-240x162.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-375x253.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-520x350.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1.jpg 1164w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, right, calls the Assembly to order before the State of the State address at the State Capitol in Sacramento on Jan. 25, 2018. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Assembly, “my focus had to become, ‘What are we trying to get done for the whole body?’ And so I couldn't spend the time on my housing bill,” she said. “Now maybe I could've threatened people, but that's not my way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins also couldn’t persuade her caucus to support a high-profile climate change bill in 2015 backed by Gov. Jerry Brown and Senate leader Kevin de León. \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB350\">SB 350\u003c/a> sought to increase energy efficiency and the use of renewable sources to generate electricity, while slashing California’s oil consumption. Many Assembly Democrats balked at the oil provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins had to tell de León that the votes weren’t there, igniting a major feud between the two houses. The Assembly passed the bill after the oil piece was removed -- an industry win and a ding on de León’s environmental record. Months later, at a charity event where lawmakers publicly roast each other, de León \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article81148927.html\"> \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article81148927.html\">lobbed\u003c/a> a brutal comeback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Did you know that WSPA stands for Western States Petroleum Association?” he said. “And all this time I thought it meant We Specialize in Purchasing Assemblymembers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the progressive Senate has passed several bills that have stalled or been watered down in the more moderate Assembly, including legislation to create a single-payer health care system (which Atkins co-authored), get 100 percent of the state’s electricity from renewable sources, and limit how local law enforcers cooperate with immigration agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rendon said his house grew frustrated with the Senate passing “purely symbolic” bills, and that the Assembly was being “more adult” by amending or putting the brakes on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, the two houses struggled to get on \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article190245744.html\">the same page\u003c/a> in responding to allegations of sexual harassment. After 150 women \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11623919/enough-californias-women-in-politics-call-out-sexual-harassment\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">signed an open letter\u003c/a> complaining of pervasive misconduct in the Capitol, the Senate and the Assembly launched separate hearings. Only after criticism from victims did they form a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-california-senate-and-assembly-to-work-1515007240-htmlstory.html\">joint panel\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Senate-Assembly power struggles have become the stuff of Capitol legend. In the 1980s, Assembly speaker Willie Brown billed himself as the “Speaker of the Legislature” on a party invitation, prompting an angry rebuke from Senate leader David Roberti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, jousting was common between Assembly Speaker Fabian Núñez and Senate leader Don Perata. Late one night in 2006, as both houses were working to approve bond measures, Perata tired of waiting for the Assembly to send its bills to the upper house. Suddenly he banged his gavel and ended the session, effectively killing the Assembly’s bills. Núñez was so furious he temporarily banned senators from setting foot on the Assembly floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shocked a lot of people I would do that,” Perata recalled, “but I’m only going to take so much game-playing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The friction can worsen in a session’s final days and hours, as each house may delay transmitting bills to the other house as a way to leverage deals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will Atkins and Rendon avoid such brinkmanship?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully the strength of our relationship and our communication will lessen a lot of that,” Rendon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You get this culture passed on to you,” Atkins said. “But I'm not going to perpetuate this ‘us versus them.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "As California Oil Regulator Seeks More Money, Legislators Ask 'Is This Working?'",
"title": "As California Oil Regulator Seeks More Money, Legislators Ask 'Is This Working?'",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Early in 2011, Bill Allayaud was so fed up with what he saw as dereliction of duty by California’s oil and gas regulator that he began to catalog grievances: unregulated fracking, allowing companies to inject oilfield wastewater into clean water aquifers, little or no oversight into critical practices affecting public health and safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were essentially lap dogs for the oil industry,” said Allayaud, a lobbyist with the Environmental Working Group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He attached the ever-expanding list to his office wall. With the way things had been running at the Division of Oil, Gas and Geothermal Resources, Allayaud had little confidence the list would ever grow smaller or come down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a backwater agency in charge of multibillion-dollar corporations,” he said. “It was a wink and a nod, that’s the way it went for decade after decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s oil and gas regulator, known as DOGGR, has endured years of scolding from the Legislature for a lack of accountability, from environmentalists for allowing an industry to run roughshod over a state regulator and from the federal Environmental Protection Agency for failing to enforce clean water laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About California's Oil Regulator\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">How Much Drinking Water Has California Lost to Oil Industry Waste? No One Knows\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But the state’s oil watchdog is undertaking a comprehensive reform, officials say, that will radically change the agency’s culture and modernize a department with one foot in the last century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a dramatically different organization than we were three years ago,” said David Bunn, director of the state Department of Conservation, which oversees the oil and gas agency. “We’ve made dramatic changes. There’s still a lot to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency officials will make that case in coming weeks as they appear before a budget committee in the California Legislature, requesting more money and more people to complete the transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their requests will likely face some skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a chicken and egg thing,” said Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, a Democrat from Santa Barbara. “We don’t want to give them money unless they are going to produce; they say they can’t produce unless we give them more money. The truth lies in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few would dispute that the agency has been in crisis. Created more than 100 years ago, the Division of Oil, Gas and Geothermal Resources regulates energy extraction on state lands and in state waters. It has a staff of about 275 and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3747/2018-19-resources-analysis-021418.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proposed budget \u003c/a>of about $85 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, though, the agency served more to assist energy companies than regulate them. That emphasis has proven difficult to shake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A litany of embarrassing lapses and mistakes in recent years brought a harsh spotlight to the agency’s inner workings. Oil companies were dumping oilfield waste fluids into thousands of unlined pits in the Central Valley and injecting that same waste into federally-protected drinking water aquifers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://psbweb.co.kern.ca.us/UtilityPages/Planning/EIRS/mckittrick_landfill/Vol5/CA%20DOC%20DOGGR%20Well%2020%20--Report%20re%20Chevron%20Fatality%206-21-11%20(5-4-2012).pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">death of a worker\u003c/a> at a Chevron facility near Bakersfield in 2011 drew attention to a dangerous well stimulation technique known as underground injection. Steve Bohlen, a former state oil and gas supervisor, admitted the agency did not have up-to-date guidelines to adequately oversee \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-oil-steam-20151129-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">underground injections\u003c/a>. He said his agency asked an oil industry group—the Conservation Committee of California Oil and Gas Producers—to write the outlines of the regulations. The group didn’t produce a document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the big frustrations I’ve had with DOGGR is they have been more a shill for the industries they are supposed to be regulating than a real enforcer of the industries,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years, DOGGR has seen its mission to accommodate oil development. They’ve finally started to pivot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Bob Wieckowski, the Fremont Democrat who chairs the subcommittee that will hear the upcoming funding proposals, agreed that the oil agency went through “dark days,” but he said he’s hopeful that meaningful change has arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ever there was an agency or department that needs to be more transparent, this is it,” he said. “I’d like to improve the trust that the community and the Legislature has with the department. We’ve got twin aims: transparency and accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About California's Oil Regulator\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11577734/as-state-clears-troubled-gas-field-to-reopen-governor-calls-for-it-to-close\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As State Clears Troubled Gas Field to Reopen, Governor Calls for It to Close\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The department has been a frequent supplicant before the budget committee, offering \u003cem>mea culpas \u003c/em>along with requests for more funding to implement reforms called for by the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After fitful attempts at reform, the agency is well into its \u003ca href=\"http://www.conservation.ca.gov/dog/Documents/renewal-plan2017-lrg.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">renewal plan\u003c/a>—a comprehensive, and expensive, blueprint to overhaul the state’s oil and gas regulator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last five years, the oil agency has received nearly $25 million in ongoing funding, above and beyond its enacted budget, and tens of millions more in one-time outlays to kick start projects, ranging from developing a statewide database of oil and gas operations to hiring a new generation of field inspectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, the Legislature has approved an additional 150 permanent positions in the last five years, according to information the non-partisan Legislative Analyst Office provided to legislators, effectively doubling the agency’s employee base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest lifts has been converting an agency that, until recently, operated almost entirely on paper. The IT bill for installing a modern data management system and converting handwritten well records that date back to the 19\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> century: nearly $70 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said one of the budget requests will be to hire 21 additional inspectors. He said the current workload is untenable, with one inspector per 2,800 wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a critical point. The agency is lagging in performing inspections required by state law. An \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3747/2018-19-resources-analysis-021418.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">LAO analysis\u003c/a> found that in California’s three busiest oil-producing districts, state inspectors failed to oversee nearly a third of required operations last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn acknowledged oversight failings, saying the problems went beyond missing inspections: “We were sending people out to do inspections who were not qualified,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said the agency has instituted an extensive training program and aggressively seeks employees with higher academic qualifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, he said, top-flight engineers and others with sophisticated training shunned the agency, which was viewed as not placing a high value on science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve dramatically reformed our practices in the field,” he said. Now, “good people attract good people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s former aversion to science has led to partnerships with the state’s national research labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One project with Stanford University tackles one of the most fundamental and significant problems in oilfields: What causes so-called “surface expressions” when steam, oil or drilling fluids bubble up or erupt to the surface, creating anything from fissures to oil-filled caverns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never did that kind of thing before,” Bunn said. “We didn’t have the capacity, the time or the people to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the state relied on the oil industry to take the lead on crafting regulations, deferring to its technical expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve played a constructive, collaborative role in these many years,” said Bob Poole, a lobbyist with the Western States Petroleum Association. “We’ve helped them find the best ways to address the legal mandates to implement regulations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That collaboration sometimes veered into potential conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, too, has changed, officials say. The agency said the draft regulations for underground injections were formulated by agency staff, in consultation with independent scientists. And it noted that it hopes to beef up enforcement staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The energy industry has its own complaints, mostly to do with what it views as the state’s snail’s-pace in signing off on permits and other paperwork requiring decision-making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The addition of the state water board into oil and gas oversight has added a layer of bureaucracy that the industry says is causing the system to creak to a halt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DOGGR and the water board need to ensure that they review permit applications in a timely manner,” said Rock Zierman, chief executive officer of the California Independent Petroleum Association, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said the agency is getting to all of the issues, ticking them off a long list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Allayaud’s list?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are so antiquated, they are still playing catch up,” he said. “But I keep putting checkmarks next to things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>—a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Early in 2011, Bill Allayaud was so fed up with what he saw as dereliction of duty by California’s oil and gas regulator that he began to catalog grievances: unregulated fracking, allowing companies to inject oilfield wastewater into clean water aquifers, little or no oversight into critical practices affecting public health and safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were essentially lap dogs for the oil industry,” said Allayaud, a lobbyist with the Environmental Working Group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He attached the ever-expanding list to his office wall. With the way things had been running at the Division of Oil, Gas and Geothermal Resources, Allayaud had little confidence the list would ever grow smaller or come down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a backwater agency in charge of multibillion-dollar corporations,” he said. “It was a wink and a nod, that’s the way it went for decade after decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s oil and gas regulator, known as DOGGR, has endured years of scolding from the Legislature for a lack of accountability, from environmentalists for allowing an industry to run roughshod over a state regulator and from the federal Environmental Protection Agency for failing to enforce clean water laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About California's Oil Regulator\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">How Much Drinking Water Has California Lost to Oil Industry Waste? No One Knows\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But the state’s oil watchdog is undertaking a comprehensive reform, officials say, that will radically change the agency’s culture and modernize a department with one foot in the last century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a dramatically different organization than we were three years ago,” said David Bunn, director of the state Department of Conservation, which oversees the oil and gas agency. “We’ve made dramatic changes. There’s still a lot to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency officials will make that case in coming weeks as they appear before a budget committee in the California Legislature, requesting more money and more people to complete the transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their requests will likely face some skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a chicken and egg thing,” said Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, a Democrat from Santa Barbara. “We don’t want to give them money unless they are going to produce; they say they can’t produce unless we give them more money. The truth lies in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few would dispute that the agency has been in crisis. Created more than 100 years ago, the Division of Oil, Gas and Geothermal Resources regulates energy extraction on state lands and in state waters. It has a staff of about 275 and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3747/2018-19-resources-analysis-021418.