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"slug": "a-money-milestone-the-end-of-californias-2004-deficit-debt",
"title": "A Money Milestone: The End of California’s 2004 Deficit Debt",
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"content": "\u003cp>Prepare to be shocked: California’s state government is about to make its final interest payments on 2004 deficit bonds, payments that have averaged more than $1 million a day. \u003cem>That’s $1 million a day, every day, for 11 straight years.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a sobering statistic that speaks volumes about California’s decade of deficits — a decade that saw billions more in both painful and gimmickry-laden fixes, a fair amount of national ridicule, and enough voter anger to prompt the historic firing of a governor before the end of his term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the reality is there is no free lunch,” says Joe Canciamilla, a former Democratic state legislator who was deeply involved in the crisis negotiations over California’s finances in 2003 and 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resulting debt, incurred through voter passage of Proposition 57 in 2004, will be officially wiped off the state’s ledger by the close of business on Wednesday. Officials will certify the state has collected the final dollars needed to satisfy investors, money doled out when the last of California’s Economic Recovery Bonds (ERBs) mature on July 1, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In truth, the cost of all that borrowing could have been much higher. Original estimates were that the Proposition 57 bonds could take as long as 14 years to fully retire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown pushed for accelerated payments after the tax revenue windfalls of the past few years. Brown has counted the ERBs as part of the “\u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/10/us/with-surplus-in-hand-california-eyes-debt.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wall of debt\u003c/a>” he inherited upon taking office, a series of costly short-term financial obligations that have weighed down the state budget and its ability to fund other obligations and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have to be able to think ahead,” said Brown, when asked about it during a May news conference about how to pay for the state’s needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you can’t think ahead a few years and realize you don’t have the money, you do that in your own personal life [and] you go bankrupt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2003: The Debt Deal Was Born\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s state government isn’t technically subject to bankruptcy laws, but the specter of fiscal calamity was palpable in the late winter of 2003. Republicans in the Legislature were the first to propose a short-term loan to cover a portion of what was then estimated to be a \u003ca href=\"http://governors.library.ca.gov/addresses/s_37-davis5.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$35 billion budget shortfall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GOP proposal was more narrow — a $10 billion loan to be paid back in five years with existing sales tax revenues — than what was wanted by Democrats. By the end of that summer’s long budget fight, Gov. Gray Davis signed a plan that included a $10.7 billion deficit bond financed through a complex system using existing tax dollars. It was quickly challenged in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked at the Gray Davis debt as being fundamentally illegal debt,” says Jon Coupal of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.hjta.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal fights over the deficit borrowing plan ended after Davis was recalled by voters in October 2003 and Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger pushed what ultimately became Prop. 57.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Prop 57 — \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/ballot/2004/57_03_2004.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a $15 billion deficit bond also to be repaid through a complex series of tax dollar reallocations\u003c/a> — had to be approved by voters, Coupal and almost every other government spending critic ended up endorsing the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was voter approved,” he says. “It doesn’t mean it was smart debt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10629979\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10629979\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-800x573.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger led the campaign to persuade voters to sell up to $15 billion in deficit bonds.\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-400x287.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1440x1032.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1920x1376.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1180x846.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-960x688.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger led the campaign to persuade voters to sell up to $15 billion in deficit bonds. \u003ccite>(Frederick M. Brown/Getty )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger cast the bond measure, linked with the loose \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/ballot/2004/58_03_2004.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">balanced budget requirement in Proposition 58\u003c/a>, as a way to finally tear up what he called the state government’s “credit card.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one prominent critic disagreed, and still does: Former state treasurer Phil Angelides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We borrowed to paper over the problem,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision facing Democrats in early 2004, weeks after Prop. 57 had been crafted, wasn’t an easy one. Without a quick infusion of cash, the state was projected to run out of operating funds. But joining Schwarzenegger’s campaign would no doubt boost the Republican’s bipartisan credentials and his political power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Democrat, Schwarzenegger’s most prominent ally in the effort, still insists it was a no-brainer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor and I did the only thing we could do,” says Steve Westly, the former state controller who hit the campaign trail with Schwarzenegger to pass both the deficit bond and budget balancing propositions. “At that point, you can’t really have an esoteric discussion about the pros and cons of debt. You’re dealing with a crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XVtjRnEgBmk?rel=0]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two men, Schwarzenegger and Westly, became the chief salesmen for the deficit bond and the budget balancing amendment. The most memorable TV ad of the time featured them finishing each other’s sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early polls showed Prop. 57 losing, but Schwarzenegger’s persistent sales pitch won them over. On Election Night, the first-of-its-kind deficit borrowing plan was approved by 63 percent of the votes cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those left on the sidelines — liberals and conservatives alike — were not moved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of, at the time, talk about, ‘Oh, there’s broad bipartisan support,'” says former treasurer Angelides. “But in fact, it was bipartisan support to kick the can down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Fix Or A Stopgap?