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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Listen to the story from Weekend Edition Saturday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nhttps://ondemand.npr.org/anon.npr-mp3/npr/wesat/2017/05/20170506_wesat_organic_milk.mp3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organic milk is widely available these days, but what does that label really mean? A new investigation from \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em> found that\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/why-your-organic-milk-may-not-be-organic/2017/05/01/708ce5bc-ed76-11e6-9662-6eedf1627882_story.html?utm_term=.aeace9642cab\"> there are considerable differences between the organic milk\u003c/a> you can buy in a grocery store and the kind you can buy straight from farmers. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/PeterWhoriskey\">Peter Whoriskey\u003c/a> investigated the Aurora Organic Dairy, which supplies house-brand organic milk to many large retailers and other large dairy operations. He joined NPR's Scott Simon on \u003cem>Weekend Edition Saturday\u003c/em> to talk about what he found out from his investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Interview highlights have been edited for clarity and length.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003ch3>Interview Highlights\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the difference between grocery-store organic milk and organic milk from small farms \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We tested them chemically, and you can see from the results how much time a cow has been eating pasture, which is what organic cows are supposed to be doing. And you could see, you know, conventional milk was very low in the grass-fed department. And some of the organic milk, especially ones from very small farms, was quite high. The larger corporate organic milks were sort of in the middle. And there was one large organic producer that was actually almost identical to conventional milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On what some of the corporate dairy farms look like\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, they don't look too much different than a conventional dairy. You have most of the cows that when we visited were in the feedlots and not out on pasture, which is where you would expect under organic regulations you'd see most of the cows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On what the differences mean\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under organic rules, you're supposed to graze the cows through the grazing season, and there are specific amounts of grass that they're supposed to be eating during that time. But they're supposed to be on grass throughout the grazing season. If - and we would go out to these places that had thousands and thousands of co\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">\u003c/a>ws. And you might see 100, 200, 300 of them out, but the rest were not there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On how violations happen and regulations aren't enforced \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, the USDA has a very interesting enforcement system. Rather than sending USDA organic inspectors, each organic dairy or any organic farm hires their own inspection agency. They call them certifiers. And you hire your inspection agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They come out once a year, and they'll check paperwork. They might do some other tests. But generally speaking, there's obviously a conflict of interest there because they're your employee, and they're testing you and going to tell you whether or not your milk's organic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On how farmers of smaller dairy operations feel \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I've never met a farmer who thought business was great, and everything was going really well. These guys are obviously under a lot of pressure, and they're very upset that they're competing against people who are not playing by the rules. They look at a very large farm, and for certain practical reasons, it's hard to do a 15,000 cow facility because you have to have enough land ... and even if you get enough land, it takes a long time to get the cows out to pasture and then back to milk. So there's a reason why there's a lot of small farms. It's a little bit easier. So they're frustrated, a lot of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On being able to taste or see the difference \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can't taste it. I don't know that anybody can. What you can sort of see if you buy a house brand of milk, you can look at the code on the milk. It's usually four or five numbers. It's the milk processing code. For example, Aurora Organic Dairy is 08-29. And if you see that on the milk, then you know - at least know where it's coming from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are some ways to judge whether or not the milk is coming from a place that means to really produce organic milk. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cornucopia.org/\">Cornucopia Institute\u003c/a> is a group that issues a dairy scorecard. It's an activist group based in Wisconsin that has a lot of small farmers as members, and they became concerned about this and have really been banging on the drum for 10 years on this issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR's Wynne Davis produced this story for The Salt. \u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Listen to the story from Weekend Edition Saturday:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organic milk is widely available these days, but what does that label really mean? A new investigation from \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em> found that\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/why-your-organic-milk-may-not-be-organic/2017/05/01/708ce5bc-ed76-11e6-9662-6eedf1627882_story.html?utm_term=.aeace9642cab\"> there are considerable differences between the organic milk\u003c/a> you can buy in a grocery store and the kind you can buy straight from farmers. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/PeterWhoriskey\">Peter Whoriskey\u003c/a> investigated the Aurora Organic Dairy, which supplies house-brand organic milk to many large retailers and other large dairy operations. He joined NPR's Scott Simon on \u003cem>Weekend Edition Saturday\u003c/em> to talk about what he found out from his investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Interview highlights have been edited for clarity and length.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003ch3>Interview Highlights\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On the difference between grocery-store organic milk and organic milk from small farms \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We tested them chemically, and you can see from the results how much time a cow has been eating pasture, which is what organic cows are supposed to be doing. And you could see, you know, conventional milk was very low in the grass-fed department. And some of the organic milk, especially ones from very small farms, was quite high. The larger corporate organic milks were sort of in the middle. And there was one large organic producer that was actually almost identical to conventional milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On what some of the corporate dairy farms look like\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, they don't look too much different than a conventional dairy. You have most of the cows that when we visited were in the feedlots and not out on pasture, which is where you would expect under organic regulations you'd see most of the cows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On what the differences mean\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under organic rules, you're supposed to graze the cows through the grazing season, and there are specific amounts of grass that they're supposed to be eating during that time. But they're supposed to be on grass throughout the grazing season. If - and we would go out to these places that had thousands and thousands of co\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">\u003c/a>ws. And you might see 100, 200, 300 of them out, but the rest were not there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On how violations happen and regulations aren't enforced \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, the USDA has a very interesting enforcement system. Rather than sending USDA organic inspectors, each organic dairy or any organic farm hires their own inspection agency. They call them certifiers. And you hire your inspection agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They come out once a year, and they'll check paperwork. They might do some other tests. But generally speaking, there's obviously a conflict of interest there because they're your employee, and they're testing you and going to tell you whether or not your milk's organic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On how farmers of smaller dairy operations feel \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I've never met a farmer who thought business was great, and everything was going really well. These guys are obviously under a lot of pressure, and they're very upset that they're competing against people who are not playing by the rules. They look at a very large farm, and for certain practical reasons, it's hard to do a 15,000 cow facility because you have to have enough land ... and even if you get enough land, it takes a long time to get the cows out to pasture and then back to milk. So there's a reason why there's a lot of small farms. It's a little bit easier. So they're frustrated, a lot of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On being able to taste or see the difference \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can't taste it. I don't know that anybody can. What you can sort of see if you buy a house brand of milk, you can look at the code on the milk. It's usually four or five numbers. It's the milk processing code. For example, Aurora Organic Dairy is 08-29. And if you see that on the milk, then you know - at least know where it's coming from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are some ways to judge whether or not the milk is coming from a place that means to really produce organic milk. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cornucopia.org/\">Cornucopia Institute\u003c/a> is a group that issues a dairy scorecard. It's an activist group based in Wisconsin that has a lot of small farmers as members, and they became concerned about this and have really been banging on the drum for 10 years on this issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR's Wynne Davis produced this story for The Salt. \u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "A New Law Would Legalize Selling Home-Cooked Food in California",
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"content": "\u003cp>A few years back, Christina Nelson, an office manager and student, craved a more meaningful life. She soon joined the Slow Food movement in San Diego, and began to experiment with cooking local and sustainable meals prepared in traditional ways. Eventually, she learned how to make naturally leavened bread using locally milled whole grains. She loved the whole process and decided to make a career out of baking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was something I’d always thought about as a kid, [that] it would be fun to run a café,” Nelson said. She landed a job working in a commercial bakery in Los Angeles, but the grueling commute from her new home in Orange County curtailed that dream. Deciding to make a go of it on her own, Nelson rented space in a shared commercial kitchen. But the hourly rental fees added up quickly during her 12-hour baking shifts, making for little, if any, profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately, Nelson could apply for a cottage food permit, thanks to a 2012 California \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdph.ca.gov/programs/pages/fdbcottagefood.aspx\">law\u003c/a> allowing home cooks to sell some non-perishable foods—granola, candies, baked goods—out of their home kitchens. The process that took months, and included an inspection visit from a local health regulator, and once she was permitted, she launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.demeterbread.com/about\">Demeter Bread and Pastry\u003c/a>, and began selling bread, cookies, and other baked goods at the Santa Ana farmers’ market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Nelson sees another business opportunity in selling hot, healthy, and locally sourced lunches at nearby business parks, but she can’t do that under the current law. But that could change. In February, California Assemblymember Eduardo Garcia \u003ca href=\"https://a56.asmdc.org/press-release/assemblymember-eduardo-garcia-introduces-bill-legalize-homemade-meal-sales\">introduced\u003c/a> the Homemade Food Legislation Act (AB 626), which would permit the sale of prepared meals and other foods from small-scale home kitchen operations. Last week, AB 626 \u003ca href=\"http://www.record-bee.com/lifestyle/20170427/bill-would-allow-home-cooks-to-sell-meals\">passed the state’s Health Committee\u003c/a> with a vote of 12-0, with three members abstaining; the full Assembly is set to vote on the bill before May 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Garcia hopes the bill can be an “important lever of economic empowerment for immigrant, minority, and other vulnerable communities,” it’s not without its opponents. The \u003ca href=\"http://www.theselc.org/cottage_food_laws\">Sustainable Economies Law Center\u003c/a> (SELC), the group that wrote the 2012 bill, worries that the new legislation could give \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2015/08/10/josephine-com-wants-to-bring-the-sharing-economy-to-your-kitchen/\">web platforms like Josephine\u003c/a>, and others tech companies like it on the horizon, too much power over home cook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Reducing Barriers for Marginalized Cooks\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of my constituents have expressed their concerns and frustrations trying to work in compliance with the existing, overly complicated cottage food laws,” said Garcia in a \u003ca href=\"https://a56.asmdc.org/press-release/assemblymember-eduardo-garcia-introduces-bill-legalize-homemade-meal-sales\">press release\u003c/a>. “This measure aims to knock down barriers and expand opportunities for marginalized populations who often lack access to the professional food world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson, who has struggled to find the resources to expand her business beyond baked goods, hopes the legislation will allow her to have an additional source of income without a huge infusion of money. “It would make it a lot easier for me to expand without renting a commercial kitchen space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is one of the state’s many home cooks, a significant percentage of whom are women and immigrants, who could benefit from the new legislation, which would legalize the small-scale sale of homemade foods like tamales and other hot foods. Last year, the hazards of participating in the informal food economy came to light when the story of Mariza Ruelas went viral. The Stockton mom of six was \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-ceviche-selling-stockton-20161107-story.html\">threatened by authorities\u003c/a> for selling homemade ceviche through a private Facebook food swap group. Ruelas, no surprise, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B0Z_vVfobXaIZklfTDJpeDFTczA/view\">supports the new legislation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Janus, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.kesq.com/news/coachella-aims-to-open-a-sharekitchen/63035443\">ShareKitchen\u003c/a> and a consultant with the Coachella Valley Small Business Development Center, thinks the proposed law is great, especially if it means streamlining the permit process while empowering small business incubation for those who can’t operate legally under existing cottage food laws. When more people can legally start small food businesses at home, the idea goes, they’ll also have a legitimate stepping stone to successful catering or commercial food operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of traditional Hispanic foods being prepared in home kitchens and shared in local communities that are unregulated,” said Janus. She adds that the legislation could help to address current issues of safety, sanitation, equity, and zoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Uberization of Homemade Food?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homemade food legislation still has a long way to go. In its current form, it’s only a legislative declaration of intent or a “spot bill.” It doesn’t lay out any specifics about training requirements, or what the actual permit process and registration might look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_117102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 768px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"768\" height=\"512\" class=\"size-full wp-image-117102\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 768px) 100vw, 768px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photo courtesy of \u003ca href=\"https://stories.josephine.com/\">Josephine\u003c/a>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Essentially, the bill seeks to create a new registration or permit process that would allow home cooks to sell directly to customers while complying with a series of health, safety, sanitation, and education guidelines,” said Matt Jorgensen, the co-CEO of Josephine, an online food sales platform headquartered in Oakland. Josephine sponsored the new legislation after cooks in several Bay Area cities selling meals through its site received \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2016/05/11/food-startup-josephine-pauses-east-bay-operations/\">cease-and-desist orders from health regulators last summer\u003c/a>. The company continues to operate in Oregon and Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josephine made the foray into the legislative process early last year, but the bill’s first iteration was killed on arrival, shot down by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ccdeh.com/\">California Conference of Directors of Environmental Health\u003c/a> (CCDEH).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hadn’t worked with them to develop a policy. They told us that if there was going to be some sort of legitimization of this informal economy, then they needed to be part of it, and it needed to be a new permit process,” said Jorgensen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within months, the health regulators developed an ad hoc committee to develop the language of the legislation and permit process. At the same time, Josephine assembled a working group made up of home cooks, legal experts from the UCLA and Harvard Food Law Clinics, and other stakeholders including the California Food Policy Council, the Cottage Food Operator’s Association of America, and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the stakeholders were in place, Josephine’s representatives connected with Assemblymember Garcia, who had already expressed a desire to revisit homemade food laws as a way to develop his policy agenda of economic empowerment of minority populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early on, Josephine also worked closely with SELC and Christina Oatfield, a policy director with the organization, who was a key architect of the 2012 Cottage Food Act. However, SELC recently stepped away from the new, expanded legislation, saying they were not comfortable with the potential \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xT6A3kWTsNM\">“Uberization” of food\u003c/a> posed by the participation of companies like Josephine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Oatfield, SELC will only support further homemade food legislation if it \u003ca href=\"http://www.theselc.org/creating_community_owned_food_systems\">ensures\u003c/a> some form of community ownership of any web platforms involved in the sale of homemade foods. They’d like to see a provision that limits that ownership to cooks and/or eater-owned cooperatives, nonprofit organizations, or government agencies. The model they proposed is based on the way certified farmers’ markets are run in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have a whole industry that’s operated by stakeholder groups—farmers, home cooks, nonprofit organization groups, local governments—it really changes the dynamic and changes the priorities for the industry—compared to tech companies that are for-profit and backed by venture capitalists out to make huge profits,” explained Oatfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not yet clear how such a law would be enforced. It could be through individual court actions, or through a limit on the types of web platforms that receive permits from environmental health regulators at the county or city level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is clear is that a company like Josephine, as it’s currently structured, would not be allowed to operate legally under SELC’s proposal. At play, says Oatfield, are important questions about whether home cooks will be considered independent contractors, and whether they will have any protections under employment law. There are also questions about whether the cooks working with online platforms will be pressed to cook more food faster or with lower-quality ingredients, either of which could affect food safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what’s going to happen, but looking at other industries where tech has come in and shaken things up, we have a lot of reasons to be concerned,” added Oatfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like the idea of having an nonprofit or co-op model because our margins aren’t going to be big,” said Christina Nelson, the baker. Home kitchens aren’t set up to mass-produce, she points out. “It’s not like anyone is getting rich off of doing this in their home and if a for-profit company took a good chunk, it wouldn’t be worth doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last August, Jorgensen addressed some of these issues in a \u003ca href=\"https://blog.josephine.com/towards-a-more-sharing-economy-d06181092f81\">statement.\u003c/a> As he explained it, Josephine takes a 10 percent cut of a cook’s sales. In addition, Josephine has established a Cook Council to act as a communication bridge between the company and the cooks; a representative from the council holds a seat on Josephine’s Board of Directors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josephine co-CEO Charley Wang \u003ca href=\"https://blog.josephine.com/last-month-josephine-introduced-a-new-bill-that-would-allow-home-cooks-to-make-money-selling-food-9281a42616f8\">has argued\u003c/a> from the start that it’s possible for a for-profit tech company to empower and give agency to their providers rather than exploiting them for maximum output and profit. In exchange, cooks—some of whom lack the language and/or technology skills to market themselves—get an established platform that, in theory, gives access to the support and resources they need to sell their food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others agree with Wang. A self-professed “great fan of cooperatives,” Peter Ruddock, a coordinator with \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CalFPC/\">California Food Policy Council \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.slowfoodusa.org/slow-food-california\">Slow Food California\u003c/a>, says linking homemade food and cooperatives complicates the legislation without offering significant benefits. Furthermore, he says it was easy for Uber for commodify rides, which aren’t all that unique. It’ll be harder for a tech company to commodify homemade meals, which vary by geography, ingredients, and individual chefs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ruddock thinks we should welcome any opportunity to expand local food businesses. “This is one of many steps to reconnect with our food,” he said. “This [new homemade food legislation] is the next step in what is probably going to be a long-term process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other states, some cooks have already turned to tech companies as support for their home cooking endeavors. In addition to Josephine, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/mealsurfers-food-cooks-hungry-1.3312848\">Meal Surfers\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://la.eater.com/2015/10/7/9472893/delivery-app-mytable-cooks-local-meal-new\">MyTable\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"http://umi.kitchen/\">Umi Kitchen\u003c/a> are hoping to engage home chefs in Los Angeles, New York, Toronto, and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the benefits are tangible where it’s working. Take Ramona Chitrakar-Walson, who immigrated to the U.S. from Nepal. Now a mother of two living in Seattle, Washington, Chitrakar-Walson uses the Josephine site to sell authentic Nepalese meals to fellow immigrants from Nepal and other curious eaters. She’d considered joining a cooking club or selling momos (Nepali dumplings) at the local farmers’ market, but she balked at the start-up costs and paperwork involved in starting her own business. The ready-to-go tech platform has allowed her to focus on cooking meals for her home and connecting with the local community instead\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t have been able to start anything like this on my own,” said Chitrakar-Walson.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About the Author\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nLeilani Clark is a freelance writer based in Santa Rosa, California. Her work has appeared in \u003cem>The North Bay Bohemian\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Made Local\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Shareable\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Yes, \u003c/em>\u003cem>The Orlando Weekly\u003c/em>, and \u003cem>The Sacramento News and Review\u003c/em>. She is a 2014 California Endowment Health Journalism Fellow through the USC Annenberg School of Communication.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A few years back, Christina Nelson, an office manager and student, craved a more meaningful life. She soon joined the Slow Food movement in San Diego, and began to experiment with cooking local and sustainable meals prepared in traditional ways. Eventually, she learned how to make naturally leavened bread using locally milled whole grains. She loved the whole process and decided to make a career out of baking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was something I’d always thought about as a kid, [that] it would be fun to run a café,” Nelson said. She landed a job working in a commercial bakery in Los Angeles, but the grueling commute from her new home in Orange County curtailed that dream. Deciding to make a go of it on her own, Nelson rented space in a shared commercial kitchen. But the hourly rental fees added up quickly during her 12-hour baking shifts, making for little, if any, profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately, Nelson could apply for a cottage food permit, thanks to a 2012 California \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdph.ca.gov/programs/pages/fdbcottagefood.aspx\">law\u003c/a> allowing home cooks to sell some non-perishable foods—granola, candies, baked goods—out of their home kitchens. The process that took months, and included an inspection visit from a local health regulator, and once she was permitted, she launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.demeterbread.com/about\">Demeter Bread and Pastry\u003c/a>, and began selling bread, cookies, and other baked goods at the Santa Ana farmers’ market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Nelson sees another business opportunity in selling hot, healthy, and locally sourced lunches at nearby business parks, but she can’t do that under the current law. But that could change. In February, California Assemblymember Eduardo Garcia \u003ca href=\"https://a56.asmdc.org/press-release/assemblymember-eduardo-garcia-introduces-bill-legalize-homemade-meal-sales\">introduced\u003c/a> the Homemade Food Legislation Act (AB 626), which would permit the sale of prepared meals and other foods from small-scale home kitchen operations. Last week, AB 626 \u003ca href=\"http://www.record-bee.com/lifestyle/20170427/bill-would-allow-home-cooks-to-sell-meals\">passed the state’s Health Committee\u003c/a> with a vote of 12-0, with three members abstaining; the full Assembly is set to vote on the bill before May 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Garcia hopes the bill can be an “important lever of economic empowerment for immigrant, minority, and other vulnerable communities,” it’s not without its opponents. The \u003ca href=\"http://www.theselc.org/cottage_food_laws\">Sustainable Economies Law Center\u003c/a> (SELC), the group that wrote the 2012 bill, worries that the new legislation could give \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2015/08/10/josephine-com-wants-to-bring-the-sharing-economy-to-your-kitchen/\">web platforms like Josephine\u003c/a>, and others tech companies like it on the horizon, too much power over home cook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Reducing Barriers for Marginalized Cooks\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of my constituents have expressed their concerns and frustrations trying to work in compliance with the existing, overly complicated cottage food laws,” said Garcia in a \u003ca href=\"https://a56.asmdc.org/press-release/assemblymember-eduardo-garcia-introduces-bill-legalize-homemade-meal-sales\">press release\u003c/a>. “This measure aims to knock down barriers and expand opportunities for marginalized populations who often lack access to the professional food world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson, who has struggled to find the resources to expand her business beyond baked goods, hopes the legislation will allow her to have an additional source of income without a huge infusion of money. “It would make it a lot easier for me to expand without renting a commercial kitchen space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is one of the state’s many home cooks, a significant percentage of whom are women and immigrants, who could benefit from the new legislation, which would legalize the small-scale sale of homemade foods like tamales and other hot foods. Last year, the hazards of participating in the informal food economy came to light when the story of Mariza Ruelas went viral. The Stockton mom of six was \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-ceviche-selling-stockton-20161107-story.html\">threatened by authorities\u003c/a> for selling homemade ceviche through a private Facebook food swap group. Ruelas, no surprise, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B0Z_vVfobXaIZklfTDJpeDFTczA/view\">supports the new legislation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Janus, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.kesq.com/news/coachella-aims-to-open-a-sharekitchen/63035443\">ShareKitchen\u003c/a> and a consultant with the Coachella Valley Small Business Development Center, thinks the proposed law is great, especially if it means streamlining the permit process while empowering small business incubation for those who can’t operate legally under existing cottage food laws. When more people can legally start small food businesses at home, the idea goes, they’ll also have a legitimate stepping stone to successful catering or commercial food operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of traditional Hispanic foods being prepared in home kitchens and shared in local communities that are unregulated,” said Janus. She adds that the legislation could help to address current issues of safety, sanitation, equity, and zoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Uberization of Homemade Food?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homemade food legislation still has a long way to go. In its current form, it’s only a legislative declaration of intent or a “spot bill.” It doesn’t lay out any specifics about training requirements, or what the actual permit process and registration might look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_117102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 768px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"768\" height=\"512\" class=\"size-full wp-image-117102\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170425-cottage-food-2-768x512-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 768px) 100vw, 768px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photo courtesy of \u003ca href=\"https://stories.josephine.com/\">Josephine\u003c/a>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Essentially, the bill seeks to create a new registration or permit process that would allow home cooks to sell directly to customers while complying with a series of health, safety, sanitation, and education guidelines,” said Matt Jorgensen, the co-CEO of Josephine, an online food sales platform headquartered in Oakland. Josephine sponsored the new legislation after cooks in several Bay Area cities selling meals through its site received \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2016/05/11/food-startup-josephine-pauses-east-bay-operations/\">cease-and-desist orders from health regulators last summer\u003c/a>. The company continues to operate in Oregon and Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josephine made the foray into the legislative process early last year, but the bill’s first iteration was killed on arrival, shot down by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ccdeh.com/\">California Conference of Directors of Environmental Health\u003c/a> (CCDEH).