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proposed budget \u003c/a>of about $85 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, though, the agency served more to assist energy companies than regulate them. That emphasis has proven difficult to shake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A litany of embarrassing lapses and mistakes in recent years brought a harsh spotlight to the agency’s inner workings. Oil companies were dumping oilfield waste fluids into thousands of unlined pits in the Central Valley and injecting that same waste into federally-protected drinking water aquifers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://psbweb.co.kern.ca.us/UtilityPages/Planning/EIRS/mckittrick_landfill/Vol5/CA%20DOC%20DOGGR%20Well%2020%20--Report%20re%20Chevron%20Fatality%206-21-11%20(5-4-2012).pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">death of a worker\u003c/a> at a Chevron facility near Bakersfield in 2011 drew attention to a dangerous well stimulation technique known as underground injection. Steve Bohlen, a former state oil and gas supervisor, admitted the agency did not have up-to-date guidelines to adequately oversee \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-oil-steam-20151129-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">underground injections\u003c/a>. He said his agency asked an oil industry group—the Conservation Committee of California Oil and Gas Producers—to write the outlines of the regulations. The group didn’t produce a document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the big frustrations I’ve had with DOGGR is they have been more a shill for the industries they are supposed to be regulating than a real enforcer of the industries,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years, DOGGR has seen its mission to accommodate oil development. They’ve finally started to pivot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Bob Wieckowski, the Fremont Democrat who chairs the subcommittee that will hear the upcoming funding proposals, agreed that the oil agency went through “dark days,” but he said he’s hopeful that meaningful change has arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ever there was an agency or department that needs to be more transparent, this is it,” he said. “I’d like to improve the trust that the community and the Legislature has with the department. We’ve got twin aims: transparency and accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About California's Oil Regulator\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11577734/as-state-clears-troubled-gas-field-to-reopen-governor-calls-for-it-to-close\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As State Clears Troubled Gas Field to Reopen, Governor Calls for It to Close\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The department has been a frequent supplicant before the budget committee, offering \u003cem>mea culpas \u003c/em>along with requests for more funding to implement reforms called for by the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After fitful attempts at reform, the agency is well into its \u003ca href=\"http://www.conservation.ca.gov/dog/Documents/renewal-plan2017-lrg.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">renewal plan\u003c/a>—a comprehensive, and expensive, blueprint to overhaul the state’s oil and gas regulator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last five years, the oil agency has received nearly $25 million in ongoing funding, above and beyond its enacted budget, and tens of millions more in one-time outlays to kick start projects, ranging from developing a statewide database of oil and gas operations to hiring a new generation of field inspectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, the Legislature has approved an additional 150 permanent positions in the last five years, according to information the non-partisan Legislative Analyst Office provided to legislators, effectively doubling the agency’s employee base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest lifts has been converting an agency that, until recently, operated almost entirely on paper. The IT bill for installing a modern data management system and converting handwritten well records that date back to the 19\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> century: nearly $70 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said one of the budget requests will be to hire 21 additional inspectors. He said the current workload is untenable, with one inspector per 2,800 wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a critical point. The agency is lagging in performing inspections required by state law. An \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3747/2018-19-resources-analysis-021418.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">LAO analysis\u003c/a> found that in California’s three busiest oil-producing districts, state inspectors failed to oversee nearly a third of required operations last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn acknowledged oversight failings, saying the problems went beyond missing inspections: “We were sending people out to do inspections who were not qualified,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said the agency has instituted an extensive training program and aggressively seeks employees with higher academic qualifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, he said, top-flight engineers and others with sophisticated training shunned the agency, which was viewed as not placing a high value on science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve dramatically reformed our practices in the field,” he said. Now, “good people attract good people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s former aversion to science has led to partnerships with the state’s national research labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One project with Stanford University tackles one of the most fundamental and significant problems in oilfields: What causes so-called “surface expressions” when steam, oil or drilling fluids bubble up or erupt to the surface, creating anything from fissures to oil-filled caverns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never did that kind of thing before,” Bunn said. “We didn’t have the capacity, the time or the people to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the state relied on the oil industry to take the lead on crafting regulations, deferring to its technical expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve played a constructive, collaborative role in these many years,” said Bob Poole, a lobbyist with the Western States Petroleum Association. “We’ve helped them find the best ways to address the legal mandates to implement regulations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That collaboration sometimes veered into potential conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, too, has changed, officials say. The agency said the draft regulations for underground injections were formulated by agency staff, in consultation with independent scientists. And it noted that it hopes to beef up enforcement staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The energy industry has its own complaints, mostly to do with what it views as the state’s snail’s-pace in signing off on permits and other paperwork requiring decision-making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The addition of the state water board into oil and gas oversight has added a layer of bureaucracy that the industry says is causing the system to creak to a halt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DOGGR and the water board need to ensure that they review permit applications in a timely manner,” said Rock Zierman, chief executive officer of the California Independent Petroleum Association, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said the agency is getting to all of the issues, ticking them off a long list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Allayaud’s list?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are so antiquated, they are still playing catch up,” he said. “But I keep putting checkmarks next to things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>—a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Unions Prepare to Lose in the Courthouse and Strike Back in the Statehouse",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court has yet to weigh in on a high-profile case that could slash the power of public-employee unions. But California labor leaders are already planning to push for new state laws to blunt the impact of an unfavorable ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/janus-v-american-federation-state-county-municipal-employees-council-31/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">case\u003c/a> argued before the court Monday, Janus v. American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, challenges whether public-employee unions can collect fees from workers who choose not to join the union. California is one of several states that allow unions to collect “fair share fees” from workers who benefit from services such as contract negotiations but don’t want to pay for their union’s political activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"VdcviHQzX9RpOQem0IbR3txGML6g9hu0\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiff Mark Janus, a state child support specialist in Illinois, contends that all union activity is political when the workers’ boss is the government. He argues that requiring him to pay the fee infringes on his constitutional rights to free speech and association by essentially forcing him to support a group that advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2018/2/26/17053328/janus-afscme-supreme-court-unions-minorities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">positions\u003c/a> with which he disagrees—in particular, its push for boosting worker salaries in a state facing a budget crisis after reportedly mismanaging its pension program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AFSCME, the nation’s largest union for government workers, argues that without the fees workers would get a “free ride,” enjoying job protections the union secures without paying the associated cost. In a friend-of-the-court \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/16/16-1466/28475/20180119135931353_16-1466bsacStateOfCalifornia.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">brief\u003c/a> on behalf of California, the state’s Democratic attorney general, Xavier Becerra, argues that changing the status quo would unnecessarily disrupt California’s dealings with its public-employee unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court is likely to rule this spring, and given its conservative majority, many observers expect the unions to lose. That would slash the amount of money public-employee unions can collect from their workers—and, over time, could shrink membership. Those changes would shake up politics in California, where organized labor has long enjoyed enormous clout in a state dominated by Democrats. The Janus case is backed by a network of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/25/business/economy/labor-court-conservatives.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">conservative groups\u003c/a> whose funders also support Republican candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11652576\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"730\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic.jpg 550w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic-160x212.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic-240x319.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic-375x498.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic-520x690.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The threat to organized labor is a threat to all of us, in particular to the Democratic Party,” Alma Hernandez, executive director of the Service Employees International Union in California, said to a roomful of union activists at the California Democratic Party convention. The mood was a mix of doom and defiance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And make no mistake about it, brothers and sisters, they’re coming after us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Predicting they will lose in the courthouse, California union leaders have begun fighting back in the statehouse. Last year, they successfully lobbied for \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article156146364.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new state law\u003c/a> that requires government workers, upon being hired, to go through an orientation session with union representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is going to be a great boost to allow us to at least access the people and ask them to join,” said Dave Low, executive director of the California School Employees Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once Janus is decided, and we feel very much that it is going to be decided against us, we will be moving other legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is in early conceptual stages and it’s too soon to say whether, if approved, it would cover all unions or just those in the public sector. But union-backed bills under consideration, Low said, include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>giving union members “release time” from their jobs so they can recruit other workers to join the union\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>shielding union members’ contact information from the public to make it harder for anti-union groups to reach them\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>allowing unions to charge nonmembers who use services such as arbitration or a labor representative to help them through a disciplinary process\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Taxpayer advocates would likely oppose bills that would shield contact information or give union members release time from work, said Jon Coupal, president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. But overall, he said, a court ruling in favor of Janus could relieve some pressure on California taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will perhaps result in our elected officials being able to pursue policies that have more the public in mind, and not just the public employees,” Coupal said. “They will be less likely to cave to public employees in collective bargaining in terms of salary and compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"n4HDBFCJzFBTcBLv3Aqd6fDCSFqj7Aej\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions are a major influence in California’s Capitol, spending money to help elect Democrats and then lobbying them to pass new laws. In just the past few years, unions here have successfully advocated for laws granting overtime to farmworkers, making paid sick days mandatory and increasing the state’s minimum wage to $15 an hour. Labor has shaped many other decisions in the Capitol, from which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/tesla-troubles-can-california-impose-blue-values-green-economy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">car companies\u003c/a> can get electric-vehicle rebates to how much money school districts can hold in reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of influence is costly. Labor unions spent at least $16.3 million lobbying the California Legislature last year and, according to the National Institute on Money in State Politics, more than $123 million on California political campaigns in the last election cycle—money that comes from dues paid by union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 2.5 million public- and private-sector workers in California are union members, according to the California Labor Federation, and another 110,000 government workers here pay fair-share fees to unions they choose not to join.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An unfavorable ruling from the Supreme Court could diminish union membership in California by between 5 and 30 percent, depending on what other laws are in place, predicted California Labor Federation spokesman Steve Smith. It’s unlikely to strike an immediate blow to how much unions spend on political campaigns in California this year, he said, though it could have some impact. The real change will be felt over time: If the ruling leads to a decline in membership, unions will have less money to spend on politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we have less money as labor, we’re going to be spending less money on Democratic candidates, we’re going to be spending less money on things like ballot initiatives,” said Jessica Ulstad, political field director for the California Federation of Teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will all have to look at our budgets and say, ‘What is it that we absolutely are going to spend money on, and what are we not going to be able to do any more?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court has yet to weigh in on a high-profile case that could slash the power of public-employee unions. But California labor leaders are already planning to push for new state laws to blunt the impact of an unfavorable ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/janus-v-american-federation-state-county-municipal-employees-council-31/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">case\u003c/a> argued before the court Monday, Janus v. American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, challenges whether public-employee unions can collect fees from workers who choose not to join the union. California is one of several states that allow unions to collect “fair share fees” from workers who benefit from services such as contract negotiations but don’t want to pay for their union’s political activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiff Mark Janus, a state child support specialist in Illinois, contends that all union activity is political when the workers’ boss is the government. He argues that requiring him to pay the fee infringes on his constitutional rights to free speech and association by essentially forcing him to support a group that advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2018/2/26/17053328/janus-afscme-supreme-court-unions-minorities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">positions\u003c/a> with which he disagrees—in particular, its push for boosting worker salaries in a state facing a budget crisis after reportedly mismanaging its pension program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AFSCME, the nation’s largest union for government workers, argues that without the fees workers would get a “free ride,” enjoying job protections the union secures without paying the associated cost. In a friend-of-the-court \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/16/16-1466/28475/20180119135931353_16-1466bsacStateOfCalifornia.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">brief\u003c/a> on behalf of California, the state’s Democratic attorney general, Xavier Becerra, argues that changing the status quo would unnecessarily disrupt California’s dealings with its public-employee unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court is likely to rule this spring, and given its conservative majority, many observers expect the unions to lose. That would slash the amount of money public-employee unions can collect from their workers—and, over time, could shrink membership. Those changes would shake up politics in California, where organized labor has long enjoyed enormous clout in a state dominated by Democrats. The Janus case is backed by a network of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/25/business/economy/labor-court-conservatives.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">conservative groups\u003c/a> whose funders also support Republican candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11652576\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"730\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic.jpg 550w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic-160x212.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic-240x319.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic-375x498.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/LABOR-POWER-graphic-520x690.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The threat to organized labor is a threat to all of us, in particular to the Democratic Party,” Alma Hernandez, executive director of the Service Employees International Union in California, said to a roomful of union activists at the California Democratic Party convention. The mood was a mix of doom and defiance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And make no mistake about it, brothers and sisters, they’re coming after us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Predicting they will lose in the courthouse, California union leaders have begun fighting back in the statehouse. Last year, they successfully lobbied for \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article156146364.