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some supporters of the Prop 57 deficit bond thought the campaign — the pitch that had been made to voters — was all wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The folks were trying to sell this as a fix,” recalls Canciamilla, \u003ca href=\"http://www.contracostatimes.com/ci_22917922/contra-costas-new-elections-chief-joe-canciamilla-takes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">who represented Contra Costa County in the Assembly and is now the county’s registrar of voters\u003c/a>. “We weren’t solving anything. It was a bridge loan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gap covered by that bridge had been widened by Schwarzenegger himself on his first day in office, rescinding \u003ca href=\"http://www.news10.net/story/news/politics/john-myers/2014/01/22/4754465/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an unpopular but valuable increase in vehicle license fees\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials sold the first $7.9 billion in Prop. 57 bonds on May 5, 2004. Wall Street investors \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2004/may/06/business/fi-bonds6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">jumped at the chance to buy the California debt\u003c/a>, perhaps in part because the state’s tenuous finances forced a higher yield — that is, the state had to pay a higher interest rate to bond buyers even though Prop. 57 was structured to guarantee a payback from dependable sales tax revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first interest payment was made on July 1, 2004, but the borrowing was far from over. In February 2008, almost four years after Prop. 57 was hailed as a one-time fix, \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=8462\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Schwarzenegger and legislators approved selling another $3.3 billion in Prop. 57 bonds to shore up the rapidly eroding state finances months before the global economic collapse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2008 borrowing was made legal by state finance officials attributing some of that year’s budget woes to money shortages dating back to 2004 — a decision that allowed more deficit borrowing, even though the original companion measure, Prop. 58, amended the state constitution to ban any new deficit borrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prop 57’s Bottom Line: $19.2 Billion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10629979\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10629979\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS8355_73908800-400x271.jpg\" alt=\"Prop 57 deficit bond interest could have funded UC for 15 months.\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How much is $4.4 billion? It could fund the state’s portion of the University of California system for 15 months. \u003ccite>(Frederick M. Brown/Getty )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In all, state treasury officials say the Prop. 57 bonds — $14.2 billion in borrowing — resulted in interest payments totaling $4.8 billion, plus another $200 million in administrative costs. The final payments have been set aside in a state escrow account to be disbursed to bond holders through July 1, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formal ceremony on Wednesday marks the end of the collection of tax revenues to pay off the bonds. And that, say finance officials, allows the state to formally erase the debt, $19.2 billion in all, from the state’s outstanding obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those involved with the policy and political effort to borrow the money don’t dispute the fiscal impact. Interest payments of $4.8 billion, paid out since the first payment in early July 2004, have meant less money for other government services in the intervening decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much less money?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For perspective, $4.8 billion could fully fund the state budget’s current share of University of California system expenses for more than a year. It could fully pay for the California Department of Fire and Forestry Protection for more than two years. Or it could boost K-12 spending by as much as $658 per student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that would have required different and perhaps more politically impossible choices in late 2003 and early 2004: Tax increases, spending cuts or both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad this chapter of California’s fiscal history is finally closed,” said Schwarzenegger in an emailed statement. The former governor also praised voters for closing the door on future deficit borrowing with Prop 58.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others involved in the saga that gripped California more than a decade ago seem, no matter their position, to look back with a least a twinge of disappointment that there wasn’t another solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I were to do something differently, it wouldn’t have been the actions that Gov. Schwarzenegger and I took,” says Westly, the former state controller. “It would have been how did we get there to start with? The answer is we spent ahead of our means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of government spending agree on that point. They also note that California voters have a tendency to miss the real lesson in all of this: The actual cost of bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t necessarily grasp the fact that bonds equal debt equal taxes in the future,” says Coupal of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. “I think that is part of the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated early in the afternoon on Wednesday, Aug. 5 to reflect the final numbers provided by the state treasurer’s staff on Prop 57 costs — a slight uptick in cost from our original version. We also clarified that the final bond payments include both principal and interest, and not just interest alone.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "A Money Milestone: The End of California’s 2004 Deficit Debt | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Prepare to be shocked: California’s state government is about to make its final interest payments on 2004 deficit bonds, payments that have averaged more than $1 million a day. \u003cem>That’s $1 million a day, every day, for 11 straight years.