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hadn’t worked with them to develop a policy. They told us that if there was going to be some sort of legitimization of this informal economy, then they needed to be part of it, and it needed to be a new permit process,” said Jorgensen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within months, the health regulators developed an ad hoc committee to develop the language of the legislation and permit process. At the same time, Josephine assembled a working group made up of home cooks, legal experts from the UCLA and Harvard Food Law Clinics, and other stakeholders including the California Food Policy Council, the Cottage Food Operator’s Association of America, and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the stakeholders were in place, Josephine’s representatives connected with Assemblymember Garcia, who had already expressed a desire to revisit homemade food laws as a way to develop his policy agenda of economic empowerment of minority populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early on, Josephine also worked closely with SELC and Christina Oatfield, a policy director with the organization, who was a key architect of the 2012 Cottage Food Act. However, SELC recently stepped away from the new, expanded legislation, saying they were not comfortable with the potential \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xT6A3kWTsNM\">“Uberization” of food\u003c/a> posed by the participation of companies like Josephine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Oatfield, SELC will only support further homemade food legislation if it \u003ca href=\"http://www.theselc.org/creating_community_owned_food_systems\">ensures\u003c/a> some form of community ownership of any web platforms involved in the sale of homemade foods. They’d like to see a provision that limits that ownership to cooks and/or eater-owned cooperatives, nonprofit organizations, or government agencies. The model they proposed is based on the way certified farmers’ markets are run in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have a whole industry that’s operated by stakeholder groups—farmers, home cooks, nonprofit organization groups, local governments—it really changes the dynamic and changes the priorities for the industry—compared to tech companies that are for-profit and backed by venture capitalists out to make huge profits,” explained Oatfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not yet clear how such a law would be enforced. It could be through individual court actions, or through a limit on the types of web platforms that receive permits from environmental health regulators at the county or city level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is clear is that a company like Josephine, as it’s currently structured, would not be allowed to operate legally under SELC’s proposal. At play, says Oatfield, are important questions about whether home cooks will be considered independent contractors, and whether they will have any protections under employment law. There are also questions about whether the cooks working with online platforms will be pressed to cook more food faster or with lower-quality ingredients, either of which could affect food safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what’s going to happen, but looking at other industries where tech has come in and shaken things up, we have a lot of reasons to be concerned,” added Oatfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like the idea of having an nonprofit or co-op model because our margins aren’t going to be big,” said Christina Nelson, the baker. Home kitchens aren’t set up to mass-produce, she points out. “It’s not like anyone is getting rich off of doing this in their home and if a for-profit company took a good chunk, it wouldn’t be worth doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last August, Jorgensen addressed some of these issues in a \u003ca href=\"https://blog.josephine.com/towards-a-more-sharing-economy-d06181092f81\">statement.\u003c/a> As he explained it, Josephine takes a 10 percent cut of a cook’s sales. In addition, Josephine has established a Cook Council to act as a communication bridge between the company and the cooks; a representative from the council holds a seat on Josephine’s Board of Directors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josephine co-CEO Charley Wang \u003ca href=\"https://blog.josephine.com/last-month-josephine-introduced-a-new-bill-that-would-allow-home-cooks-to-make-money-selling-food-9281a42616f8\">has argued\u003c/a> from the start that it’s possible for a for-profit tech company to empower and give agency to their providers rather than exploiting them for maximum output and profit. In exchange, cooks—some of whom lack the language and/or technology skills to market themselves—get an established platform that, in theory, gives access to the support and resources they need to sell their food to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others agree with Wang. A self-professed “great fan of cooperatives,” Peter Ruddock, a coordinator with \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CalFPC/\">California Food Policy Council \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.slowfoodusa.org/slow-food-california\">Slow Food California\u003c/a>, says linking homemade food and cooperatives complicates the legislation without offering significant benefits. Furthermore, he says it was easy for Uber for commodify rides, which aren’t all that unique. It’ll be harder for a tech company to commodify homemade meals, which vary by geography, ingredients, and individual chefs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ruddock thinks we should welcome any opportunity to expand local food businesses. “This is one of many steps to reconnect with our food,” he said. “This [new homemade food legislation] is the next step in what is probably going to be a long-term process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other states, some cooks have already turned to tech companies as support for their home cooking endeavors. In addition to Josephine, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/mealsurfers-food-cooks-hungry-1.3312848\">Meal Surfers\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://la.eater.com/2015/10/7/9472893/delivery-app-mytable-cooks-local-meal-new\">MyTable\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"http://umi.kitchen/\">Umi Kitchen\u003c/a> are hoping to engage home chefs in Los Angeles, New York, Toronto, and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the benefits are tangible where it’s working. Take Ramona Chitrakar-Walson, who immigrated to the U.S. from Nepal. Now a mother of two living in Seattle, Washington, Chitrakar-Walson uses the Josephine site to sell authentic Nepalese meals to fellow immigrants from Nepal and other curious eaters. She’d considered joining a cooking club or selling momos (Nepali dumplings) at the local farmers’ market, but she balked at the start-up costs and paperwork involved in starting her own business. The ready-to-go tech platform has allowed her to focus on cooking meals for her home and connecting with the local community instead\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t have been able to start anything like this on my own,” said Chitrakar-Walson.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About the Author\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nLeilani Clark is a freelance writer based in Santa Rosa, California. Her work has appeared in \u003cem>The North Bay Bohemian\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Made Local\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Shareable\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Yes, \u003c/em>\u003cem>The Orlando Weekly\u003c/em>, and \u003cem>The Sacramento News and Review\u003c/em>. She is a 2014 California Endowment Health Journalism Fellow through the USC Annenberg School of Communication.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former first lady Michelle Obama might find some of the latest actions by the Trump administration pretty difficult to stomach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday newly minted Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue announced a rollback of school lunch standards championed by the former first lady, declaring at a Virginia school that the administration would \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.usda.gov/media/press-releases/2017/05/01/ag-secretary-perdue-moves-make-school-meals-great-again\">Make School Meals Great Again\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnn.com/2017/05/01/politics/trump-michelle-obama-girls-education/index.html?sr=twCNN050117trump-michelle-obama-girls-education0521PMVODtopLink&linkId=37069141\">CNN reported\u003c/a> that the Trump White House will not continue the Let Girls Learn program in its current form. The initiative aims to provide educational opportunities for young women in developing countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school nutrition standards have long been a source of controversy, making them a more likely target of the current administration. Reports about the Let Girls Learn program, which the Peace Corps oversees, are perhaps more surprising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email obtained by CNN, Peace Corps acting director Sheila Crowley said, \" 'Let Girls Learn' provided a platform to showcase Peace Corps' strength in community development, shining a bright light on the work of our Volunteers all over the world.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Crawley noted, \"moving forward, we will not continue to use the 'Let Girls Learn' brand or maintain a stand-alone program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither the White House nor the Peace Corps responded to emails from NPR to verify the decision or to comment on it. But the Peace Corps told CNN that the agency would continue to \"to prioritize girls' education and empowerment programming.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former first lady \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2015/03/03/390500072/peace-corps-teams-up-with-first-lady-to-let-girls-learn\">launched\u003c/a> the Let Girls Learn initiative in 2015, saying that it would tailor an approach to the problem girls face in many developing countries, including being forced into child marriages and not having appropriate bathrooms for girls who may seek to attend schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You have told me that whatever obstacles these girls face — whether it's school fees, or violence or cultural beliefs that girls simply aren't worthy of an education — you've said that these problems will not be fixed from on high,\" Obama told activists who pushed for the approach. \"That these are community challenges that call for community solutions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first lady made the initiative a priority of her husband's final years in office, traveling in 2016 to Liberia and Morocco with her daughters, Malia and Sasha, and actresses Meryl Streep and Freida Pinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Promoting healthy eating and combating childhood obesity were also top priorities for Michelle Obama. Curbing the requirements that Obama pushed for, Agriculture Secretary Perdue argued on Monday that the standards led to children simply not eating the lunches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This announcement is the result of years of feedback from students, schools, and food service experts about the challenges they are facing in meeting the final regulations for school meals,\" Perdue said in a statement. \"If kids aren't eating the food, and it's ending up in the trash, they aren't getting any nutrition — thus undermining the intent of the program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR's Allison Aubrey reports that the School Nutrition Association, which represents school food administrators, has been pushing for the changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affected standards involve whole grain requirements, sodium content and milk options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The USDA will now let states grant exemptions regarding whole grain standards for the 2017-2018 school year if they're having trouble meeting the requirements, and the agency said it will \"take all necessary regulatory actions to implement a long-term solution.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sodium reductions set in place by the Obama administration will be postponed for at least three years to \"provide schools and the school nutrition industry with the certainty and predictability they need to make appropriate plans for creating foods with the appropriate amount of sodium.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milk requirements would also loosen, allowing schools to serve 1 percent flavored milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fight over school lunches has lasted years. Even after the Healthy, Hunger-Free Kids Act of 2010 took effect, Michelle Obama continued to have to defend its importance, as NPR's Tamara Keith \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2014/05/27/316457427/first-lady-fights-to-keep-healthy-school-lunch-law-intact\">reported in 2014\u003c/a>. In 2016 the Senate settled on \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2016/01/20/463618556/food-fight-fizzles-as-senate-nears-compromise-on-school-nutrition-rules\">a compromise\u003c/a> that would keep most of the new standards in place, including requiring to schools to serve more fruits and vegetables along with the planned reductions in sodium and increase in whole grains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for first lady Melania Trump confirmed that Mrs. Trump does plan to keep up the vegetable garden that Michelle Obama planted at the White House. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former first lady Michelle Obama might find some of the latest actions by the Trump administration pretty difficult to stomach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday newly minted Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue announced a rollback of school lunch standards championed by the former first lady, declaring at a Virginia school that the administration would \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.usda.gov/media/press-releases/2017/05/01/ag-secretary-perdue-moves-make-school-meals-great-again\">Make School Meals Great Again\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnn.com/2017/05/01/politics/trump-michelle-obama-girls-education/index.html?sr=twCNN050117trump-michelle-obama-girls-education0521PMVODtopLink&linkId=37069141\">CNN reported\u003c/a> that the Trump White House will not continue the Let Girls Learn program in its current form. The initiative aims to provide educational opportunities for young women in developing countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school nutrition standards have long been a source of controversy, making them a more likely target of the current administration. Reports about the Let Girls Learn program, which the Peace Corps oversees, are perhaps more surprising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email obtained by CNN, Peace Corps acting director Sheila Crowley said, \" 'Let Girls Learn' provided a platform to showcase Peace Corps' strength in community development, shining a bright light on the work of our Volunteers all over the world.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Crawley noted, \"moving forward, we will not continue to use the 'Let Girls Learn' brand or maintain a stand-alone program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither the White House nor the Peace Corps responded to emails from NPR to verify the decision or to comment on it. But the Peace Corps told CNN that the agency would continue to \"to prioritize girls' education and empowerment programming.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former first lady \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2015/03/03/390500072/peace-corps-teams-up-with-first-lady-to-let-girls-learn\">launched\u003c/a> the Let Girls Learn initiative in 2015, saying that it would tailor an approach to the problem girls face in many developing countries, including being forced into child marriages and not having appropriate bathrooms for girls who may seek to attend schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You have told me that whatever obstacles these girls face — whether it's school fees, or violence or cultural beliefs that girls simply aren't worthy of an education — you've said that these problems will not be fixed from on high,\" Obama told activists who pushed for the approach. \"That these are community challenges that call for community solutions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first lady made the initiative a priority of her husband's final years in office, traveling in 2016 to Liberia and Morocco with her daughters, Malia and Sasha, and actresses Meryl Streep and Freida Pinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Promoting healthy eating and combating childhood obesity were also top priorities for Michelle Obama. Curbing the requirements that Obama pushed for, Agriculture Secretary Perdue argued on Monday that the standards led to children simply not eating the lunches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This announcement is the result of years of feedback from students, schools, and food service experts about the challenges they are facing in meeting the final regulations for school meals,\" Perdue said in a statement. \"If kids aren't eating the food, and it's ending up in the trash, they aren't getting any nutrition — thus undermining the intent of the program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR's Allison Aubrey reports that the School Nutrition Association, which represents school food administrators, has been pushing for the changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affected standards involve whole grain requirements, sodium content and milk options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The USDA will now let states grant exemptions regarding whole grain standards for the 2017-2018 school year if they're having trouble meeting the requirements, and the agency said it will \"take all necessary regulatory actions to implement a long-term solution.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sodium reductions set in place by the Obama administration will be postponed for at least three years to \"provide schools and the school nutrition industry with the certainty and predictability they need to make appropriate plans for creating foods with the appropriate amount of sodium.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milk requirements would also loosen, allowing schools to serve 1 percent flavored milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fight over school lunches has lasted years. Even after the Healthy, Hunger-Free Kids Act of 2010 took effect, Michelle Obama continued to have to defend its importance, as NPR's Tamara Keith \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2014/05/27/316457427/first-lady-fights-to-keep-healthy-school-lunch-law-intact\">reported in 2014\u003c/a>. In 2016 the Senate settled on \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2016/01/20/463618556/food-fight-fizzles-as-senate-nears-compromise-on-school-nutrition-rules\">a compromise\u003c/a> that would keep most of the new standards in place, including requiring to schools to serve more fruits and vegetables along with the planned reductions in sodium and increase in whole grains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for first lady Melania Trump confirmed that Mrs. Trump does plan to keep up the vegetable garden that Michelle Obama planted at the White House. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "As Food and Farmworkers Retreat, Guestworker Program Poised to Grow",
"title": "As Food and Farmworkers Retreat, Guestworker Program Poised to Grow",
"headTitle": "Bay Area Bites | KQED Food",
"content": "\u003cp>An unfamiliar car pulled into the labor camp of a blueberry farm in Southern New Jersey last month, and the four year-round farmworkers on site stopped what they were doing, went inside, and locked themselves in their rooms. Afraid of being deported by federal immigration agents operating with \u003ca href=\"http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/article/2017/feb/24/trump-ushers-big-changes-immigration-deportations-/\">increased authority\u003c/a> since President Trump signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/01/25/presidential-executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united\">executive order\u003c/a> to that effect in January, the workers stayed locked in their rooms overnight, forgoing dinner and talking to each other through the walls rather than in the open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the strange car ultimately proved harmless, the workers later described the incident—and how fearful they felt—to Kathia Ramirez, the food justice coordinator of a farmworker support committee called \u003cem>El Comite de Apoyo a los Trabajadores Agrícolas\u003c/em>, or \u003ca href=\"http://cata-farmworkers.org/\">CATA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The undocumented community is living in more fear and hiding under the shadows,” Ramirez said. “People should not live with the fear that they will be detained and not know what will happen to their families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the ultimate effect of the anxiety remains to be seen, several likely possibilities exist, according to the people with whom Civil Eats spoke. As some foreign-born workers retreat from sight, farms and restaurants may have a hard time securing the staff they need to harvest crops and serve meals. Additionally, worker exploitation may proliferate as farmers rely increasingly on the H-2A agricultural guestworker program, known to place workers at a disadvantage, and as workers refrain from speaking up for themselves for fear of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American food system \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2016/11/29/if-trump-goes-hard-on-immigration-who-will-grow-process-and-serve-our-food/\">relies heavily on the work of people born outside U.S. borders\u003c/a>, many of whom are undocumented—and living on edge. In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.doleta.gov/agworker/pdf/NAWS_Research_Report_12_Final_508_Compliant.pdf\">73 percent\u003c/a> of the 2.5 million farmworkers planting, cultivating, and harvesting our crops each season are foreign-born, mostly in Mexico. And between \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/background.aspx#Numbers\">30 percent\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.farmworkerjustice.org/sites/default/files/NAWS%2520data%2520factsht%25201-13-15FINAL.pdf\">70 percent\u003c/a> are undocumented, according to various sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the service industry side, of the 12 million restaurant workers in the U.S., 1.3 million, or 11 percent, are undocumented, and an additional 2.6 million are foreign-born but documented, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://rocunited.org/\">Restaurant Opportunities Centers (ROC) United\u003c/a>. In major metropolitan areas like New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago, closer to 45 percent of restaurant workers are undocumented, and 70 percent are foreign born, ROC United estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since deportations have picked up—targeting more varied populations than the Obama administration campaign, including young people registered with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/02/15/515441744/daca-recipient-detained-by-u-s-immigration-authorities\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals\u003c/a> (DACA) program—immigrants are wary of traveling or appearing in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole community is targeted; they all have friends and neighbors who could be apprehended,” said Don Cameron, who manages the 6,000-acre \u003ca href=\"http://www.terranovaranch.com/\">Terranova Ranch\u003c/a> in California’s San Joaquin Valley. “We’ve heard of people leaving their jobs and going back to Mexico. Once we get into the summer, I think this is really going to hit farming hard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This sense of fear pervading the agricultural workforce could severely impact the U.S. food system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An Agricultural Guestworker Program Poised to Grow—And Exploit?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because hiring agricultural workers through the H-2A visa program is expensive, requiring farmers to transport workers from Mexico and supply them with housing and a set wage, many farmers opt to hire from the undocumented population instead. Though the number of H-2A visas issued has roughly doubled since 2011, it’s still relatively small: In 2015, only about 4 percent of farmworkers came to the U.S. through the guestworker program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what we’re going to see is that more farmers are applying for H-2A visas,” said Gail Wadsworth, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cirsinc.org/\">California Institute for Rural Studies\u003c/a>. If that happens, farmworkers could suffer, say some advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First established in 1952 to offset labor shortages prompted by World War II, the H-2A program brings guest workers to the U.S. on temporary contracts to fill positions employers are unable to fill with domestic workers. Because the program ties workers to a specific employer, advocates say it creates the opportunity for exploitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Guestworker programs [are] not designed to be good to workers; they’re almost always designed to be good for the employer,” Wadsworth said. In particular, she said the H-2A program “is ripe for abuse, simply because it gives workers very little ability to change their situation. If they’re unhappy with their employer, their employer can just deport them. They don’t have any recourse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_117063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 700px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"700\" height=\"467\" class=\"size-full wp-image-117063\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467.jpg 700w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photo by \u003ca href=\"https://www.flickr.com/photos/russloar/13896831903\">Russ Allison Loar\u003c/a>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Southern Poverty Law Center, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/20130218/close-slavery-guestworker-programs-united-states\">recent report\u003c/a>, characterized today’s guestworker programs as rife with wage and contract abuse, documented discrimination, and on-the-job injuries without effective recourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CATA’s Ramirez regularly visits the labor camps at apple, peach, and blueberry farms in South New Jersey to educate workers about topics like the risks of exposure to heat and pesticides. She has noticed many violations of the conditions required by the H-2A program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers have reported that their employers have taken away their visas and IDs and forbidden them from leaving the property or making phone calls—a practice that constitutes \u003ca href=\"https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/human-trafficking/what-is-human-trafficking.html#What_is_Human_Trafficking\">human trafficking\u003c/a>—and sometimes workers \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2012/09/11/farmworker-wage-theft-as-common-as-dirt/\">do not receive the full wages they are owed\u003c/a>, Ramirez said. Additionally, living conditions are sometimes extremely poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I go visit some of the labor camps, it reminds me of the rural communities in Mexico,” said Ramirez, whose parents are from Oaxaca. “They have pests; they have bed bugs, roaches, mice. On other occasions, I’ve seen an overload of trash and a lot of flies, especially in the summer,” she said. “The beds are not in the greatest condition—some of them don’t even have a mattress; they just have the foam.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In North Carolina, one of \u003ca href=\"http://www.globalworkers.org/iii-h-2a-workers-us-%25E2%2580%2593-figures\">the top states to use\u003c/a> the H-2A program, Anna Jensen serves as executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ncproyecto/\">NC Farmworkers Project\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that connects workers with health information and medical services. Jensen worries that the administration’s discriminatory rhetoric will embolden growers to seal off their contracted workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As advocates, [labor] camp access has always been an issue for us, having to negotiate with employers to let us talk to their workers,” Jensen said. “We’re worried that the current climate will justify some of the fear tactics [like discouraging workers from visiting health clinics or speaking with outsiders] that advocates see in an attempt to keep workers isolated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.farmworkerjustice.org/\">Farmworker Justice\u003c/a> President Bruce Goldstein sees the potential for the H-2A program, as it grows, to run into the same trouble as the controversial \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/more.php?id=1112\">Bracero Program\u003c/a>, which brought 4.6 million Mexican workers to the U.S. to fill short-term agricultural contracts between 1942 and 1964. While in theory, the program offered safeguards for the Mexican worker—much like the H-2A program today—the rules were not well enforced, and Mexican workers suffered abuses including wage theft and substandard housing and food. Former Department of Labor official Lee G. Williams described the Bracero as a system of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/20130218/close-slavery-guestworker-programs-united-states\">legalized slavery\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as use of today’s guestworker programs become more widespread, they could be equally hard on workers. “The [agribusiness] lobbying that goes on to change the H-2A program … would eliminate many of the labor protections that existed under the Bracero program,” Goldstein said. “There’s no limit on the number of H-2A visas, and so the H-2A program can grow to be the size of the Bracero program and larger, and it can also, as it gets larger, become just as notorious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rolling Back Worker Protection Regulations\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of the likely expansion of the H-2A guestworker program, Trump’s \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/03/23/trumps-budget-would-set-food-system-progress-back-by-generations/\">proposed 2018 budget\u003c/a> includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/03/16/us/politics/trump-budget-cuts.html?_r=0\">massive cuts\u003c/a> to the departments that oversee the fair treatment and protection of the country’s workers, including those on farms and in restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed cuts include a 20 percent decrease in funding to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/general/aboutdol/majorlaws\">Department of Labor\u003c/a>—which regulates wages and hours and workplace safety and health, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/whd/mspa/index.htm\">Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural Worker Protection Act\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/whd/flsa/\">Fair Labor Standards Act\u003c/a>. It also includes a 31 percent cut to the Environmental Protection Agency—which sets \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/pesticide-worker-safety/agricultural-worker-protection-standard-wps\">worker protection standards\u003c/a> for farmworkers and pesticide handlers. Trump also proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/03/legal-services-corporation/520083/\">eliminating the Legal Services Corporation\u003c/a>, a nonprofit corporation that helps low-income people obtain representation in civil cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://amp.theguardian.com/business/2017/mar/06/labor-protection-laws-repeal-poultry-industry-workers\">voted in early March\u003c/a> to repeal the \u003ca href=\"https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2014/07/31/executive-order-fair-pay-and-safe-workplaces\">Fair Pay and Safe Workplaces Executive Order\u003c/a> that President Obama signed in July 2014, which requires companies contracting with the federal government to keep and disclose records of on-the-job accidents and fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are widespread violations of the limited labor protections that apply to farmworkers,” Goldstein said. “The presence of so many undocumented workers who are afraid of deportation means that some unscrupulous employers may take advantage and violate the minimum wage and other rights. We’re concerned that this administration wants to cut back the budgets of federal agencies that enforce [those] rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, agribusiness groups are lobbying the administration to make the H-2A program more beneficial for U.S. employers. And they appear to be getting through: a \u003ca href=\"http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/documents/national/draft-executive-orders-on-immigration/2315/\">draft executive order\u003c/a> leaked to the press in January revealed that Trump planned to “prioritize the protection of American workers” and ensure the “efficient processing” of H-2A applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goldstein said while the concept of “efficiency” could be taken in a number of ways, “Historically, that’s a euphemism for slashing the wage rates, removing other labor protections, and minimizing government oversight of the agricultural guestworker program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Effect of Fear on Farms and Restaurants\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Cameron relies on about 125 farmworkers at a time to harvest from mid-June to the end of November to harvest the 25 crops grown at Terranova Ranch. Because his farm cultivates primarily specialty crops—like peppers with the stems removed for use in salsas—much of the harvest requires picking by hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I already have plants being grown in the greenhouse for this year’s crop,” Cameron said. “I’m pretty nervous; I don’t know if I’ll have the labor to do the harvest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unless he can develop a good way to mechanically harvest the crops he grows, Cameron said, he may have to change what he plants moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_117062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3.jpg\" alt=\"Ansel Adams documented farmworkers at Japanese internment camps in California.