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new state law\u003c/a> that requires government workers, upon being hired, to go through an orientation session with union representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is going to be a great boost to allow us to at least access the people and ask them to join,” said Dave Low, executive director of the California School Employees Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once Janus is decided, and we feel very much that it is going to be decided against us, we will be moving other legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is in early conceptual stages and it’s too soon to say whether, if approved, it would cover all unions or just those in the public sector. But union-backed bills under consideration, Low said, include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>giving union members “release time” from their jobs so they can recruit other workers to join the union\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>shielding union members’ contact information from the public to make it harder for anti-union groups to reach them\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>allowing unions to charge nonmembers who use services such as arbitration or a labor representative to help them through a disciplinary process\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Taxpayer advocates would likely oppose bills that would shield contact information or give union members release time from work, said Jon Coupal, president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. But overall, he said, a court ruling in favor of Janus could relieve some pressure on California taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will perhaps result in our elected officials being able to pursue policies that have more the public in mind, and not just the public employees,” Coupal said. “They will be less likely to cave to public employees in collective bargaining in terms of salary and compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions are a major influence in California’s Capitol, spending money to help elect Democrats and then lobbying them to pass new laws. In just the past few years, unions here have successfully advocated for laws granting overtime to farmworkers, making paid sick days mandatory and increasing the state’s minimum wage to $15 an hour. Labor has shaped many other decisions in the Capitol, from which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/tesla-troubles-can-california-impose-blue-values-green-economy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">car companies\u003c/a> can get electric-vehicle rebates to how much money school districts can hold in reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of influence is costly. Labor unions spent at least $16.3 million lobbying the California Legislature last year and, according to the National Institute on Money in State Politics, more than $123 million on California political campaigns in the last election cycle—money that comes from dues paid by union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 2.5 million public- and private-sector workers in California are union members, according to the California Labor Federation, and another 110,000 government workers here pay fair-share fees to unions they choose not to join.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An unfavorable ruling from the Supreme Court could diminish union membership in California by between 5 and 30 percent, depending on what other laws are in place, predicted California Labor Federation spokesman Steve Smith. It’s unlikely to strike an immediate blow to how much unions spend on political campaigns in California this year, he said, though it could have some impact. The real change will be felt over time: If the ruling leads to a decline in membership, unions will have less money to spend on politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we have less money as labor, we’re going to be spending less money on Democratic candidates, we’re going to be spending less money on things like ballot initiatives,” said Jessica Ulstad, political field director for the California Federation of Teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will all have to look at our budgets and say, ‘What is it that we absolutely are going to spend money on, and what are we not going to be able to do any more?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Could Free, In-School SAT Option Level the Playing Field?",
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"content": "\u003cp>The SAT may be an important hurdle in the college admissions process, but until recently it was one that many students in the Long Beach Unified School District weren’t clearing. Fewer than half of 11th-graders in the working-class district were even attempting the test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Registration fees, at $60 for the full test including essay, posed a challenge for some families in a district where more than two-thirds of students qualify for free or reduced-price lunch. Other students just didn’t see themselves as college material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then three years ago, the district began offering the SAT for free during the school day. The move boosted the SAT-taking rate to nearly 100 percent and, district officials say, created a more college-oriented culture among students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a Long Beach legislator is trying to make it easier for other California districts to follow the city’s lead. \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1951\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 1951\u003c/a>, sponsored by Democratic Assemblyman Patrick O’Donnell, would allow local school boards to replace the standardized tests typically given in students’ junior year with a nationally recognized college entrance exam like the SAT or ACT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill is about equity and opportunity for high school students,” said O’Donnell, a former classroom teacher who chairs the Assembly’s Education Committee. “It’s also about local control. It lets districts decide the best assessment for students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students from low-income families can currently take the SAT or ACT free of charge, but must obtain fee waivers from their schools. Attending a school that doesn’t offer the test could mean traveling to an unfamiliar neighborhood on a Saturday to take it. While those barriers might seem small, backers of the proposal say they can add up for some students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would let school districts use the funds they already spend on standardized testing to subsidize college entrance exams, as long as they offer them free to all students and make accommodations for English language learners and students with disabilities. The state superintendent could approve either the SAT, the ACT or both as an alternative to districts that want to make the switch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long Beach Unified covers the cost for students to take the practice PSAT in grades 8 through 10, and connects students who register for the SAT to online tutorials from Khan Academy. The district also provides free optional SAT prep sessions on Saturdays -- an extra edge that historically has been available only to students from wealthier families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole idea that you can diagnose strengths and areas where improvement is needed, and make better use of time and resources, is a game-changer,” said district spokesperson Chris Eftychiou. “And it’s especially a game-changer when parents who might be working two or three jobs to put food on the table don’t have to pay for these services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long Beach Unified has \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2017/california-education-officials-reject-long-beachs-request-to-replace-statewide-assessment-with-sat/577701\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tried\u003c/a> once before to exempt itself from giving the Smarter Balanced tests the state currently requires for all 11th-graders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those customized, computer-based tests were adopted in 2015 to align with the state’s Common Core educational standards in math and English. Advocates said they would more precisely gauge students’ ability levels and progress, and the California State University system has used them to help judge whether test-takers were ready for college-level courses. But the annual release of Smarter Balanced results has also been used to highlight which schools and districts have made little or no progress in improving academic achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3473015-Account-SAT-Waiver-LongBeach030817.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">letter\u003c/a> to the state Board of Education last year, Long Beach Superintendent Christopher Steinhauser asked for “relief from unnecessary, duplicative testing.” The SAT, he argued, was far more relevant to college admissions. Removing the Smarter Balanced tests would give students more time to focus on it and the Advanced Placement exams that also factor into colleges’ decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Torlakson and board President Michael Kirst disagreed. The SAT had not been reviewed to ensure it reflected Common Core standards, they wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3474271-Account-SAT-Waiver-LongBeach-Answer-022317.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">response\u003c/a>. It “is not designed to measure the lower end of the spectrum well” and could disadvantage English language learners and students with disabilities. Request denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torlakson hasn’t yet taken a formal position on AB 1951, but said in a statement to CALmatters that “further research is needed, as these tests were not designed for this purpose. ... We need to ensure these tests are accessible to all students and address other concerns before California considers their use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30 districts in California will this year give the SAT for free during the school day. That’s up from four in 2015. Those districts could opt out of Smarter Balanced testing in 11th grade if the bill is signed into law. Some districts have come out in support of the bill, including San Jose Unified and Sacramento City Unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chair of the Assembly Higher Education Committee, Jose Medina, is also on board. O’Donnell says he hopes to bring the bill up for a committee hearing in late March. A previous version passed the committee last session but never made it to a floor vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One question the state would need to answer: At a time when school accountability has become an obsession, how would it compare student performance among districts that choose the SAT or ACT, and those that stick with Smarter Balanced?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From a parent perspective, having my daughters take multiple tests creates a disconnect and is inefficient,” said Samantha Dobbins Tran, senior managing director for education at Children Now, an advocacy group that has supported the Common Core standards. “It comes down to, do you create a context where we don’t have the data for accountability purposes? That’s going to lead to huge concerns from an equity perspective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A growing number of states, including Illinois, Michigan, Maine and Colorado, require the SAT or ACT for high school graduation. Under the federal Every Student Succeeds Act, some of those states have received permission to forgo other standardized tests in favor of the college entrance exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those changes came amid a push to expand college entrance testing on the part of the College Board, the powerful nonprofit organization that administers both the SAT -- which is more widely used in California than the ACT -- and Advanced Placement exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The College Board earned \u003ca href=\"https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/131623965\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$916 million\u003c/a> in revenue in 2015 and spent nearly $130,000 lobbying California legislators last year. It has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/04/23/college-board-cashing-in-_n_1446463.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">criticized\u003c/a> for taking advantage of its market position to charge students fees for everything from late registrations to sending score reports to colleges. But it’s also taken some steps to make the tests more affordable, allowing low-income students to send unlimited score reports to schools for free starting this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Hyman, a researcher at the University of Connecticut, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/full/10.1162/EDFP_a_00206\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">studied\u003c/a> the effects of mandatory ACT tests in Michigan’s public high schools and found that it led to many more low-income students not only taking the test, but performing well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a hidden group of high-achieving students that don’t even get to the point of taking these exams,” Hyman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the change, for every 10 low-income Michigan students who scored high enough to get into a selective four-year college, there were another five who would have done well but didn’t take the exam. Afterward, Hyman found, the state saw a small bump in the number of disadvantaged students attending college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hyman acknowledged that test companies also profit when states increase the number of exam-takers. But he pointed out that providing the SAT or ACT costs less than many other efforts to reduce disparities in college attendance, such as providing more financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This kind of policy is quite cheap and could level the playing field,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was done with support from the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A California lawmaker wants to make it easier for school districts in the state to offer the SAT free to all 11th-graders, saying it will encourage more students to attend college.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The SAT may be an important hurdle in the college admissions process, but until recently it was one that many students in the Long Beach Unified School District weren’t clearing. Fewer than half of 11th-graders in the working-class district were even attempting the test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Registration fees, at $60 for the full test including essay, posed a challenge for some families in a district where more than two-thirds of students qualify for free or reduced-price lunch. Other students just didn’t see themselves as college material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then three years ago, the district began offering the SAT for free during the school day. The move boosted the SAT-taking rate to nearly 100 percent and, district officials say, created a more college-oriented culture among students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a Long Beach legislator is trying to make it easier for other California districts to follow the city’s lead. \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1951\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 1951\u003c/a>, sponsored by Democratic Assemblyman Patrick O’Donnell, would allow local school boards to replace the standardized tests typically given in students’ junior year with a nationally recognized college entrance exam like the SAT or ACT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill is about equity and opportunity for high school students,” said O’Donnell, a former classroom teacher who chairs the Assembly’s Education Committee. “It’s also about local control. It lets districts decide the best assessment for students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students from low-income families can currently take the SAT or ACT free of charge, but must obtain fee waivers from their schools. Attending a school that doesn’t offer the test could mean traveling to an unfamiliar neighborhood on a Saturday to take it. While those barriers might seem small, backers of the proposal say they can add up for some students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would let school districts use the funds they already spend on standardized testing to subsidize college entrance exams, as long as they offer them free to all students and make accommodations for English language learners and students with disabilities. The state superintendent could approve either the SAT, the ACT or both as an alternative to districts that want to make the switch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long Beach Unified covers the cost for students to take the practice PSAT in grades 8 through 10, and connects students who register for the SAT to online tutorials from Khan Academy. The district also provides free optional SAT prep sessions on Saturdays -- an extra edge that historically has been available only to students from wealthier families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole idea that you can diagnose strengths and areas where improvement is needed, and make better use of time and resources, is a game-changer,” said district spokesperson Chris Eftychiou. “And it’s especially a game-changer when parents who might be working two or three jobs to put food on the table don’t have to pay for these services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long Beach Unified has \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2017/california-education-officials-reject-long-beachs-request-to-replace-statewide-assessment-with-sat/577701\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tried\u003c/a> once before to exempt itself from giving the Smarter Balanced tests the state currently requires for all 11th-graders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those customized, computer-based tests were adopted in 2015 to align with the state’s Common Core educational standards in math and English. Advocates said they would more precisely gauge students’ ability levels and progress, and the California State University system has used them to help judge whether test-takers were ready for college-level courses. But the annual release of Smarter Balanced results has also been used to highlight which schools and districts have made little or no progress in improving academic achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3473015-Account-SAT-Waiver-LongBeach030817.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">letter\u003c/a> to the state Board of Education last year, Long Beach Superintendent Christopher Steinhauser asked for “relief from unnecessary, duplicative testing.” The SAT, he argued, was far more relevant to college admissions. Removing the Smarter Balanced tests would give students more time to focus on it and the Advanced Placement exams that also factor into colleges’ decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Torlakson and board President Michael Kirst disagreed. The SAT had not been reviewed to ensure it reflected Common Core standards, they wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3474271-Account-SAT-Waiver-LongBeach-Answer-022317.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">response\u003c/a>. It “is not designed to measure the lower end of the spectrum well” and could disadvantage English language learners and students with disabilities. Request denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torlakson hasn’t yet taken a formal position on AB 1951, but said in a statement to CALmatters that “further research is needed, as these tests were not designed for this purpose. ... We need to ensure these tests are accessible to all students and address other concerns before California considers their use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30 districts in California will this year give the SAT for free during the school day. That’s up from four in 2015. Those districts could opt out of Smarter Balanced testing in 11th grade if the bill is signed into law. Some districts have come out in support of the bill, including San Jose Unified and Sacramento City Unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chair of the Assembly Higher Education Committee, Jose Medina, is also on board. O’Donnell says he hopes to bring the bill up for a committee hearing in late March. A previous version passed the committee last session but never made it to a floor vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One question the state would need to answer: At a time when school accountability has become an obsession, how would it compare student performance among districts that choose the SAT or ACT, and those that stick with Smarter Balanced?