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"content": "\u003cp>Charles Munger Jr., the Bay Area megadonor leading the campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, said he remained confident opponents can defeat the redistricting measure on the November ballot, despite a recent slowdown in their campaign spending and the measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/cbs-news-poll-california-prop-50-redistricting-trump/\">pulling ahead \u003c/a>in most \u003ca href=\"https://app.displayr.com/Dashboard?id=707a2765-e49a-4b3e-923d-761bedaf3c37#page=4172bb6a-a0e3-4c41-a979-45229cdbea14\">polls.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Palo Alto physicist has spent nearly $33 million against Proposition 50, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">would replace\u003c/a> California’s current congressional lines, drawn by a citizen commission, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052376/here-is-how-democrats-plan-to-redraw-californias-congressional-map\">with a map favoring Democrats\u003c/a>. Munger Jr. bankrolled the 2008 ballot measure that created the citizen commission and is far and away the top spender in this year’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve spent a literal fortune now and a great deal of time, energy and frankly agony in trying to keep this future from overtaking the people of California,” Munger Jr. said. “And it’s now up to them what they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-megadonor-opposing-proposition-50-explains-his/id79681292?i=1000733153673\"> interview with KQED’s The California Report\u003c/a>, the normally reclusive Munger Jr. pushed back against supporters of the measure, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054630/in-picking-a-fight-with-trump-newsom-gambles-on-his-own-political-future\">has argued\u003c/a> that Proposition 50 is needed to combat Republican \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059049/who-draws-the-lines-a-history-of-gerrymandering\">gerrymandering\u003c/a> in states such as Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats in California placed Proposition 50 before voters after President Donald Trump called on GOP-led states to redraw their maps mid-decade, to give Republicans a better chance of hanging on to control of Congress in next year’s midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munger Jr. said Democrats should work to win back control of the House fair and square — with California’s current maps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061183\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2239624348-scaled-e1761240194179.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Close-up of voter guide materials listing Proposition 50, a ballot measure in California, in Lafayette, Contra Costa County, on Oct. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Smith Collection/Gado/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You can win as many seats in the fair districts that we have as you can win by this gerrymander,” Munger Jr. said. “The only difference is the politicians aren’t choosing which Democrats and which Republicans are going to be elected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Democratic-aligned groups have saturated the airwaves in recent weeks, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060736/recall-redux-democrats-and-republicans-bring-back-familiar-arguments-in-prop-50-battle\">framing the contest in partisan terms\u003c/a> and billing Proposition 50 as an antidote to total Republican control of government in Washington, D.C..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, ad spending against the measure has plateaued, according to AdImpact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Oct. 12, advertisers supporting Proposition 50 have spent $26.8 million compared with just $341,000 by opponents. And supporters have reserved nearly $10 million in advertisements for the closing two weeks of the campaign, compared to just $9,000 from opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if he still believes the measure can be defeated, Munger Jr. said, “The short answer is yes.”[aside label=\"2025 California Special Election\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50,Learn about Proposition 50' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Aside-2025-Special-Election-Voter-Guide-Proposition-50-1200x675-1.png]“One of the things we’re trying to do is build enough of a coalition of those people [who] understand the issues and what’s good for the country, that the participation between the merely partisan Democrats and the merely partisan Republicans and their money will cancel out — leaving a majority on the right side of the issue,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few big-dollar Republicans have joined Munger Jr. in the fight against Proposition 50. On the other side, Democratic megadonor George Soros and Tom Steyer have poured tens of millions of dollars into the redistricting campaign, joined by powerful teacher and nurses unions and thousands of small-dollar donors across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who partnered with Munger Jr. in 2008 to win voter support for the commission, has done \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057779/aoc-and-schwarzenegger-take-their-stances-on-prop-50\">relatively little\u003c/a> campaigning to save the commission’s work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munger Jr. described his own role in passing the measure creating the commission, Proposition 20, “as close to a one-man show as it ever gets in politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, I’m quite committed to this because of the labor I put into it and because I think I understand the issues well enough to justify that labor,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munger Jr. said the commission’s work has resulted in a competitive congressional map that forces California candidates to campaign hard and listen to constituents’ needs. In the last two congressional elections, California has had 21 House races finish within 10 percentage points, compared to 11 in Texas and Florida combined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Proposition 50 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053249/california-approves-redistricting-plan-now-its-up-to-voters\">is written to expire\u003c/a> after the 2030 election and hand line-drawing power back to the citizens’ commission, Munger Jr. warned of a future campaign to make the pro-Democratic lines permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course they’re going to do that,” he said. “Name a politician, name a state in the union where gerrymandering occurs, where the gerrymandering power did not seek to keep that power. You won’t find one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mbolanos\">Madi Bolaños\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Charles Munger Jr., the Bay Area megadonor leading the campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, said he remained confident opponents can defeat the redistricting measure on the November ballot, despite a recent slowdown in their campaign spending and the measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/cbs-news-poll-california-prop-50-redistricting-trump/\">pulling ahead \u003c/a>in most \u003ca href=\"https://app.displayr.com/Dashboard?id=707a2765-e49a-4b3e-923d-761bedaf3c37#page=4172bb6a-a0e3-4c41-a979-45229cdbea14\">polls.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Palo Alto physicist has spent nearly $33 million against Proposition 50, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">would replace\u003c/a> California’s current congressional lines, drawn by a citizen commission, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052376/here-is-how-democrats-plan-to-redraw-californias-congressional-map\">with a map favoring Democrats\u003c/a>. Munger Jr. bankrolled the 2008 ballot measure that created the citizen commission and is far and away the top spender in this year’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve spent a literal fortune now and a great deal of time, energy and frankly agony in trying to keep this future from overtaking the people of California,” Munger Jr. said. “And it’s now up to them what they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-megadonor-opposing-proposition-50-explains-his/id79681292?i=1000733153673\"> interview with KQED’s The California Report\u003c/a>, the normally reclusive Munger Jr. pushed back against supporters of the measure, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054630/in-picking-a-fight-with-trump-newsom-gambles-on-his-own-political-future\">has argued\u003c/a> that Proposition 50 is needed to combat Republican \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059049/who-draws-the-lines-a-history-of-gerrymandering\">gerrymandering\u003c/a> in states such as Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats in California placed Proposition 50 before voters after President Donald Trump called on GOP-led states to redraw their maps mid-decade, to give Republicans a better chance of hanging on to control of Congress in next year’s midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munger Jr. said Democrats should work to win back control of the House fair and square — with California’s current maps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12061183\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12061183\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2239624348-scaled-e1761240194179.