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" class=\"size-full wp-image-117062\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ansel Adams documented farmworkers at Japanese internment camps in California. \u003ccite>(Ansel Adams)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>CIRS’ Wadsworth thinks many farmers will respond similarly—moving away from labor-intensive crops and opting for those that are easier to harvest mechanically. “It could be a total shift of production in California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurant owners, who were experiencing a labor shortage even before Trump took office, are also concerned. Right after the election, the 200 restaurant owner members of ROC United penned \u003ca href=\"http://rocunited.org/2017/01/restaurant-owners-support-immigrants/\">an open letter\u003c/a> to Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to grow exponentially while confronted with the absolute worst labor shortage in recent memory,” the letter said. “America’s restaurant industry cannot survive without the many skilled professionals in our ranks. We must retain each and every employee and we depend heavily, especially in metropolitan areas, on immigrant workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saru Jayaraman, co-founder and co-director of ROC United, doesn’t buy the fact that the Trump actually intends to deport large numbers of foreign workers, on whom \u003ca href=\"https://qz.com/909220/donald-trump-requested-64-foreign-guest-workers-for-his-mar-a-lago-winter-white-house/\">he relies for his own businesses\u003c/a>. “I don’t think this man or this administration has any intent of actually removing 11 million people or more,” Jayaraman said. The real goal, she says, is “to create a culture of fear among workers in the nation so that workers don’t speak up for their rights or organize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Standing Up for Foreign Workers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On election day in Raleigh, North Carolina, Centro Mexican restaurant chef and owner Angela Salamanca gave her entire staff time off so they could cast their ballots—and even hired a mariachi band to parade them down to the county board of elections. As the sense of fear has grown over the intervening months, Salamanca has tried to continue providing her staff the support they need, even though she too feels frustrated, disillusioned, and sad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, it’s taken over our lives—the worry, anxiety, and fear of what’s going to happen,” Salamanca said. “We’ve had plenty of conversations about Plan B—what we’ll do if someone gets deported and they have children—what do we’ll do with their family, what do we’ll do with their things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are bright spots: in addition to closing the restaurant for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnn.com/2017/02/16/us/day-without-immigrants-vignettes/\">Day Without Immigrants\u003c/a>, Salamanca brought in an immigration attorney to deliver a know-your-rights workshop, to which she invited restaurant workers from other Raleigh establishments as well, and it heartened her staff to know they actually do have some legal ground to stand on if detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, many people in the community have stepped forward with offers to help. “It’s reassuring that there are people with all kinds of talents and resources that say, ‘Hey, if you need anything, just let me know,’” Salamanca said. “It’s good to know there are people out there who are willing to support whatever happens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she described the Trump administration’s immigration policies as “horrific,” Jayaraman sees “much more than a silver lining” to the situation. For one, she’s seen more people willing to stand up and speak out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be a lot of pain and anguish and separated families, but there will also be the greatest rising up in our industry that we have ever seen. That could actually fix a lot of other problems we’ve had in our industry for long time,” Jayaraman said. “[Workers are] outraged, and it’s empowering them to come forward in ways I haven’t seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ROC United co-led a coalition that successfully \u003ca href=\"http://rocunited.org/2017/02/roc-praises-andrew-puzders-withdrawal-calls-workers-rights-supporter-u-s-secretary-labor/\">called for Andy Puzder to withdraw\u003c/a> from consideration for the Labor Department secretary position, and its \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/02/14/sanctuary-restaurants-want-to-feed-the-resistance/\">sanctuary restaurant program\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://rocunited.org/our-work/#one-fair-wage\">One Fair Wage\u003c/a> campaign have gained traction in multiple states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In New Jersey, Ramirez and her CATA coworkers are holding workshops at farmworker camps, health clinics, and Head Start programs to educate farmworkers and other immigrants on their rights if they’re detained. The CATA office has extended their hours to help workers fill out forms designating what should happen to their money, property, and children if they are deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, in North Carolina, Anna Jensen and the NC Farmworkers Project hopes to offer de-escalation workshops at the farmworker camps and hold community meetings about new legislation. They’re also looking to build relationships. “Since we can’t predict the future, mostly what we’re looking at is strengthening the networks we have,” Jensen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Salamanca sees the administration’s anti-immigrant policies—and the sense of fear they produce—as unsustainable both for the food system and society as a whole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The White House can put things in action that are going to make our lives very, very difficult for a while,” she said, “but there will come a time when something is going to break. And in the meantime, we take care of each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About the Author\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nChristina Cooke is Civil Eats' associate editor. Based in North Carolina, she has also covered people, place, science, business, and culture for venues including The New Yorker, The New York Times, TheAtlantic.com, The Guardian, Oxford American, and High Country News. In the past, she has worked as a staff writer for the Chattanooga Times Free Press in Tennessee and a weekly paper in Portland, Oregon. A graduate of the documentary writing program at the Salt Institute of Documentary Studies and the creative nonfiction writing MFA program at Portland State University, she teaches interviewing and nonfiction writing at the Center for Documentary Studies at Duke University. Find out more at www.christinacooke.com.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An unfamiliar car pulled into the labor camp of a blueberry farm in Southern New Jersey last month, and the four year-round farmworkers on site stopped what they were doing, went inside, and locked themselves in their rooms. Afraid of being deported by federal immigration agents operating with \u003ca href=\"http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/article/2017/feb/24/trump-ushers-big-changes-immigration-deportations-/\">increased authority\u003c/a> since President Trump signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/01/25/presidential-executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united\">executive order\u003c/a> to that effect in January, the workers stayed locked in their rooms overnight, forgoing dinner and talking to each other through the walls rather than in the open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the strange car ultimately proved harmless, the workers later described the incident—and how fearful they felt—to Kathia Ramirez, the food justice coordinator of a farmworker support committee called \u003cem>El Comite de Apoyo a los Trabajadores Agrícolas\u003c/em>, or \u003ca href=\"http://cata-farmworkers.org/\">CATA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The undocumented community is living in more fear and hiding under the shadows,” Ramirez said. “People should not live with the fear that they will be detained and not know what will happen to their families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the ultimate effect of the anxiety remains to be seen, several likely possibilities exist, according to the people with whom Civil Eats spoke. As some foreign-born workers retreat from sight, farms and restaurants may have a hard time securing the staff they need to harvest crops and serve meals. Additionally, worker exploitation may proliferate as farmers rely increasingly on the H-2A agricultural guestworker program, known to place workers at a disadvantage, and as workers refrain from speaking up for themselves for fear of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American food system \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2016/11/29/if-trump-goes-hard-on-immigration-who-will-grow-process-and-serve-our-food/\">relies heavily on the work of people born outside U.S. borders\u003c/a>, many of whom are undocumented—and living on edge. In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.doleta.gov/agworker/pdf/NAWS_Research_Report_12_Final_508_Compliant.pdf\">73 percent\u003c/a> of the 2.5 million farmworkers planting, cultivating, and harvesting our crops each season are foreign-born, mostly in Mexico. And between \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/background.aspx#Numbers\">30 percent\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.farmworkerjustice.org/sites/default/files/NAWS%2520data%2520factsht%25201-13-15FINAL.pdf\">70 percent\u003c/a> are undocumented, according to various sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the service industry side, of the 12 million restaurant workers in the U.S., 1.3 million, or 11 percent, are undocumented, and an additional 2.6 million are foreign-born but documented, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://rocunited.org/\">Restaurant Opportunities Centers (ROC) United\u003c/a>. In major metropolitan areas like New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago, closer to 45 percent of restaurant workers are undocumented, and 70 percent are foreign born, ROC United estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since deportations have picked up—targeting more varied populations than the Obama administration campaign, including young people registered with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/02/15/515441744/daca-recipient-detained-by-u-s-immigration-authorities\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals\u003c/a> (DACA) program—immigrants are wary of traveling or appearing in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole community is targeted; they all have friends and neighbors who could be apprehended,” said Don Cameron, who manages the 6,000-acre \u003ca href=\"http://www.terranovaranch.com/\">Terranova Ranch\u003c/a> in California’s San Joaquin Valley. “We’ve heard of people leaving their jobs and going back to Mexico. Once we get into the summer, I think this is really going to hit farming hard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This sense of fear pervading the agricultural workforce could severely impact the U.S. food system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An Agricultural Guestworker Program Poised to Grow—And Exploit?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because hiring agricultural workers through the H-2A visa program is expensive, requiring farmers to transport workers from Mexico and supply them with housing and a set wage, many farmers opt to hire from the undocumented population instead. Though the number of H-2A visas issued has roughly doubled since 2011, it’s still relatively small: In 2015, only about 4 percent of farmworkers came to the U.S. through the guestworker program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what we’re going to see is that more farmers are applying for H-2A visas,” said Gail Wadsworth, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cirsinc.org/\">California Institute for Rural Studies\u003c/a>. If that happens, farmworkers could suffer, say some advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First established in 1952 to offset labor shortages prompted by World War II, the H-2A program brings guest workers to the U.S. on temporary contracts to fill positions employers are unable to fill with domestic workers. Because the program ties workers to a specific employer, advocates say it creates the opportunity for exploitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Guestworker programs [are] not designed to be good to workers; they’re almost always designed to be good for the employer,” Wadsworth said. In particular, she said the H-2A program “is ripe for abuse, simply because it gives workers very little ability to change their situation. If they’re unhappy with their employer, their employer can just deport them. They don’t have any recourse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_117063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 700px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"700\" height=\"467\" class=\"size-full wp-image-117063\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467.jpg 700w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-2-700x467-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photo by \u003ca href=\"https://www.flickr.com/photos/russloar/13896831903\">Russ Allison Loar\u003c/a>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Southern Poverty Law Center, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/20130218/close-slavery-guestworker-programs-united-states\">recent report\u003c/a>, characterized today’s guestworker programs as rife with wage and contract abuse, documented discrimination, and on-the-job injuries without effective recourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CATA’s Ramirez regularly visits the labor camps at apple, peach, and blueberry farms in South New Jersey to educate workers about topics like the risks of exposure to heat and pesticides. She has noticed many violations of the conditions required by the H-2A program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers have reported that their employers have taken away their visas and IDs and forbidden them from leaving the property or making phone calls—a practice that constitutes \u003ca href=\"https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/human-trafficking/what-is-human-trafficking.html#What_is_Human_Trafficking\">human trafficking\u003c/a>—and sometimes workers \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2012/09/11/farmworker-wage-theft-as-common-as-dirt/\">do not receive the full wages they are owed\u003c/a>, Ramirez said. Additionally, living conditions are sometimes extremely poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I go visit some of the labor camps, it reminds me of the rural communities in Mexico,” said Ramirez, whose parents are from Oaxaca. “They have pests; they have bed bugs, roaches, mice. On other occasions, I’ve seen an overload of trash and a lot of flies, especially in the summer,” she said. “The beds are not in the greatest condition—some of them don’t even have a mattress; they just have the foam.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In North Carolina, one of \u003ca href=\"http://www.globalworkers.org/iii-h-2a-workers-us-%25E2%2580%2593-figures\">the top states to use\u003c/a> the H-2A program, Anna Jensen serves as executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ncproyecto/\">NC Farmworkers Project\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that connects workers with health information and medical services. Jensen worries that the administration’s discriminatory rhetoric will embolden growers to seal off their contracted workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As advocates, [labor] camp access has always been an issue for us, having to negotiate with employers to let us talk to their workers,” Jensen said. “We’re worried that the current climate will justify some of the fear tactics [like discouraging workers from visiting health clinics or speaking with outsiders] that advocates see in an attempt to keep workers isolated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.farmworkerjustice.org/\">Farmworker Justice\u003c/a> President Bruce Goldstein sees the potential for the H-2A program, as it grows, to run into the same trouble as the controversial \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/more.php?id=1112\">Bracero Program\u003c/a>, which brought 4.6 million Mexican workers to the U.S. to fill short-term agricultural contracts between 1942 and 1964. While in theory, the program offered safeguards for the Mexican worker—much like the H-2A program today—the rules were not well enforced, and Mexican workers suffered abuses including wage theft and substandard housing and food. Former Department of Labor official Lee G. Williams described the Bracero as a system of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/20130218/close-slavery-guestworker-programs-united-states\">legalized slavery\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as use of today’s guestworker programs become more widespread, they could be equally hard on workers. “The [agribusiness] lobbying that goes on to change the H-2A program … would eliminate many of the labor protections that existed under the Bracero program,” Goldstein said. “There’s no limit on the number of H-2A visas, and so the H-2A program can grow to be the size of the Bracero program and larger, and it can also, as it gets larger, become just as notorious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rolling Back Worker Protection Regulations\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of the likely expansion of the H-2A guestworker program, Trump’s \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/03/23/trumps-budget-would-set-food-system-progress-back-by-generations/\">proposed 2018 budget\u003c/a> includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/03/16/us/politics/trump-budget-cuts.html?_r=0\">massive cuts\u003c/a> to the departments that oversee the fair treatment and protection of the country’s workers, including those on farms and in restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed cuts include a 20 percent decrease in funding to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/general/aboutdol/majorlaws\">Department of Labor\u003c/a>—which regulates wages and hours and workplace safety and health, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/whd/mspa/index.htm\">Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural Worker Protection Act\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/whd/flsa/\">Fair Labor Standards Act\u003c/a>. It also includes a 31 percent cut to the Environmental Protection Agency—which sets \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/pesticide-worker-safety/agricultural-worker-protection-standard-wps\">worker protection standards\u003c/a> for farmworkers and pesticide handlers. Trump also proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/03/legal-services-corporation/520083/\">eliminating the Legal Services Corporation\u003c/a>, a nonprofit corporation that helps low-income people obtain representation in civil cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://amp.theguardian.com/business/2017/mar/06/labor-protection-laws-repeal-poultry-industry-workers\">voted in early March\u003c/a> to repeal the \u003ca href=\"https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2014/07/31/executive-order-fair-pay-and-safe-workplaces\">Fair Pay and Safe Workplaces Executive Order\u003c/a> that President Obama signed in July 2014, which requires companies contracting with the federal government to keep and disclose records of on-the-job accidents and fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are widespread violations of the limited labor protections that apply to farmworkers,” Goldstein said. “The presence of so many undocumented workers who are afraid of deportation means that some unscrupulous employers may take advantage and violate the minimum wage and other rights. We’re concerned that this administration wants to cut back the budgets of federal agencies that enforce [those] rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, agribusiness groups are lobbying the administration to make the H-2A program more beneficial for U.S. employers. And they appear to be getting through: a \u003ca href=\"http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/documents/national/draft-executive-orders-on-immigration/2315/\">draft executive order\u003c/a> leaked to the press in January revealed that Trump planned to “prioritize the protection of American workers” and ensure the “efficient processing” of H-2A applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goldstein said while the concept of “efficiency” could be taken in a number of ways, “Historically, that’s a euphemism for slashing the wage rates, removing other labor protections, and minimizing government oversight of the agricultural guestworker program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Effect of Fear on Farms and Restaurants\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don Cameron relies on about 125 farmworkers at a time to harvest from mid-June to the end of November to harvest the 25 crops grown at Terranova Ranch. Because his farm cultivates primarily specialty crops—like peppers with the stems removed for use in salsas—much of the harvest requires picking by hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I already have plants being grown in the greenhouse for this year’s crop,” Cameron said. “I’m pretty nervous; I don’t know if I’ll have the labor to do the harvest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unless he can develop a good way to mechanically harvest the crops he grows, Cameron said, he may have to change what he plants moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_117062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3.jpg\" alt=\"Ansel Adams documented farmworkers at Japanese internment camps in California.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" class=\"size-full wp-image-117062\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/05/170411-immigration-3-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ansel Adams documented farmworkers at Japanese internment camps in California. \u003ccite>(Ansel Adams)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>CIRS’ Wadsworth thinks many farmers will respond similarly—moving away from labor-intensive crops and opting for those that are easier to harvest mechanically. “It could be a total shift of production in California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurant owners, who were experiencing a labor shortage even before Trump took office, are also concerned. Right after the election, the 200 restaurant owner members of ROC United penned \u003ca href=\"http://rocunited.org/2017/01/restaurant-owners-support-immigrants/\">an open letter\u003c/a> to Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to grow exponentially while confronted with the absolute worst labor shortage in recent memory,” the letter said. “America’s restaurant industry cannot survive without the many skilled professionals in our ranks. We must retain each and every employee and we depend heavily, especially in metropolitan areas, on immigrant workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saru Jayaraman, co-founder and co-director of ROC United, doesn’t buy the fact that the Trump actually intends to deport large numbers of foreign workers, on whom \u003ca href=\"https://qz.com/909220/donald-trump-requested-64-foreign-guest-workers-for-his-mar-a-lago-winter-white-house/\">he relies for his own businesses\u003c/a>. “I don’t think this man or this administration has any intent of actually removing 11 million people or more,” Jayaraman said. The real goal, she says, is “to create a culture of fear among workers in the nation so that workers don’t speak up for their rights or organize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Standing Up for Foreign Workers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On election day in Raleigh, North Carolina, Centro Mexican restaurant chef and owner Angela Salamanca gave her entire staff time off so they could cast their ballots—and even hired a mariachi band to parade them down to the county board of elections. As the sense of fear has grown over the intervening months, Salamanca has tried to continue providing her staff the support they need, even though she too feels frustrated, disillusioned, and sad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, it’s taken over our lives—the worry, anxiety, and fear of what’s going to happen,” Salamanca said. “We’ve had plenty of conversations about Plan B—what we’ll do if someone gets deported and they have children—what do we’ll do with their family, what do we’ll do with their things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are bright spots: in addition to closing the restaurant for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnn.com/2017/02/16/us/day-without-immigrants-vignettes/\">Day Without Immigrants\u003c/a>, Salamanca brought in an immigration attorney to deliver a know-your-rights workshop, to which she invited restaurant workers from other Raleigh establishments as well, and it heartened her staff to know they actually do have some legal ground to stand on if detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, many people in the community have stepped forward with offers to help. “It’s reassuring that there are people with all kinds of talents and resources that say, ‘Hey, if you need anything, just let me know,’” Salamanca said. “It’s good to know there are people out there who are willing to support whatever happens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she described the Trump administration’s immigration policies as “horrific,” Jayaraman sees “much more than a silver lining” to the situation. For one, she’s seen more people willing to stand up and speak out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be a lot of pain and anguish and separated families, but there will also be the greatest rising up in our industry that we have ever seen. That could actually fix a lot of other problems we’ve had in our industry for long time,” Jayaraman said. “[Workers are] outraged, and it’s empowering them to come forward in ways I haven’t seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ROC United co-led a coalition that successfully \u003ca href=\"http://rocunited.org/2017/02/roc-praises-andrew-puzders-withdrawal-calls-workers-rights-supporter-u-s-secretary-labor/\">called for Andy Puzder to withdraw\u003c/a> from consideration for the Labor Department secretary position, and its \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/02/14/sanctuary-restaurants-want-to-feed-the-resistance/\">sanctuary restaurant program\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://rocunited.org/our-work/#one-fair-wage\">One Fair Wage\u003c/a> campaign have gained traction in multiple states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In New Jersey, Ramirez and her CATA coworkers are holding workshops at farmworker camps, health clinics, and Head Start programs to educate farmworkers and other immigrants on their rights if they’re detained. The CATA office has extended their hours to help workers fill out forms designating what should happen to their money, property, and children if they are deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, in North Carolina, Anna Jensen and the NC Farmworkers Project hopes to offer de-escalation workshops at the farmworker camps and hold community meetings about new legislation. They’re also looking to build relationships. “Since we can’t predict the future, mostly what we’re looking at is strengthening the networks we have,” Jensen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Salamanca sees the administration’s anti-immigrant policies—and the sense of fear they produce—as unsustainable both for the food system and society as a whole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The White House can put things in action that are going to make our lives very, very difficult for a while,” she said, “but there will come a time when something is going to break. And in the meantime, we take care of each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About the Author\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nChristina Cooke is Civil Eats' associate editor. Based in North Carolina, she has also covered people, place, science, business, and culture for venues including The New Yorker, The New York Times, TheAtlantic.com, The Guardian, Oxford American, and High Country News. In the past, she has worked as a staff writer for the Chattanooga Times Free Press in Tennessee and a weekly paper in Portland, Oregon. A graduate of the documentary writing program at the Salt Institute of Documentary Studies and the creative nonfiction writing MFA program at Portland State University, she teaches interviewing and nonfiction writing at the Center for Documentary Studies at Duke University. Find out more at www.christinacooke.com.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Tyson Foods Promises Better Conditions And Safety For Meat Workers",