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From a parent perspective, having my daughters take multiple tests creates a disconnect and is inefficient,” said Samantha Dobbins Tran, senior managing director for education at Children Now, an advocacy group that has supported the Common Core standards. “It comes down to, do you create a context where we don’t have the data for accountability purposes? That’s going to lead to huge concerns from an equity perspective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A growing number of states, including Illinois, Michigan, Maine and Colorado, require the SAT or ACT for high school graduation. Under the federal Every Student Succeeds Act, some of those states have received permission to forgo other standardized tests in favor of the college entrance exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those changes came amid a push to expand college entrance testing on the part of the College Board, the powerful nonprofit organization that administers both the SAT -- which is more widely used in California than the ACT -- and Advanced Placement exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The College Board earned \u003ca href=\"https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/131623965\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$916 million\u003c/a> in revenue in 2015 and spent nearly $130,000 lobbying California legislators last year. It has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/04/23/college-board-cashing-in-_n_1446463.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">criticized\u003c/a> for taking advantage of its market position to charge students fees for everything from late registrations to sending score reports to colleges. But it’s also taken some steps to make the tests more affordable, allowing low-income students to send unlimited score reports to schools for free starting this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Hyman, a researcher at the University of Connecticut, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/full/10.1162/EDFP_a_00206\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">studied\u003c/a> the effects of mandatory ACT tests in Michigan’s public high schools and found that it led to many more low-income students not only taking the test, but performing well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a hidden group of high-achieving students that don’t even get to the point of taking these exams,” Hyman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the change, for every 10 low-income Michigan students who scored high enough to get into a selective four-year college, there were another five who would have done well but didn’t take the exam. Afterward, Hyman found, the state saw a small bump in the number of disadvantaged students attending college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hyman acknowledged that test companies also profit when states increase the number of exam-takers. But he pointed out that providing the SAT or ACT costs less than many other efforts to reduce disparities in college attendance, such as providing more financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This kind of policy is quite cheap and could level the playing field,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was done with support from the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>By many measures the rambunctious campaign for a single-payer health care system in California appears to be floundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill that would replace the existing health care system with a new one run by a single payer — specifically, the state government — and paid for with taxpayer money remains parked in the Assembly, with no sign of moving ahead. An effort by activists to recall Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon for shelving the bill has gone dormant. And an initiative that would lay the financial groundwork for a future single-payer system has little funding, undercutting its chances to qualify for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if single payer is a lost cause in the short term, advocates are playing a long game. For now, it may well be less a realistic policy blueprint than an organizing tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And by that metric, advocates are making gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riding a wave of enthusiasm from progressive Democrats, supporters of single payer have effectively made it a front-and-center issue in California’s 2018 elections. It’s been discussed in virtually every forum with the candidates running for governor, emerged as a point of contention in some legislative races, and will likely be a rallying cry at the upcoming California Democratic Party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”sS3Whaix6T8nqcVe0YQAXX8vPyoTkq8S”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue is not going away,” said Garry South, a Democratic political consultant who has worked with the California Nurses Association, which sponsored the stalled \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB562\">single-payer bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The progressive elements who are supportive of the single-payer concept know that it’s not going to happen now, it’s not going to happen tomorrow. It’s a long-term process and Jerry Brown is gone as of January 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has not had to stake a position on the bill because it skidded to a stop in the Assembly last summer without reaching his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But state Sen. Toni Atkins, a San Diego Democrat who co-authored Senate Bill 562, said Brown was not receptive. Analyses peg the cost of a statewide single-payer system at between $330 billion and $400 billion — far exceeding the state’s entire budget. That made it an anathema to Brown’s record of prioritizing fiscal stability for state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the governor saw that we introduced that bill… all he could look at me and do is shake his head and say, ‘$400 billion dollars.’ And I kept trying to say, ‘Can we back up and talk about what you’ve got to do to get (there)?’” Atkins said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t letting it go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins, who will take over as Senate leader next month, said she’s not giving up on the goal of single-payer but does not expect it to happen this year. “People are polarized on this issue in a way that’s not good for coming together to get it done,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Led by the nurses association — a labor union that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/union-boss-roseann-demoro-doesnt-play-nice/\">embraces firebrand activism\u003c/a> — supporters of single-payer have targeted Rendon after he shelved the bill last summer, saying it lacked critical information on how to pay for a massive overhaul of the healthcare system. They peppered social media with images that not only portrayed the bill fight as a boxing match between Rendon and the nurses, but also depicted a knife labeled “Rendon” back-stabbing the bear symbol of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11650545\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph-800x1875.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1875\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph-160x375.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph-240x563.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph-375x879.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph-520x1219.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nurses were not involved in the campaign to recall Rendon, said recall organizer Stephen Elzie, who has since dropped the effort and is now helping Democrat Maria Estrada challenge Rendon’s re-election bid. But the nurses union leapt into the governor’s race as one of the first labor unions to endorse Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom. Single-payer has emerged as one of few issues on which the Democratic \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2017/10/22/single-payer-is-lone-contrast-in-first-meeting-of-democratic-gubernatorial-candidates/\">candidates disagree\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Delaine Eastin, the former state superintendent of schools, have both said they \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article174827261.html\">support the nurses’ single-payer bill\u003c/a>. Fellow Democrats Antonio Villaraigosa, former mayor of Los Angeles, and John Chiang, the state treasurer, say they want to expand health care so that everyone is covered, but not necessarily with the single-payer model that would abolish private health insurers and replace them with a government-run system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of medical groups is lobbying against the single-payer bill, arguing that it makes more sense to protect and expand the federal Affordable Care Act, which has increased the number of Californians who have health insurance. Some members of the coalition have a history of spending big money to sway California elections. One of them, the doctors association, donated to Newsom before he voiced support for single-payer; it’s not yet clear if they will shift support to another candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”DV8tS2sJT93TWXubLjjIDaylKLJdvynI”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost two-thirds of Californians like the idea of a statewide single-payer health care system, although enthusiasm drops significantly if it would require raising taxes, according to polling last year by the Public Policy Institute of California. Still, Californians didn’t cite health care as a top priority when asked last month what the Legislature and governor should focus on in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly just wrapped up a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-chorus-of-healthcare-advocates-praise-1518049362-htmlstory.html\">series of hearings\u003c/a> on what it would take to create a health care system that covers all Californians. It exposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/02/07/80550/these-legal-hurdles-could-trip-up-universal-health/\">many obstacles\u003c/a>—in both federal and state law—to swiftly enacting single-payer. For one, the state would need permission from the federal government—and perhaps an act of Congress—to shift billions of dollars from Medi-Cal and Medi-Care into a state-run single-payer plan. For another, if lawmakers raised taxes to fund single-payer, voters would likely have to approve changes to the California Constitution to allow the money to go to health care instead of schools. (That’s the only single-payer \u003ca href=\"https://www.euhc4ca.org/contact-us/\">initiative\u003c/a> trying to qualify for the ballot, and while a Silicon Valley tech consultant is gathering signatures for it, he doesn’t have support from the nurses union or any other well-financed group.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Jim Wood, a Healdsburg Democrat who chaired the panel, called the single-payer bill “aspirational” and said he’s instead considering legislation that could help more Californians get health care without requiring permission from the federal government. One idea: extending subsidized health plans to adults who are undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe we can actually get to single payer, once we go through a lot of study and a lot of work,” Wood said. “But this feels, at times, more like a litmus test.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>By many measures the rambunctious campaign for a single-payer health care system in California appears to be floundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill that would replace the existing health care system with a new one run by a single payer — specifically, the state government — and paid for with taxpayer money remains parked in the Assembly, with no sign of moving ahead. An effort by activists to recall Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon for shelving the bill has gone dormant. And an initiative that would lay the financial groundwork for a future single-payer system has little funding, undercutting its chances to qualify for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if single payer is a lost cause in the short term, advocates are playing a long game. For now, it may well be less a realistic policy blueprint than an organizing tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And by that metric, advocates are making gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riding a wave of enthusiasm from progressive Democrats, supporters of single payer have effectively made it a front-and-center issue in California’s 2018 elections. It’s been discussed in virtually every forum with the candidates running for governor, emerged as a point of contention in some legislative races, and will likely be a rallying cry at the upcoming California Democratic Party convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue is not going away,” said Garry South, a Democratic political consultant who has worked with the California Nurses Association, which sponsored the stalled \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB562\">single-payer bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The progressive elements who are supportive of the single-payer concept know that it’s not going to happen now, it’s not going to happen tomorrow. It’s a long-term process and Jerry Brown is gone as of January 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has not had to stake a position on the bill because it skidded to a stop in the Assembly last summer without reaching his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But state Sen. Toni Atkins, a San Diego Democrat who co-authored Senate Bill 562, said Brown was not receptive. Analyses peg the cost of a statewide single-payer system at between $330 billion and $400 billion — far exceeding the state’s entire budget. That made it an anathema to Brown’s record of prioritizing fiscal stability for state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the governor saw that we introduced that bill… all he could look at me and do is shake his head and say, ‘$400 billion dollars.’ And I kept trying to say, ‘Can we back up and talk about what you’ve got to do to get (there)?’” Atkins said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t letting it go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins, who will take over as Senate leader next month, said she’s not giving up on the goal of single-payer but does not expect it to happen this year. “People are polarized on this issue in a way that’s not good for coming together to get it done,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Led by the nurses association — a labor union that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/union-boss-roseann-demoro-doesnt-play-nice/\">embraces firebrand activism\u003c/a> — supporters of single-payer have targeted Rendon after he shelved the bill last summer, saying it lacked critical information on how to pay for a massive overhaul of the healthcare system. They peppered social media with images that not only portrayed the bill fight as a boxing match between Rendon and the nurses, but also depicted a knife labeled “Rendon” back-stabbing the bear symbol of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11650545\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph-800x1875.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1875\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph-160x375.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph-240x563.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph-375x879.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/SinglePayerInfograph-520x1219.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nurses were not involved in the campaign to recall Rendon, said recall organizer Stephen Elzie, who has since dropped the effort and is now helping Democrat Maria Estrada challenge Rendon’s re-election bid. But the nurses union leapt into the governor’s race as one of the first labor unions to endorse Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom. Single-payer has emerged as one of few issues on which the Democratic \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2017/10/22/single-payer-is-lone-contrast-in-first-meeting-of-democratic-gubernatorial-candidates/\">candidates disagree\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Delaine Eastin, the former state superintendent of schools, have both said they \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article174827261.html\">support the nurses’ single-payer bill\u003c/a>. Fellow Democrats Antonio Villaraigosa, former mayor of Los Angeles, and John Chiang, the state treasurer, say they want to expand health care so that everyone is covered, but not necessarily with the single-payer model that would abolish private health insurers and replace them with a government-run system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of medical groups is lobbying against the single-payer bill, arguing that it makes more sense to protect and expand the federal Affordable Care Act, which has increased the number of Californians who have health insurance. Some members of the coalition have a history of spending big money to sway California elections. One of them, the doctors association, donated to Newsom before he voiced support for single-payer; it’s not yet clear if they will shift support to another candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost two-thirds of Californians like the idea of a statewide single-payer health care system, although enthusiasm drops significantly if it would require raising taxes, according to polling last year by the Public Policy Institute of California. Still, Californians didn’t cite health care as a top priority when asked last month what the Legislature and governor should focus on in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly just wrapped up a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-chorus-of-healthcare-advocates-praise-1518049362-htmlstory.html\">series of hearings\u003c/a> on what it would take to create a health care system that covers all Californians. It exposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/02/07/80550/these-legal-hurdles-could-trip-up-universal-health/\">many obstacles\u003c/a>—in both federal and state law—to swiftly enacting single-payer. For one, the state would need permission from the federal government—and perhaps an act of Congress—to shift billions of dollars from Medi-Cal and Medi-Care into a state-run single-payer plan. For another, if lawmakers raised taxes to fund single-payer, voters would likely have to approve changes to the California Constitution to allow the money to go to health care instead of schools. (That’s the only single-payer \u003ca href=\"https://www.euhc4ca.org/contact-us/\">initiative\u003c/a> trying to qualify for the ballot, and while a Silicon Valley tech consultant is gathering signatures for it, he doesn’t have support from the nurses union or any other well-financed group.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Jim Wood, a Healdsburg Democrat who chaired the panel, called the single-payer bill “aspirational” and said he’s instead considering legislation that could help more Californians get health care without requiring permission from the federal government. One idea: extending subsidized health plans to adults who are undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe we can actually get to single payer, once we go through a lot of study and a lot of work,” Wood said. “But this feels, at times, more like a litmus test.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Digging Into the Data: How Attainable Is the California Dream Today?",