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Close-up of voter guide materials listing Proposition 50, a ballot measure in California, in Lafayette, Contra Costa County, on Oct. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Smith Collection/Gado/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You can win as many seats in the fair districts that we have as you can win by this gerrymander,” Munger Jr. said. “The only difference is the politicians aren’t choosing which Democrats and which Republicans are going to be elected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Democratic-aligned groups have saturated the airwaves in recent weeks, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060736/recall-redux-democrats-and-republicans-bring-back-familiar-arguments-in-prop-50-battle\">framing the contest in partisan terms\u003c/a> and billing Proposition 50 as an antidote to total Republican control of government in Washington, D.C..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, ad spending against the measure has plateaued, according to AdImpact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Oct. 12, advertisers supporting Proposition 50 have spent $26.8 million compared with just $341,000 by opponents. And supporters have reserved nearly $10 million in advertisements for the closing two weeks of the campaign, compared to just $9,000 from opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if he still believes the measure can be defeated, Munger Jr. said, “The short answer is yes.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“One of the things we’re trying to do is build enough of a coalition of those people [who] understand the issues and what’s good for the country, that the participation between the merely partisan Democrats and the merely partisan Republicans and their money will cancel out — leaving a majority on the right side of the issue,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few big-dollar Republicans have joined Munger Jr. in the fight against Proposition 50. On the other side, Democratic megadonor George Soros and Tom Steyer have poured tens of millions of dollars into the redistricting campaign, joined by powerful teacher and nurses unions and thousands of small-dollar donors across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who partnered with Munger Jr. in 2008 to win voter support for the commission, has done \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057779/aoc-and-schwarzenegger-take-their-stances-on-prop-50\">relatively little\u003c/a> campaigning to save the commission’s work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munger Jr. described his own role in passing the measure creating the commission, Proposition 20, “as close to a one-man show as it ever gets in politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, I’m quite committed to this because of the labor I put into it and because I think I understand the issues well enough to justify that labor,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munger Jr. said the commission’s work has resulted in a competitive congressional map that forces California candidates to campaign hard and listen to constituents’ needs. In the last two congressional elections, California has had 21 House races finish within 10 percentage points, compared to 11 in Texas and Florida combined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Proposition 50 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053249/california-approves-redistricting-plan-now-its-up-to-voters\">is written to expire\u003c/a> after the 2030 election and hand line-drawing power back to the citizens’ commission, Munger Jr. warned of a future campaign to make the pro-Democratic lines permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course they’re going to do that,” he said. “Name a politician, name a state in the union where gerrymandering occurs, where the gerrymandering power did not seek to keep that power. You won’t find one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mbolanos\">Madi Bolaños\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters have one proposition on the ballot this November: Proposition 50. It’s supporters want California to adopt a new congressional map that could give Democrats five more seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, a counter to similar actions taken in Texas. Opponents say it’s a step in the wrong direction for good governance, or are upset at the potential loss of Republican seats. We wade into the debate with KQED’s Guy Marzorati.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4282397539&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Right now, voters are being called to the polls or in the era of mail-in ballots to their dining room tables to cast a vote in one single statewide election, Proposition 50. And the political ads are everywhere… \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>President Obama in advertisement: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">California, the whole nation is counting on you. Democracy is on the ballot Nov. 4. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Narrator voice: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">California voters stopped rigged elections with an independent commission run by citizens. Prop 50 cancels this historic reform. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Narrator voice: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vota sí a la proposición cincuenta.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Proposition 50 would redistrict California with an eye towards the upcoming midterm elections. And its sponsors don’t mince words. It’s designed to give Democrats the best chance possible to pick up seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. Today on Bay Curious, we explore the ins and outs of Proposition 50. By the end, you’ll understand how district maps are drawn, the impacts this proposition would have on the Bay Area, and how this singleton proposition got on the ballot in a year when normally we’d have a break from propositions. Stay with us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Today we’re shedding light on California’s Proposition 50. On your ballot, it reads like this. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Authorizes temporary changes to congressional district maps in response to Texas’s partisan redistricting. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Joining me today is Guy Marzorati, correspondent on KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk. He’s been covering Proposition 50 for KQED. Welcome, Guy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Thanks so much for having me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I want to start with a quick refresher for folks on a few basic concepts related to Proposition 50. First off, what is redistricting? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So redistricting is the drawing of political maps to reflect changes in population. So we know that every state gets divided into congressional districts. These congressional districts have equal size. So California is a big state. We have 52 congressional districts. What happens is we take a measurement of the population, that’s the census, and then when the population changes, people move around. So districts have to change too to make sure they’re still equal sizes. And there’s a couple of different ways you can do redistricting. In a lot of cases, it’s the state legislatures that are drawing maps. And they sometimes have a couple different goals. One is: help whatever party’s in power. That’s called gerrymandering. Basically, when the lines are being drawn to either help Republicans or help Democrats, or in some cases to help everyone who’s in office just stay in office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So that’s one path. But then there’s another way to do redistricting, which is how we have it in California. And we have a commission of average citizens who get together, take input from residents, and draw districts based on what they’re hearing from people who are living here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What’s really changing right now in 2025 is we’re seeing this battle over redistricting break out across the country in the middle of a decade, right? We haven’t taken a new census. This is simply different states that are trying to gain partisan advantage in their political maps, either by helping Democrats or helping Republicans. And Prop 50 is in the middle of this national redistricting fight where Democrats in California are trying to redraw the maps to help their party win more seats in Congress. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And this acceleration of gerrymandering is in part because of some rulings from the Supreme Court that really set the stage for more gerrymandering, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s right. The Supreme Court has said they don’t really want to wade into fights over partisan redistricting. So they’re not gonna take up challenges to maps that are unquestionably biased towards Republicans or biased towards Democrats. And so what we’ve seen is states continue along this path of doing gerrymandered maps. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, it’s been practiced for decades by both political parties. But what we’ve seen this year is President Trump take the unprecedented step of actually going to states and saying, I want you to redraw your lines to help Republicans. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it started in Texas – Trump you know, went and asked the Texas legislature to redraw their lines to give Republicans five additional seats in Congress. But this just keeps escalating, beyond Texas, beyond California. Republicans are pursuing seats through a redraw of maps in Missouri, in redistricting in Kansas, in North Carolina – Democrats have introduced plans to pick up a seat in Maryland. And the Supreme Court is also considering a case about the use of race in drawing congressional maps that could potentially change how gerrymandered maps are challenged in the future.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So in the language of the proposition, it states that this is in response to actions taken in Texas. Can you walk us through what happened in Texas and why it matters here in California? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The House is very closely divided right now, and any alteration to the map, any kind of change to the district lines could really decide the control of Congress in 2026. So Trump went to Texas, pressured them to take this move. Texas responded, redrew their map to help Republicans. As this was happening, Governor Gavin Newsom in California, other Democrats in California, started having meetings and discussing, ‘okay, what can we do to respond to this?’ And ultimately that resulted in Proposition 50. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The legislature voted to put this on the ballot. The key difference between California and Texas is: in California, this change has to happen only with the permission of voters. California has this independent commission that draws district lines. Voters created that system. So it has to be taken to voters if any change is going to be made to that. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Music break\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Okay, so let’s dig in on what exactly the proposition would do. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This would redraw California’s congressional maps. And it’s worth noting, the commission also draws lines for the state legislature. Those are not being affected at all by Proposition 50. This is just for US congressional maps, House districts. So it’s estimated that these new maps would favor Democrats by helping them pick up up to five new seats that are currently held by Republicans. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In doing so, it puts a pause on the current maps that we have that were created by the Independent Commission back in 2021 and that were really regarded as fair, I think, by a lot of election analysts and that have really created very competitive elections, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When you draw maps in order to favor one party or the other, you’re gonna result often in fewer competitive elections. And if you compare California to other large states such as Texas, such as Florida, just in the last decade, we’ve had far more competitive House elections than these other states because our lines are not drawn to protect political incumbents. They’re not drawn to help Democrats or Republicans. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so what this Proposition 50 is saying is let’s set aside the independent maps for the 2026, 2028, and 2030 elections and put in place these maps favoring Democrats. The way the measure is written, we’d go back to the citizen redistricting process after 2030 — that’s because there would be a new census in 2030, the commission meets after that and draws new lines for the 2032 elections.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> So How exactly does the California Citizens Redistricting Commission create these fairer maps? Like how are they made up? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> So the commission itself is made up of 14 members. You have five Democrats, five Republicans, and then four who are not registered with either political party. And so this commission, it’s citizens from around the state who apply, who get chosen to be on the commission. And one of the key metrics or key things that the commission really focuses on is this idea of communities of interest. And I talked to Pedro Toledo, who’s the current chair of the independent commission, and he explained kind of how commissioners think about these communities of interest and why they matter when you’re drawing political maps. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pedro Toledo:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Every community is different. The issues that a community in the Central Valley might care about, maybe water or some of the healthcare issues that are prevalent out there, some of the lack of healthcare, the lack of infrastructure, might be very different in a more urban settings. And that matters because one would hope that the elected official that a community elects would represent those issues in Congress. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And I’ll note, you know, Princeton University rates the different redistrictings in each state. They gave California a B score on partisan fairness. But if adopted, they say the Proposition 50 maps would get an F. So it gives you a sense of the direction California would be going when it comes to nonpartisan maps. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In theory, you know ,Proposition 50 would replace the work of the commission until 2030. But there is a lot of skepticism, I think, from opponents of this who feel like when is the deescalation going to happen, right? We see states just competing, competing, trying to change their maps in more and more partisan ways. Is California really gonna step away from that and go back to more of an independent system? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> So this is really a departure from what was a fairly non partisan way of redistricting to one that is overtly partisan. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Yeah, that’s right. And I think look, even like supporters of Proposition 50 realize that in a vacuum, doing away with citizens drawn maps is unpopular. What I think they would argue is this is not happening in a vacuum. This is happening as part of a wider fight across the country. This battle for control of the House of Representatives, and Democrats who are supporting Prop 50 say: ‘The stakes are too high for us to just simply be focusing on good governance. We need to retake the House of Representatives.’\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> What kind of local impacts could this have on the Bay Area? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> One is in Sonoma County, where Sonoma is now gonna be paired with communities in the northern part of the state: Butte County, Tehama County. And really the point there is to take a district, currently the first district that’s controlled by a Republican, and dragging the lines down south into Sonoma County and therefore picking up all of these Democratic voters who live in Sonoma. So that’s a key part of redistricting when you’re trying to do it for partisan gain. You’re trying to bring voters from one party into a new district in hopes that they’ll change the outcome of it. And really the hope is that district would go from currently represented by a Republican to being represented by a Democrat in 2026. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There’s another change that that’s happening in eastern Contra Costa County, where you have a lot of communities around the Carquinez Strait, the northern waterfront – from Martinez, Pittsburgh, Antioch, even across into Solano County, Vallejo that are currently grouped in this district that the commission created back in 2021 with the explicit goal of putting together working class communities that are racially diverse. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">They got a lot of input from residents who felt like, you know, communities like Richmond, Vallejo, Pittsburgh, Antioch have a lot in common and should be included in one congressional district to kind of maximize the voice of people living there. So their shared concerns about living around refineries, their shared concerns about means of transportation. If all those voters would be in the same district, whoever wins that seat would have no choice but to listen to the concerns of the community. So that was what the commission thought when they’re creating this 8th district. That district would be broken up under the Proposition 50 map. And the reason is because voters in Antioch and Pittsburgh would be moved into a Central Valley district. The strategy behind that is these are heavily Democratic voters in Pittsburgh and Antioch. They’d be moved into a Central Valley district to help a vulnerable Democratic incumbent have an easier path to re-election. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So there’s two kinds of things at play here with Proposition 50. There’s targeting seats that are currently held by Republicans, trying to flip them to Democratic seats. There’s also seats that Democrats currently hold, but they’re a little bit tenuous. They’re kind of close competitive seats. Proposition 50 would make them less competitive. So give those Democrats an easier path to re-election. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Those local impacts are actually really, really interesting, but we don’t actually hear people talking about the local impacts that much. I would say most of the campaigning for this proposition has been about the balance of power in Washington. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Absolutely. And that’s by design. Look, the supporters of Proposition 50 are really framing this as part of the national fight over the House of Representatives, over gerrymandering that’s breaking out in Republican states. And they want to talk about the need to win these House seats for Democrats in order to break Republican hold on power in Washington. And that’s really the argument that you’re hearing coming from the Yes on 50 campaign. The phrase they love to use is ‘you have to fight fire with fire.’ Some of the ads for Proposition 50 don’t even mention redistricting. They highlight a lot of the actions the president have t has taken that are unpopular in California and are basically saying to voters, look, you need we need to stop this, vote yes on Prop 50. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It’s worth noting though that just because you redraw the districts doesn’t mean that somebody automatically wins. I mean, these candidates still have to run. They still have to convince voters to vote for them. So let’s just, you know, slow our roll a little bit, you know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> That’s a great point. You still actually have to have the campaigns, right? When we talk about redistricting, the end result is just okay, ‘how many Democrats live in this district and how many Republicans.’ But to your point, there still needs to be candidates that are running. There’s still everything that’s happening in the world that influences how people vote in an election. So all of that will still have to play out no matter how Proposition 50 fares. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Okay, so we’ve heard a lot about what the yes side is doing. What argument is the no side making? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Well, the no side is really making a good government argument against gerrymandering. They’re supporting the system that we currently have right now, these maps drawn by citizens that are not focusing on helping Republicans or helping Democrats, and they say they want to keep the system that way. Now, that’s not to say that the opponents of Prop 50 don’t have partisan interests in mind. A lot of Republicans are opposing Prop 50 because if this passes, they will probably lose seats in Congress. So there is a lot of partisan interest in the opposition, but the messaging they’re putting out there is really about maintaining this system of good governance that we have. And a key messenger in that is former Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Narrator in advertisement:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The politicians want their power back.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger in political advertisement: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s what they want to do is take us backwards. That is why it is important to vote no on Proposition 50. Democracy. You’ve got to protect it and we’ve got to go and fight for it. \u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Schwarzenegger was the one who helped create the Independent Commission back in 2008. And he has actually spoken out against Proposition 50. He said he opposes it, basically along the lines of two wrongs don’t make a right, just because Texas and Republican states are gerrymandering, California shouldn’t go down this path. But I’ll say it’s interesting the way in which Schwarzenegger has come out and talked about this. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He spoke at an event at the University of Southern California. He said he’s against Prop 50. He encouraged the no vote. And it was actually the ‘No on 50’ campaign was in the crowd. They were filming it, and they used that video for an advertisement. They scrubbed out the background so it doesn’t say USC anymore, it says No on 50. But that’s interesting because Schwarzenegger himself has been a little bit hesitant to actually engage in the campaign. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He didn’t, you know, meet up with the No on 50 campaign and create that ad. He hasn’t been out barnstorming against Prop 50. And I think that’s because he feels perhaps a little bit uncomfortable in that this has really become a Democratic versus Republican fight. Schwarzenegger does not like President Trump, not a big fan, and he’s always tried to keep a little distance from the Republican Party establishment, especially now. So he probably feels maybe caught in the middle in some way, even as he opposes Prop 50. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Okay, let’s talk about campaign finance. What kind of money is being spent on the race and by whom? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Lot of big money pouring into this campaign. There’s been more money in support of it than against Prop 50. The yes side has like a two to one financial edge. And you’ve really seen Governor Newsom rally the Democratic establishment to give to Prop 50. We’ve seen major Democratic donors like George Soros, Tom Steyer spend a lot to support Prop 50. We’ve also seen a lot of grassroots energy. There have been small dollar donations from every single state in the country supporting Prop 50, which I do think speaks to like, yes, this is a state ballot measure. But we’re in a year where there’s not much else on the ballot. And this has gotten a lot of attention, I think, from Democrats across the country who again want to feel like they’re a part of something that’s pushing back against the administration. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the no side, it’s really been one big donor opposing Prop 50. That’s Charles Munger Jr. He’s a philanthropist, big Republican donor in the Bay Area. He bankrolled the measures that created the Citizens Commission back in 2008. So I think he feels this is his baby to some extent. He really supports this idea, and he’s putting a lot of money, at this point more than $30 million, to oppose Prop 50. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Okay, Guy Marzorati, correspondent on KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk, thanks for breaking this down for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Thanks for having me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In a nutshell, a vote yes on Proposition 50 means you want to adopt a new legislatively-drawn districting map that could make it easier for Democrats to win seats in the House of Representatives through 2030. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A vote no on Prop 50 means you want to keep our current map and keep redistricting in the hands of the California Citizens Redistricting Commission. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s it for our episode on Prop 50. You can cast your vote in person or by mail. Registered voters should have received their ballots by now, and those must be filled out and postmarked on or before November 4th. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Our show is made in San Francisco at Member Supported KQED. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bay Curious is made by Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale, Olivia Allen-Price, and me, Katrina Schwartz, with extra support Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California local.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I’m Katrina Schwartz. Have a great week. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Proposition 50: Redistricting in California, Thoroughly Explained | KQED",
"description": "View the full episode transcript. California voters have one proposition on the ballot this November: Proposition 50. It's supporters want California to adopt a new congressional map that could give Democrats five more seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, a counter to similar actions taken in Texas. Opponents say it's a step in the wrong direction for good governance, or are upset at the potential loss of Republican seats. We wade into the debate with KQED's Guy Marzorati. Episode Transcript This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors. Katrina Schwartz: Right now,",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters have one proposition on the ballot this November: Proposition 50. It’s supporters want California to adopt a new congressional map that could give Democrats five more seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, a counter to similar actions taken in Texas. Opponents say it’s a step in the wrong direction for good governance, or are upset at the potential loss of Republican seats. We wade into the debate with KQED’s Guy Marzorati.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC4282397539&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Right now, voters are being called to the polls or in the era of mail-in ballots to their dining room tables to cast a vote in one single statewide election, Proposition 50. And the political ads are everywhere… \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>President Obama in advertisement: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">California, the whole nation is counting on you. Democracy is on the ballot Nov. 4. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Narrator voice: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">California voters stopped rigged elections with an independent commission run by citizens. Prop 50 cancels this historic reform. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Narrator voice: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vota sí a la proposición cincuenta.