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"content": "\u003cp>Under pressure from worker advocates and growing consumer awareness, Tyson Foods on Wednesday promised better conditions for employees at its meat-processing plants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tyson, in a rare move for an industry heavily criticized for lack of worker safeguards, announced it would provide regularly scheduled bathroom breaks, give more attention to line speeds at plants, offer training on workers' rights and establish safety councils that include employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiatives are an expansion of a workplace safety pilot program launched in 2015 and social compliance audits begun in 2012, says Gary Mickelson, a Tyson spokesman. They are also part of \u003ca href=\"http://ir.tyson.com/investor-relations/news-releases/news-releases-details/2016/Tom-Hayes-to-Succeed-Donnie-Smith-as-CEO-of-Tyson-Foods-on-December-31-2016/default.aspx\">new CEO Tom Hayes'\u003c/a> deeper focus on sustainability, Mickelson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement was made in conjunction with Oxfam America, an anti-poverty group that has long pushed for such concessions, and the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union, the primary union for 70,000 U.S. poultry workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://harvestpublicmedia.org/topic/dangerous-jobs-cheap-meat\">Harvest Public Media investigation\u003c/a> found that the more than 500,000 men and women who work in slaughterhouses and meat-processing plants have some of the most dangerous factory jobs in America. Government fines for abuses are low and lines speeds are so fast that workers are often crippled for life with repetitive motion problems, the investigation found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.kunc.org/post/poultry-plant-workers-face-abuse-job-report-says\">report issued last year called \"No Relief,\"\u003c/a> Oxfam charged that workers at the four largest U.S. poultry companies — Tyson Foods, Sanderson Farms, Perdue Farms and Pilgrim's Pride — are routinely denied bathroom breaks, forcing some to wear adult diapers to work and others to urinate on themselves in order to avoid retribution from supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oxfam and other worker advocates want to use consumers as a lever to push companies to make changes. Without pressure from grocery-shoppers – much like buyers' growing concerns about animal welfare issues and antibiotic use – food companies have been slow to respond, says Oliver Gottfried, a senior campaign strategist for Oxfam America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KctDrk6yVsY\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Consumers are becoming more aware of that and we feel like once they learned what was happening to the hands that were feeding them, the hands that were processing the chicken, that they'd want to speak out about it,\" Gottfried says. \"And they have.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gottfried \u003ca href=\"https://secure2.oxfamamerica.org/page/s/stand_with_poultry_workers\">points to an Oxfam petition\u003c/a>, signed by 150,000 people, demanding that Tyson Foods, Sanderson Farms, Perdue Farms and Pilgrim's Pride offer fair and safe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tyson, based in Springdale, Ark., employs 114,000 people, including roughly 95,000 in the company's U.S. chicken, beef, pork and prepared foods facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday's announcement was among the first for incoming Chief Operating Officer Noel White, who was named to the spot in February \u003ca href=\"http://siouxcityjournal.com/business/local/king-to-depart-tyson-foods-white-to-serve-as-chief/article_be82e9e0-5358-58bc-91fb-8e3818cfcc2c.html\">following a shakeup of Tyson's leadership team\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've always been committed to supporting our employees and have sound workplace practices in place, but also want to do better,\" White said in a prepared announcement. \"That's why we're taking steps that include expanding training, improving workplace safety and compensation, increasing transparency and helping workers with life skills.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other initiatives announced Wednesday include hiking wages, publicly sharing results of a third-party audit on worker conditions, increasing benefits to include more vacation and holidays, and expanding existing safety programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gottfried says Tyson is the first company to respond to Oxfam's call to action. Next up is Perdue, which Oxfam will visit this week to share customers' petitions calling for better working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meatpacking industry has had a culture of secrecy and a lack of transparency in the past, Gottfried says, adding that the more consumers know about that, the more that culture will change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The lack of response from these companies to requests from consumers, to requests from advocates like Oxfam, to requests from the media, is to pretend that simply the problem doesn't exist and ignore it,\" Gottfried says. \"We believe they can't do that anymore.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This\u003c/em>\u003cem> story comes to us from \u003ca href=\"http://www.harvestpublicmedia.org\">Harvest Public Media\u003c/a>, a reporting collaboration focused on food and agriculture. \u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"//www.kcur.org/\" target=\"_blank\">KCUR-FM\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Meat-processing employs more than a half-million people. An investigation found they've got some of the most dangerous factory jobs in America and suffer from injury, low pay and lack of work breaks.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Under pressure from worker advocates and growing consumer awareness, Tyson Foods on Wednesday promised better conditions for employees at its meat-processing plants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tyson, in a rare move for an industry heavily criticized for lack of worker safeguards, announced it would provide regularly scheduled bathroom breaks, give more attention to line speeds at plants, offer training on workers' rights and establish safety councils that include employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiatives are an expansion of a workplace safety pilot program launched in 2015 and social compliance audits begun in 2012, says Gary Mickelson, a Tyson spokesman. They are also part of \u003ca href=\"http://ir.tyson.com/investor-relations/news-releases/news-releases-details/2016/Tom-Hayes-to-Succeed-Donnie-Smith-as-CEO-of-Tyson-Foods-on-December-31-2016/default.aspx\">new CEO Tom Hayes'\u003c/a> deeper focus on sustainability, Mickelson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement was made in conjunction with Oxfam America, an anti-poverty group that has long pushed for such concessions, and the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union, the primary union for 70,000 U.S. poultry workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://harvestpublicmedia.org/topic/dangerous-jobs-cheap-meat\">Harvest Public Media investigation\u003c/a> found that the more than 500,000 men and women who work in slaughterhouses and meat-processing plants have some of the most dangerous factory jobs in America. Government fines for abuses are low and lines speeds are so fast that workers are often crippled for life with repetitive motion problems, the investigation found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.kunc.org/post/poultry-plant-workers-face-abuse-job-report-says\">report issued last year called \"No Relief,\"\u003c/a> Oxfam charged that workers at the four largest U.S. poultry companies — Tyson Foods, Sanderson Farms, Perdue Farms and Pilgrim's Pride — are routinely denied bathroom breaks, forcing some to wear adult diapers to work and others to urinate on themselves in order to avoid retribution from supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oxfam and other worker advocates want to use consumers as a lever to push companies to make changes. Without pressure from grocery-shoppers – much like buyers' growing concerns about animal welfare issues and antibiotic use – food companies have been slow to respond, says Oliver Gottfried, a senior campaign strategist for Oxfam America.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/KctDrk6yVsY'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/KctDrk6yVsY'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\"Consumers are becoming more aware of that and we feel like once they learned what was happening to the hands that were feeding them, the hands that were processing the chicken, that they'd want to speak out about it,\" Gottfried says. \"And they have.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gottfried \u003ca href=\"https://secure2.oxfamamerica.org/page/s/stand_with_poultry_workers\">points to an Oxfam petition\u003c/a>, signed by 150,000 people, demanding that Tyson Foods, Sanderson Farms, Perdue Farms and Pilgrim's Pride offer fair and safe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tyson, based in Springdale, Ark., employs 114,000 people, including roughly 95,000 in the company's U.S. chicken, beef, pork and prepared foods facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday's announcement was among the first for incoming Chief Operating Officer Noel White, who was named to the spot in February \u003ca href=\"http://siouxcityjournal.com/business/local/king-to-depart-tyson-foods-white-to-serve-as-chief/article_be82e9e0-5358-58bc-91fb-8e3818cfcc2c.html\">following a shakeup of Tyson's leadership team\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've always been committed to supporting our employees and have sound workplace practices in place, but also want to do better,\" White said in a prepared announcement. \"That's why we're taking steps that include expanding training, improving workplace safety and compensation, increasing transparency and helping workers with life skills.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other initiatives announced Wednesday include hiking wages, publicly sharing results of a third-party audit on worker conditions, increasing benefits to include more vacation and holidays, and expanding existing safety programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gottfried says Tyson is the first company to respond to Oxfam's call to action. Next up is Perdue, which Oxfam will visit this week to share customers' petitions calling for better working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meatpacking industry has had a culture of secrecy and a lack of transparency in the past, Gottfried says, adding that the more consumers know about that, the more that culture will change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The lack of response from these companies to requests from consumers, to requests from advocates like Oxfam, to requests from the media, is to pretend that simply the problem doesn't exist and ignore it,\" Gottfried says. \"We believe they can't do that anymore.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This\u003c/em>\u003cem> story comes to us from \u003ca href=\"http://www.harvestpublicmedia.org\">Harvest Public Media\u003c/a>, a reporting collaboration focused on food and agriculture. \u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"//www.kcur.org/\" target=\"_blank\">KCUR-FM\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Can California Reverse EPA’s U-Turn on Pesticide Ban?",
"title": "Can California Reverse EPA’s U-Turn on Pesticide Ban?",
"headTitle": "Bay Area Bites | KQED Food",
"content": "\u003cp>A year and a half ago, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) \u003ca href=\"http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2015/10/30/epa-may-ban-common-pesticide-used-on-fruits-and-vegetables.html\">announced\u003c/a> it would ban the use of the neurotoxic \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/ingredients-used-pesticide-products/order-denying-petition-revoke-all-tolerances-pesticide\">insecticide chlorpyrifos\u003c/a> on food crops. Then, at the end of March—reversing course on decades of agency science and a decision that was years in the making—EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt announced that the agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/ingredients-used-pesticide-products/order-denying-petition-revoke-all-tolerances-pesticide\">would not ban\u003c/a> the pesticide after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the wake of Pruitt’s decision, and given overwhelming scientific evidence of adverse impacts on \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/02/02/as-trumps-epa-takes-shape-heres-your-pesticide-cheat-sheet/\">children’s neurological development\u003c/a>, environmental and farmworker \u003ca href=\"http://www.panna.org/press-release/trumps-epa-ignores-its-own-science-farmworker-communities-call-california-ban\">advocates in California\u003c/a> are calling on their state, which uses more chlorpyrifos than any other, to ban the insecticide. As it has for other environmental issues—air quality, for example—California could take action on chlorpyrifos that would have nationwide impacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chlorpyrifos has long been on the radar of California’s environmental health advocates. Since 1999, University of California, Berkeley \u003ca href=\"http://www.healthresearchforaction.org/sph/chamacos-cohort-study\">researchers have been studying\u003c/a> the effects of \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/2oNPjW8\">organophosphate\u003c/a>pesticides—including \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2015/09/16/5-reasons-to-care-whether-the-epa-bans-chlorpyrifos-on-your-food/\">chlorpyrifos\u003c/a>—on children in the state’s farming communities. They’ve consistently found that exposure, which often begins prenatally, is linked to lower IQ, \u003ca href=\"http://e360.yale.edu/features/from_the_fields_to_inner_city_pesticides_affect_childrens_iq\">cognition\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/118/6/e1845?download=true&sso=1&sso_redirect_count=2&nfstatus=401&nftoken=00000000-0000-0000-0000-000000000000&nfstatusdescription=ERROR%3A%20No%20local%20token&nfstatus=401&nftoken=00000000-0000-0000-0000-000000000000&nfstatusdescription=ERROR%3a+No+local+token\">attention problems\u003c/a>, and other adverse effects. State data also shows children’s exposure to be widespread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.cehtp.org/file/pesticides_schools_report_april2014_pdf\">2014 California Department of Public Health report\u003c/a> found chlorpyrifos among the top 10 pesticides used within a quarter-mile of schools in the 15 agricultural counties studied. This puts thousands of children at risk of exposure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approximately one million pounds of chlorpyrifos—about 20 percent of what’s used nationwide—are applied annually in California to dozens of food crops, including almonds, citrus, grapes, and broccoli. The greatest use is in agricultural counties, like Fresno, Kern, and Tulare counties, where homes and schools are often adjacent to agricultural fields. State air monitoring in several of these communities has found chlorpyrifos levels that \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/experts/miriam-rotkin-ellman/federal-reversal-means-ca-must-ban-pesticide-toxic-kids\">exceed EPA safety targets by three to 44 times\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to get it out of the fields,” said United Farm Workers national vice president, Erik Nicholson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>EPA’s Contradictory Decision\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2015/09/16/5-reasons-to-care-whether-the-epa-bans-chlorpyrifos-on-your-food/\">adverse neurodevelopmental effects\u003c/a> well documented, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/ingredients-used-pesticide-products/chlorpyrifos\">EPA has been restricting chlorpyrifos’ use\u003c/a>. Most indoor residential uses, and use on tomatoes, are now banned. Use on various other food crops is restricted. The EPA also requires buffer zones around public spaces and homes. And in its 2016 \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/ingredients-used-pesticide-products/revised-human-health-risk-assessment-chlorpyrifos\">human health risk assessment\u003c/a>, the agency concluded that chlorpyrifos may be causing \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/document?D=EPA-HQ-OPP-2015-0653-0454\">neurodevelopmental problems\u003c/a> at \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/document?D=EPA-HQ-OPP-2015-0653-0454\">extremely low levels\u003c/a> of exposure. The EPA has also found \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/experts/miriam-rotkin-ellman/epa-toxic-pesticide-fruitsveggies-puts-kids-risk\">residues on food at levels far above\u003c/a> what it considers safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These neurodevelopmental effects have been found in lab studies and long-term studies of children exposed to chlorpyrifos. Additional research has found \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/22547821\">physical alterations in the brains\u003c/a> of chlorpyrifos-exposed children that correspond to learning and behavior disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These results are really very consistent,” said Irva Hertz-Picciotto, professor of public health at the University of California, Davis and director of the university’s Environmental Health Sciences Center. She calls the outcome of children’s exposure to neurotoxic chemicals like chlorpyrifos “\u003ca href=\"https://ehp.niehs.nih.gov/EHP358/\">a chronic, silent epidemic\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA’s current decision results from a 10-year legal process that began in 2007. In October 2015, the agency proposed (in a \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20160415171542/https://www.epa.gov/pesticides/epa-proposes-revoke-chlorpyrifos-food-residue-tolerances\">press release\u003c/a> that is \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/newsreleases/search/year/2015?filter=&page=11\">no longer available\u003c/a> on the EPA’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/pesticides/epa-proposes-revoke-chlorpyrifos-food-residue-tolerances\">website\u003c/a>) to \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/sites/production/files/2015-10/documents/chlorpyrifos_nprm_prepublicationcopy_2015-10-28.pdf\">ban\u003c/a>chlorpyrifos for food crops because cumulative food and drinking water exposures could exceed safety limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, under Pruitt, the EPA says more study is needed and chlorpyrifos’ safety doesn’t have to be reconsidered until 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is a very unfortunate decision,” said Philip Landrigan, dean of global health and a pediatrics professor at Mt. Sinai Hospital in New York. “Not only is it scientifically wrong but it’s also morally wrong. And it shows a blatant disregard for a very strong body of science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/newsreleases/agriculture-community-reacts-recent-epa-action\">Agricultural trade groups,\u003c/a> including the American Farm Bureau Federation and Corn Growers Association, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccgga.org/epa-denies-activist-petition-aimed-to-ban-chlorpyrifos/\">welcomed the EPA decision\u003c/a>, as did \u003ca href=\"http://www.chlorpyrifos.com/news-and-resources/news/2017/20170329a.htm\">Dow AgroSciences\u003c/a>, a major chlorpyrifos producer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California has Authority to Ban Chlorpyrifos\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 31, Californians for Pesticide Reform held \u003ca href=\"http://www.panna.org/press-release/trumps-epa-ignores-its-own-science-farmworker-communities-call-california-ban\">rallies protesting the EPA’s decision\u003c/a>—and calling for a state ban on chlorpyrifos—in Salinas, Fresno, and other agricultural communities in the state. “California has the independent authority to ban chlorpyrifos here,” Natural Resource Defense Council (NRDC) senior scientist Miriam Rotkin-Ellman told Civil Eats. “What we need is for California to follow the science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, California can do just that. If state authorities determine the science doesn’t support its use, state-level authorities have the authority to ban a pesticide. For example, due to concern for its toxicity to bees, California refused to allow the pesticide \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressreader.com/usa/los-angeles-times/20150911/281835757480818\">sulfloxaflor\u003c/a> to be used in the same way the EPA did. And under the state’s safe drinking water law, California is in the process of listing\u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/02/02/as-trumps-epa-takes-shape-heres-your-pesticide-cheat-sheet/\">glyphosate\u003c/a>—the active ingredient in Roundup—as a \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/02/02/as-trumps-epa-takes-shape-heres-your-pesticide-cheat-sheet/\">carcinogen\u003c/a>, a move that goes well beyond the EPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California chlorpyrifos ban would be a powerful market signal, since the state grows \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/\">more than a third\u003c/a> of U.S. vegetables and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/\">two-thirds\u003c/a> of U.S. fruits and nuts. It could also significantly reduce children’s exposures, given the proximity of California homes and schools to active farm fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s my hope that our Governor will follow through on his promise to lead when the feds fail us,” said Lucia Calderon, \u003ca href=\"http://safeagsafeschools.org/\">Safe Ag Safe Schools coalition\u003c/a> coordinator in California’s Monterey and Santa Cruz Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s chlorpyrifos restrictions already exceed federal requirements. “In California, the pesticide cannot be used without licensing, training, and oversight by a county agricultural commission,” explained California Department of Pesticide Regulation (CDPR) spokesperson Charlotte Fadipe. California growers must explain “when, where, and how they want to use the pesticide,” and obtain county permits. Some counties require buffers of up to 150 feet between pesticide application and schools, rivers, or other sensitive sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, CDPR announced it would increase air monitoring for pesticides, including chlorpyrifos. “California,” Fadipe explained, “is the only state that monitors air as part of its continuous reevaluation of pesticides to ensure the protection of workers, public health, and the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/experts/miriam-rotkin-ellman/federal-reversal-means-ca-must-ban-pesticide-toxic-kids\">environmental health advocates\u003c/a> say more rigorous monitoring is warranted, given the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/experts/miriam-rotkin-ellman/federal-reversal-means-ca-must-ban-pesticide-toxic-kids\">high levels found\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/experts/miriam-rotkin-ellman/federal-reversal-means-ca-must-ban-pesticide-toxic-kids\">agricultural communities\u003c/a>. They’d also like to see tighter restrictions on pesticide use around schools, including for chlorpyrifos, which can easily drift from where it’s applied. “It’s fairly clear that the buffer zones currently proposed are nowhere [near] what’s needed to protect against chlorpyrifos,” said Rotkin-Ellman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The implication of the EPA’s decision could be far-reaching and that concerns me,” said Brenda Eskenazi, director of the University of California Berkeley’s \u003ca href=\"http://cerch.berkeley.edu/\">Center for Environment Research and Children’s Health\u003c/a>, who has led \u003ca href=\"http://sph.berkeley.edu/brenda-eskenazi\">groundbreaking research\u003c/a> investigating organophosphate pesticides’ impacts on children’s health. “These chemicals are poison and we have enough doubt about their safety that we need to be reconsidering their use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the EPA decision, “It’s not over yet,” said Patti Goldman, managing attorney with \u003ca href=\"http://earthjustice.org/features/what-you-need-to-know-about-chlorpyrifos\">Earthjustice\u003c/a>, which is representing NRDC and PANNA in a lawsuit aimed at compelling the EPA to act rather than wait for more evidence. “The real tragedy,” said Goldman, is “as the delay keeps going on, more children are being exposed every year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an outrage that the science is being ignored at the federal level but a real travesty to have it ignored in the state when we know what’s at stake for children’s lives,” said Rotkin-Ellman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This post has been updated to reflect the fact that sulfloxaflor is not a neonicotinoid pesticide, though it does also have significant negative impacts to bees, and that California significantly restricted but did not fully ban its use.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About the Author\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nElizabeth Grossman is a senior reporter for Civil Eats focused on environmental and science issues. She is the author of \u003cem>Chasing Molecules\u003c/em>, \u003cem>High Tech Trash\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Watershed\u003c/em> and other books. Her work has appeared in a variety of publications, including National Geographic News, \u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em>, The Intercept, \u003cem>Scientific American\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Environmental Health Perspectives\u003c/em>, Yale e360, Ensia, \u003cem>High Country News\u003c/em>, \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em>, Salon, \u003cem>The Nation\u003c/em>, and \u003cem>Mother Jones\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Lawmakers in the Golden State have the power to go beyond the agency’s recent decision not to ban chlorpyrifos, a neurotoxin that impacts thousands of children, farmworkers, and rural communities.",
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"description": "Lawmakers in the Golden State have the power to go beyond the agency’s recent decision not to ban chlorpyrifos, a neurotoxin that impacts thousands of children, farmworkers, and rural communities.",
"title": "Can California Reverse EPA’s U-Turn on Pesticide Ban? | KQED",
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"headline": "Can California Reverse EPA’s U-Turn on Pesticide Ban?",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/author/egrossman/\">Elizabeth Grossman\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/author/civileat/\">Civil Eats\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A year and a half ago, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) \u003ca href=\"http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2015/10/30/epa-may-ban-common-pesticide-used-on-fruits-and-vegetables.html\">announced\u003c/a> it would ban the use of the neurotoxic \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/ingredients-used-pesticide-products/order-denying-petition-revoke-all-tolerances-pesticide\">insecticide chlorpyrifos\u003c/a> on food crops. Then, at the end of March—reversing course on decades of agency science and a decision that was years in the making—EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt announced that the agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/ingredients-used-pesticide-products/order-denying-petition-revoke-all-tolerances-pesticide\">would not ban\u003c/a> the pesticide after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the wake of Pruitt’s decision, and given overwhelming scientific evidence of adverse impacts on \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/02/02/as-trumps-epa-takes-shape-heres-your-pesticide-cheat-sheet/\">children’s neurological development\u003c/a>, environmental and farmworker \u003ca href=\"http://www.panna.org/press-release/trumps-epa-ignores-its-own-science-farmworker-communities-call-california-ban\">advocates in California\u003c/a> are calling on their state, which uses more chlorpyrifos than any other, to ban the insecticide. As it has for other environmental issues—air quality, for example—California could take action on chlorpyrifos that would have nationwide impacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chlorpyrifos has long been on the radar of California’s environmental health advocates. Since 1999, University of California, Berkeley \u003ca href=\"http://www.healthresearchforaction.org/sph/chamacos-cohort-study\">researchers have been studying\u003c/a> the effects of \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/2oNPjW8\">organophosphate\u003c/a>pesticides—including \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2015/09/16/5-reasons-to-care-whether-the-epa-bans-chlorpyrifos-on-your-food/\">chlorpyrifos\u003c/a>—on children in the state’s farming communities. They’ve consistently found that exposure, which often begins prenatally, is linked to lower IQ, \u003ca href=\"http://e360.yale.edu/features/from_the_fields_to_inner_city_pesticides_affect_childrens_iq\">cognition\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/118/6/e1845?download=true&sso=1&sso_redirect_count=2&nfstatus=401&nftoken=00000000-0000-0000-0000-000000000000&nfstatusdescription=ERROR%3A%20No%20local%20token&nfstatus=401&nftoken=00000000-0000-0000-0000-000000000000&nfstatusdescription=ERROR%3a+No+local+token\">attention problems\u003c/a>, and other adverse effects. State data also shows children’s exposure to be widespread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.cehtp.org/file/pesticides_schools_report_april2014_pdf\">2014 California Department of Public Health report\u003c/a> found chlorpyrifos among the top 10 pesticides used within a quarter-mile of schools in the 15 agricultural counties studied. This puts thousands of children at risk of exposure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approximately one million pounds of chlorpyrifos—about 20 percent of what’s used nationwide—are applied annually in California to dozens of food crops, including almonds, citrus, grapes, and broccoli. The greatest use is in agricultural counties, like Fresno, Kern, and Tulare counties, where homes and schools are often adjacent to agricultural fields. State air monitoring in several of these communities has found chlorpyrifos levels that \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/experts/miriam-rotkin-ellman/federal-reversal-means-ca-must-ban-pesticide-toxic-kids\">exceed EPA safety targets by three to 44 times\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to get it out of the fields,” said United Farm Workers national vice president, Erik Nicholson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>EPA’s Contradictory Decision\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2015/09/16/5-reasons-to-care-whether-the-epa-bans-chlorpyrifos-on-your-food/\">adverse neurodevelopmental effects\u003c/a> well documented, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/ingredients-used-pesticide-products/chlorpyrifos\">EPA has been restricting chlorpyrifos’ use\u003c/a>. Most indoor residential uses, and use on tomatoes, are now banned. Use on various other food crops is restricted. The EPA also requires buffer zones around public spaces and homes. And in its 2016 \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/ingredients-used-pesticide-products/revised-human-health-risk-assessment-chlorpyrifos\">human health risk assessment\u003c/a>, the agency concluded that chlorpyrifos may be causing \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/document?D=EPA-HQ-OPP-2015-0653-0454\">neurodevelopmental problems\u003c/a> at \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/document?D=EPA-HQ-OPP-2015-0653-0454\">extremely low levels\u003c/a> of exposure. The EPA has also found \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/experts/miriam-rotkin-ellman/epa-toxic-pesticide-fruitsveggies-puts-kids-risk\">residues on food at levels far above\u003c/a> what it considers safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These neurodevelopmental effects have been found in lab studies and long-term studies of children exposed to chlorpyrifos. Additional research has found \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/22547821\">physical alterations in the brains\u003c/a> of chlorpyrifos-exposed children that correspond to learning and behavior disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These results are really very consistent,” said Irva Hertz-Picciotto, professor of public health at the University of California, Davis and director of the university’s Environmental Health Sciences Center. She calls the outcome of children’s exposure to neurotoxic chemicals like chlorpyrifos “\u003ca href=\"https://ehp.niehs.nih.gov/EHP358/\">a chronic, silent epidemic\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA’s current decision results from a 10-year legal process that began in 2007. In October 2015, the agency proposed (in a \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20160415171542/https://www.epa.gov/pesticides/epa-proposes-revoke-chlorpyrifos-food-residue-tolerances\">press release\u003c/a> that is \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/newsreleases/search/year/2015?filter=&page=11\">no longer available\u003c/a> on the EPA’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/pesticides/epa-proposes-revoke-chlorpyrifos-food-residue-tolerances\">website\u003c/a>) to \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/sites/production/files/2015-10/documents/chlorpyrifos_nprm_prepublicationcopy_2015-10-28.pdf\">ban\u003c/a>chlorpyrifos for food crops because cumulative food and drinking water exposures could exceed safety limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, under Pruitt, the EPA says more study is needed and chlorpyrifos’ safety doesn’t have to be reconsidered until 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is a very unfortunate decision,” said Philip Landrigan, dean of global health and a pediatrics professor at Mt. Sinai Hospital in New York. “Not only is it scientifically wrong but it’s also morally wrong. And it shows a blatant disregard for a very strong body of science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/newsreleases/agriculture-community-reacts-recent-epa-action\">Agricultural trade groups,\u003c/a> including the American Farm Bureau Federation and Corn Growers Association, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccgga.org/epa-denies-activist-petition-aimed-to-ban-chlorpyrifos/\">welcomed the EPA decision\u003c/a>, as did \u003ca href=\"http://www.chlorpyrifos.com/news-and-resources/news/2017/20170329a.htm\">Dow AgroSciences\u003c/a>, a major chlorpyrifos producer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California has Authority to Ban Chlorpyrifos\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 31, Californians for Pesticide Reform held \u003ca href=\"http://www.panna.org/press-release/trumps-epa-ignores-its-own-science-farmworker-communities-call-california-ban\">rallies protesting the EPA’s decision\u003c/a>—and calling for a state ban on chlorpyrifos—in Salinas, Fresno, and other agricultural communities in the state. “California has the independent authority to ban chlorpyrifos here,” Natural Resource Defense Council (NRDC) senior scientist Miriam Rotkin-Ellman told Civil Eats. “What we need is for California to follow the science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, California can do just that. If state authorities determine the science doesn’t support its use, state-level authorities have the authority to ban a pesticide. For example, due to concern for its toxicity to bees, California refused to allow the pesticide \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressreader.com/usa/los-angeles-times/20150911/281835757480818\">sulfloxaflor\u003c/a> to be used in the same way the EPA did. And under the state’s safe drinking water law, California is in the process of listing\u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/02/02/as-trumps-epa-takes-shape-heres-your-pesticide-cheat-sheet/\">glyphosate\u003c/a>—the active ingredient in Roundup—as a \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/02/02/as-trumps-epa-takes-shape-heres-your-pesticide-cheat-sheet/\">carcinogen\u003c/a>, a move that goes well beyond the EPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California chlorpyrifos ban would be a powerful market signal, since the state grows \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/\">more than a third\u003c/a> of U.S. vegetables and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/\">two-thirds\u003c/a> of U.S. fruits and nuts. It could also significantly reduce children’s exposures, given the proximity of California homes and schools to active farm fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s my hope that our Governor will follow through on his promise to lead when the feds fail us,” said Lucia Calderon, \u003ca href=\"http://safeagsafeschools.org/\">Safe Ag Safe Schools coalition\u003c/a> coordinator in California’s Monterey and Santa Cruz Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s chlorpyrifos restrictions already exceed federal requirements. “In California, the pesticide cannot be used without licensing, training, and oversight by a county agricultural commission,” explained California Department of Pesticide Regulation (CDPR) spokesperson Charlotte Fadipe. California growers must explain “when, where, and how they want to use the pesticide,” and obtain county permits. Some counties require buffers of up to 150 feet between pesticide application and schools, rivers, or other sensitive sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, CDPR announced it would increase air monitoring for pesticides, including chlorpyrifos. “California,” Fadipe explained, “is the only state that monitors air as part of its continuous reevaluation of pesticides to ensure the protection of workers, public health, and the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/experts/miriam-rotkin-ellman/federal-reversal-means-ca-must-ban-pesticide-toxic-kids\">environmental health advocates\u003c/a> say more rigorous monitoring is warranted, given the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/experts/miriam-rotkin-ellman/federal-reversal-means-ca-must-ban-pesticide-toxic-kids\">high levels found\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/experts/miriam-rotkin-ellman/federal-reversal-means-ca-must-ban-pesticide-toxic-kids\">agricultural communities\u003c/a>. They’d also like to see tighter restrictions on pesticide use around schools, including for chlorpyrifos, which can easily drift from where it’s applied. “It’s fairly clear that the buffer zones currently proposed are nowhere [near] what’s needed to protect against chlorpyrifos,” said Rotkin-Ellman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The implication of the EPA’s decision could be far-reaching and that concerns me,” said Brenda Eskenazi, director of the University of California Berkeley’s \u003ca href=\"http://cerch.berkeley.edu/\">Center for Environment Research and Children’s Health\u003c/a>, who has led \u003ca href=\"http://sph.berkeley.edu/brenda-eskenazi\">groundbreaking research\u003c/a> investigating organophosphate pesticides’ impacts on children’s health. “These chemicals are poison and we have enough doubt about their safety that we need to be reconsidering their use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the EPA decision, “It’s not over yet,” said Patti Goldman, managing attorney with \u003ca href=\"http://earthjustice.org/features/what-you-need-to-know-about-chlorpyrifos\">Earthjustice\u003c/a>, which is representing NRDC and PANNA in a lawsuit aimed at compelling the EPA to act rather than wait for more evidence. “The real tragedy,” said Goldman, is “as the delay keeps going on, more children are being exposed every year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an outrage that the science is being ignored at the federal level but a real travesty to have it ignored in the state when we know what’s at stake for children’s lives,” said Rotkin-Ellman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This post has been updated to reflect the fact that sulfloxaflor is not a neonicotinoid pesticide, though it does also have significant negative impacts to bees, and that California significantly restricted but did not fully ban its use.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About the Author\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nElizabeth Grossman is a senior reporter for Civil Eats focused on environmental and science issues. She is the author of \u003cem>Chasing Molecules\u003c/em>, \u003cem>High Tech Trash\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Watershed\u003c/em> and other books. Her work has appeared in a variety of publications, including National Geographic News, \u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em>, The Intercept, \u003cem>Scientific American\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Environmental Health Perspectives\u003c/em>, Yale e360, Ensia, \u003cem>High Country News\u003c/em>, \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em>, Salon, \u003cem>The Nation\u003c/em>, and \u003cem>Mother Jones\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Monsanto’s Driverless Car: Is CRISPR Gene Editing Driving Seed Consolidation?",