"title": "Digging Into the Data: How Attainable Is the California Dream Today?",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>No one has the exact same definition of the California dream. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ask the 39 million current Californians about what the dream should be, and aside from most of us agreeing that the daily temperature should dip no colder than the mid-50s, you’ll likely get 39 million very different answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the so-called “Golden Era” of California -- that faded Technicolor image of a magical time in the 1960s when as soon as you crossed the stateline Ronald Reagan would hand deliver you a two-story house and 2.5 children and tiki-themed patio furniture -- still seeps into our expectations of life here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Granted, that vintage California dream was primarily lived out by white families. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination in law and practice made it difficult for people of color, who made up a much smaller proportion of the state population than they do today, to share in that prosperity. And major swaths of California’s current population arrived here well after that “Golden Era” had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, half a century later, this:\u003cbr>\nhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r9x_GUBZgjc&feature=youtu.be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bears a striking resemblance to this:\u003cbr>\nhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9bf5osD_J54&feature=youtu.be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Celebrity endorsements aside, there’s an increasingly pervasive feeling among those of us who actually live here that the California dream is just harder than it used to be. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.gqrr.com/articles/2015/2/26/new-university-of-southern-california-dornsife-college-of-letters-arts-and-scienceslos-angeles-times-poll\">poll\u003c/a> found that only 17 percent of Californians believe the state’s current generation is doing better than previous ones. More than 50 percent thought younger Californians were doing worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re not wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past four decades, California middle-class incomes have stagnated: The median California family is making only marginally more now than they were in 1980. More than half of Californians born that year made less than their parents did by age 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a problem because at the same time, the state’s cost of living has exploded. A house that 50 years ago cost about three times a younger California household’s salary now costs seven times what a younger household earns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"oqKbWW2yhjid7aZHVt4iKViQxVvKWjvi\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the past half-century has been rough for middle income Californians, it’s been brutal for those lower on the income ladder. Starting in the late 1970s, California’s poverty rate crept higher than the national average. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, when cost of living is factored in, we’re the poorest state in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eulogizing the California dream has developed into its own cottage industry in recent years, with politicians of all stripes promising to restore our glory days. All too often the gloom and doom obscures objective gains the state has made in service of a sepia-toned narrative. Your average Californian is much more likely to get a college education and much less likely to be mugged today than 40 years ago. That’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But something is changing, and Californians can sense it. Here’s the data behind how four common California dreams are slipping away.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Being -- and Staying -- Middle Class\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When was the best time to be a middle-class Californian?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, the late 1960s and ‘70s were pretty good years. Median family incomes rose steadily in real terms throughout the period, and by 1980 the average household was making 20 percent more than in 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 1980, incomes for middle-class Californians essentially stagnated. By 2014, the average California family, after adjusting for inflation, was making only 8 percent more than it made three decades ago. While earnings have ticked up since then, the brutal recessions of the early 1990s and late 2000s essentially wiped out entire decades of modest income gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/for-print-income-inequality-1hxj4811d1qr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The starkest comparison is between families at the middle and less than the middle with those at the very top,” says Sarah Bohn, research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California. “We’ve all experienced booms and busts through economic cycles, but over time the highest-income families in the state have really seen a larger growth in their opportunities relative to middle income families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That story is by no means unique to California. But it is worse here than in the rest of the country. Incomes for the median family grew at a faster clip over the past 30 years nationwide than in California. And the gap between rich and middle class is higher here than the vast majority of other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stagnating incomes and rising inequality don’t necessarily mean Californians are having a tougher time making ends meet. But the costs of staying middle-class, or jumping up the income ladder, are higher than they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"zgjleyuI07jMIajTImeQJrc3I9xHcBCq\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think about what it took to make ends meet in 1967, it’s very different from what it takes to make ends meet today,” said Bohn, who specializes in income inequality trends. “Child care expenses with both parents working, medical out-of-pocket expenses, not to mention other things that are necessities that didn’t even exist in the ‘60s that you really need today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Having Your Children Do Better Than You\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the allure of California has always been the possibility of making it to the “1 percent,” whether via the Gold Rush or Hollywood or Silicon Valley. And here the top-earning households are doing better than just about anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inequality could be linked to another disconcerting trend: the inability of younger households to do better than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than half of California children born in 1980 were making more at age 30 than their parents did at their age. That’s the first time that percentage has slipped below 50 percent since the 1940s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/your-odds-of-out-earning-your-parents-in-california-1g43mn6kx7y6pzy\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, declining income mobility is not just a California story. Younger people across the United States are having a harder time matching their parents’ standard of living. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But younger Californians are doing notably worse than their counterparts in some other states—younger South Dakotans and Arkansans, for instance, are much more likely to be out-earning their parents than are young Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Escaping Poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While middle incomes have stagnated in California over the past four decades, lower-income households have actually seen their earnings drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you factor in the cost of living, California now has the highest poverty rate in the country. We’re worse than states such as Mississippi and Alabama. Roughly one in five Californians now struggle to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-the-poverty-outlier-1gqo2qnnzew7278\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That wasn’t always the case. California used to have a lower poverty rate than the national average up until the late 1970s. But poverty in California surged in the 1980s before peaking in the recession of the early 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The picture would be even bleaker if you eliminated state and federal safety net programs such as food stamps that have expanded significantly in recent years. Without those, nearly 1 in 3 Californians would be poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Owning a Home\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the California dream has always been homeownership. But that dream has become increasingly unattainable in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am very nervous that we are at a point where absent an economic downturn that kind of forces prices to drop, that we are really in an unsustainable situation,” says Carol Galante, director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at the University of California, Berkeley. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of ability to save for a downpayment, it’s just becoming unsustainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1969, the median sales price of a California house was about $166,000 in today’s dollars. That was about three times the average income of younger California families at the time who might be in the market for a starter home. Today, the average California home sells for over $500,000 -- seven times a younger family’s earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/house-pricemedian-income-ratio-ca-25-35-year-olds-1h0r6rx0jmw76ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the run-up in housing prices of the mid-2000s -- when lenient credit standards allowed a record percentage of Californians to own a home -- that house-price-to-income ratio is the worst it’s ever been.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Other Dimensions of the Dream -- With Some Bright Spots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rising income inequality, spiraling poverty, the struggles of the middle class -- beyond being total downers, these trends feel so abstract and intractable. So let’s drill down on some more specific dimensions of the California dream, and compare how things are now versus how they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, California is a more expensive place than it once was. And much of that is due to astronomical increases in housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1960, average California renters saw about 20 percent of their income go to rent. That’s up to nearly 37 percent now. The trend is even steeper for younger Californians, who are seeing nearly half their paychecks go to rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/rent-1h174939wn9d4zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rents are higher, it gets tougher for renters to save money for a downpayment on a house. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, combined with rising single-family home prices and the end of easy mortgages, has sent California’s rate of home ownership dipping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/lao-homeownership-1h984wzkvpjv4p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Whose Dream Is This? Demographics, Inequality and Immigration\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the California dream of the ‘50s and ‘60s feels mostly white is obvious -- back then, California was mostly white. As recently as 1970, whites comprised more than 70 percent of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has changed dramatically. Driven by the tremendous growth of its Latino and Asian populations, California is now famously a “majority minority” state, where no ethnic group claims more than 50 percent of residents. The number of white Californians has actually dropped by about 2 million residents since 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-population-1970-now-1h1749n3p3dd2zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An increasingly diverse California, however, has not translated into an increasingly equal one. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the average Asian California household has caught up to whites, both Latino and African-American families make significantly less -- with that gap only widening in the wake of the Great Recession of the late 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/median-family-income-by-race-in-ca-1967-2016-1hxj481ozekr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bulk of California’s workforce is going to be young Latinos now,” said Sonja Diaz, founding director of the UCLA Latino Policy & Politics Institute. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But Latinos still lag behind in a number of socioeconomic indicators, in terms of homeownership, income gains, educational attainment, access to health care, living wage jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has always been a magnet for immigrants from far and wide. While the rate of international migration has slowed in recent years, the state still boasts the largest concentration of foreign-born residents in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/foreign-born-1h0n25d3rywj6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But starting in the 1990s, California appears to have lost much of its lure to the rest of the U.S. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past two decades, California has lost 1.8 million more residents than it has gained from the rest of the country. And unlike in previous decades, that trend is persisting through good economic times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/net-domestic-migration-ca-1970-2017-1h7v4pxdv5dd2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Higher Education\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clark Kerr would have lots to be proud of if he were alive today. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The architect of the state’s 1960 Master Plan for Higher Education, Kerr \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/californias-higher-education-from-american-dream-to-dilemma/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">envisioned a world-class public university system\u003c/a> accessible to California high school students. The top one-eighth would be admitted to the University of California, which aimed to be the envy of public higher education nationwide. The top third would have a place at a California State University campus, and anyone who could benefit from higher could enroll in state-operated community colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"pm2oKQpwRXXHO46oTjL5zQLJWTLW8QjI\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partly due to Kerr’s ambitions, Californians are a lot more educated than they used to be. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The percentage of Californians with a bachelor’s degree has nearly tripled since 1960, with particularly strong gains among California women. Graduation rates at the University of California are some of the highest in recent decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/a-growingly-educated-public-1h0n25dkjy9j6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But adjusted for inflation, the cost of one year of a University of California education today is seven times more than it was in the mid-1960s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s mostly because state support for UC started dwindling in the early 2000s. At its peak, the state provided more than $26,000 per student to UC. It now provides about half that amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/uc-mandatory-costs-tuition-and-fees-in-2016-dollars-1hmr6go80yl84nl\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/state-support-uc-students-1hxj48130y5r2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Taxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a reputation as a high-tax state. Has that always been the case?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depends on how much money you make and what type of tax you’re talking about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state has increasingly leaned on high-earners to foot the cost of government over the past few decades, the median California tax return has actually seen its income tax bill drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Effective property taxes in California have dipped below the average in most other states since the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">passage of Proposition 13 in 1978\u003c/a>, which limits what local governments can collect form rising property values. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"210KQKliqE70phw2UtHDvYJ7v6c5wfT0\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California now has one of the lowest effective property tax rates in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one regressive tax has increased significantly since the 1960s: the sales tax. In 1964, the state sales tax totaled 4 percent. That rose to over 7 percent by the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Economy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline of manufacturing and the disappearance of blue-collar jobs with decent pay and good benefits is an economic narrative typically reserved for the Rust Belt. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in explaining the erosion of California’s middle class, the disappearance of manufacturing -- particularly in the defense and aerospace industries that dominated Southern California during the Cold War -- plays a central role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/industry-mix-1h8j4xjqo81r6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/1990-post-industry-1h7v4pxjon8q2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley does not provide those kind of big manufacturing jobs,” said Dan Mitchell, professor emeritus at the Anderson School of Management at the University of California, Los Angeles. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no equivalent of an aircraft assembly plant that you get from that. IT does provide high-paying, white-collar jobs, but certainly not as many and not in the same location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"QPFQtPOGzrJW95UcdU3ckArWAC5sB3Zy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the positive side, in good times California’s economy continues to outshine most of the rest of the U.S. In 13 of the last 20 years, the state’s annual economic growth has surpassed the national rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California has always been a boom-and-bust state, and recessions play out worse here than elsewhere. The recession of the early 1990s, the dot-com bust at the turn of the century, and the Great Recession all hit California harder than in most of the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/ca-vs-us-real-gdp-growth-last-20-years-1h984wpqlp0v2p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public Safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One indisputable improvement in California’s quality of life over the past few decades: The state is a lot safer than it used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/crime-rates-in-ca-1969-2016-1h0r6rxegj186ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rates of violent and property crime have reached lows not seen since the late 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s crime drop is part of a broader national trend enjoyed in most of the rest of the country. And along with most other states, California has seen a major increase in its incarceration rate over the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/incarceration-rate-1h8j4xj19ojr6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Over 50 percent of Californians believe our state’s current generation is doing worse than previous ones. Here’s why they’re not wrong.",
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"description": "Over 50 percent of Californians believe our state’s current generation is doing worse than previous ones. Here’s why they’re not wrong.",