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Proposition 50 would redistrict California with an eye towards the upcoming midterm elections. And its sponsors don’t mince words. It’s designed to give Democrats the best chance possible to pick up seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. Today on Bay Curious, we explore the ins and outs of Proposition 50. By the end, you’ll understand how district maps are drawn, the impacts this proposition would have on the Bay Area, and how this singleton proposition got on the ballot in a year when normally we’d have a break from propositions. Stay with us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Today we’re shedding light on California’s Proposition 50. On your ballot, it reads like this. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Authorizes temporary changes to congressional district maps in response to Texas’s partisan redistricting. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Joining me today is Guy Marzorati, correspondent on KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk. He’s been covering Proposition 50 for KQED. Welcome, Guy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Thanks so much for having me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I want to start with a quick refresher for folks on a few basic concepts related to Proposition 50. First off, what is redistricting? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So redistricting is the drawing of political maps to reflect changes in population. So we know that every state gets divided into congressional districts. These congressional districts have equal size. So California is a big state. We have 52 congressional districts. What happens is we take a measurement of the population, that’s the census, and then when the population changes, people move around. So districts have to change too to make sure they’re still equal sizes. And there’s a couple of different ways you can do redistricting. In a lot of cases, it’s the state legislatures that are drawing maps. And they sometimes have a couple different goals. One is: help whatever party’s in power. That’s called gerrymandering. Basically, when the lines are being drawn to either help Republicans or help Democrats, or in some cases to help everyone who’s in office just stay in office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So that’s one path. But then there’s another way to do redistricting, which is how we have it in California. And we have a commission of average citizens who get together, take input from residents, and draw districts based on what they’re hearing from people who are living here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What’s really changing right now in 2025 is we’re seeing this battle over redistricting break out across the country in the middle of a decade, right? We haven’t taken a new census. This is simply different states that are trying to gain partisan advantage in their political maps, either by helping Democrats or helping Republicans. And Prop 50 is in the middle of this national redistricting fight where Democrats in California are trying to redraw the maps to help their party win more seats in Congress. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And this acceleration of gerrymandering is in part because of some rulings from the Supreme Court that really set the stage for more gerrymandering, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s right. The Supreme Court has said they don’t really want to wade into fights over partisan redistricting. So they’re not gonna take up challenges to maps that are unquestionably biased towards Republicans or biased towards Democrats. And so what we’ve seen is states continue along this path of doing gerrymandered maps. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, it’s been practiced for decades by both political parties. But what we’ve seen this year is President Trump take the unprecedented step of actually going to states and saying, I want you to redraw your lines to help Republicans. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it started in Texas – Trump you know, went and asked the Texas legislature to redraw their lines to give Republicans five additional seats in Congress. But this just keeps escalating, beyond Texas, beyond California. Republicans are pursuing seats through a redraw of maps in Missouri, in redistricting in Kansas, in North Carolina – Democrats have introduced plans to pick up a seat in Maryland. And the Supreme Court is also considering a case about the use of race in drawing congressional maps that could potentially change how gerrymandered maps are challenged in the future.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So in the language of the proposition, it states that this is in response to actions taken in Texas. Can you walk us through what happened in Texas and why it matters here in California? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The House is very closely divided right now, and any alteration to the map, any kind of change to the district lines could really decide the control of Congress in 2026. So Trump went to Texas, pressured them to take this move. Texas responded, redrew their map to help Republicans. As this was happening, Governor Gavin Newsom in California, other Democrats in California, started having meetings and discussing, ‘okay, what can we do to respond to this?’ And ultimately that resulted in Proposition 50. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The legislature voted to put this on the ballot. The key difference between California and Texas is: in California, this change has to happen only with the permission of voters. California has this independent commission that draws district lines. Voters created that system. So it has to be taken to voters if any change is going to be made to that. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Music break\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Okay, so let’s dig in on what exactly the proposition would do. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This would redraw California’s congressional maps. And it’s worth noting, the commission also draws lines for the state legislature. Those are not being affected at all by Proposition 50. This is just for US congressional maps, House districts. So it’s estimated that these new maps would favor Democrats by helping them pick up up to five new seats that are currently held by Republicans. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In doing so, it puts a pause on the current maps that we have that were created by the Independent Commission back in 2021 and that were really regarded as fair, I think, by a lot of election analysts and that have really created very competitive elections, right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When you draw maps in order to favor one party or the other, you’re gonna result often in fewer competitive elections. And if you compare California to other large states such as Texas, such as Florida, just in the last decade, we’ve had far more competitive House elections than these other states because our lines are not drawn to protect political incumbents. They’re not drawn to help Democrats or Republicans. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so what this Proposition 50 is saying is let’s set aside the independent maps for the 2026, 2028, and 2030 elections and put in place these maps favoring Democrats. The way the measure is written, we’d go back to the citizen redistricting process after 2030 — that’s because there would be a new census in 2030, the commission meets after that and draws new lines for the 2032 elections.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> So How exactly does the California Citizens Redistricting Commission create these fairer maps? Like how are they made up? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> So the commission itself is made up of 14 members. You have five Democrats, five Republicans, and then four who are not registered with either political party. And so this commission, it’s citizens from around the state who apply, who get chosen to be on the commission. And one of the key metrics or key things that the commission really focuses on is this idea of communities of interest. And I talked to Pedro Toledo, who’s the current chair of the independent commission, and he explained kind of how commissioners think about these communities of interest and why they matter when you’re drawing political maps. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pedro Toledo:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Every community is different. The issues that a community in the Central Valley might care about, maybe water or some of the healthcare issues that are prevalent out there, some of the lack of healthcare, the lack of infrastructure, might be very different in a more urban settings. And that matters because one would hope that the elected official that a community elects would represent those issues in Congress. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And I’ll note, you know, Princeton University rates the different redistrictings in each state. They gave California a B score on partisan fairness. But if adopted, they say the Proposition 50 maps would get an F. So it gives you a sense of the direction California would be going when it comes to nonpartisan maps. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In theory, you know ,Proposition 50 would replace the work of the commission until 2030. But there is a lot of skepticism, I think, from opponents of this who feel like when is the deescalation going to happen, right? We see states just competing, competing, trying to change their maps in more and more partisan ways. Is California really gonna step away from that and go back to more of an independent system? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> So this is really a departure from what was a fairly non partisan way of redistricting to one that is overtly partisan. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Yeah, that’s right. And I think look, even like supporters of Proposition 50 realize that in a vacuum, doing away with citizens drawn maps is unpopular. What I think they would argue is this is not happening in a vacuum. This is happening as part of a wider fight across the country. This battle for control of the House of Representatives, and Democrats who are supporting Prop 50 say: ‘The stakes are too high for us to just simply be focusing on good governance. We need to retake the House of Representatives.’\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> What kind of local impacts could this have on the Bay Area? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> One is in Sonoma County, where Sonoma is now gonna be paired with communities in the northern part of the state: Butte County, Tehama County. And really the point there is to take a district, currently the first district that’s controlled by a Republican, and dragging the lines down south into Sonoma County and therefore picking up all of these Democratic voters who live in Sonoma. So that’s a key part of redistricting when you’re trying to do it for partisan gain. You’re trying to bring voters from one party into a new district in hopes that they’ll change the outcome of it. And really the hope is that district would go from currently represented by a Republican to being represented by a Democrat in 2026. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There’s another change that that’s happening in eastern Contra Costa County, where you have a lot of communities around the Carquinez Strait, the northern waterfront – from Martinez, Pittsburgh, Antioch, even across into Solano County, Vallejo that are currently grouped in this district that the commission created back in 2021 with the explicit goal of putting together working class communities that are racially diverse. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">They got a lot of input from residents who felt like, you know, communities like Richmond, Vallejo, Pittsburgh, Antioch have a lot in common and should be included in one congressional district to kind of maximize the voice of people living there. So their shared concerns about living around refineries, their shared concerns about means of transportation. If all those voters would be in the same district, whoever wins that seat would have no choice but to listen to the concerns of the community. So that was what the commission thought when they’re creating this 8th district. That district would be broken up under the Proposition 50 map. And the reason is because voters in Antioch and Pittsburgh would be moved into a Central Valley district. The strategy behind that is these are heavily Democratic voters in Pittsburgh and Antioch. They’d be moved into a Central Valley district to help a vulnerable Democratic incumbent have an easier path to re-election. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So there’s two kinds of things at play here with Proposition 50. There’s targeting seats that are currently held by Republicans, trying to flip them to Democratic seats. There’s also seats that Democrats currently hold, but they’re a little bit tenuous. They’re kind of close competitive seats. Proposition 50 would make them less competitive. So give those Democrats an easier path to re-election. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Those local impacts are actually really, really interesting, but we don’t actually hear people talking about the local impacts that much. I would say most of the campaigning for this proposition has been about the balance of power in Washington. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Absolutely. And that’s by design. Look, the supporters of Proposition 50 are really framing this as part of the national fight over the House of Representatives, over gerrymandering that’s breaking out in Republican states. And they want to talk about the need to win these House seats for Democrats in order to break Republican hold on power in Washington. And that’s really the argument that you’re hearing coming from the Yes on 50 campaign. The phrase they love to use is ‘you have to fight fire with fire.’ Some of the ads for Proposition 50 don’t even mention redistricting. They highlight a lot of the actions the president have t has taken that are unpopular in California and are basically saying to voters, look, you need we need to stop this, vote yes on Prop 50. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It’s worth noting though that just because you redraw the districts doesn’t mean that somebody automatically wins. I mean, these candidates still have to run. They still have to convince voters to vote for them. So let’s just, you know, slow our roll a little bit, you know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> That’s a great point. You still actually have to have the campaigns, right? When we talk about redistricting, the end result is just okay, ‘how many Democrats live in this district and how many Republicans.’ But to your point, there still needs to be candidates that are running. There’s still everything that’s happening in the world that influences how people vote in an election. So all of that will still have to play out no matter how Proposition 50 fares. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Okay, so we’ve heard a lot about what the yes side is doing. What argument is the no side making? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Well, the no side is really making a good government argument against gerrymandering. They’re supporting the system that we currently have right now, these maps drawn by citizens that are not focusing on helping Republicans or helping Democrats, and they say they want to keep the system that way. Now, that’s not to say that the opponents of Prop 50 don’t have partisan interests in mind. A lot of Republicans are opposing Prop 50 because if this passes, they will probably lose seats in Congress. So there is a lot of partisan interest in the opposition, but the messaging they’re putting out there is really about maintaining this system of good governance that we have. And a key messenger in that is former Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Narrator in advertisement:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The politicians want their power back.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger in political advertisement: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s what they want to do is take us backwards. That is why it is important to vote no on Proposition 50. Democracy. You’ve got to protect it and we’ve got to go and fight for it. \u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Schwarzenegger was the one who helped create the Independent Commission back in 2008. And he has actually spoken out against Proposition 50. He said he opposes it, basically along the lines of two wrongs don’t make a right, just because Texas and Republican states are gerrymandering, California shouldn’t go down this path. But I’ll say it’s interesting the way in which Schwarzenegger has come out and talked about this. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He spoke at an event at the University of Southern California. He said he’s against Prop 50. He encouraged the no vote. And it was actually the ‘No on 50’ campaign was in the crowd. They were filming it, and they used that video for an advertisement. They scrubbed out the background so it doesn’t say USC anymore, it says No on 50. But that’s interesting because Schwarzenegger himself has been a little bit hesitant to actually engage in the campaign. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He didn’t, you know, meet up with the No on 50 campaign and create that ad. He hasn’t been out barnstorming against Prop 50. And I think that’s because he feels perhaps a little bit uncomfortable in that this has really become a Democratic versus Republican fight. Schwarzenegger does not like President Trump, not a big fan, and he’s always tried to keep a little distance from the Republican Party establishment, especially now. So he probably feels maybe caught in the middle in some way, even as he opposes Prop 50. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Okay, let’s talk about campaign finance. What kind of money is being spent on the race and by whom? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Lot of big money pouring into this campaign. There’s been more money in support of it than against Prop 50. The yes side has like a two to one financial edge. And you’ve really seen Governor Newsom rally the Democratic establishment to give to Prop 50. We’ve seen major Democratic donors like George Soros, Tom Steyer spend a lot to support Prop 50. We’ve also seen a lot of grassroots energy. There have been small dollar donations from every single state in the country supporting Prop 50, which I do think speaks to like, yes, this is a state ballot measure. But we’re in a year where there’s not much else on the ballot. And this has gotten a lot of attention, I think, from Democrats across the country who again want to feel like they’re a part of something that’s pushing back against the administration. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the no side, it’s really been one big donor opposing Prop 50. That’s Charles Munger Jr. He’s a philanthropist, big Republican donor in the Bay Area. He bankrolled the measures that created the Citizens Commission back in 2008. So I think he feels this is his baby to some extent. He really supports this idea, and he’s putting a lot of money, at this point more than $30 million, to oppose Prop 50. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Okay, Guy Marzorati, correspondent on KQED’s California Politics and Government Desk, thanks for breaking this down for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Thanks for having me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In a nutshell, a vote yes on Proposition 50 means you want to adopt a new legislatively-drawn districting map that could make it easier for Democrats to win seats in the House of Representatives through 2030. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A vote no on Prop 50 means you want to keep our current map and keep redistricting in the hands of the California Citizens Redistricting Commission. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s it for our episode on Prop 50. You can cast your vote in person or by mail. Registered voters should have received their ballots by now, and those must be filled out and postmarked on or before November 4th. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Our show is made in San Francisco at Member Supported KQED. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bay Curious is made by Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale, Olivia Allen-Price, and me, Katrina Schwartz, with extra support Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California local.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I’m Katrina Schwartz. Have a great week. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> voters may be feeling some déjà vu as campaigns on both sides of a redistricting battle return to similar playbooks from past political clashes here — including the unsuccessful 2021 recall of Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, Newsom and fellow Democrats are asking voters to toss out the congressional maps created by an independent redistricting commission just a few years ago, and approve new districts aimed at giving Democrats five more seats in Congress. The measure was placed before voters after President Donald Trump urged Texas and other Republican-led states to redraw their maps to give the GOP an advantage in the 2026 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just like the recall, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888259/newsom-prevails-in-california-recall-election-holds-onto-job-as-governor\">Newsom handily defeated\u003c/a> by nearly 25 points, the Yes on 50 campaign is making sure to tie their measure to the president, national Republicans and the MAGA movement. Trump’s California approval rating \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/82c1v510\">generally hovers around 30%\u003c/a> in independent polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The overall messaging is this a measure that fights back against Trump and his policies,” said Yes on 50 senior adviser Jim DeBoo, who was Newsom’s chief of staff during the recall. “There’s a lot of similarities to the recall … The difference is, Democrats in the recall begrudgingly voted no. They were like, why are we doing this?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, DeBoo said, the intensity among supporters is real — and it’s not just Democrats, but also a significant number of \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9f06d6p8\">independent\u003c/a> voters who are motivated to come out and vote against Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is like anger and excitement, where the recall is just anger,” he said, adding that critics of the president have been looking for a way to push back on this Washington. “Most people who have an aversion to the administration don’t have a lot of actionable things they can do. And this is an actionable thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040807\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040807\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California State Capitol in Sacramento on May 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And people get what Proposition 50’s about, he said — something the Yes on 50 campaign wasn’t sure would be the case when they started this truncated campaign this summer. It’s a complicated argument, he noted: Democrats need to not only explain redistricting to voters, but also convince them that Proposition 50 won’t eliminate the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050983/californias-political-maps-are-drawn-independently-will-newsom-change-that\">popular Independent Restricting Commission\u003c/a>. Instead, it would only table the commission’s work until after the 2030 census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the Yes side needed to convince the electorate of their why: The ballot measure is needed to help ensure Trump doesn’t remain in control of all branches of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we first started, we were like, ‘This is gonna be tough from a persuasion perspective to not only convince independent voters or no party preference voters, but Democrats, that this is the right thing to do.’ And usually, in ballot measures in particular, complexity kills, simplicity sells — and this wasn’t simple,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But people get it, he said, noting that the campaign’s polling shows awareness of the measure above 80%. The national attention it garnered, especially when Texas Democrats fled their state to delay the passage of new Republican maps, was helpful, DeBoo said.[aside postID=news_12060266 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_Redistrict-Antioch-_-10_qed.jpg']But Jessica Millan Patterson, who is chairing the No Campaign and previously ran the state Republican Party, said the Democratic strategy of attacking Trump is tired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t have a playbook. They have one play and they play that every single time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patterson said a large swath of the electorate remains undecided and a range of voters — including disaffected Democrats and independents — are open to the argument the No side is making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is far less partisan, despite what the Yes side is trying to do,” she said. “We talk about these lines that have been drawn by Democrats in a back room with very little public participation and D.C. lobbyists and map drawers that no one can name, that is when people are like this is fishy, this is shady, and I don’t want anything to do with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So while Democrats lean into Proposition 50 as an answer to Trump, Patterson said Republicans — just like in the 2021 recall campaign — are banking on Newsom’s unpopularity with more conservative voters. The message:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin Newsom is redrawing these districts as a partisan power grab, not because he’s trying to fix a problem because we didn’t have a problem to fix,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a smart move, said GOP strategist Rob Stutzman, who is not involved in either campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057844\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057844\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2231339599-1-scaled-e1760027449708.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican Assembly member James Gallagher speaks during a press conference ahead of a meeting of the California State Assembly at the California State Capitol on Aug. 21, 2025, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Newsom isn’t just unpopular with Republicans, he actually triggers them,” said Stutzman, president of Stutzman Public Affairs. “The Republican motivation on this is Newsom. As much as you’re getting Democrats to turn out to vote against Trump, the Republican turnout mechanism is Newsom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeBoo didn’t disagree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Republicans are pretty dug in,” he said “They may not be Trump people, but they have their feelings about Democratic leadership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stutzman said both sides’ tactics make sense. Democrats, who hold a 20 point registration advantage over Republicans in the state, are simply trying to turn out their base and capitalize on Trump’s highly negative reputation here. Republicans are trying to shore up their base and attract other voters who are turned off by Newsom. The governor’s \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9f06d6p8\">approval rating\u003c/a> in an August poll was 51% — up from 46% in the spring and largely driven by Democrats and independent voters excited by his aggressive posture against Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just 9% of GOP voters gave the governor high marks in that poll — compared to 77% of Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have a huge plurality of Democrat voters that they just want to turn out,” Stutzman said. “It’s what we call a base election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats may have also benefited politically from something that didn’t happen: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/arnold-schwarzenegger\">Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger\u003c/a>, who campaigned for the independent redistricting commission when it was created more than a decade ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057779/aoc-and-schwarzenegger-take-their-stances-on-prop-50\">has come out against Proposition 50\u003c/a> but not hit the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057785\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057785\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2235142142-scaled-e1760999864910.