"title": "Monsanto’s Driverless Car: Is CRISPR Gene Editing Driving Seed Consolidation?",
"headTitle": "Bay Area Bites | KQED Food",
"content": "\u003cp>When the CEOs of both Monsanto and Bayer met with Donald Trump to talk about their potential merger just three days before the inauguration, they made some \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2017-01-17/bayer-to-invest-8-billion-and-add-3-000-jobs-trump-aide-says\">big promises\u003c/a>. If the union between the world’s largest seed company and the German multinational chemical, pharmaceutical, and life-sciences company is blessed by antitrust regulators, the companies have pledged to add 3,000 high-tech American jobs and to combine—rather than consolidate and trim—their R&D budgets to the tune of $16 billion over the next six years, or $2.7 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two companies have been locked in a dance since May 2016, when Monsanto \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/monsanto-rejects-bayer-merger-offer-says-its-open-to-talks-1464110057\">rejected\u003c/a> Bayer’s initial $62 billion offer. Then, last fall, the merger reappeared in the news in a noteworthy chain of events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On September 14, Bayer upped its offer to $66 billion and Monsanto accepted, putting a third major seed company merger on the table, beside ChemChina’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/chemchina-offers-more-than-43-billion-for-syngenta-1454480529\">$43 billion takeover\u003c/a> of Syngenta and Dow Chemical’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-01-24/dupont-earnings-top-estimates-on-sales-of-plastics-to-carmakers\">intended merger\u003c/a> with DuPont. On the day it was announced, the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/business/wp/2016/09/14/bayer-and-monsanto-merge-in-mega-deal-aimed-at-domi-worlds-food-supply/?utm_term=.70f457ae8a04\">called the Bayer-Monsanto deal\u003c/a> the “mega-deal that could reshape [the] world’s food supply.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than a week later, spokespeople for the companies behind all three mergers were asked to \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/meetings/consolidation-and-competition-in-the-us-seed-and-agrochemical-industry\">testify\u003c/a> before the senate judiciary committee, on what senator Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) called a “\u003ca href=\"http://bigstory.ap.org/article/05fc5120c295442fbc7c0f2a11ce19cd/senate-panel-scrutinize-proposed-bayer-monsanto-merger\">merger tsunami\u003c/a>.” Then, just two days later, Monsanto \u003ca href=\"http://news.monsanto.com/press-release/corporate/monsanto-announces-global-licensing-agreement-broad-institute-key-genome-edi\">announced\u003c/a> it had licensed the rights to use CRISPR/Cas9 gene editing—a technology that has been \u003ca href=\"http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2015/11/16/the-gene-hackers\">called\u003c/a> the “Model T of genetics” for its power to change the way we live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This rapid-fire timing may have been a coincidence, but it also may be a sign of what’s to come. And it’s just one of many indications that CRISPR/Cas9 and other next-generation gene editing technologies will likely be at the forefront of the seed industry in the years ahead. Some even see gene editing, which is said to be simpler, less expensive, and more consumer-friendly than traditional genetic engineering, as one factor \u003ca href=\"http://www.theepochtimes.com/n3/2162211-why-crispr-is-key-to-massive-agribusiness-consolidations/\">driving\u003c/a> the mergers. And while that’s up for debate, it’s clearly an important part of the strategy for companies looking to control, and profit from, the world’s seeds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week the European Union \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/05/business/syngenta-chemchina-takeover.html?mwrsm=Email&_r=0\">cleared the way\u003c/a> for the ChemChina–Syngenta takeover, suggesting the other two mergers may be imminent. If that happens, the resulting three companies would control nearly 60 percent of global seedstocks (including as much as 80 percent of U.S. corn seeds) and 70 percent of the global pesticide market. And these companies are also making a bid to control much more than seeds and pesticides. Monsanto, for example, is already making a play to control many other facets of modern agriculture—including tools for precision planting and high-tech \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2013/10/02/monsanto-acquires-weather-big-data-company-climate-corporation-for-930m/\">weather prediction\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So while much of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.nationalgeographic.com/magazine/2016/08/dna-crispr-gene-editing-science-ethics/\">media coverage\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"http://gizmodo.com/everything-you-need-to-know-about-crispr-the-new-tool-1702114381\">gene editing\u003c/a> has pointed to its potential to break molds and change the genetic playing field, when it comes to agriculture, it will likely follow a more familiar path: CRISPR and other similar technology will most likely be used by scientists mainly to continue developing seeds that withstand consistent doses of pesticides on large, industrialized farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Monsanto has been conducting research with genome-editing techniques for years, and we are excited to be integrating additional technology from licensing partners in to this body of work,” Tom Adams, biotechnology lead for Monsanto, said in an email. Over the past year, the company has announced several licensing agreements that will allow it to access gene-editing technologies, such as CRISPR/Cas9 and CRISPR-Cpf1 (which is said to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.nature.com/articles/ncomms14406\">more precise\u003c/a>), as well as a tool from Dow AgroScience called EXZACT™ Precision Technology\u003csup>®\u003c/sup> Platform\u003cu>,\u003c/u> among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Adams said this work is still in its early days, he added, “we believe that genome-editing techniques have great potential to improve and unlock capabilities across our leading germplasm and genome libraries to enable a wide variety of improvements across crop systems.” However, he added, “We do not view it as a replacement for plant biotechnology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SEED: The Untold Story will premiere on the PBS series \u003ci>Independent Lens\u003c/i> on \u003cspan class=\"aBn\" tabindex=\"0\" data-term=\"goog_1829742120\">\u003cspan class=\"aQJ\">April 17, 2017 at 10PM\u003c/span>\u003c/span>. \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/independentlens/films/seed-the-untold-story/\">Learn more\u003c/a>. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/3ys0fgZ7hmA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gene Editing vs. Genetic Engineering\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 1996, Monsanto has released a series of genetically engineered herbicide-resistant seeds, beginning with Roundup Ready soybeans in 1996, and moving on to corn, cotton, sugar beets, canola, and more. Today, Roundup Ready crops account for over \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/adoption-of-genetically-engineered-crops-in-the-us/recent-trends-in-ge-adoption.aspx\">94 percent of the soybeans and 89 percent of the corn\u003c/a> grown in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these products have come to dominate the farm landscape, weeds have also become resistant to Roundup. According to the \u003ca href=\"http://wssa.net/wp-content/uploads/WSSA-Fact-Sheet-on-Superweeds_16-Sep-2014.pdf\">Weed Science Society of America\u003c/a>, “overreliance on herbicides with a single mechanism of action to control certain weeds has led to the selection of weeds resistant to that mechanism of action.” Similarly, incidents of pesticide resistance have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/limits-sought-on-gmo-corn-as-pest-resistance-grows-1425587078\">been on the rise\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_116814\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/170410-crispr-2.jpg\" alt=\"Roundup\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" class=\"size-full wp-image-116814\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/170410-crispr-2.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/170410-crispr-2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/170410-crispr-2-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/170410-crispr-2-375x281.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roundup \u003ccite>( \u003ca href=\"https://www.flickr.com/photos/jeepersmedia/26673445341\">Mike Mozart\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a result, farmers often find themselves on what critics call a \u003ca href=\"http://www.panna.org/gmos-pesticides-profit/pesticide-treadmill\">pesticide treadmill\u003c/a>, where each new form of resistance requires a more powerful solution. Companies have spent the last several years working on seeds with “stacked traits,” which combine two or more genes of interest into a single plant. In the case of Monsanto, that has meant, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fool.com/investing/2016/09/03/are-you-ready-for-monsantos-1-billion-herbicide-fa.aspx\">breeding seeds\u003c/a> that tolerate both glyphosate and a second herbicide called dicamba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main difference between gene editing and classical genetic engineering is that the former allows scientists to manipulate the genetic makeup of an organism—by changing or “knocking out” the function of a gene—without introducing genes from other organisms. This last part is key, because it’s often the combination of parts of various organisms—such as genes from bacteria added to corn to create herbicide resistance or genes from an arctic flounder added to strawberries to make them able to withstand cold weather—that has made the public wary of GMOs in their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the image of CRISPR/Cas9 and other gene editing tools as an “entirely pristine” technology that rules out all foreign DNA isn’t entirely accurate, says Maywa Montenegro, a Ph.D. candidate in Environmental Science, Policy, and Management at University of California, Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They aren’t wrong in saying CRISPR doesn’t need to introduce foreign DNA, but it absolutely can. That’s what it’s very good at,” she said. “But it’s also important for people to understand that you can create huge, impactful changes in a plant’s functioning without introducing anything foreign.” De-activating, or knocking out, a gene function, can significantly change the plants and animals involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.nature.com/nbt/journal/v32/n9/full/nbt.2969.html\">mildew-resistant wheat\u003c/a> developed in China, for instance, scientists were able to introduce “targeted mutations” using CRISPR/Cas9 without inserting new genes. In another example, Cibus, a San Diego-based startup, has produced (and commercialized) an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cibus.com/\">herbicide-resistant canola\u003c/a> using another early gene-editing technique called Rapid Trait Development System (RTDS).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also \u003ca href=\"http://www.agriculture.com/technology/how-gene-editing-will-change-agriculture\">says\u003c/a> it has other crops, such as herbicide-resistant rice and flax seeds, in the pipeline. DuPont is also working with the Berkeley-based start-up Caribou Biosciences (founded by \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailycal.org/2016/02/18/caribou-biosciences-co-founded-campus-researcher-jennifer-doudna-receives-intellectual-property-rights-crispr-technology/\">Jennifer Doudna\u003c/a>, one of the founders and patent-holders of CRISPR/Cas9 technology) to develop gene-edited, drought-resistant corn and wheat varieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most widely discussed food produced using gene editing today is a \u003ca href=\"http://agsci.psu.edu/magazine/articles/2016/fall-winter/a-crispr-mushroom\">non-browning mushroom\u003c/a> developed using CRISPR/Cas9 at Pennsylvania State University. The mushroom received a great deal of media attention last spring, when the Penn State scientists received \u003ca href=\"https://www.aphis.usda.gov/biotechnology/downloads/reg_loi/15-321-01_air_response_signed.pdf\">a letter\u003c/a> from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) informing them that the agency would not be regulating its field testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, a number of media outlets reported that the mushroom had “\u003ca href=\"http://www.nature.com/news/gene-edited-crispr-mushroom-escapes-us-regulation-1.19754\">escaped regulation\u003c/a>,” suggesting that gene editing was not only remarkably different than tradition genetic engineering in crucial ways, but that it also might be the key to avoiding government oversight. But on both accounts, the reality may be less cut and dried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Will Gene-Edited Seeds be Regulated?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doug Gurian-Sherman, director of sustainable agriculture and senior scientist for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforfoodsafety.org/\">Center for Food Safety\u003c/a> (CFS), says the letter USDA sent to Penn State about the non-browning mushroom was just one of over 30 that went out at that time in response to requests by a variety of entities working with gene-editing technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the USDA did clearly mention the fact that the mushroom didn’t contain any foreign DNA in its response, that wasn’t the only reason it abdicated its regulatory authority. Just as important, it seems, is the fact that the mushroom was not in any way considered a “plant pest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You see, when it comes to regulating GMO crops, plant pests have been at the heart of the USDA’s regulation approach; all other genetically engineered products fall under the auspices of either the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) or the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). (A document from the Pew Charitable Trusts includes a \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/legacy/uploadedfiles/wwwpewtrustsorg/reports/food_and_biotechnology/hhsbiotech0901pdf.pdf\">handy chart\u003c/a> detailing which agency is supposed to regulate what types of organisms.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aphis.usda.gov/biotechnology/downloads/reg_loi/15-321-01_air_response_signed.pdf\">letter\u003c/a> sent to Penn State concluded with this sentence: “Please be advised that the white button mushroom variety described in your letter may still be subject to other regulatory authorities such as the FDA or EPA.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So gene editing was by no means the only factor at hand. “As soon as they put genes in from any plant pest they would immediately become regulated by USDA,” said Gurian-Sherman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, exactly how the FDA plans to regulate gene editing is yet to be seen. Since January, the agency has been \u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2017-00840.pdf\">seeking public input\u003c/a> on the topic in both medical research and agriculture. One core question at hand is whether gene editing will be considered “genetic engineering.” And at a time when a growing number of consumers want to know exactly what’s in their food—and around \u003ca href=\"http://abcnews.go.com/Technology/story?id=97567&page=1\">90 percent\u003c/a> of Americans say they want to see genetically engineered ingredients in food labeled—this is as much a question of consumer demand as it is a question of regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We already see lots of people who are supportive of genetic engineering, calling [gene editing] ‘advanced breeding,’” said Gurian-Sherman. But, he added, “In terms of most of the legal definitions of genetic engineering that are out there right now, it applies. I think it is a legitimate area for argument whether this is generally safer or not or more acceptable, but they clearly don’t want to label it genetic engineering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Michael Hansen, senior staff scientist at Consumers Union, “the FDA’s documents now \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/Food/GuidanceRegulation/GuidanceDocumentsRegulatoryInformation/ucm059098.htm\">clearly say\u003c/a> their definition of bioengineering is the same as the \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/04/10/monsantos-driverless-car-is-crispr-gene-editing-driving-seed-consolidation/definition%2520of%2520modern%2520biotechnolgy\">definition\u003c/a> of modern biotechnology held by \u003ca href=\"http://www.fao.org/fao-who-codexalimentarius/en/\">Codex Alimentarius\u003c/a>.” That’s the “Food Code” established by the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization and the World Health Organization. The Codex definition refers to any organism made using “the application of in vitro nucleic acid techniques.” And since gene editing does precisely that, Hansen believes the answer is clear: Gene editing should be seen as genetic engineering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone agrees. In an \u003ca href=\"http://www.nature.com/ng/journal/v48/n2/full/ng.3505.html\">editorial\u003c/a> last January, for instance, the editors of \u003cem>Nature\u003c/em> endorsed “the principle of transparency in the production of genome-edited crops and livestock…with no further need for regulation or distinction of these goods from the products of traditional breeding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.C. Berkeley’s Montenegro describes CRISPR/Cas9 as a kind of Swiss army knife with the potential to be paradigm-shifting. But, she adds that, for that reason, it calls for a lot more scrutiny and regulatory oversight\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hansen agrees. Using gene editing, he said, “You can identify a key sequence you want to cut. But wherever that sequence occurs in the genome, you would get a cut. And you will also get a cut at sequences that look similar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hansen also points to the fact that scientists have experienced at least some \u003ca href=\"http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/febs.13586/full\">off-target effects\u003c/a> with most gene editing technology to date. He points to the case of an \u003ca href=\"http://www.nature.com/news/hiv-overcomes-crispr-gene-editing-attack-1.19712\">effort to destroy the HIV virus\u003c/a> with CRISPR/Cas9. Although scientists engineered T-cells with CRISPR to recognize and destroy HIV, he said, “it took the HIV just a couple of weeks to evolve resistance to CRISPR.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in a recent effort to \u003ca href=\"http://arep.med.harvard.edu/pdf/Ostrov_Church_2016.pdf\">artificially synthesize\u003c/a> a new genome for \u003cem>E. coli\u003c/em>, a group of scientists decided not to use gene editing because, they wrote, “these strategies…likely would introduce off-target mutations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite these concerns, CFS’s Gurian-Sherman says there are big questions about how regulatory bodies under the Trump administration will choose to respond to the technology. For one, he says, gene editing could be much harder to test for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Detecting [transgenic] engineered changes, for a molecular biologist is really, really easy,” he said. But some of these [gene edits] are not going to leave much of a fingerprint, if at all, and they’re going to be very hard to trace,” he said. “So something like the kind of testing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nongmoproject.org/\">Non-GMO Project\u003c/a> does probably wouldn’t be possible in foods edited with CRISPR.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Monsanto appears to be preparing for the possibility of regulation. When Lux Research, an independent technology research and advisory firm, looked into the Monsanto-Bayer merger in December, they surmised that gene editing was an important part of Monsanto’s appeal to Bayer, but that it was by no means the only technology they’re banking on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Monsanto’s advantage in the space is that they’re super diverse and they have their hands in all the cookie jars,” said Laura Lee, the author of \u003ca href=\"https://members.luxresearchinc.com/research/report/21808\">Lux’s report\u003c/a>. “So they’d be able to advance traits using CRISPR, or if the regulatory bodies step in and decide to classify CRISPR as genetic modification or put a harmful label on it, they’ll have of other options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“More Accessible” Technology\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While CRISPR and other gene editing tools are seen as more affordable and more efficient, they’re also being touted as more accessible than traditional genetic engineering—and they are already being used in small private laboratories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think the fact that this science is accessible to and being explored by many researchers across the public and private sectors is exciting—and will only improve the types of products that will ultimately be accessible to farmers,” said Monsanto’s Tom Adams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, most traditional genetically engineered traits take years and cost millions to produce (an average of $\u003ca href=\"https://croplife.org/wp-content/uploads/pdf_files/Getting-a-Biotech-Crop-to-Market-Phillips-McDougall-Study.pdf\">136 million\u003c/a> to be exact). So bringing that number down could bring more constituents into the fold, despite the consolidation at the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But seeds produced this way will still be subject to strict intellectual property fines, says Gurian-Sherman. “[CRISPR] won’t be as controllable by the big companies, but the patenting (or lack thereof) could really be a limiting factor for smaller companies,” he said. Case in point, a non-exclusive license to use CRISPR/Cas9 is valued at \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/jacobsherkow/2017/02/21/how-much-is-a-crispr-patent-license-worth/#141d34066b77\">$265 million\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, if that license is used to create a handful of seed traits, it could be more than worth the investment for a company like Monsanto—particularly if it can deliver on sought-after traits such as drought tolerance. And it might lead one to deduce that a newly merged company such as Monsanto-Bayer would use gene editing to bring down its overall R&D budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not necessarily the case, says Montenegro. In addition to facing pressure from the Trump Administration to spend mightily in the U.S., she points to an economic phenomenon called \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jevons_paradox\">Jevons paradox\u003c/a>, wherein technology makes a process more efficient, but that efficiency ends up leading to increasing demand. (Jevon first observed the phenomenon while observing the coal industry of the 19th Century.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another important question is whether this more accessible technology will be put to use to create seeds designed for alternative or more sustainable farming systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montenegro says she has heard from one plant breeder at the University of Minnesota who was interested in using CRISPR/Cas9 for \u003ca href=\"http://open-pollinated-seeds.org.uk/participatory-plant-breeding/\">participatory plant breeding\u003c/a>—a tactic involving farmers that is often used in the developing world—and to breed plants that could be amenable to diversified organic farming systems. But she says it’s not likely that a wider playing field will change the basic premise of the bulk of the work done using gene-editing technology—which is to engineer seeds used on large-scale industrial farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While I don’t want to foreclose the possibility of using CRISPR for agroecology, [companies and institutions] are underinvesting and undercutting basic agroecology research to such a large degree that even the lower-hanging fruit hasn’t yet been picked,” Montenegro said. This “massive asymmetry” makes her doubtful that the technology will help researchers tread new paths when it comes to sustainable practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gurian-Sherman is no more optimistic. “There are ways you can breed or adapt crops for sustainable agricultural systems that don’t rely on inputs like fertilizers and pesticides as much,” he said. “You can breed crops that attract natural enemies, or take advantage of the slower release of organic nutrients from cover crops and manure. I can go on and on about traits that are valuable to sustainable farming. But that’s not going to be of interest to these companies because they’re actually antithetical to their business models.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumers Union’s Hansen says the current excitement about gene editing reminds him of the very early days or genetic engineering. “In the late 80s and early 90s, they were saying they’d be able to do everything with GE. Thirty years later, all you have is herbicide-tolerant plants and Bt plants. Or that’s the vast majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was created in partnership with \u003ca href=\"https://itvs.org/\">ITVS\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About the Author\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nTwilight Greenaway is the Managing Editor of Civil Eats. Her articles about food and farming have appeared in The New York Times, NPR.org, The Guardian, TakePart, Modern Farmer, Gastronomica and on Grist, where she served as the food editor from 2011-2012. See more at \u003ca href=\"http://www.twilightgreenaway.com/\">TwilightGreenaway.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When the CEOs of both Monsanto and Bayer met with Donald Trump to talk about their potential merger just three days before the inauguration, they made some \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2017-01-17/bayer-to-invest-8-billion-and-add-3-000-jobs-trump-aide-says\">big promises\u003c/a>. If the union between the world’s largest seed company and the German multinational chemical, pharmaceutical, and life-sciences company is blessed by antitrust regulators, the companies have pledged to add 3,000 high-tech American jobs and to combine—rather than consolidate and trim—their R&D budgets to the tune of $16 billion over the next six years, or $2.7 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two companies have been locked in a dance since May 2016, when Monsanto \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/monsanto-rejects-bayer-merger-offer-says-its-open-to-talks-1464110057\">rejected\u003c/a> Bayer’s initial $62 billion offer. Then, last fall, the merger reappeared in the news in a noteworthy chain of events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On September 14, Bayer upped its offer to $66 billion and Monsanto accepted, putting a third major seed company merger on the table, beside ChemChina’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/chemchina-offers-more-than-43-billion-for-syngenta-1454480529\">$43 billion takeover\u003c/a> of Syngenta and Dow Chemical’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-01-24/dupont-earnings-top-estimates-on-sales-of-plastics-to-carmakers\">intended merger\u003c/a> with DuPont. On the day it was announced, the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/business/wp/2016/09/14/bayer-and-monsanto-merge-in-mega-deal-aimed-at-domi-worlds-food-supply/?utm_term=.70f457ae8a04\">called the Bayer-Monsanto deal\u003c/a> the “mega-deal that could reshape [the] world’s food supply.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than a week later, spokespeople for the companies behind all three mergers were asked to \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/meetings/consolidation-and-competition-in-the-us-seed-and-agrochemical-industry\">testify\u003c/a> before the senate judiciary committee, on what senator Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) called a “\u003ca href=\"http://bigstory.ap.org/article/05fc5120c295442fbc7c0f2a11ce19cd/senate-panel-scrutinize-proposed-bayer-monsanto-merger\">merger tsunami\u003c/a>.” Then, just two days later, Monsanto \u003ca href=\"http://news.monsanto.com/press-release/corporate/monsanto-announces-global-licensing-agreement-broad-institute-key-genome-edi\">announced\u003c/a> it had licensed the rights to use CRISPR/Cas9 gene editing—a technology that has been \u003ca href=\"http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2015/11/16/the-gene-hackers\">called\u003c/a> the “Model T of genetics” for its power to change the way we live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This rapid-fire timing may have been a coincidence, but it also may be a sign of what’s to come. And it’s just one of many indications that CRISPR/Cas9 and other next-generation gene editing technologies will likely be at the forefront of the seed industry in the years ahead. Some even see gene editing, which is said to be simpler, less expensive, and more consumer-friendly than traditional genetic engineering, as one factor \u003ca href=\"http://www.theepochtimes.com/n3/2162211-why-crispr-is-key-to-massive-agribusiness-consolidations/\">driving\u003c/a> the mergers. And while that’s up for debate, it’s clearly an important part of the strategy for companies looking to control, and profit from, the world’s seeds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week the European Union \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/05/business/syngenta-chemchina-takeover.html?mwrsm=Email&_r=0\">cleared the way\u003c/a> for the ChemChina–Syngenta takeover, suggesting the other two mergers may be imminent. If that happens, the resulting three companies would control nearly 60 percent of global seedstocks (including as much as 80 percent of U.S. corn seeds) and 70 percent of the global pesticide market. And these companies are also making a bid to control much more than seeds and pesticides. Monsanto, for example, is already making a play to control many other facets of modern agriculture—including tools for precision planting and high-tech \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2013/10/02/monsanto-acquires-weather-big-data-company-climate-corporation-for-930m/\">weather prediction\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So while much of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.nationalgeographic.com/magazine/2016/08/dna-crispr-gene-editing-science-ethics/\">media coverage\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"http://gizmodo.com/everything-you-need-to-know-about-crispr-the-new-tool-1702114381\">gene editing\u003c/a> has pointed to its potential to break molds and change the genetic playing field, when it comes to agriculture, it will likely follow a more familiar path: CRISPR and other similar technology will most likely be used by scientists mainly to continue developing seeds that withstand consistent doses of pesticides on large, industrialized farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Monsanto has been conducting research with genome-editing techniques for years, and we are excited to be integrating additional technology from licensing partners in to this body of work,” Tom Adams, biotechnology lead for Monsanto, said in an email. Over the past year, the company has announced several licensing agreements that will allow it to access gene-editing technologies, such as CRISPR/Cas9 and CRISPR-Cpf1 (which is said to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.nature.com/articles/ncomms14406\">more precise\u003c/a>), as well as a tool from Dow AgroScience called EXZACT™ Precision Technology\u003csup>®\u003c/sup> Platform\u003cu>,\u003c/u> among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Adams said this work is still in its early days, he added, “we believe that genome-editing techniques have great potential to improve and unlock capabilities across our leading germplasm and genome libraries to enable a wide variety of improvements across crop systems.” However, he added, “We do not view it as a replacement for plant biotechnology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SEED: The Untold Story will premiere on the PBS series \u003ci>Independent Lens\u003c/i> on \u003cspan class=\"aBn\" tabindex=\"0\" data-term=\"goog_1829742120\">\u003cspan class=\"aQJ\">April 17, 2017 at 10PM\u003c/span>\u003c/span>. \u003ca href=\"http://www.pbs.org/independentlens/films/seed-the-untold-story/\">Learn more\u003c/a>. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/3ys0fgZ7hmA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/3ys0fgZ7hmA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gene Editing vs. Genetic Engineering\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 1996, Monsanto has released a series of genetically engineered herbicide-resistant seeds, beginning with Roundup Ready soybeans in 1996, and moving on to corn, cotton, sugar beets, canola, and more. Today, Roundup Ready crops account for over \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/adoption-of-genetically-engineered-crops-in-the-us/recent-trends-in-ge-adoption.aspx\">94 percent of the soybeans and 89 percent of the corn\u003c/a> grown in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these products have come to dominate the farm landscape, weeds have also become resistant to Roundup. According to the \u003ca href=\"http://wssa.net/wp-content/uploads/WSSA-Fact-Sheet-on-Superweeds_16-Sep-2014.pdf\">Weed Science Society of America\u003c/a>, “overreliance on herbicides with a single mechanism of action to control certain weeds has led to the selection of weeds resistant to that mechanism of action.” Similarly, incidents of pesticide resistance have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/limits-sought-on-gmo-corn-as-pest-resistance-grows-1425587078\">been on the rise\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_116814\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/170410-crispr-2.jpg\" alt=\"Roundup\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" class=\"size-full wp-image-116814\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/170410-crispr-2.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/170410-crispr-2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/170410-crispr-2-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/170410-crispr-2-375x281.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roundup \u003ccite>( \u003ca href=\"https://www.flickr.com/photos/jeepersmedia/26673445341\">Mike Mozart\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a result, farmers often find themselves on what critics call a \u003ca href=\"http://www.panna.org/gmos-pesticides-profit/pesticide-treadmill\">pesticide treadmill\u003c/a>, where each new form of resistance requires a more powerful solution. Companies have spent the last several years working on seeds with “stacked traits,” which combine two or more genes of interest into a single plant. In the case of Monsanto, that has meant, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fool.com/investing/2016/09/03/are-you-ready-for-monsantos-1-billion-herbicide-fa.aspx\">breeding seeds\u003c/a> that tolerate both glyphosate and a second herbicide called dicamba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main difference between gene editing and classical genetic engineering is that the former allows scientists to manipulate the genetic makeup of an organism—by changing or “knocking out” the function of a gene—without introducing genes from other organisms. This last part is key, because it’s often the combination of parts of various organisms—such as genes from bacteria added to corn to create herbicide resistance or genes from an arctic flounder added to strawberries to make them able to withstand cold weather—that has made the public wary of GMOs in their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the image of CRISPR/Cas9 and other gene editing tools as an “entirely pristine” technology that rules out all foreign DNA isn’t entirely accurate, says Maywa Montenegro, a Ph.D. candidate in Environmental Science, Policy, and Management at University of California, Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They aren’t wrong in saying CRISPR doesn’t need to introduce foreign DNA, but it absolutely can. That’s what it’s very good at,” she said. “But it’s also important for people to understand that you can create huge, impactful changes in a plant’s functioning without introducing anything foreign.” De-activating, or knocking out, a gene function, can significantly change the plants and animals involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.nature.com/nbt/journal/v32/n9/full/nbt.2969.html\">mildew-resistant wheat\u003c/a> developed in China, for instance, scientists were able to introduce “targeted mutations” using CRISPR/Cas9 without inserting new genes. In another example, Cibus, a San Diego-based startup, has produced (and commercialized) an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cibus.com/\">herbicide-resistant canola\u003c/a> using another early gene-editing technique called Rapid Trait Development System (RTDS).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also \u003ca href=\"http://www.agriculture.com/technology/how-gene-editing-will-change-agriculture\">says\u003c/a> it has other crops, such as herbicide-resistant rice and flax seeds, in the pipeline. DuPont is also working with the Berkeley-based start-up Caribou Biosciences (founded by \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailycal.org/2016/02/18/caribou-biosciences-co-founded-campus-researcher-jennifer-doudna-receives-intellectual-property-rights-crispr-technology/\">Jennifer Doudna\u003c/a>, one of the founders and patent-holders of CRISPR/Cas9 technology) to develop gene-edited, drought-resistant corn and wheat varieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most widely discussed food produced using gene editing today is a \u003ca href=\"http://agsci.psu.edu/magazine/articles/2016/fall-winter/a-crispr-mushroom\">non-browning mushroom\u003c/a> developed using CRISPR/Cas9 at Pennsylvania State University. The mushroom received a great deal of media attention last spring, when the Penn State scientists received \u003ca href=\"https://www.aphis.usda.gov/biotechnology/downloads/reg_loi/15-321-01_air_response_signed.pdf\">a letter\u003c/a> from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) informing them that the agency would not be regulating its field testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, a number of media outlets reported that the mushroom had “\u003ca href=\"http://www.nature.com/news/gene-edited-crispr-mushroom-escapes-us-regulation-1.19754\">escaped regulation\u003c/a>,” suggesting that gene editing was not only remarkably different than tradition genetic engineering in crucial ways, but that it also might be the key to avoiding government oversight. But on both accounts, the reality may be less cut and dried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Will Gene-Edited Seeds be Regulated?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doug Gurian-Sherman, director of sustainable agriculture and senior scientist for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforfoodsafety.org/\">Center for Food Safety\u003c/a> (CFS), says the letter USDA sent to Penn State about the non-browning mushroom was just one of over 30 that went out at that time in response to requests by a variety of entities working with gene-editing technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the USDA did clearly mention the fact that the mushroom didn’t contain any foreign DNA in its response, that wasn’t the only reason it abdicated its regulatory authority. Just as important, it seems, is the fact that the mushroom was not in any way considered a “plant pest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You see, when it comes to regulating GMO crops, plant pests have been at the heart of the USDA’s regulation approach; all other genetically engineered products fall under the auspices of either the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) or the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). (A document from the Pew Charitable Trusts includes a \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/legacy/uploadedfiles/wwwpewtrustsorg/reports/food_and_biotechnology/hhsbiotech0901pdf.pdf\">handy chart\u003c/a> detailing which agency is supposed to regulate what types of organisms.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aphis.usda.gov/biotechnology/downloads/reg_loi/15-321-01_air_response_signed.pdf\">letter\u003c/a> sent to Penn State concluded with this sentence: “Please be advised that the white button mushroom variety described in your letter may still be subject to other regulatory authorities such as the FDA or EPA.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So gene editing was by no means the only factor at hand. “As soon as they put genes in from any plant pest they would immediately become regulated by USDA,” said Gurian-Sherman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, exactly how the FDA plans to regulate gene editing is yet to be seen. Since January, the agency has been \u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2017-00840.pdf\">seeking public input\u003c/a> on the topic in both medical research and agriculture. One core question at hand is whether gene editing will be considered “genetic engineering.” And at a time when a growing number of consumers want to know exactly what’s in their food—and around \u003ca href=\"http://abcnews.go.com/Technology/story?id=97567&page=1\">90 percent\u003c/a> of Americans say they want to see genetically engineered ingredients in food labeled—this is as much a question of consumer demand as it is a question of regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We already see lots of people who are supportive of genetic engineering, calling [gene editing] ‘advanced breeding,’” said Gurian-Sherman. But, he added, “In terms of most of the legal definitions of genetic engineering that are out there right now, it applies. I think it is a legitimate area for argument whether this is generally safer or not or more acceptable, but they clearly don’t want to label it genetic engineering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Michael Hansen, senior staff scientist at Consumers Union, “the FDA’s documents now \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/Food/GuidanceRegulation/GuidanceDocumentsRegulatoryInformation/ucm059098.htm\">clearly say\u003c/a> their definition of bioengineering is the same as the \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/04/10/monsantos-driverless-car-is-crispr-gene-editing-driving-seed-consolidation/definition%2520of%2520modern%2520biotechnolgy\">definition\u003c/a> of modern biotechnology held by \u003ca href=\"http://www.fao.org/fao-who-codexalimentarius/en/\">Codex Alimentarius\u003c/a>.” That’s the “Food Code” established by the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization and the World Health Organization. The Codex definition refers to any organism made using “the application of in vitro nucleic acid techniques.” And since gene editing does precisely that, Hansen believes the answer is clear: Gene editing should be seen as genetic engineering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone agrees. In an \u003ca href=\"http://www.nature.com/ng/journal/v48/n2/full/ng.3505.html\">editorial\u003c/a> last January, for instance, the editors of \u003cem>Nature\u003c/em> endorsed “the principle of transparency in the production of genome-edited crops and livestock…with no further need for regulation or distinction of these goods from the products of traditional breeding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.C. Berkeley’s Montenegro describes CRISPR/Cas9 as a kind of Swiss army knife with the potential to be paradigm-shifting. But, she adds that, for that reason, it calls for a lot more scrutiny and regulatory oversight\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hansen agrees. Using gene editing, he said, “You can identify a key sequence you want to cut. But wherever that sequence occurs in the genome, you would get a cut. And you will also get a cut at sequences that look similar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hansen also points to the fact that scientists have experienced at least some \u003ca href=\"http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/febs.13586/full\">off-target effects\u003c/a> with most gene editing technology to date. He points to the case of an \u003ca href=\"http://www.nature.com/news/hiv-overcomes-crispr-gene-editing-attack-1.19712\">effort to destroy the HIV virus\u003c/a> with CRISPR/Cas9. Although scientists engineered T-cells with CRISPR to recognize and destroy HIV, he said, “it took the HIV just a couple of weeks to evolve resistance to CRISPR.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in a recent effort to \u003ca href=\"http://arep.med.harvard.edu/pdf/Ostrov_Church_2016.pdf\">artificially synthesize\u003c/a> a new genome for \u003cem>E. coli\u003c/em>, a group of scientists decided not to use gene editing because, they wrote, “these strategies…likely would introduce off-target mutations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite these concerns, CFS’s Gurian-Sherman says there are big questions about how regulatory bodies under the Trump administration will choose to respond to the technology. For one, he says, gene editing could be much harder to test for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Detecting [transgenic] engineered changes, for a molecular biologist is really, really easy,” he said. But some of these [gene edits] are not going to leave much of a fingerprint, if at all, and they’re going to be very hard to trace,” he said. “So something like the kind of testing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nongmoproject.org/\">Non-GMO Project\u003c/a> does probably wouldn’t be possible in foods edited with CRISPR.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Monsanto appears to be preparing for the possibility of regulation. When Lux Research, an independent technology research and advisory firm, looked into the Monsanto-Bayer merger in December, they surmised that gene editing was an important part of Monsanto’s appeal to Bayer, but that it was by no means the only technology they’re banking on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Monsanto’s advantage in the space is that they’re super diverse and they have their hands in all the cookie jars,” said Laura Lee, the author of \u003ca href=\"https://members.luxresearchinc.com/research/report/21808\">Lux’s report\u003c/a>. “So they’d be able to advance traits using CRISPR, or if the regulatory bodies step in and decide to classify CRISPR as genetic modification or put a harmful label on it, they’ll have of other options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“More Accessible” Technology\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While CRISPR and other gene editing tools are seen as more affordable and more efficient, they’re also being touted as more accessible than traditional genetic engineering—and they are already being used in small private laboratories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think the fact that this science is accessible to and being explored by many researchers across the public and private sectors is exciting—and will only improve the types of products that will ultimately be accessible to farmers,” said Monsanto’s Tom Adams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, most traditional genetically engineered traits take years and cost millions to produce (an average of $\u003ca href=\"https://croplife.org/wp-content/uploads/pdf_files/Getting-a-Biotech-Crop-to-Market-Phillips-McDougall-Study.pdf\">136 million\u003c/a> to be exact). So bringing that number down could bring more constituents into the fold, despite the consolidation at the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But seeds produced this way will still be subject to strict intellectual property fines, says Gurian-Sherman. “[CRISPR] won’t be as controllable by the big companies, but the patenting (or lack thereof) could really be a limiting factor for smaller companies,” he said. Case in point, a non-exclusive license to use CRISPR/Cas9 is valued at \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/jacobsherkow/2017/02/21/how-much-is-a-crispr-patent-license-worth/#141d34066b77\">$265 million\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, if that license is used to create a handful of seed traits, it could be more than worth the investment for a company like Monsanto—particularly if it can deliver on sought-after traits such as drought tolerance. And it might lead one to deduce that a newly merged company such as Monsanto-Bayer would use gene editing to bring down its overall R&D budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not necessarily the case, says Montenegro. In addition to facing pressure from the Trump Administration to spend mightily in the U.S., she points to an economic phenomenon called \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jevons_paradox\">Jevons paradox\u003c/a>, wherein technology makes a process more efficient, but that efficiency ends up leading to increasing demand. (Jevon first observed the phenomenon while observing the coal industry of the 19th Century.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another important question is whether this more accessible technology will be put to use to create seeds designed for alternative or more sustainable farming systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montenegro says she has heard from one plant breeder at the University of Minnesota who was interested in using CRISPR/Cas9 for \u003ca href=\"http://open-pollinated-seeds.org.uk/participatory-plant-breeding/\">participatory plant breeding\u003c/a>—a tactic involving farmers that is often used in the developing world—and to breed plants that could be amenable to diversified organic farming systems. But she says it’s not likely that a wider playing field will change the basic premise of the bulk of the work done using gene-editing technology—which is to engineer seeds used on large-scale industrial farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While I don’t want to foreclose the possibility of using CRISPR for agroecology, [companies and institutions] are underinvesting and undercutting basic agroecology research to such a large degree that even the lower-hanging fruit hasn’t yet been picked,” Montenegro said. This “massive asymmetry” makes her doubtful that the technology will help researchers tread new paths when it comes to sustainable practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gurian-Sherman is no more optimistic. “There are ways you can breed or adapt crops for sustainable agricultural systems that don’t rely on inputs like fertilizers and pesticides as much,” he said. “You can breed crops that attract natural enemies, or take advantage of the slower release of organic nutrients from cover crops and manure. I can go on and on about traits that are valuable to sustainable farming. But that’s not going to be of interest to these companies because they’re actually antithetical to their business models.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumers Union’s Hansen says the current excitement about gene editing reminds him of the very early days or genetic engineering. “In the late 80s and early 90s, they were saying they’d be able to do everything with GE. Thirty years later, all you have is herbicide-tolerant plants and Bt plants. Or that’s the vast majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was created in partnership with \u003ca href=\"https://itvs.org/\">ITVS\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About the Author\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nTwilight Greenaway is the Managing Editor of Civil Eats. Her articles about food and farming have appeared in The New York Times, NPR.org, The Guardian, TakePart, Modern Farmer, Gastronomica and on Grist, where she served as the food editor from 2011-2012. See more at \u003ca href=\"http://www.twilightgreenaway.com/\">TwilightGreenaway.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "When Gluten Is The Villain, Could A Common Virus Be The Trigger?",
"title": "When Gluten Is The Villain, Could A Common Virus Be The Trigger?",
"headTitle": "Bay Area Bites | KQED Food",
"content": "\u003cp>A new study raises a novel idea about what might trigger celiac disease, a condition that makes patients unable to tolerate foods containing gluten.\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study suggests that a common virus may be to blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people with celiac disease, gluten can wreak havoc on their digestive systems. Their immune systems mistake gluten as a dangerous substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists have known for a while that genetics predisposes some people to celiac. About 30 percent of Americans carry the genes that make them more susceptible to the disease. And yet, only about \u003ca href=\"https://www.beyondceliac.org/celiac-disease/facts-and-figures/\">one percent of Americans have celiac.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers wondered why not everyone with the risk genes gets the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer is likely complicated, but one theory has emerged. Perhaps a \"viral infection can serve as a trigger to celiac,\" explains Dr. \u003ca href=\"http://www.mmg.pitt.edu/person/terence-s-dermody\">Terence Dermody,\u003c/a> who chairs the Department of Pediatrics at the University of Pittsburgh, and is an author of \u003ca href=\"http://science.sciencemag.org/content/356/6333/44\">the new study\u003c/a> published in \u003cem>Science\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and a team of collaborators, led by Bana Jabri of the University of Chicago, decided to test this in experimental mice. They had been studying reovirus – a common virus that infects most Americans beginning in childhood, yet isn't considered dangerous. The researchers genetically engineered the mice to be more susceptible to celiac disease. Then they exposed \u003cstrong>\u003c/strong>mice to reovirus. \u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>At the same time they also fed gluten to the mice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out their hunch had been right. The mice developed \"an immunological response against gluten that mimics the features of humans with celiac disease,\" Dermody says. The symptoms of celiac disease include diarrhea and other signs of gastrointestinal distress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's all about the timing,\" Dermody says. The idea is that when the virus and gluten are introduced at the same time, the immune system mistakes the gluten-containing food as dangerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996.jpg\" alt=\"Transmission electron micrograph of a cell infected with reovirus (red). The virus is very common and not considered dangerous. Scientists now think it may have a role to play in triggering celiac disease.\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1498\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-116683\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996.jpg 1998w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-768x576.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003c/strong>But could this be true in humans too?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second phase of the new study suggests an answer\u003cstrong>\u003c/strong>. Dermody and his collaborators analyzed the antibody levels to various viruses in a group of people. They found people who have celiac disease have two- to five-fold higher levels of reovirus-specific antibodies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a clue that people who have celiac may have been exposed to reovirus before the development of their disease,\" Dermody says. But, he stresses that \"it's just a clue.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will take a long time to figure out if there's a causal link between reovirus infections and the onset of celiac disease. Dermody envisions a study involving thousands of children who would be followed for several years. For now, he and his collaborators have some grant funds from the National Institutes of Health to continue their research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The upside of understanding this possible connection is significant, explains Dr. Bana Jabri, of the University of Chicago, who is a co-author of the new study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it's true that the virus can trigger celiac disease, then young children who carry the risk genes for celiac could be vaccinated against Reovirus. \"It may be useful to start thinking about vaccinating people who are at a high risk of celiac disease against [these] types of viruses,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Links between viral infection and the development of auto-immune disorders such as celiac disease have been proposed before, \"but this is the first tractable experimental model to tackle this question,\" says \u003ca href=\"http://profiles.utsouthwestern.edu/profile/80210/julie-pfeiffer.html\">Julie Pfeiffer\u003c/a>, an Associate Professor of Microbiology at University of Texas Southwestern, who has followed the research, but is not involved in the new study. Given the interest and the findings, \"more studies in humans are warranted,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As awareness of celiac disease has grown, so too has the number of people experimenting with gluten-free diets due to concerns about gluten sensitivities. This is evident from the growth in gluten-free food sales and most recently, the introduction\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/07/education/edlife/gluten-free-dining-halls-at-cornell-and-kent-state.html?_r=0\"> of gluten-free dining halls\u003c/a> on two college campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "About 30 percent of Americans are predisposed to celiac disease, but only 1 percent get the disease. A new study finds that a common virus may play a role in determining who gets the disease.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new study raises a novel idea about what might trigger celiac disease, a condition that makes patients unable to tolerate foods containing gluten.\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study suggests that a common virus may be to blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people with celiac disease, gluten can wreak havoc on their digestive systems. Their immune systems mistake gluten as a dangerous substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists have known for a while that genetics predisposes some people to celiac. About 30 percent of Americans carry the genes that make them more susceptible to the disease. And yet, only about \u003ca href=\"https://www.beyondceliac.org/celiac-disease/facts-and-figures/\">one percent of Americans have celiac.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers wondered why not everyone with the risk genes gets the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer is likely complicated, but one theory has emerged. Perhaps a \"viral infection can serve as a trigger to celiac,\" explains Dr. \u003ca href=\"http://www.mmg.pitt.edu/person/terence-s-dermody\">Terence Dermody,\u003c/a> who chairs the Department of Pediatrics at the University of Pittsburgh, and is an author of \u003ca href=\"http://science.sciencemag.org/content/356/6333/44\">the new study\u003c/a> published in \u003cem>Science\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and a team of collaborators, led by Bana Jabri of the University of Chicago, decided to test this in experimental mice. They had been studying reovirus – a common virus that infects most Americans beginning in childhood, yet isn't considered dangerous. The researchers genetically engineered the mice to be more susceptible to celiac disease. Then they exposed \u003cstrong>\u003c/strong>mice to reovirus. \u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>At the same time they also fed gluten to the mice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out their hunch had been right. The mice developed \"an immunological response against gluten that mimics the features of humans with celiac disease,\" Dermody says. The symptoms of celiac disease include diarrhea and other signs of gastrointestinal distress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's all about the timing,\" Dermody says. The idea is that when the virus and gluten are introduced at the same time, the immune system mistakes the gluten-containing food as dangerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996.jpg\" alt=\"Transmission electron micrograph of a cell infected with reovirus (red). The virus is very common and not considered dangerous. Scientists now think it may have a role to play in triggering celiac disease.\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1498\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-116683\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996.jpg 1998w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-768x576.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/scisource_jf4603-8df205712197d898a1e42d6699071878e849c996-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003c/strong>But could this be true in humans too?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second phase of the new study suggests an answer\u003cstrong>\u003c/strong>. Dermody and his collaborators analyzed the antibody levels to various viruses in a group of people. They found people who have celiac disease have two- to five-fold higher levels of reovirus-specific antibodies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a clue that people who have celiac may have been exposed to reovirus before the development of their disease,\" Dermody says. But, he stresses that \"it's just a clue.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will take a long time to figure out if there's a causal link between reovirus infections and the onset of celiac disease. Dermody envisions a study involving thousands of children who would be followed for several years. For now, he and his collaborators have some grant funds from the National Institutes of Health to continue their research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The upside of understanding this possible connection is significant, explains Dr. Bana Jabri, of the University of Chicago, who is a co-author of the new study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it's true that the virus can trigger celiac disease, then young children who carry the risk genes for celiac could be vaccinated against Reovirus. \"It may be useful to start thinking about vaccinating people who are at a high risk of celiac disease against [these] types of viruses,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Links between viral infection and the development of auto-immune disorders such as celiac disease have been proposed before, \"but this is the first tractable experimental model to tackle this question,\" says \u003ca href=\"http://profiles.utsouthwestern.edu/profile/80210/julie-pfeiffer.html\">Julie Pfeiffer\u003c/a>, an Associate Professor of Microbiology at University of Texas Southwestern, who has followed the research, but is not involved in the new study. Given the interest and the findings, \"more studies in humans are warranted,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As awareness of celiac disease has grown, so too has the number of people experimenting with gluten-free diets due to concerns about gluten sensitivities. This is evident from the growth in gluten-free food sales and most recently, the introduction\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/07/education/edlife/gluten-free-dining-halls-at-cornell-and-kent-state.html?_r=0\"> of gluten-free dining halls\u003c/a> on two college campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Marin County Decision to Allow Local Slaughter Fires Up a Debate",
"title": "Marin County Decision to Allow Local Slaughter Fires Up a Debate",
"headTitle": "Bay Area Bites | KQED Food",