"title": "Digging Into the Data: How Attainable Is the California Dream Today? | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/matt-levin/\">Matt Levin\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>No one has the exact same definition of the California dream. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ask the 39 million current Californians about what the dream should be, and aside from most of us agreeing that the daily temperature should dip no colder than the mid-50s, you’ll likely get 39 million very different answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the so-called “Golden Era” of California -- that faded Technicolor image of a magical time in the 1960s when as soon as you crossed the stateline Ronald Reagan would hand deliver you a two-story house and 2.5 children and tiki-themed patio furniture -- still seeps into our expectations of life here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Granted, that vintage California dream was primarily lived out by white families. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination in law and practice made it difficult for people of color, who made up a much smaller proportion of the state population than they do today, to share in that prosperity. And major swaths of California’s current population arrived here well after that “Golden Era” had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, half a century later, this:\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/r9x_GUBZgjc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/r9x_GUBZgjc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Bears a striking resemblance to this:\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/9bf5osD_J54'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/9bf5osD_J54'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Celebrity endorsements aside, there’s an increasingly pervasive feeling among those of us who actually live here that the California dream is just harder than it used to be. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.gqrr.com/articles/2015/2/26/new-university-of-southern-california-dornsife-college-of-letters-arts-and-scienceslos-angeles-times-poll\">poll\u003c/a> found that only 17 percent of Californians believe the state’s current generation is doing better than previous ones. More than 50 percent thought younger Californians were doing worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re not wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past four decades, California middle-class incomes have stagnated: The median California family is making only marginally more now than they were in 1980. More than half of Californians born that year made less than their parents did by age 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a problem because at the same time, the state’s cost of living has exploded. A house that 50 years ago cost about three times a younger California household’s salary now costs seven times what a younger household earns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the past half-century has been rough for middle income Californians, it’s been brutal for those lower on the income ladder. Starting in the late 1970s, California’s poverty rate crept higher than the national average. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, when cost of living is factored in, we’re the poorest state in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eulogizing the California dream has developed into its own cottage industry in recent years, with politicians of all stripes promising to restore our glory days. All too often the gloom and doom obscures objective gains the state has made in service of a sepia-toned narrative. Your average Californian is much more likely to get a college education and much less likely to be mugged today than 40 years ago. That’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But something is changing, and Californians can sense it. Here’s the data behind how four common California dreams are slipping away.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Being -- and Staying -- Middle Class\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When was the best time to be a middle-class Californian?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, the late 1960s and ‘70s were pretty good years. Median family incomes rose steadily in real terms throughout the period, and by 1980 the average household was making 20 percent more than in 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 1980, incomes for middle-class Californians essentially stagnated. By 2014, the average California family, after adjusting for inflation, was making only 8 percent more than it made three decades ago. While earnings have ticked up since then, the brutal recessions of the early 1990s and late 2000s essentially wiped out entire decades of modest income gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/for-print-income-inequality-1hxj4811d1qr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The starkest comparison is between families at the middle and less than the middle with those at the very top,” says Sarah Bohn, research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California. “We’ve all experienced booms and busts through economic cycles, but over time the highest-income families in the state have really seen a larger growth in their opportunities relative to middle income families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That story is by no means unique to California. But it is worse here than in the rest of the country. Incomes for the median family grew at a faster clip over the past 30 years nationwide than in California. And the gap between rich and middle class is higher here than the vast majority of other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stagnating incomes and rising inequality don’t necessarily mean Californians are having a tougher time making ends meet. But the costs of staying middle-class, or jumping up the income ladder, are higher than they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think about what it took to make ends meet in 1967, it’s very different from what it takes to make ends meet today,” said Bohn, who specializes in income inequality trends. “Child care expenses with both parents working, medical out-of-pocket expenses, not to mention other things that are necessities that didn’t even exist in the ‘60s that you really need today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Having Your Children Do Better Than You\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the allure of California has always been the possibility of making it to the “1 percent,” whether via the Gold Rush or Hollywood or Silicon Valley. And here the top-earning households are doing better than just about anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inequality could be linked to another disconcerting trend: the inability of younger households to do better than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than half of California children born in 1980 were making more at age 30 than their parents did at their age. That’s the first time that percentage has slipped below 50 percent since the 1940s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/your-odds-of-out-earning-your-parents-in-california-1g43mn6kx7y6pzy\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, declining income mobility is not just a California story. Younger people across the United States are having a harder time matching their parents’ standard of living. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But younger Californians are doing notably worse than their counterparts in some other states—younger South Dakotans and Arkansans, for instance, are much more likely to be out-earning their parents than are young Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Escaping Poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While middle incomes have stagnated in California over the past four decades, lower-income households have actually seen their earnings drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you factor in the cost of living, California now has the highest poverty rate in the country. We’re worse than states such as Mississippi and Alabama. Roughly one in five Californians now struggle to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-the-poverty-outlier-1gqo2qnnzew7278\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That wasn’t always the case. California used to have a lower poverty rate than the national average up until the late 1970s. But poverty in California surged in the 1980s before peaking in the recession of the early 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The picture would be even bleaker if you eliminated state and federal safety net programs such as food stamps that have expanded significantly in recent years. Without those, nearly 1 in 3 Californians would be poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Owning a Home\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the California dream has always been homeownership. But that dream has become increasingly unattainable in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am very nervous that we are at a point where absent an economic downturn that kind of forces prices to drop, that we are really in an unsustainable situation,” says Carol Galante, director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at the University of California, Berkeley. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of ability to save for a downpayment, it’s just becoming unsustainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1969, the median sales price of a California house was about $166,000 in today’s dollars. That was about three times the average income of younger California families at the time who might be in the market for a starter home. Today, the average California home sells for over $500,000 -- seven times a younger family’s earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/house-pricemedian-income-ratio-ca-25-35-year-olds-1h0r6rx0jmw76ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the run-up in housing prices of the mid-2000s -- when lenient credit standards allowed a record percentage of Californians to own a home -- that house-price-to-income ratio is the worst it’s ever been.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Other Dimensions of the Dream -- With Some Bright Spots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rising income inequality, spiraling poverty, the struggles of the middle class -- beyond being total downers, these trends feel so abstract and intractable. So let’s drill down on some more specific dimensions of the California dream, and compare how things are now versus how they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, California is a more expensive place than it once was. And much of that is due to astronomical increases in housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1960, average California renters saw about 20 percent of their income go to rent. That’s up to nearly 37 percent now. The trend is even steeper for younger Californians, who are seeing nearly half their paychecks go to rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/rent-1h174939wn9d4zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rents are higher, it gets tougher for renters to save money for a downpayment on a house. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, combined with rising single-family home prices and the end of easy mortgages, has sent California’s rate of home ownership dipping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/lao-homeownership-1h984wzkvpjv4p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Whose Dream Is This? Demographics, Inequality and Immigration\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the California dream of the ‘50s and ‘60s feels mostly white is obvious -- back then, California was mostly white. As recently as 1970, whites comprised more than 70 percent of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has changed dramatically. Driven by the tremendous growth of its Latino and Asian populations, California is now famously a “majority minority” state, where no ethnic group claims more than 50 percent of residents. The number of white Californians has actually dropped by about 2 million residents since 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-population-1970-now-1h1749n3p3dd2zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An increasingly diverse California, however, has not translated into an increasingly equal one. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the average Asian California household has caught up to whites, both Latino and African-American families make significantly less -- with that gap only widening in the wake of the Great Recession of the late 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/median-family-income-by-race-in-ca-1967-2016-1hxj481ozekr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bulk of California’s workforce is going to be young Latinos now,” said Sonja Diaz, founding director of the UCLA Latino Policy & Politics Institute. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But Latinos still lag behind in a number of socioeconomic indicators, in terms of homeownership, income gains, educational attainment, access to health care, living wage jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has always been a magnet for immigrants from far and wide. While the rate of international migration has slowed in recent years, the state still boasts the largest concentration of foreign-born residents in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/foreign-born-1h0n25d3rywj6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But starting in the 1990s, California appears to have lost much of its lure to the rest of the U.S. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past two decades, California has lost 1.8 million more residents than it has gained from the rest of the country. And unlike in previous decades, that trend is persisting through good economic times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/net-domestic-migration-ca-1970-2017-1h7v4pxdv5dd2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Higher Education\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clark Kerr would have lots to be proud of if he were alive today. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The architect of the state’s 1960 Master Plan for Higher Education, Kerr \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/californias-higher-education-from-american-dream-to-dilemma/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">envisioned a world-class public university system\u003c/a> accessible to California high school students. The top one-eighth would be admitted to the University of California, which aimed to be the envy of public higher education nationwide. The top third would have a place at a California State University campus, and anyone who could benefit from higher could enroll in state-operated community colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partly due to Kerr’s ambitions, Californians are a lot more educated than they used to be. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The percentage of Californians with a bachelor’s degree has nearly tripled since 1960, with particularly strong gains among California women. Graduation rates at the University of California are some of the highest in recent decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/a-growingly-educated-public-1h0n25dkjy9j6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But adjusted for inflation, the cost of one year of a University of California education today is seven times more than it was in the mid-1960s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s mostly because state support for UC started dwindling in the early 2000s. At its peak, the state provided more than $26,000 per student to UC. It now provides about half that amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/uc-mandatory-costs-tuition-and-fees-in-2016-dollars-1hmr6go80yl84nl\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/state-support-uc-students-1hxj48130y5r2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Taxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a reputation as a high-tax state. Has that always been the case?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depends on how much money you make and what type of tax you’re talking about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state has increasingly leaned on high-earners to foot the cost of government over the past few decades, the median California tax return has actually seen its income tax bill drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Effective property taxes in California have dipped below the average in most other states since the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">passage of Proposition 13 in 1978\u003c/a>, which limits what local governments can collect form rising property values. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California now has one of the lowest effective property tax rates in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one regressive tax has increased significantly since the 1960s: the sales tax. In 1964, the state sales tax totaled 4 percent. That rose to over 7 percent by the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Economy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline of manufacturing and the disappearance of blue-collar jobs with decent pay and good benefits is an economic narrative typically reserved for the Rust Belt. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in explaining the erosion of California’s middle class, the disappearance of manufacturing -- particularly in the defense and aerospace industries that dominated Southern California during the Cold War -- plays a central role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/industry-mix-1h8j4xjqo81r6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/1990-post-industry-1h7v4pxjon8q2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley does not provide those kind of big manufacturing jobs,” said Dan Mitchell, professor emeritus at the Anderson School of Management at the University of California, Los Angeles. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no equivalent of an aircraft assembly plant that you get from that. IT does provide high-paying, white-collar jobs, but certainly not as many and not in the same location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the positive side, in good times California’s economy continues to outshine most of the rest of the U.S. In 13 of the last 20 years, the state’s annual economic growth has surpassed the national rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California has always been a boom-and-bust state, and recessions play out worse here than elsewhere. The recession of the early 1990s, the dot-com bust at the turn of the century, and the Great Recession all hit California harder than in most of the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/ca-vs-us-real-gdp-growth-last-20-years-1h984wpqlp0v2p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public Safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One indisputable improvement in California’s quality of life over the past few decades: The state is a lot safer than it used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/crime-rates-in-ca-1969-2016-1h0r6rxegj186ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rates of violent and property crime have reached lows not seen since the late 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s crime drop is part of a broader national trend enjoyed in most of the rest of the country. And along with most other states, California has seen a major increase in its incarceration rate over the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/incarceration-rate-1h8j4xj19ojr6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "A Community College Online? Gov. Brown's Plan Re-imagines Cyber Learning, But Faces Skeptics",