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a sobering statistic that speaks volumes about California’s decade of deficits — a decade that saw billions more in both painful and gimmickry-laden fixes, a fair amount of national ridicule, and enough voter anger to prompt the historic firing of a governor before the end of his term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the reality is there is no free lunch,” says Joe Canciamilla, a former Democratic state legislator who was deeply involved in the crisis negotiations over California’s finances in 2003 and 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resulting debt, incurred through voter passage of Proposition 57 in 2004, will be officially wiped off the state’s ledger by the close of business on Wednesday. Officials will certify the state has collected the final dollars needed to satisfy investors, money doled out when the last of California’s Economic Recovery Bonds (ERBs) mature on July 1, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In truth, the cost of all that borrowing could have been much higher. Original estimates were that the Proposition 57 bonds could take as long as 14 years to fully retire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown pushed for accelerated payments after the tax revenue windfalls of the past few years. Brown has counted the ERBs as part of the “\u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/10/us/with-surplus-in-hand-california-eyes-debt.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wall of debt\u003c/a>” he inherited upon taking office, a series of costly short-term financial obligations that have weighed down the state budget and its ability to fund other obligations and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have to be able to think ahead,” said Brown, when asked about it during a May news conference about how to pay for the state’s needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you can’t think ahead a few years and realize you don’t have the money, you do that in your own personal life [and] you go bankrupt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2003: The Debt Deal Was Born\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s state government isn’t technically subject to bankruptcy laws, but the specter of fiscal calamity was palpable in the late winter of 2003. Republicans in the Legislature were the first to propose a short-term loan to cover a portion of what was then estimated to be a \u003ca href=\"http://governors.library.ca.gov/addresses/s_37-davis5.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$35 billion budget shortfall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GOP proposal was more narrow — a $10 billion loan to be paid back in five years with existing sales tax revenues — than what was wanted by Democrats. By the end of that summer’s long budget fight, Gov. Gray Davis signed a plan that included a $10.7 billion deficit bond financed through a complex system using existing tax dollars. It was quickly challenged in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked at the Gray Davis debt as being fundamentally illegal debt,” says Jon Coupal of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.hjta.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal fights over the deficit borrowing plan ended after Davis was recalled by voters in October 2003 and Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger pushed what ultimately became Prop. 57.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Prop 57 — \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/ballot/2004/57_03_2004.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a $15 billion deficit bond also to be repaid through a complex series of tax dollar reallocations\u003c/a> — had to be approved by voters, Coupal and almost every other government spending critic ended up endorsing the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was voter approved,” he says. “It doesn’t mean it was smart debt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10629979\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10629979\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-800x573.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger led the campaign to persuade voters to sell up to $15 billion in deficit bonds.\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-400x287.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1440x1032.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1920x1376.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1180x846.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-960x688.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger led the campaign to persuade voters to sell up to $15 billion in deficit bonds. \u003ccite>(Frederick M. Brown/Getty )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger cast the bond measure, linked with the loose \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/ballot/2004/58_03_2004.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">balanced budget requirement in Proposition 58\u003c/a>, as a way to finally tear up what he called the state government’s “credit card.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one prominent critic disagreed, and still does: Former state treasurer Phil Angelides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We borrowed to paper over the problem,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision facing Democrats in early 2004, weeks after Prop. 57 had been crafted, wasn’t an easy one. Without a quick infusion of cash, the state was projected to run out of operating funds. But joining Schwarzenegger’s campaign would no doubt boost the Republican’s bipartisan credentials and his political power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Democrat, Schwarzenegger’s most prominent ally in the effort, still insists it was a no-brainer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor and I did the only thing we could do,” says Steve Westly, the former state controller who hit the campaign trail with Schwarzenegger to pass both the deficit bond and budget balancing propositions. “At that point, you can’t really have an esoteric discussion about the pros and cons of debt. You’re dealing with a crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/XVtjRnEgBmk?rel=0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/XVtjRnEgBmk?rel=0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two men, Schwarzenegger and Westly, became the chief salesmen for the deficit bond and the budget balancing amendment. The most memorable TV ad of the time featured them finishing each other’s sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early polls showed Prop. 57 losing, but Schwarzenegger’s persistent sales pitch won them over. On Election Night, the first-of-its-kind deficit borrowing plan was approved by 63 percent of the votes cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those left on the sidelines — liberals and conservatives alike — were not moved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of, at the time, talk about, ‘Oh, there’s broad bipartisan support,'” says former treasurer Angelides. “But in fact, it was bipartisan support to kick the can down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Fix Or A Stopgap?