"content": "\u003cp>One vision of a progressive food system celebrates diverse local farms and an approach to meat production that reduces the suffering of animals eventually slated to be slaughtered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another vision insists that animal slaughter will never expunge its inherently inhumane nature, and that only plants should feed a growing global population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which is more progressive? And which is more sustainable? In many communities, food activists are too busy combating new concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs) or looking for alternatives to large-scale commodity crop production to debate the finer points of niche issues like local animal slaughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not the case in Marin County, California, \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/05/us/organic-farmings-american-heartland-awaits-royals.html\">a stronghold of the organic and local food movements\u003c/a>, where a recent choice by the county board of supervisors \u003ca href=\"http://www.marincounty.org/~/media/files/maringov/board-actions/2017/march/17031414cdadevpcodeltr.pdf?la=en\">to allow small-scale local animal slaughter\u003c/a> has fueled a fight over the meaning of sustainable food policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some locals, the reversal of the ban on all animal slaughter that the board enacted in 2003 adds another positive chapter to the county’s storied local food ethos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you do not encourage the model of more local, sustainable, transparent food systems, then you’re going to end up with Monsanto and Swift and the large conglomerates producing food in a manner that is unhealthy and environmentally completely inappropriate,” said Mark Pasternak, a rabbit farmer and the owner of \u003ca href=\"http://www.devilsgulchranch.com/index.html\">Devil’s Gulch Ranch\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to others, \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/01/10/sustainable-meat-supporters-and-vegan-activists-both-claim-bullying/\">the very phrase “sustainable meat” is an oxymoron\u003c/a>, an impossibility. By permitting any animal slaughter—even the small-scale, local kind—Marin County is regressing and papering over the sins of animal agriculture, they say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Small-Scale Slaughter Permitted\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe change in the code, \u003ca href=\"http://www.marinij.com/article/NO/20170314/NEWS/170319891\">unanimously approved by the board of supervisors last month\u003c/a>, allows small-scale slaughter of poultry—less than 20,000 birds or rabbits per year—and permits mobile slaughter units for all kinds of animals, including cows, pigs, and poultry to visit farms. The county won’t be inspecting slaughter operations, said Jeremy Tejirian, a planning manager for the county, although the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fsis.usda.gov/wps/portal/fsis/topics/food-safety-education/get-answers/food-safety-fact-sheets/production-and-inspection/slaughter-inspection-101/slaughter-inspection-101\">USDA inspects all slaughter units\u003c/a> for cows and pigs, including the mobile units that Marin is now using.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin County had considered allowing brick-and-mortar slaughterhouses, but decided against it. Officials also thought about retaining a rabbit slaughter ban when some residents protested the killing of animals that are also popular household pets, but ended up lifting it as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say lifting the ban will allow them to keep a great portion of the meat supply chain local, while also growing new aspects of their businesses. The rule change also highlights the limited number of options for small farmers everywhere, even in a place like Marin County, where there exists both demand for and supply of locally raised meat. Previously, farmers and ranchers had to send their animals to sometimes far-distant slaughterhouses for processing. Some Marin poultry farmers send their birds to Stockton or Sacramento, nearly 100 miles away. And though \u003ca href=\"http://www.marinsunfarms.com/about-us/\">the nearest beef processing plant\u003c/a> is just over the Sonoma county line to the north of Marin, \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/03/28/meat-processing-in-a-box/\">minimizing or eliminating animal transport\u003c/a> is key to humane treatment of poultry and livestock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that Sonoma County slaughterhouse has taken over the operations from Rancho Feeding, which earned notoriety after employees admitted to \u003ca href=\"http://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/5185001-181/rancho-feeding-corp-co-owner-sentenced\">slaughtering diseased and uninspected cows\u003c/a>, leading to a federal recall of 8.7 million pounds of beef.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifty years ago, there were about 10,000 slaughtering facilities scattered throughout the United States. Then in 1967, Congress passed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.farmtoconsumer.org/blog/2015/09/10/the-wholesome-meat-act-of-1967-disaster-for-small-slaughterhouses-from-the-start/\">Wholesome Meat Act\u003c/a>, which mandated that state slaughter rules be at least as strict as federal ones. The act ended up driving major consolidation in the meat processing industry, and today, there are fewer than 3,000 slaughterhouses throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal inspections are required for all large animal slaughter operations, and for poultry slaughter operations that process more than 20,000 animals per year. State regulations govern smaller poultry operations, and in California, only county rules cover poultry operations slaughtering fewer than 5,000 animals per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California’s 58 counties, rules regulating animal slaughter vary considerably, with urbanized areas generally having stricter limits, said Dave Runsten, the policy director for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.caff.org/\">Community Alliance with Family Farmers\u003c/a>, a California advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Debate Rages On\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People on both sides of the issue hold strong opinions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://miyokoskitchen.com/\">Miyoko Schinner\u003c/a>, an author, \u003ca href=\"http://www.artisanveganlife.com/\">vegan chef\u003c/a>, and animal rights activist based in Marin takes issue with the growing local, grass-fed beef movement. When applied to meat, terms like “local,” “humane,” and “farm-to-table” are just catch phrases that obscure the reality that meat will never feed the 9 billion people projected to populate the world by 2050, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Grass-fed may be more sustainable than CAFOs, but it’s not as sustainable as plants,” she said. “In my view, there’s so much more you can do with seven acres to grow plants and feed people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lifting the ban on animal slaughter will encourage more meat consumption, Schinner said. “What that is doing is promoting the myth of sustainable animal agriculture,” she added. “It’s making people feel better about continuing to eat animal products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, humane meat advocated say that allowing on-farm and small-scale animal slaughter enables farmers of pasture-raised chickens to retain more control over their product. It’s also a more humane alternative to industrialized slaughterhouses, in which dozens of chickens stream by on an assembly line every minute, making inspection difficult, Runsten said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a thing that used to be done on farms all the time,” he added. “If more of them took the path that Marin took, and said this is a right of farmers to do that, I think it would open up more opportunities for people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, there’s a bottleneck in the local food supply chain under current practices as farmers end up having to reserve slots in slaughterhouses months ahead of time, said Pete Kennedy, who is on the board of directors for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.farmtoconsumer.org/\">Farm-to-Consumer Legal Defense Fund\u003c/a>, which advocates for less restrictive regulations on raw milk and small-scale animal slaughter. On-farm slaughter will help relieve the holdup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allowing local, on-farm slaughter “is really just a chance to improve the local infrastructure and better meet the demand for locally-produced meat,” said Kennedy, whose group is advocating for\u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2015/11/04/could-this-bill-make-local-meat-more-affordable-prime-act/\">legislation that would legalize the sale of custom-processed meat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, unspoken don’t-ask-don’t-tell animal slaughter practices common in California leave farmers in legal limbo, said Pasternak of Devil’s Gulch Ranch. Better to explicitly approve slaughter, as Marin County has now done, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to know before you spend the money, time, and effort that you’re able to do it,” said Pasternak, whose farm is outside the areas zoned for animal slaughter. “It’s critical for young farmers, beginning farmers, and any farmers, if they want to invest the money in diversifying, in selling their products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pasternak also pointed to aesthetic benefits of lifting the ban. Farms are commercial enterprises, and dirty, sometimes noisy activities—such as slaughtering animals, spraying fields, and driving tractors—are necessary to retain the open space Marin residents cherish. Many wealthy people in the area near his farm “want to look at nice green pastures with a cow, but don’t want any commercial activity with smells or sounds or dust,” Pasternak said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Marin County, \u003ca href=\"http://www.marineconomicconsulting.com/Presentations/CAMS%20Forum%20030117.pdf\">some residents worry\u003c/a> animal slaughter could harm the local economy. “I think it has the potential to be an unmitigated disaster,” said \u003ca href=\"http://www.marineconomicconsulting.com/consultants.php\">Jon Haveman, an economist in Marin County\u003c/a>. He said he doesn’t oppose all animal slaughter and just believes it needs to be done in more suitable places with fewer tourists and residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declining residential property values could threaten the county’s budget, he said. Tourism could decline. Additionally, he worries about water use in a drought-prone area. Slaughtering requires large amounts of water–130 gallons per cow, and five to 10 gallons per chicken–and the guts and offal have to be disposed of lest predators cart them off. Less stringent inspection rules for smaller slaughter operations could lead people to cheat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people in Marin County are already plotting legal recourse. “There are people looking at it pretty aggressively, and I’d be pretty surprised if there was not legal action brought,” Haveman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About the Author\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/author/aorlowski/\" target=\"_blank\">Aaron Orlowski\u003c/a> is a California-based environment, food and science journalist. He often writes about agriculture, fish (both farmed and wild), water resources, and renewable energy. Before settling on the West Coast, he worked for newspapers in North and South Dakota. In his spare time, he attempts to salvage untested recipes in the kitchen.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In a county famous for its support of local food, the uproar over lifting Marin’s ban on local slaughter raises questions about sustainable food policy.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One vision of a progressive food system celebrates diverse local farms and an approach to meat production that reduces the suffering of animals eventually slated to be slaughtered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another vision insists that animal slaughter will never expunge its inherently inhumane nature, and that only plants should feed a growing global population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which is more progressive? And which is more sustainable? In many communities, food activists are too busy combating new concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs) or looking for alternatives to large-scale commodity crop production to debate the finer points of niche issues like local animal slaughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not the case in Marin County, California, \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/05/us/organic-farmings-american-heartland-awaits-royals.html\">a stronghold of the organic and local food movements\u003c/a>, where a recent choice by the county board of supervisors \u003ca href=\"http://www.marincounty.org/~/media/files/maringov/board-actions/2017/march/17031414cdadevpcodeltr.pdf?la=en\">to allow small-scale local animal slaughter\u003c/a> has fueled a fight over the meaning of sustainable food policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some locals, the reversal of the ban on all animal slaughter that the board enacted in 2003 adds another positive chapter to the county’s storied local food ethos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you do not encourage the model of more local, sustainable, transparent food systems, then you’re going to end up with Monsanto and Swift and the large conglomerates producing food in a manner that is unhealthy and environmentally completely inappropriate,” said Mark Pasternak, a rabbit farmer and the owner of \u003ca href=\"http://www.devilsgulchranch.com/index.html\">Devil’s Gulch Ranch\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to others, \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/01/10/sustainable-meat-supporters-and-vegan-activists-both-claim-bullying/\">the very phrase “sustainable meat” is an oxymoron\u003c/a>, an impossibility. By permitting any animal slaughter—even the small-scale, local kind—Marin County is regressing and papering over the sins of animal agriculture, they say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Small-Scale Slaughter Permitted\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe change in the code, \u003ca href=\"http://www.marinij.com/article/NO/20170314/NEWS/170319891\">unanimously approved by the board of supervisors last month\u003c/a>, allows small-scale slaughter of poultry—less than 20,000 birds or rabbits per year—and permits mobile slaughter units for all kinds of animals, including cows, pigs, and poultry to visit farms. The county won’t be inspecting slaughter operations, said Jeremy Tejirian, a planning manager for the county, although the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fsis.usda.gov/wps/portal/fsis/topics/food-safety-education/get-answers/food-safety-fact-sheets/production-and-inspection/slaughter-inspection-101/slaughter-inspection-101\">USDA inspects all slaughter units\u003c/a> for cows and pigs, including the mobile units that Marin is now using.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin County had considered allowing brick-and-mortar slaughterhouses, but decided against it. Officials also thought about retaining a rabbit slaughter ban when some residents protested the killing of animals that are also popular household pets, but ended up lifting it as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say lifting the ban will allow them to keep a great portion of the meat supply chain local, while also growing new aspects of their businesses. The rule change also highlights the limited number of options for small farmers everywhere, even in a place like Marin County, where there exists both demand for and supply of locally raised meat. Previously, farmers and ranchers had to send their animals to sometimes far-distant slaughterhouses for processing. Some Marin poultry farmers send their birds to Stockton or Sacramento, nearly 100 miles away. And though \u003ca href=\"http://www.marinsunfarms.com/about-us/\">the nearest beef processing plant\u003c/a> is just over the Sonoma county line to the north of Marin, \u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2017/03/28/meat-processing-in-a-box/\">minimizing or eliminating animal transport\u003c/a> is key to humane treatment of poultry and livestock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that Sonoma County slaughterhouse has taken over the operations from Rancho Feeding, which earned notoriety after employees admitted to \u003ca href=\"http://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/5185001-181/rancho-feeding-corp-co-owner-sentenced\">slaughtering diseased and uninspected cows\u003c/a>, leading to a federal recall of 8.7 million pounds of beef.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifty years ago, there were about 10,000 slaughtering facilities scattered throughout the United States. Then in 1967, Congress passed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.farmtoconsumer.org/blog/2015/09/10/the-wholesome-meat-act-of-1967-disaster-for-small-slaughterhouses-from-the-start/\">Wholesome Meat Act\u003c/a>, which mandated that state slaughter rules be at least as strict as federal ones. The act ended up driving major consolidation in the meat processing industry, and today, there are fewer than 3,000 slaughterhouses throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal inspections are required for all large animal slaughter operations, and for poultry slaughter operations that process more than 20,000 animals per year. State regulations govern smaller poultry operations, and in California, only county rules cover poultry operations slaughtering fewer than 5,000 animals per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California’s 58 counties, rules regulating animal slaughter vary considerably, with urbanized areas generally having stricter limits, said Dave Runsten, the policy director for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.caff.org/\">Community Alliance with Family Farmers\u003c/a>, a California advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Debate Rages On\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People on both sides of the issue hold strong opinions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://miyokoskitchen.com/\">Miyoko Schinner\u003c/a>, an author, \u003ca href=\"http://www.artisanveganlife.com/\">vegan chef\u003c/a>, and animal rights activist based in Marin takes issue with the growing local, grass-fed beef movement. When applied to meat, terms like “local,” “humane,” and “farm-to-table” are just catch phrases that obscure the reality that meat will never feed the 9 billion people projected to populate the world by 2050, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Grass-fed may be more sustainable than CAFOs, but it’s not as sustainable as plants,” she said. “In my view, there’s so much more you can do with seven acres to grow plants and feed people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lifting the ban on animal slaughter will encourage more meat consumption, Schinner said. “What that is doing is promoting the myth of sustainable animal agriculture,” she added. “It’s making people feel better about continuing to eat animal products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, humane meat advocated say that allowing on-farm and small-scale animal slaughter enables farmers of pasture-raised chickens to retain more control over their product. It’s also a more humane alternative to industrialized slaughterhouses, in which dozens of chickens stream by on an assembly line every minute, making inspection difficult, Runsten said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a thing that used to be done on farms all the time,” he added. “If more of them took the path that Marin took, and said this is a right of farmers to do that, I think it would open up more opportunities for people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, there’s a bottleneck in the local food supply chain under current practices as farmers end up having to reserve slots in slaughterhouses months ahead of time, said Pete Kennedy, who is on the board of directors for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.farmtoconsumer.org/\">Farm-to-Consumer Legal Defense Fund\u003c/a>, which advocates for less restrictive regulations on raw milk and small-scale animal slaughter. On-farm slaughter will help relieve the holdup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allowing local, on-farm slaughter “is really just a chance to improve the local infrastructure and better meet the demand for locally-produced meat,” said Kennedy, whose group is advocating for\u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/2015/11/04/could-this-bill-make-local-meat-more-affordable-prime-act/\">legislation that would legalize the sale of custom-processed meat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, unspoken don’t-ask-don’t-tell animal slaughter practices common in California leave farmers in legal limbo, said Pasternak of Devil’s Gulch Ranch. Better to explicitly approve slaughter, as Marin County has now done, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to know before you spend the money, time, and effort that you’re able to do it,” said Pasternak, whose farm is outside the areas zoned for animal slaughter. “It’s critical for young farmers, beginning farmers, and any farmers, if they want to invest the money in diversifying, in selling their products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pasternak also pointed to aesthetic benefits of lifting the ban. Farms are commercial enterprises, and dirty, sometimes noisy activities—such as slaughtering animals, spraying fields, and driving tractors—are necessary to retain the open space Marin residents cherish. Many wealthy people in the area near his farm “want to look at nice green pastures with a cow, but don’t want any commercial activity with smells or sounds or dust,” Pasternak said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Marin County, \u003ca href=\"http://www.marineconomicconsulting.com/Presentations/CAMS%20Forum%20030117.pdf\">some residents worry\u003c/a> animal slaughter could harm the local economy. “I think it has the potential to be an unmitigated disaster,” said \u003ca href=\"http://www.marineconomicconsulting.com/consultants.php\">Jon Haveman, an economist in Marin County\u003c/a>. He said he doesn’t oppose all animal slaughter and just believes it needs to be done in more suitable places with fewer tourists and residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declining residential property values could threaten the county’s budget, he said. Tourism could decline. Additionally, he worries about water use in a drought-prone area. Slaughtering requires large amounts of water–130 gallons per cow, and five to 10 gallons per chicken–and the guts and offal have to be disposed of lest predators cart them off. Less stringent inspection rules for smaller slaughter operations could lead people to cheat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people in Marin County are already plotting legal recourse. “There are people looking at it pretty aggressively, and I’d be pretty surprised if there was not legal action brought,” Haveman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About the Author\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://civileats.com/author/aorlowski/\" target=\"_blank\">Aaron Orlowski\u003c/a> is a California-based environment, food and science journalist. He often writes about agriculture, fish (both farmed and wild), water resources, and renewable energy. Before settling on the West Coast, he worked for newspapers in North and South Dakota. In his spare time, he attempts to salvage untested recipes in the kitchen.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The investment firm that owns Krispy Kreme, Caribou Coffee and other enterprises, is purchasing the Panera Bread Co. for $315 per share in cash — a premium of roughly 30 percent over its recent average trading price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal with JAB Holding Co. is valued at around $7.5 billion, Panera \u003ca href=\"https://www.panerabread.com/panerabread/documents/press/2017/panera-jab-joint%20transaction-press%20release-4-5-17.pdf\">said Wednesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the transaction is finalized in the third quarter of 2017 as planned, Panera would be privately held.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News of the merger brought a spike in Panera's stock price. After closing at $274 a share yesterday, the stock soared to well over $300 in pre-market trading this morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panera says its board of directors has unanimously approved the definitive merger agreement with JAB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panera has seen exceptional growth since the early 1990s, \u003ca href=\"https://www.panerabread.com/en-us/company/about-panera/our-history.html\">when it was created\u003c/a> by the founders of Au Bon Pain. Louis Kane and Ron Shaich had purchased the 20-store Saint Louis Bread Company and then changed the concept and name to Panera. They eventually sold off Au Bon Pain to focus on Panera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bread-centric café chain says it now has more than 2,000 locations, some $5 billion in sales, and more than 100,000 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to Krispy Kreme, JAB owns coffee and breakfast companies from Jacobs Douwe Egberts and Peet's Coffee & Tea to Einstein Bros. Bagels. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The investment firm that owns Krispy Kreme, Caribou Coffee and other enterprises, is purchasing the Panera Bread Co. for $315 per share in cash — a premium of roughly 30 percent over its recent average trading price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal with JAB Holding Co. is valued at around $7.5 billion, Panera \u003ca href=\"https://www.panerabread.com/panerabread/documents/press/2017/panera-jab-joint%20transaction-press%20release-4-5-17.pdf\">said Wednesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the transaction is finalized in the third quarter of 2017 as planned, Panera would be privately held.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News of the merger brought a spike in Panera's stock price. After closing at $274 a share yesterday, the stock soared to well over $300 in pre-market trading this morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panera says its board of directors has unanimously approved the definitive merger agreement with JAB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panera has seen exceptional growth since the early 1990s, \u003ca href=\"https://www.panerabread.com/en-us/company/about-panera/our-history.html\">when it was created\u003c/a> by the founders of Au Bon Pain. Louis Kane and Ron Shaich had purchased the 20-store Saint Louis Bread Company and then changed the concept and name to Panera. They eventually sold off Au Bon Pain to focus on Panera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bread-centric café chain says it now has more than 2,000 locations, some $5 billion in sales, and more than 100,000 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to Krispy Kreme, JAB owns coffee and breakfast companies from Jacobs Douwe Egberts and Peet's Coffee & Tea to Einstein Bros. Bagels. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Fighting Trump, One Delicious Meal at a Time with Nourish|Resist",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last year, a group of women started meeting in San Francisco. It was an informal group, composed of women of color who worked in the San Francisco food world at places like \u003ca href=\"http://www.tartinebakery.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Tartine\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.biritemarket.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Bi-Rite\u003c/a>. They used the potlucks to swap stories and share advice. After the election, the mood darkened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were all feeling different levels of grief, despondence, confusion, [and] frustration,” said Leslie Mah, one of the group’s organizers. During one of the meals, someone wondered what they could do to combat President Trump’s administration. “We started naming things, and it started coming together--ok, we actually have a lot here,” Mah said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November galvanized the group, organizer Shakirah Simley said. It made them want to “come together as a community and build something that was sincere to our needs as women, as folks of color, as people who understand these pretty intense issues as [they] relate to class, race, gender, immigration, labor and the economy,” Simley said. “We see all those things as industry folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_116532\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-116532\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05.jpg\" alt=\"Nourish/Resist members at their first event in January.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nourish/Resist members at their first event in January. \u003ccite>(Sana Javeri Kadri)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The group decided to formalize the group as a tool for political action, and dubbed themselves \u003ca href=\"https://nourishresist.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Nourish|Resist\u003c/a>. They came up with a slogan: “Hate won’t feed us.” And since then, the group has combined their skill sets--from baking to political organizing--to educate people about how to effectively fight Trump’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group takes a dual approach. Part of their work is internal, reminiscent of those early group dinners. It’s a safe space for women of color to discuss the mundanities and frustrations of their daily working lives. “When people think of resistance, they think of a protest. We like to think our existence is resistance,” Simley said. “In order to do that external organization, I like to say you have to take time to sharpen your saw before [you] can slice through wood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their other work is external, a collection of events that facilitates direct political action. Many in the group have political and organizing backgrounds. Mah worked for \u003ca href=\"https://front.moveon.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Move On\u003c/a> during the beginning of the Obama administration, and later worked as a paralegal for death row inmates before switching careers to work at \u003ca href=\"https://www.ritualroasters.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Ritual Coffee Roasters\u003c/a>, where she’s currently head roaster. Until recently, Simley was Bi-Rite’s \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2017/03/good-food-advocate-shakirah-simley-bids-bi-rite-farewell/\" target=\"_blank\">community program manager\u003c/a>, where she worked on community development projects like increasing the amount of healthy food at corner stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the group also emphasizes the importance that comes with the first part of their name, the power that comes with feeding people. “Breaking bread is an essential part of bringing people together that’s disarming,” said Simley. “Everyone eats. You can’t do this work unless you’re full. We want to make sure that [we’re] paying homage to what we’re really good at and what we know, which is food, beverage and hospitality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_116528\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-116528\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited.jpg\" alt=\"Nourish|Resist's first event, "An Unpresidented Meal," combined political organizing and a delicious meal.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nourish|Resist's first event, \"An Unpresidented Meal,\" combined political organizing and a delicious meal. \u003ccite>(Sana Javeri Kadri)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://nourishresist.org/blog/2017/2/7/video-an-unprecedented-meal-on-january-19th-2017\" target=\"_blank\">An Unpresidented Meal,\u003c/a> the group’s first event, took place at Mission High the night before the inauguration. The group organized a meal--salad, turkey kofta--and instructed the high schoolers on how they could channel their frustrations. They made protest signs together, and talked about the rights people have when protesting. Don’t just stop there, the group urged, instructing them how to set up a citywide network of young activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://player.vimeo.com/video/200338283?title=0&byline=0&portrait=0\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\" frameborder=\"0\" webkitallowfullscreen mozallowfullscreen allowfullscreen>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t respect the power of youth,” Simley said. “Youth are not apathetic because they don’t care, youth are apathetic because they feel like people don’t care about them. The minute you give youth resources, or agency or ask them what they think, they can be really engaged. They told us at our resistance dinner, ‘we’re inheriting something you created.’ And it’s not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other events followed. Around Valentine’s Day, they provided chocolate and writing supplies for a “love letters to legislators” event, as well as tips for a useful letter (don’t just be angry, mention a specific bill or action you want them to support). The event yielded hundreds of \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/BQgI9IOgZJ2/?taken-by=nourishresist\" target=\"_blank\">colorful postcards\u003c/a> to local politicians. The goal, Mah said, is to show people exactly what actions they can take to create the most amount of change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"instagram-media\" data-instgrm-captioned data-instgrm-version=\"7\" style=\" background:#FFF; border:0; border-radius:3px; box-shadow:0 0 1px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.5),0 1px 10px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.15); margin: 1px; max-width:658px; padding:0; width:99.375%; width:-webkit-calc(100% - 2px); width:calc(100% - 2px);\">\n\u003cdiv style=\"padding:8px;\">\n\u003cdiv style=\" background:#F8F8F8; line-height:0; margin-top:40px; padding:50.97222222222222% 0; text-align:center; width:100%;\">\n\u003cdiv style=\" background:url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAACwAAAAsCAMAAAApWqozAAAABGdBTUEAALGPC/xhBQAAAAFzUkdCAK7OHOkAAAAMUExURczMzPf399fX1+bm5mzY9AMAAADiSURBVDjLvZXbEsMgCES5/P8/t9FuRVCRmU73JWlzosgSIIZURCjo/ad+EQJJB4Hv8BFt+IDpQoCx1wjOSBFhh2XssxEIYn3ulI/6MNReE07UIWJEv8UEOWDS88LY97kqyTliJKKtuYBbruAyVh5wOHiXmpi5we58Ek028czwyuQdLKPG1Bkb4NnM+VeAnfHqn1k4+GPT6uGQcvu2h2OVuIf/gWUFyy8OWEpdyZSa3aVCqpVoVvzZZ2VTnn2wU8qzVjDDetO90GSy9mVLqtgYSy231MxrY6I2gGqjrTY0L8fxCxfCBbhWrsYYAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); display:block; height:44px; margin:0 auto -44px; position:relative; top:-22px; width:44px;\">\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp style=\" margin:8px 0 0 0; padding:0 4px;\"> \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/BQgI9IOgZJ2/\" style=\" color:#000; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; font-style:normal; font-weight:normal; line-height:17px; text-decoration:none; word-wrap:break-word;\" target=\"_blank\">Tonight we invite you to join us in the revolutionary act of #LoveLetterstoLegislators. And if you're making dinner for your sweetie, we'll see you next week, in #Oakland on 2/23. Have a #Valentines hug and a kiss from #NourishResist.