"title": "A Community College Online? Gov. Brown's Plan Re-imagines Cyber Learning, But Faces Skeptics",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Laticia Middleton perches in front of a computer at the Greater Sacramento Urban League’s job center, scanning employment ads. At 30, with two children, a high school diploma and a job at a call center, Middleton is the kind of student Gov. Jerry Brown has in mind as he pushes for a new online community college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thing is, Middleton has tried online education before—and the results were less than stellar. Two years ago, she signed up for virtual business classes through De Anza College, a state community college in Cupertino. But when a question came up about her enrollment, Middleton said, she couldn’t find a real person to talk to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to get in touch with them was such a headache,” she recalled. “It’s like, ‘hey, call this number,’ and then no one answers.” Discouraged, and busy with a newborn son, Middleton just dropped out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her story illustrates the challenges Brown faces as he tries to convince the Legislature and a skeptical community college faculty that online education is the key to reaching the 2.5 million Californians aged 25 to 34 who graduated from high school but lack a college degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We want to break down the content already available in the colleges and put it in a format where we can reach working adults.'\u003ccite>Community Colleges Chancellor Eloy Ortiz Oakley\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>With tens of thousands of Californians turning to private and out-of-state schools for distance learning, Brown and Community Colleges Chancellor Eloy Ortiz Oakley say they want to provide an affordable, high-quality option for busy adults to gain skills that will help them in the labor market. They’re asking the Legislature to approve $100 million in startup funds and $20 million in ongoing annual costs for an independent college district that would start enrolling students in fall 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Designed in collaboration with employers and labor unions, the new college’s curriculum would feature short courses leading to certificates or badges that carry value in high-demand industries like health care, child care, information technology and manufacturing. Students could learn at their own pace, would be eligible for state financial aid and might even be able to pay a flat fee to access unlimited courses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re talking about doing is adopting a completely different educational delivery model that allows for short-term learning that does not follow the traditional academic calendar and does not focus on associate degree and transfer-level courses,” said Oakley. “We want to break down the content already available in the colleges and put it in a format where we can reach working adults.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some faculty groups have raised concerns that the plan takes a group of students least prepared to succeed online and shunts them off into a virtual ghetto, while their transfer-bound peers enjoy the benefits of face-to-face interaction with instructors. They say the funds should instead be used to bolster the community colleges’ \u003ca href=\"http://ccconlineed.org/\">Online Education Initiative\u003c/a>, aimed at increasing the quality and accessibility of online courses at the system’s existing 114 colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"SItr8YlzUwYNYKUW30BaTTWz2fyD191P\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In developing a structure in the name of being inclusive, are we actually segregating these students?” asked Jonathan Lightman, executive director of the Faculty Association of California Community Colleges. The strength of the community colleges, said Lightman, lies in their combination of basic skills, vocational education and courses that prepare students for transfer to a four-year school—all under one roof.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can call this whatever you want, but it’s not a community college,” Lightman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley insists the online college would provide one more doorway for working adults who are currently shut out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not in any way, shape or form interested in creating terminal credentials,” Oakley said. “We want these individuals to have the opportunity to continue to learn and enter one of our other 114 colleges so they can achieve an associate’s degree or transfer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 4,000 of the California Community Colleges’ instructors—about 14 percent—teach courses online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In interviews, professors at several community colleges said online classes provide an important option for students with busy schedules, but can exacerbate differences in performance between highly disciplined students and those who need more support to succeed. Students are also more likely to withdraw from online classes early on, they said, a phenomenon not captured in the system’s statistics on completion rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'You can call this whatever you want, but it’s not a community college.'\u003ccite>Jonathan Lightman, Faculty Association of California Community Colleges\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Paris, an assistant professor of early childhood education at College of the Canyons in Santa Clarita, has been teaching online for eight years. Online discussions can be surprisingly lively, she said, involving students who would be too shy to speak up in a traditional class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But online classes may work better for theoretical subjects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our infant child care class, they learn how to change diapers,” Paris said. “How do you assess that online?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A successful online class, Paris said, requires connecting with students. “You need a lot of announcements, warm feedback when you’re grading. You have to figure out how to remind them that there’s a human being behind everything they’re seeing on their screen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research from the Public Policy Institute of California backs up that point. Its \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/report/R_615HJR.pdf\">review\u003c/a> of the Community Colleges’ existing online offerings found that in the most successful courses, students had frequent contact with the instructors and with each other, and professors proactively reached out to students who seemed to be struggling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s exactly that kind of human interaction that can sometimes be missing from online-only colleges. A \u003ca href=\"https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/oig/auditreports/fy2017/a05m0009.pdf\">federal audit\u003c/a> last fall of Western Governors University found that the majority of the non-profit virtual school’s courses did not involve “regular and substantive interaction” between students and instructors. It called for the Salt Lake City-based university to return more than $700 million in federal financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The consultants that helped design WGU, the National Center for Higher Education Management Systems, have been heavily involved in drafting Gov. Brown’s proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"8XXxWayfzRN9BTMFrxNvBpe80p5j0eOM\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s last high-profile online education initiative, a 2013 partnership between San Jose State University and the for-profit platform Udacity, \u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2013/12/18/san-jose-state-u-resurrects-scaled-back-online-course-experiment-mooc-provider\">faltered\u003c/a> after initial results showed that the majority of students in the pilot math courses were failing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet there’s evidence that online instructional techniques have improved since then. The community college system’s Online Education Initiative has trained hundreds of teachers in best practices for teaching online. The gap in student success rates between face-to-face and online classes in the past decade narrowed from 12 percent to 5 percent, according to the chancellor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the online community college moves forward, the chancellor’s office plans to provide 24-hour tutoring services and partner with community organizations to provide computer and broadband access for students who lack them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s welcome news to Kevin Daniel, who oversees programming at the Greater Sacramento Urban League, including the job center. He’s seen some of the center’s clients opt for for-profit technical schools, exiting with heavy debt burdens and few job prospects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A public option could help, but right now “the population that comes into our facility aren’t quite ready,” to study online, he said. While about 70 percent possess high school diplomas, they are often accessing the internet via cell phones, or computers with antiquated operating systems, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to be mindful that there’s still a digital divide,” added the League’s President, Cassandra Jennings. “You can’t be successful until you address that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chancellor’s office would have plenty of latitude to address those questions. As written, the governor’s proposal calls for a board of trustees for the new college district to be established by 2025. Until then, much of the authority to shape the college’s direction would likely lie with the chancellor or a CEO he appoints, with the supervision of the statewide board of governors. District trustees would ultimately be appointed by the governor and the Legislature, rather than elected by voters like the trustees in the system’s existing districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal also calls for collective bargaining with employees only “as the college becomes more established”—a phrase that is likely to become a sticking point with faculty unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan now moves to the Legislature. If approved, California could soon become a testing ground for which online education strategies provide new opportunities for working adults—and which leave them falling further behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics\u003c/em>. \u003cem>This story was done with support from the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>—a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics\u003c/em>. \u003cem>The story was done with support from the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Jerry Brown is trying to convince the Legislature that online education is the key to reaching the 2.5 million Californians aged 25 to 34 who graduated high school but lack a college degree.",
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"description": "Gov. Jerry Brown is trying to convince the Legislature that online education is the key to reaching the 2.5 million Californians aged 25 to 34 who graduated high school but lack a college degree.",
"title": "A Community College Online? Gov. Brown's Plan Re-imagines Cyber Learning, But Faces Skeptics | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/feliciacalmatters-org/\">Felicia Mello\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Laticia Middleton perches in front of a computer at the Greater Sacramento Urban League’s job center, scanning employment ads. At 30, with two children, a high school diploma and a job at a call center, Middleton is the kind of student Gov. Jerry Brown has in mind as he pushes for a new online community college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thing is, Middleton has tried online education before—and the results were less than stellar. Two years ago, she signed up for virtual business classes through De Anza College, a state community college in Cupertino. But when a question came up about her enrollment, Middleton said, she couldn’t find a real person to talk to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to get in touch with them was such a headache,” she recalled. “It’s like, ‘hey, call this number,’ and then no one answers.” Discouraged, and busy with a newborn son, Middleton just dropped out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her story illustrates the challenges Brown faces as he tries to convince the Legislature and a skeptical community college faculty that online education is the key to reaching the 2.5 million Californians aged 25 to 34 who graduated from high school but lack a college degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We want to break down the content already available in the colleges and put it in a format where we can reach working adults.'\u003ccite>Community Colleges Chancellor Eloy Ortiz Oakley\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>With tens of thousands of Californians turning to private and out-of-state schools for distance learning, Brown and Community Colleges Chancellor Eloy Ortiz Oakley say they want to provide an affordable, high-quality option for busy adults to gain skills that will help them in the labor market. They’re asking the Legislature to approve $100 million in startup funds and $20 million in ongoing annual costs for an independent college district that would start enrolling students in fall 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Designed in collaboration with employers and labor unions, the new college’s curriculum would feature short courses leading to certificates or badges that carry value in high-demand industries like health care, child care, information technology and manufacturing. Students could learn at their own pace, would be eligible for state financial aid and might even be able to pay a flat fee to access unlimited courses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re talking about doing is adopting a completely different educational delivery model that allows for short-term learning that does not follow the traditional academic calendar and does not focus on associate degree and transfer-level courses,” said Oakley. “We want to break down the content already available in the colleges and put it in a format where we can reach working adults.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some faculty groups have raised concerns that the plan takes a group of students least prepared to succeed online and shunts them off into a virtual ghetto, while their transfer-bound peers enjoy the benefits of face-to-face interaction with instructors. They say the funds should instead be used to bolster the community colleges’ \u003ca href=\"http://ccconlineed.org/\">Online Education Initiative\u003c/a>, aimed at increasing the quality and accessibility of online courses at the system’s existing 114 colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In developing a structure in the name of being inclusive, are we actually segregating these students?” asked Jonathan Lightman, executive director of the Faculty Association of California Community Colleges. The strength of the community colleges, said Lightman, lies in their combination of basic skills, vocational education and courses that prepare students for transfer to a four-year school—all under one roof.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can call this whatever you want, but it’s not a community college,” Lightman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley insists the online college would provide one more doorway for working adults who are currently shut out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not in any way, shape or form interested in creating terminal credentials,” Oakley said. “We want these individuals to have the opportunity to continue to learn and enter one of our other 114 colleges so they can achieve an associate’s degree or transfer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 4,000 of the California Community Colleges’ instructors—about 14 percent—teach courses online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In interviews, professors at several community colleges said online classes provide an important option for students with busy schedules, but can exacerbate differences in performance between highly disciplined students and those who need more support to succeed. Students are also more likely to withdraw from online classes early on, they said, a phenomenon not captured in the system’s statistics on completion rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'You can call this whatever you want, but it’s not a community college.'\u003ccite>Jonathan Lightman, Faculty Association of California Community Colleges\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Paris, an assistant professor of early childhood education at College of the Canyons in Santa Clarita, has been teaching online for eight years. Online discussions can be surprisingly lively, she said, involving students who would be too shy to speak up in a traditional class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But online classes may work better for theoretical subjects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our infant child care class, they learn how to change diapers,” Paris said. “How do you assess that online?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A successful online class, Paris said, requires connecting with students. “You need a lot of announcements, warm feedback when you’re grading. You have to figure out how to remind them that there’s a human being behind everything they’re seeing on their screen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research from the Public Policy Institute of California backs up that point. Its \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/report/R_615HJR.pdf\">review\u003c/a> of the Community Colleges’ existing online offerings found that in the most successful courses, students had frequent contact with the instructors and with each other, and professors proactively reached out to students who seemed to be struggling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s exactly that kind of human interaction that can sometimes be missing from online-only colleges. A \u003ca href=\"https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/oig/auditreports/fy2017/a05m0009.pdf\">federal audit\u003c/a> last fall of Western Governors University found that the majority of the non-profit virtual school’s courses did not involve “regular and substantive interaction” between students and instructors. It called for the Salt Lake City-based university to return more than $700 million in federal financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The consultants that helped design WGU, the National Center for Higher Education Management Systems, have been heavily involved in drafting Gov. Brown’s proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s last high-profile online education initiative, a 2013 partnership between San Jose State University and the for-profit platform Udacity, \u003ca href=\"https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2013/12/18/san-jose-state-u-resurrects-scaled-back-online-course-experiment-mooc-provider\">faltered\u003c/a> after initial results showed that the majority of students in the pilot math courses were failing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet there’s evidence that online instructional techniques have improved since then. The community college system’s Online Education Initiative has trained hundreds of teachers in best practices for teaching online. The gap in student success rates between face-to-face and online classes in the past decade narrowed from 12 percent to 5 percent, according to the chancellor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the online community college moves forward, the chancellor’s office plans to provide 24-hour tutoring services and partner with community organizations to provide computer and broadband access for students who lack them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s welcome news to Kevin Daniel, who oversees programming at the Greater Sacramento Urban League, including the job center. He’s seen some of the center’s clients opt for for-profit technical schools, exiting with heavy debt burdens and few job prospects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A public option could help, but right now “the population that comes into our facility aren’t quite ready,” to study online, he said. While about 70 percent possess high school diplomas, they are often accessing the internet via cell phones, or computers with antiquated operating systems, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to be mindful that there’s still a digital divide,” added the League’s President, Cassandra Jennings. “You can’t be successful until you address that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chancellor’s office would have plenty of latitude to address those questions. As written, the governor’s proposal calls for a board of trustees for the new college district to be established by 2025. Until then, much of the authority to shape the college’s direction would likely lie with the chancellor or a CEO he appoints, with the supervision of the statewide board of governors. District trustees would ultimately be appointed by the governor and the Legislature, rather than elected by voters like the trustees in the system’s existing districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal also calls for collective bargaining with employees only “as the college becomes more established”—a phrase that is likely to become a sticking point with faculty unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan now moves to the Legislature. If approved, California could soon become a testing ground for which online education strategies provide new opportunities for working adults—and which leave them falling further behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics\u003c/em>. \u003cem>This story was done with support from the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>—a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics\u003c/em>. \u003cem>The story was done with support from the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Could Oil Firms Be Forced to Pay for Climate Change? California Cities Hope So",