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some supporters of the Prop 57 deficit bond thought the campaign — the pitch that had been made to voters — was all wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The folks were trying to sell this as a fix,” recalls Canciamilla, \u003ca href=\"http://www.contracostatimes.com/ci_22917922/contra-costas-new-elections-chief-joe-canciamilla-takes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">who represented Contra Costa County in the Assembly and is now the county’s registrar of voters\u003c/a>. “We weren’t solving anything. It was a bridge loan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gap covered by that bridge had been widened by Schwarzenegger himself on his first day in office, rescinding \u003ca href=\"http://www.news10.net/story/news/politics/john-myers/2014/01/22/4754465/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an unpopular but valuable increase in vehicle license fees\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials sold the first $7.9 billion in Prop. 57 bonds on May 5, 2004. Wall Street investors \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2004/may/06/business/fi-bonds6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">jumped at the chance to buy the California debt\u003c/a>, perhaps in part because the state’s tenuous finances forced a higher yield — that is, the state had to pay a higher interest rate to bond buyers even though Prop. 57 was structured to guarantee a payback from dependable sales tax revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first interest payment was made on July 1, 2004, but the borrowing was far from over. In February 2008, almost four years after Prop. 57 was hailed as a one-time fix, \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=8462\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Schwarzenegger and legislators approved selling another $3.3 billion in Prop. 57 bonds to shore up the rapidly eroding state finances months before the global economic collapse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2008 borrowing was made legal by state finance officials attributing some of that year’s budget woes to money shortages dating back to 2004 — a decision that allowed more deficit borrowing, even though the original companion measure, Prop. 58, amended the state constitution to ban any new deficit borrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prop 57’s Bottom Line: $19.2 Billion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10629979\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10629979\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS8355_73908800-400x271.jpg\" alt=\"Prop 57 deficit bond interest could have funded UC for 15 months.\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How much is $4.4 billion? It could fund the state’s portion of the University of California system for 15 months. \u003ccite>(Frederick M. Brown/Getty )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In all, state treasury officials say the Prop. 57 bonds — $14.2 billion in borrowing — resulted in interest payments totaling $4.8 billion, plus another $200 million in administrative costs. The final payments have been set aside in a state escrow account to be disbursed to bond holders through July 1, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formal ceremony on Wednesday marks the end of the collection of tax revenues to pay off the bonds. And that, say finance officials, allows the state to formally erase the debt, $19.2 billion in all, from the state’s outstanding obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those involved with the policy and political effort to borrow the money don’t dispute the fiscal impact. Interest payments of $4.8 billion, paid out since the first payment in early July 2004, have meant less money for other government services in the intervening decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much less money?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For perspective, $4.8 billion could fully fund the state budget’s current share of University of California system expenses for more than a year. It could fully pay for the California Department of Fire and Forestry Protection for more than two years. Or it could boost K-12 spending by as much as $658 per student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that would have required different and perhaps more politically impossible choices in late 2003 and early 2004: Tax increases, spending cuts or both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad this chapter of California’s fiscal history is finally closed,” said Schwarzenegger in an emailed statement. The former governor also praised voters for closing the door on future deficit borrowing with Prop 58.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others involved in the saga that gripped California more than a decade ago seem, no matter their position, to look back with a least a twinge of disappointment that there wasn’t another solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I were to do something differently, it wouldn’t have been the actions that Gov. Schwarzenegger and I took,” says Westly, the former state controller. “It would have been how did we get there to start with? The answer is we spent ahead of our means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of government spending agree on that point. They also note that California voters have a tendency to miss the real lesson in all of this: The actual cost of bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t necessarily grasp the fact that bonds equal debt equal taxes in the future,” says Coupal of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. “I think that is part of the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated early in the afternoon on Wednesday, Aug. 5 to reflect the final numbers provided by the state treasurer’s staff on Prop 57 costs — a slight uptick in cost from our original version. We also clarified that the final bond payments include both principal and interest, and not just interest alone.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"order": 3
},
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},
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"info": "The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/bbc-world-service",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"order": 10
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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"city-arts": {
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
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},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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