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\" color:#c9c8cd; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; line-height:17px; margin-bottom:0; margin-top:8px; overflow:hidden; padding:8px 0 7px; text-align:center; text-overflow:ellipsis; white-space:nowrap;\">A post shared by Nourish | Resist (@nourishresist) on \u003ctime style=\" font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; line-height:17px;\" datetime=\"2017-02-14T18:32:30+00:00\">Feb 14, 2017 at 10:32am PST\u003c/time>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript async defer src=\"//platform.instagram.com/en_US/embeds.js\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times, people want to do something, yet there’s a lack of understanding of how to do that,” Mah said. “We’d like to create a very tangible pathway of activation and participation that’s not just for the white majority who enjoy privilege, but also [for] very silenced majorities who have not been able to activate themselves for either fear, a sense of vulnerability, or a lack of support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_116530\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-116530 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited.jpg\" alt=\"Part of the night's meal at An Unpresidented Meal.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2880\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-768x1152.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-1180x1770.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-960x1440.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-375x563.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-520x780.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Part of the night's meal at An Unpresidented Meal. \u003ccite>(Sana Javeri Kadri)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Their goal isn’t merely to motivate San Franciscans, who have a wealth of resources and like-minded cohorts available to them. Nourish|Resist puts their \u003ca href=\"https://nourishresist.org/resources/\" target=\"_blank\">resources online\u003c/a>, so other groups throughout the country--who might be the Democratic minority in a red state--can easily create their own version of Nourish|Resist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is currently planning more \u003ca href=\"https://nourishresist.org/events/\" target=\"_blank\">events\u003c/a>, including one this Friday about the \u003ca href=\"http://voicesfromthekitchen.org/\" target=\"_blank\">role of race in the kitchen\u003c/a>. In the future, they hope to connect with more women, and encourage people to participate in local and state elections. They also have loftier goals. They want to, “foster personal and food security for our community,” and “create coalitions across our similarly-minded movements, people, and organizations.” It’ll be a slow journey, requiring an excess of time and money from workers in an industry that thrives on little of both. But Mah and Simley are excited for the future, excited to use their passion for local, sustainable food to challenge the new political reality, and show others that food is far from apolitical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We use food as a tool for our resistance,” said Simley. “Sometimes when we think about the food system, people are like ‘yeah, we want a more just food system.’ We want a more just people system. And we use food to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last year, a group of women started meeting in San Francisco. It was an informal group, composed of women of color who worked in the San Francisco food world at places like \u003ca href=\"http://www.tartinebakery.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Tartine\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.biritemarket.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Bi-Rite\u003c/a>. They used the potlucks to swap stories and share advice. After the election, the mood darkened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were all feeling different levels of grief, despondence, confusion, [and] frustration,” said Leslie Mah, one of the group’s organizers. During one of the meals, someone wondered what they could do to combat President Trump’s administration. “We started naming things, and it started coming together--ok, we actually have a lot here,” Mah said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November galvanized the group, organizer Shakirah Simley said. It made them want to “come together as a community and build something that was sincere to our needs as women, as folks of color, as people who understand these pretty intense issues as [they] relate to class, race, gender, immigration, labor and the economy,” Simley said. “We see all those things as industry folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_116532\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-116532\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05.jpg\" alt=\"Nourish/Resist members at their first event in January.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_05-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nourish/Resist members at their first event in January. \u003ccite>(Sana Javeri Kadri)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The group decided to formalize the group as a tool for political action, and dubbed themselves \u003ca href=\"https://nourishresist.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Nourish|Resist\u003c/a>. They came up with a slogan: “Hate won’t feed us.” And since then, the group has combined their skill sets--from baking to political organizing--to educate people about how to effectively fight Trump’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group takes a dual approach. Part of their work is internal, reminiscent of those early group dinners. It’s a safe space for women of color to discuss the mundanities and frustrations of their daily working lives. “When people think of resistance, they think of a protest. We like to think our existence is resistance,” Simley said. “In order to do that external organization, I like to say you have to take time to sharpen your saw before [you] can slice through wood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their other work is external, a collection of events that facilitates direct political action. Many in the group have political and organizing backgrounds. Mah worked for \u003ca href=\"https://front.moveon.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Move On\u003c/a> during the beginning of the Obama administration, and later worked as a paralegal for death row inmates before switching careers to work at \u003ca href=\"https://www.ritualroasters.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Ritual Coffee Roasters\u003c/a>, where she’s currently head roaster. Until recently, Simley was Bi-Rite’s \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2017/03/good-food-advocate-shakirah-simley-bids-bi-rite-farewell/\" target=\"_blank\">community program manager\u003c/a>, where she worked on community development projects like increasing the amount of healthy food at corner stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the group also emphasizes the importance that comes with the first part of their name, the power that comes with feeding people. “Breaking bread is an essential part of bringing people together that’s disarming,” said Simley. “Everyone eats. You can’t do this work unless you’re full. We want to make sure that [we’re] paying homage to what we’re really good at and what we know, which is food, beverage and hospitality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_116528\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-116528\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited.jpg\" alt=\"Nourish|Resist's first event, "An Unpresidented Meal," combined political organizing and a delicious meal.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/edited-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nourish|Resist's first event, \"An Unpresidented Meal,\" combined political organizing and a delicious meal. \u003ccite>(Sana Javeri Kadri)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://nourishresist.org/blog/2017/2/7/video-an-unprecedented-meal-on-january-19th-2017\" target=\"_blank\">An Unpresidented Meal,\u003c/a> the group’s first event, took place at Mission High the night before the inauguration. The group organized a meal--salad, turkey kofta--and instructed the high schoolers on how they could channel their frustrations. They made protest signs together, and talked about the rights people have when protesting. Don’t just stop there, the group urged, instructing them how to set up a citywide network of young activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://player.vimeo.com/video/200338283?title=0&byline=0&portrait=0\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\" frameborder=\"0\" webkitallowfullscreen mozallowfullscreen allowfullscreen>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t respect the power of youth,” Simley said. “Youth are not apathetic because they don’t care, youth are apathetic because they feel like people don’t care about them. The minute you give youth resources, or agency or ask them what they think, they can be really engaged. They told us at our resistance dinner, ‘we’re inheriting something you created.’ And it’s not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other events followed. Around Valentine’s Day, they provided chocolate and writing supplies for a “love letters to legislators” event, as well as tips for a useful letter (don’t just be angry, mention a specific bill or action you want them to support). The event yielded hundreds of \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/BQgI9IOgZJ2/?taken-by=nourishresist\" target=\"_blank\">colorful postcards\u003c/a> to local politicians. The goal, Mah said, is to show people exactly what actions they can take to create the most amount of change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"instagram-media\" data-instgrm-captioned data-instgrm-version=\"7\" style=\" background:#FFF; border:0; border-radius:3px; box-shadow:0 0 1px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.5),0 1px 10px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.15); margin: 1px; max-width:658px; padding:0; width:99.375%; width:-webkit-calc(100% - 2px); width:calc(100% - 2px);\">\n\u003cdiv style=\"padding:8px;\">\n\u003cdiv style=\" background:#F8F8F8; line-height:0; margin-top:40px; padding:50.97222222222222% 0; text-align:center; width:100%;\">\n\u003cdiv style=\" background:url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAACwAAAAsCAMAAAApWqozAAAABGdBTUEAALGPC/xhBQAAAAFzUkdCAK7OHOkAAAAMUExURczMzPf399fX1+bm5mzY9AMAAADiSURBVDjLvZXbEsMgCES5/P8/t9FuRVCRmU73JWlzosgSIIZURCjo/ad+EQJJB4Hv8BFt+IDpQoCx1wjOSBFhh2XssxEIYn3ulI/6MNReE07UIWJEv8UEOWDS88LY97kqyTliJKKtuYBbruAyVh5wOHiXmpi5we58Ek028czwyuQdLKPG1Bkb4NnM+VeAnfHqn1k4+GPT6uGQcvu2h2OVuIf/gWUFyy8OWEpdyZSa3aVCqpVoVvzZZ2VTnn2wU8qzVjDDetO90GSy9mVLqtgYSy231MxrY6I2gGqjrTY0L8fxCxfCBbhWrsYYAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); display:block; height:44px; margin:0 auto -44px; position:relative; top:-22px; width:44px;\">\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp style=\" margin:8px 0 0 0; padding:0 4px;\"> \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/BQgI9IOgZJ2/\" style=\" color:#000; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; font-style:normal; font-weight:normal; line-height:17px; text-decoration:none; word-wrap:break-word;\" target=\"_blank\">Tonight we invite you to join us in the revolutionary act of #LoveLetterstoLegislators. And if you're making dinner for your sweetie, we'll see you next week, in #Oakland on 2/23. Have a #Valentines hug and a kiss from #NourishResist.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\" color:#c9c8cd; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; line-height:17px; margin-bottom:0; margin-top:8px; overflow:hidden; padding:8px 0 7px; text-align:center; text-overflow:ellipsis; white-space:nowrap;\">A post shared by Nourish | Resist (@nourishresist) on \u003ctime style=\" font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; line-height:17px;\" datetime=\"2017-02-14T18:32:30+00:00\">Feb 14, 2017 at 10:32am PST\u003c/time>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript async defer src=\"//platform.instagram.com/en_US/embeds.js\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times, people want to do something, yet there’s a lack of understanding of how to do that,” Mah said. “We’d like to create a very tangible pathway of activation and participation that’s not just for the white majority who enjoy privilege, but also [for] very silenced majorities who have not been able to activate themselves for either fear, a sense of vulnerability, or a lack of support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_116530\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-116530 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited.jpg\" alt=\"Part of the night's meal at An Unpresidented Meal.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2880\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-768x1152.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-1180x1770.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-960x1440.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-375x563.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/NourishResistRD_03edited-520x780.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Part of the night's meal at An Unpresidented Meal. \u003ccite>(Sana Javeri Kadri)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Their goal isn’t merely to motivate San Franciscans, who have a wealth of resources and like-minded cohorts available to them. Nourish|Resist puts their \u003ca href=\"https://nourishresist.org/resources/\" target=\"_blank\">resources online\u003c/a>, so other groups throughout the country--who might be the Democratic minority in a red state--can easily create their own version of Nourish|Resist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is currently planning more \u003ca href=\"https://nourishresist.org/events/\" target=\"_blank\">events\u003c/a>, including one this Friday about the \u003ca href=\"http://voicesfromthekitchen.org/\" target=\"_blank\">role of race in the kitchen\u003c/a>. In the future, they hope to connect with more women, and encourage people to participate in local and state elections. They also have loftier goals. They want to, “foster personal and food security for our community,” and “create coalitions across our similarly-minded movements, people, and organizations.” It’ll be a slow journey, requiring an excess of time and money from workers in an industry that thrives on little of both. But Mah and Simley are excited for the future, excited to use their passion for local, sustainable food to challenge the new political reality, and show others that food is far from apolitical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We use food as a tool for our resistance,” said Simley. “Sometimes when we think about the food system, people are like ‘yeah, we want a more just food system.’ We want a more just people system. And we use food to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "The Taste Of Wine Isn't All In Your Head, But Your Brain Sure Helps",
"title": "The Taste Of Wine Isn't All In Your Head, But Your Brain Sure Helps",
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"content": "\u003cp>What do listening to music, hitting a baseball and solving a complex math problem have in common? They all activate \u003cem>less\u003c/em> gray matter than drinking wine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Yale neuroscientist Gordon Shepherd, the flavor of wine \"engages more of our brain than any other human behavior.\" The apparently simple act of sipping Merlot involves a complex interplay of air and liquid controlled by coordinated movements of the the tongue, jaw, diaphragm and throat. Inside the mouth, molecules in wine stimulate thousands of taste and odor receptors, sending a flavor signal to the brain that triggers massive cognitive computation involving pattern recognition, memory, value judgment, emotion and of course, pleasure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whereas most wine writers tend to focus on the various elements that go into the wine itself — the grape, the oak, terroir, the winemaker — Shepherd's subject is the drinker. He explores biomechanics, physiology and neuroscience to describe a journey that begins as wine passes the lips and ends with a lingering \"finish\" that can last for minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_116526\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/books/titles/521820145/neuroenology-how-the-brain-creates-the-taste-of-wine\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/9780231177009_custom-631b6fcea5673e831800a02a6d11e9a6348aa71b-s400-c85.jpg\" alt=\"Neuroenology How the Brain Creates the Taste of Wine by Gordon M. Shepherd\" width=\"400\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-full wp-image-116526\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/9780231177009_custom-631b6fcea5673e831800a02a6d11e9a6348aa71b-s400-c85.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/9780231177009_custom-631b6fcea5673e831800a02a6d11e9a6348aa71b-s400-c85-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/9780231177009_custom-631b6fcea5673e831800a02a6d11e9a6348aa71b-s400-c85-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/9780231177009_custom-631b6fcea5673e831800a02a6d11e9a6348aa71b-s400-c85-375x563.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Neuroenology\u003cbr>How the Brain Creates the Taste of Wine\u003cbr>by Gordon M. Shepherd\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you've ever wondered how many muscles there are in the tongue (eight), if a high-fat diet can affect the perception of wine (it can), or if it's possible to experience the full flavor of a wine that's been spat out (it is not), Shepherd has answers — extraordinarily detailed, scientifically rigorous answers. I spoke to Shepherd about his new book, \u003cem>Neuroenology: How the Brain Creates the Taste of Wine.\u003c/em> Our interview has been condensed and edited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The subtitle of your book is \"How the Brain Creates the Taste of Wine.\" Can you explain what that means?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analogy one can use is color. The objects we see don't have color themselves — light hits them and bounces off. It's when light strikes our eyes that it activates systems in the brain that create color from those different wavelengths. Similarly, the molecules in wine don't have taste or flavor, but when they stimulate our brains, the brain creates flavor the same way it creates color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Chapter one is on fluid dynamics, a subject you almost never hear mentioned by wine connoisseurs. How does fluid dynamics inform our understanding of wine?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don't just put wine in your mouth and leave it there. You move it about and then swallow it, which is a very complex motor act. If you search on YouTube for anyone doing serious wine tasting, they are working it with their mouths. It's a very active process. So to understand the physiology of tasting wine, it's necessary to give people a whole new context of how wine sensing and wine tasting takes place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You talk about a \"hidden force\" in wine tasting. What is it?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you sniff wine in the glass, you appreciate the bouquet. That's called \"orthonasal\" smell — the external smelling we're all familiar with. But what most people are unaware of is that when you take wine in your mouth and experience the flavor, most of that flavor is due to a kind of internal smelling. The air comes in from the throat, not your nostrils. That's called \"retronasal\" smell. The molecules are carried to the same receptor cells in the nose, but from the opposite direction. This is very important when it comes to wine flavor. An example is the famous jelly bean test. If you put a jelly bean in your mouth and plug your nose and sense it with your tongue, all you sense is sweet from the sugar. But if you then unplug your nose, suddenly you're flooded with the full flavor experience, and it's because you're smelling through the back of your nose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>One thing you write about that I've never read elsewhere is the effect saliva has on wine.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our bodies produce saliva all the time, and saliva has stuff in it — stuff that both dilutes the wine and interacts with it. So as soon as the wine enters your mouth, it immediately begins to change. For example, saliva contains enzymes that break down the molecules in the wine to create compounds that effervesce into the air to stimulate the smell receptors in your nose. This produces new compounds that were not originally in the wine — they were created by this interaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The amount of saliva a person produces can affect their perception of wine. So can things like age, gender, or even the amount of acetone — a byproduct of energy metabolism — in a person's breath.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the time of day. And whether or not they're depressed. If we're talking about smell, we have about 350 different kinds of olfactory receptors. They are not the same between individuals — yours will be different than mine. And they're not always the same over the course of months or years. As the cells turn over, they can change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Given all these subjective variables, and the fact that the brain \"creates\" the taste of wine, is it possible for two people to experience the same wine in the same way?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is still a commonality. We all know it's a liquid, after all. We all know it comes from fruit. We all know it contains alcohol. And we all have saliva that is more or less the same. So probably 90 percent is the same and 10 percent is different. That's part of the pleasure of wine —comparing your pleasure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Does your research suggest wine drinkers are doing anything wrong?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within a few sips or drinks, people are just downing the stuff. There needs to be more to it than that. If you take too large a sip, you've saturated your system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Is expensive stemware worth it?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My wife and I have a sit-down meal every night. We used to use modest stemware, but we would occasionally knock it over and it would break, so now we use plain water glasses. But if we're having a proper sort of dinner, we use some kind of glass with a bowl so you can capture the aroma. Just fill the bottom few cubic centimeters, because if you fill up a glass you don't get much aroma. The reason for having a large bowl is that it amplifies the headspace for sniffing in the bouquet and you take small sips. But once you understand the flow dynamics that I describe, you can make your own choice as to how important the glass will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>I will end with what may be the most enduring question in science. What's the best value in wine for under $20?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For table wine, we stick to around $10 or $12 per bottle, and it's a fun challenge to find a wine in that range. I don't want to mention any names, because that would give someone a commercial advantage. For more interesting wines, we like Sancerre\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>because it seems to have an edge to it. [\u003cem>Editor's note: Sancerre is a designated wine district in the eastern Loire Valley known mostly for wines made from Sauvignon Blanc.\u003c/em>] One of the reasons I prefer European wines is they have a slightly lower alcoholic content. There is research that shows people prefer wines with less alcohol. This is important, because global warming is driving alcohol content up, not down.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Mark Schatzker is the author of \u003c/em>The Dorito Effect: The Surprising New Truth About Food and Flavor. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>What do listening to music, hitting a baseball and solving a complex math problem have in common? They all activate \u003cem>less\u003c/em> gray matter than drinking wine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Yale neuroscientist Gordon Shepherd, the flavor of wine \"engages more of our brain than any other human behavior.\" The apparently simple act of sipping Merlot involves a complex interplay of air and liquid controlled by coordinated movements of the the tongue, jaw, diaphragm and throat. Inside the mouth, molecules in wine stimulate thousands of taste and odor receptors, sending a flavor signal to the brain that triggers massive cognitive computation involving pattern recognition, memory, value judgment, emotion and of course, pleasure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whereas most wine writers tend to focus on the various elements that go into the wine itself — the grape, the oak, terroir, the winemaker — Shepherd's subject is the drinker. He explores biomechanics, physiology and neuroscience to describe a journey that begins as wine passes the lips and ends with a lingering \"finish\" that can last for minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_116526\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/books/titles/521820145/neuroenology-how-the-brain-creates-the-taste-of-wine\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/9780231177009_custom-631b6fcea5673e831800a02a6d11e9a6348aa71b-s400-c85.jpg\" alt=\"Neuroenology How the Brain Creates the Taste of Wine by Gordon M. Shepherd\" width=\"400\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-full wp-image-116526\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/9780231177009_custom-631b6fcea5673e831800a02a6d11e9a6348aa71b-s400-c85.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/9780231177009_custom-631b6fcea5673e831800a02a6d11e9a6348aa71b-s400-c85-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/9780231177009_custom-631b6fcea5673e831800a02a6d11e9a6348aa71b-s400-c85-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/04/9780231177009_custom-631b6fcea5673e831800a02a6d11e9a6348aa71b-s400-c85-375x563.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Neuroenology\u003cbr>How the Brain Creates the Taste of Wine\u003cbr>by Gordon M. Shepherd\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you've ever wondered how many muscles there are in the tongue (eight), if a high-fat diet can affect the perception of wine (it can), or if it's possible to experience the full flavor of a wine that's been spat out (it is not), Shepherd has answers — extraordinarily detailed, scientifically rigorous answers. I spoke to Shepherd about his new book, \u003cem>Neuroenology: How the Brain Creates the Taste of Wine.\u003c/em> Our interview has been condensed and edited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The subtitle of your book is \"How the Brain Creates the Taste of Wine.\" Can you explain what that means?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analogy one can use is color. The objects we see don't have color themselves — light hits them and bounces off. It's when light strikes our eyes that it activates systems in the brain that create color from those different wavelengths. Similarly, the molecules in wine don't have taste or flavor, but when they stimulate our brains, the brain creates flavor the same way it creates color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Chapter one is on fluid dynamics, a subject you almost never hear mentioned by wine connoisseurs. How does fluid dynamics inform our understanding of wine?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don't just put wine in your mouth and leave it there. You move it about and then swallow it, which is a very complex motor act. If you search on YouTube for anyone doing serious wine tasting, they are working it with their mouths. It's a very active process. So to understand the physiology of tasting wine, it's necessary to give people a whole new context of how wine sensing and wine tasting takes place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You talk about a \"hidden force\" in wine tasting. What is it?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you sniff wine in the glass, you appreciate the bouquet. That's called \"orthonasal\" smell — the external smelling we're all familiar with. But what most people are unaware of is that when you take wine in your mouth and experience the flavor, most of that flavor is due to a kind of internal smelling. The air comes in from the throat, not your nostrils. That's called \"retronasal\" smell. The molecules are carried to the same receptor cells in the nose, but from the opposite direction. This is very important when it comes to wine flavor. An example is the famous jelly bean test. If you put a jelly bean in your mouth and plug your nose and sense it with your tongue, all you sense is sweet from the sugar. But if you then unplug your nose, suddenly you're flooded with the full flavor experience, and it's because you're smelling through the back of your nose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>One thing you write about that I've never read elsewhere is the effect saliva has on wine.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our bodies produce saliva all the time, and saliva has stuff in it — stuff that both dilutes the wine and interacts with it. So as soon as the wine enters your mouth, it immediately begins to change. For example, saliva contains enzymes that break down the molecules in the wine to create compounds that effervesce into the air to stimulate the smell receptors in your nose. This produces new compounds that were not originally in the wine — they were created by this interaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The amount of saliva a person produces can affect their perception of wine. So can things like age, gender, or even the amount of acetone — a byproduct of energy metabolism — in a person's breath.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the time of day. And whether or not they're depressed. If we're talking about smell, we have about 350 different kinds of olfactory receptors. They are not the same between individuals — yours will be different than mine. And they're not always the same over the course of months or years. As the cells turn over, they can change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Given all these subjective variables, and the fact that the brain \"creates\" the taste of wine, is it possible for two people to experience the same wine in the same way?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is still a commonality. We all know it's a liquid, after all. We all know it comes from fruit. We all know it contains alcohol. And we all have saliva that is more or less the same. So probably 90 percent is the same and 10 percent is different. That's part of the pleasure of wine —comparing your pleasure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Does your research suggest wine drinkers are doing anything wrong?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within a few sips or drinks, people are just downing the stuff. There needs to be more to it than that. If you take too large a sip, you've saturated your system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Is expensive stemware worth it?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My wife and I have a sit-down meal every night. We used to use modest stemware, but we would occasionally knock it over and it would break, so now we use plain water glasses. But if we're having a proper sort of dinner, we use some kind of glass with a bowl so you can capture the aroma. Just fill the bottom few cubic centimeters, because if you fill up a glass you don't get much aroma. The reason for having a large bowl is that it amplifies the headspace for sniffing in the bouquet and you take small sips. But once you understand the flow dynamics that I describe, you can make your own choice as to how important the glass will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>I will end with what may be the most enduring question in science. What's the best value in wine for under $20?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For table wine, we stick to around $10 or $12 per bottle, and it's a fun challenge to find a wine in that range. I don't want to mention any names, because that would give someone a commercial advantage. For more interesting wines, we like Sancerre\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>because it seems to have an edge to it. [\u003cem>Editor's note: Sancerre is a designated wine district in the eastern Loire Valley known mostly for wines made from Sauvignon Blanc.\u003c/em>] One of the reasons I prefer European wines is they have a slightly lower alcoholic content. There is research that shows people prefer wines with less alcohol. This is important, because global warming is driving alcohol content up, not down.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Mark Schatzker is the author of \u003c/em>The Dorito Effect: The Surprising New Truth About Food and Flavor. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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