"title": "Could Oil Firms Be Forced to Pay for Climate Change? California Cities Hope So",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The Bay Area city of Richmond recently made an unlikely move that got the attention of its largest employer and taxpayer, Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It followed other municipalities and counties across California that have filed lawsuits against oil companies, alleging that the energy giants knowingly contributed to climate change and should begin paying for it. Literally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employing the legal strategy that brought states major payouts from tobacco companies decades ago, the plaintiffs are demanding that oil interests begin writing checks to protect Californians against rising seas, crippling drought and harmful air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal viability of the lawsuits is unclear; the cases are in early stages. But if any succeed, the implications are profound: The state is already spending hundreds of millions of dollars to shore up coastlines, protect infrastructure and retrofit roads and bridges in response to rising seas. And if companies are persuaded to drill and refine less oil, California has a much better chance of reducing greenhouse-gas emissions on the schedule it has set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides Richmond, plaintiffs include the cities of Imperial Beach, Oakland, Santa Cruz and \u003ca href=\"https://www.hbsslaw.com/uploads/case_downloads/climate_change/2017-09-19complaintforpublicnuisance.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco,\u003c/a> and the counties of Marin, San Mateo and Santa Cruz. The Los Angeles City Council is considering its own suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has not joined in, something environmental groups say is a failure of leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Accountability is critical,” said Kassie Siegel, director of the Climate Law Institute at the Center for Biological Diversity. “The state of California can and should file a case seeking money damages and also an injunction against ongoing activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Justice has sued the Trump administration two dozen times over policies that include several related to the environment. Asked whether the state would join the cities and counties or consider filing its own suit against the oil companies, the Justice Department declined to comment about potential future action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city-county suits began six months ago when Imperial Beach, in southern San Diego County, sued a handful of oil companies. Richmond, surrounded on three sides by water and imperiled by rising seas, joined the fight Jan. 22. Its city council voted unanimously to \u003ca href=\"http://blogs2.law.columbia.edu/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/case-documents/2018/20180122_docket-C18-00055_complaint.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sue\u003c/a> 29 oil producers, even if it meant taking on Chevron, whose tax payments -- $45 million in 2016 -- account for 25 percent of the city’s general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are a pretty important corporate citizen,” Richmond Mayor Tom Butt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, “we are a waterfront city -- Richmond has 32 miles of shoreline on the bay. Part of our city is vulnerable to sea-level rise: our transportation systems, neighborhoods and commercial areas, and thousands of acres of waterfront park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those vulnerable venues is Chevron’s refinery, which sits at the edge of San Francisco Bay. Completed in 1902, this refinery, the state’s largest, was immediately dubbed “the colossus.” The facility today employs more than 3,400 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648046\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11648046\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-160x142.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-240x213.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-375x333.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-520x461.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Our city is vulnerable to sea-level rise,” Richmond Mayor Tom Butt said. \u003ccite>(Julie Cart/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Leah Casey, the spokeswoman for Chevron’s Richmond refinery, said in a statement that lawsuits like the local ones “will do nothing to address the serious issue of climate change. Reducing greenhouse-gas emissions is a global issue that requires global engagement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butt said the city sued “out of frustration, because I know that these fossil fuel companies are aware of the long-term costs and damage of the widespread consumption of fossil fuel.” He said Richmond was already planning for the sea’s rise but had not yet calculated mitigation costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suits are filed in state court under California’s public nuisance law, which allows legal actions against activities that are “injurious to health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York City filed a similar claim against five of the world’s largest oil companies in federal court, asking that the cost of mitigating damage done by the companies as a result of their contribution to climate change be charged to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenges also assert that the oil industry has known for decades that burning fossil fuels accelerates climate change. The Richmond complaint states, “The industry has known for decades that business-as-usual combustion of their products could be ‘severe’ or even ‘catastrophic.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Companies were so certain of the threat that some even took steps to protect their own assets from rising seas and more extreme storms,” the complaint goes on, “and they developed new technologies to profit from drilling in a soon-to-be-ice-free Arctic. Yet instead of taking steps to reduce the threat to others, the industry actually increased production while spending billions on public relations, lobbying, and campaign contributions to hide the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slow unraveling of the decades-long industry cover-up of the medical harm from cigarettes turned the tide in the tobacco cases, according to Ann Carlson, an environmental law professor at the Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at the UCLA School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson, who is advising some of the plaintiffs’ lawyers, said that courts will take into account the oil-industry-funded campaign to discredit climate science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That matters in California,” she said. “If you can show evidence that a defendant engaged in a campaign to obfuscate, it’s more than just a nice detail. Evidence helps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With much at stake, oil companies are pushing back hard. ExxonMobil has responded with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4345487-Exxon-Texas-Petition-Jan-2018.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">demand\u003c/a> to depose lawyers representing the California cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company says it is a victim of a conspiracy, and cities and counties are being disingenuous: When they issue municipal bonds, they portray risk from climate change as unpredictable, not the fault of oil firms, as the lawsuits claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies have also filed motions to move the cases to federal courts, where they believe there are precedents more favorable to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of legal claims intended to monetize the consequences of a warming planet is growing. Carlson said greater scientific certainty about attributing climate change impacts to specific industries and companies has created a legal opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The courts were uncomfortable that they couldn’t trace the harm,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the epicenter of so-called climate-attribution science, said Peter Frumhoff, director of science and policy for the Union of Concerned Scientists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s really a quite robust ability to characterize the extent to which climate change impacts have worsened,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further, by collating data taken from oil companies’ annual accounting and national and international energy agencies’ reports, “one can then connect the dots and assign a cost. That tees up the question, ‘Who is responsible and who should pay?’ ” Frumhoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is where the science is taking us, with increasing specificity and confidence,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Employing the legal strategy that brought states major payouts from tobacco companies decades ago, the plaintiffs are demanding that oil interests begin writing checks to protect Californians against rising seas, crippling drought and harmful air.",
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"description": "Employing the legal strategy that brought states major payouts from tobacco companies decades ago, the plaintiffs are demanding that oil interests begin writing checks to protect Californians against rising seas, crippling drought and harmful air.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/julie-cart/\">Julie Cart\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Bay Area city of Richmond recently made an unlikely move that got the attention of its largest employer and taxpayer, Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It followed other municipalities and counties across California that have filed lawsuits against oil companies, alleging that the energy giants knowingly contributed to climate change and should begin paying for it. Literally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employing the legal strategy that brought states major payouts from tobacco companies decades ago, the plaintiffs are demanding that oil interests begin writing checks to protect Californians against rising seas, crippling drought and harmful air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal viability of the lawsuits is unclear; the cases are in early stages. But if any succeed, the implications are profound: The state is already spending hundreds of millions of dollars to shore up coastlines, protect infrastructure and retrofit roads and bridges in response to rising seas. And if companies are persuaded to drill and refine less oil, California has a much better chance of reducing greenhouse-gas emissions on the schedule it has set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides Richmond, plaintiffs include the cities of Imperial Beach, Oakland, Santa Cruz and \u003ca href=\"https://www.hbsslaw.com/uploads/case_downloads/climate_change/2017-09-19complaintforpublicnuisance.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco,\u003c/a> and the counties of Marin, San Mateo and Santa Cruz. The Los Angeles City Council is considering its own suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has not joined in, something environmental groups say is a failure of leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Accountability is critical,” said Kassie Siegel, director of the Climate Law Institute at the Center for Biological Diversity. “The state of California can and should file a case seeking money damages and also an injunction against ongoing activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Justice has sued the Trump administration two dozen times over policies that include several related to the environment. Asked whether the state would join the cities and counties or consider filing its own suit against the oil companies, the Justice Department declined to comment about potential future action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city-county suits began six months ago when Imperial Beach, in southern San Diego County, sued a handful of oil companies. Richmond, surrounded on three sides by water and imperiled by rising seas, joined the fight Jan. 22. Its city council voted unanimously to \u003ca href=\"http://blogs2.law.columbia.edu/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/case-documents/2018/20180122_docket-C18-00055_complaint.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sue\u003c/a> 29 oil producers, even if it meant taking on Chevron, whose tax payments -- $45 million in 2016 -- account for 25 percent of the city’s general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are a pretty important corporate citizen,” Richmond Mayor Tom Butt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, “we are a waterfront city -- Richmond has 32 miles of shoreline on the bay. Part of our city is vulnerable to sea-level rise: our transportation systems, neighborhoods and commercial areas, and thousands of acres of waterfront park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those vulnerable venues is Chevron’s refinery, which sits at the edge of San Francisco Bay. Completed in 1902, this refinery, the state’s largest, was immediately dubbed “the colossus.” The facility today employs more than 3,400 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648046\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11648046\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-160x142.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-240x213.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-375x333.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-520x461.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Our city is vulnerable to sea-level rise,” Richmond Mayor Tom Butt said. \u003ccite>(Julie Cart/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Leah Casey, the spokeswoman for Chevron’s Richmond refinery, said in a statement that lawsuits like the local ones “will do nothing to address the serious issue of climate change. Reducing greenhouse-gas emissions is a global issue that requires global engagement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butt said the city sued “out of frustration, because I know that these fossil fuel companies are aware of the long-term costs and damage of the widespread consumption of fossil fuel.” He said Richmond was already planning for the sea’s rise but had not yet calculated mitigation costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suits are filed in state court under California’s public nuisance law, which allows legal actions against activities that are “injurious to health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York City filed a similar claim against five of the world’s largest oil companies in federal court, asking that the cost of mitigating damage done by the companies as a result of their contribution to climate change be charged to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenges also assert that the oil industry has known for decades that burning fossil fuels accelerates climate change. The Richmond complaint states, “The industry has known for decades that business-as-usual combustion of their products could be ‘severe’ or even ‘catastrophic.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Companies were so certain of the threat that some even took steps to protect their own assets from rising seas and more extreme storms,” the complaint goes on, “and they developed new technologies to profit from drilling in a soon-to-be-ice-free Arctic. Yet instead of taking steps to reduce the threat to others, the industry actually increased production while spending billions on public relations, lobbying, and campaign contributions to hide the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slow unraveling of the decades-long industry cover-up of the medical harm from cigarettes turned the tide in the tobacco cases, according to Ann Carlson, an environmental law professor at the Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at the UCLA School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson, who is advising some of the plaintiffs’ lawyers, said that courts will take into account the oil-industry-funded campaign to discredit climate science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That matters in California,” she said. “If you can show evidence that a defendant engaged in a campaign to obfuscate, it’s more than just a nice detail. Evidence helps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With much at stake, oil companies are pushing back hard. ExxonMobil has responded with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4345487-Exxon-Texas-Petition-Jan-2018.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">demand\u003c/a> to depose lawyers representing the California cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company says it is a victim of a conspiracy, and cities and counties are being disingenuous: When they issue municipal bonds, they portray risk from climate change as unpredictable, not the fault of oil firms, as the lawsuits claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies have also filed motions to move the cases to federal courts, where they believe there are precedents more favorable to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of legal claims intended to monetize the consequences of a warming planet is growing. Carlson said greater scientific certainty about attributing climate change impacts to specific industries and companies has created a legal opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The courts were uncomfortable that they couldn’t trace the harm,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the epicenter of so-called climate-attribution science, said Peter Frumhoff, director of science and policy for the Union of Concerned Scientists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s really a quite robust ability to characterize the extent to which climate change impacts have worsened,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further, by collating data taken from oil companies’ annual accounting and national and international energy agencies’ reports, “one can then connect the dots and assign a cost. That tees up the question, ‘Who is responsible and who should pay?’ ” Frumhoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
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