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger at Town and Gown of USC on Sept. 15, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stutzman said Schwarzenegger’s lukewarm involvement — he has spoken out against the measure \u003ca href=\"https://deadline.com/2025/10/real-time-arnold-schwarzenegger-slams-prop-50-big-scam-1236591112/\">on TV \u003c/a>and at at least \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-09-15/schwarzenegger-newsom-ballot-proposal-gerrymandering-charlie-kirk-usc-democracy\">one event\u003c/a>, but not worked with the No on 50 campaign — makes sense given he’s not a fan of the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Schwarzenegger is a critic of Trump, so he’s not exactly gonna feed the Republican base or be the face that they necessarily want to see, even though they may agree with him on this,” said Stutzman, who worked for Schwarzenegger when he was governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the No side has been able to use Schwarzenegger’s appearances in their advertising, which Stutzman said could still be an effective tool in attracting some centrist or independent voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early ballot returns show equal shares of Democrats and Republicans have already cast their votes early — but with the Democrats’ numerical advantage, that amounts to nearly twice as many votes for redistricting so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who haven’t voted yet will surely be hearing more about Proposition 50 as Nov. 4 approaches. It’s already ranking as one of the most \u003ca href=\"https://news.ballotpedia.org/2025/10/14/california-proposition-50-ranks-as-the-seventh-most-expensive-ballot-measure-in-state-history-with-139-9-million-raised/\">expensive\u003c/a> ballot fights in state history — with nearly $150 million raised on both sides — and there are still several weeks left until voting ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While voters are deciding whether to approve new maps, it may feel more like they’re really being asked to choose between Newsom and Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> voters may be feeling some déjà vu as campaigns on both sides of a redistricting battle return to similar playbooks from past political clashes here — including the unsuccessful 2021 recall of Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, Newsom and fellow Democrats are asking voters to toss out the congressional maps created by an independent redistricting commission just a few years ago, and approve new districts aimed at giving Democrats five more seats in Congress. The measure was placed before voters after President Donald Trump urged Texas and other Republican-led states to redraw their maps to give the GOP an advantage in the 2026 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just like the recall, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888259/newsom-prevails-in-california-recall-election-holds-onto-job-as-governor\">Newsom handily defeated\u003c/a> by nearly 25 points, the Yes on 50 campaign is making sure to tie their measure to the president, national Republicans and the MAGA movement. Trump’s California approval rating \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/82c1v510\">generally hovers around 30%\u003c/a> in independent polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The overall messaging is this a measure that fights back against Trump and his policies,” said Yes on 50 senior adviser Jim DeBoo, who was Newsom’s chief of staff during the recall. “There’s a lot of similarities to the recall … The difference is, Democrats in the recall begrudgingly voted no. They were like, why are we doing this?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, DeBoo said, the intensity among supporters is real — and it’s not just Democrats, but also a significant number of \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9f06d6p8\">independent\u003c/a> voters who are motivated to come out and vote against Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is like anger and excitement, where the recall is just anger,” he said, adding that critics of the president have been looking for a way to push back on this Washington. “Most people who have an aversion to the administration don’t have a lot of actionable things they can do. And this is an actionable thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040807\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040807\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250506-SACRAMENTOFILE-11-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California State Capitol in Sacramento on May 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And people get what Proposition 50’s about, he said — something the Yes on 50 campaign wasn’t sure would be the case when they started this truncated campaign this summer. It’s a complicated argument, he noted: Democrats need to not only explain redistricting to voters, but also convince them that Proposition 50 won’t eliminate the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050983/californias-political-maps-are-drawn-independently-will-newsom-change-that\">popular Independent Restricting Commission\u003c/a>. Instead, it would only table the commission’s work until after the 2030 census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the Yes side needed to convince the electorate of their why: The ballot measure is needed to help ensure Trump doesn’t remain in control of all branches of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we first started, we were like, ‘This is gonna be tough from a persuasion perspective to not only convince independent voters or no party preference voters, but Democrats, that this is the right thing to do.’ And usually, in ballot measures in particular, complexity kills, simplicity sells — and this wasn’t simple,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But people get it, he said, noting that the campaign’s polling shows awareness of the measure above 80%. The national attention it garnered, especially when Texas Democrats fled their state to delay the passage of new Republican maps, was helpful, DeBoo said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Jessica Millan Patterson, who is chairing the No Campaign and previously ran the state Republican Party, said the Democratic strategy of attacking Trump is tired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t have a playbook. They have one play and they play that every single time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patterson said a large swath of the electorate remains undecided and a range of voters — including disaffected Democrats and independents — are open to the argument the No side is making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is far less partisan, despite what the Yes side is trying to do,” she said. “We talk about these lines that have been drawn by Democrats in a back room with very little public participation and D.C. lobbyists and map drawers that no one can name, that is when people are like this is fishy, this is shady, and I don’t want anything to do with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So while Democrats lean into Proposition 50 as an answer to Trump, Patterson said Republicans — just like in the 2021 recall campaign — are banking on Newsom’s unpopularity with more conservative voters. The message:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin Newsom is redrawing these districts as a partisan power grab, not because he’s trying to fix a problem because we didn’t have a problem to fix,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a smart move, said GOP strategist Rob Stutzman, who is not involved in either campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057844\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057844\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2231339599-1-scaled-e1760027449708.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican Assembly member James Gallagher speaks during a press conference ahead of a meeting of the California State Assembly at the California State Capitol on Aug. 21, 2025, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Newsom isn’t just unpopular with Republicans, he actually triggers them,” said Stutzman, president of Stutzman Public Affairs. “The Republican motivation on this is Newsom. As much as you’re getting Democrats to turn out to vote against Trump, the Republican turnout mechanism is Newsom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeBoo didn’t disagree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Republicans are pretty dug in,” he said “They may not be Trump people, but they have their feelings about Democratic leadership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stutzman said both sides’ tactics make sense. Democrats, who hold a 20 point registration advantage over Republicans in the state, are simply trying to turn out their base and capitalize on Trump’s highly negative reputation here. Republicans are trying to shore up their base and attract other voters who are turned off by Newsom. The governor’s \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9f06d6p8\">approval rating\u003c/a> in an August poll was 51% — up from 46% in the spring and largely driven by Democrats and independent voters excited by his aggressive posture against Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just 9% of GOP voters gave the governor high marks in that poll — compared to 77% of Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have a huge plurality of Democrat voters that they just want to turn out,” Stutzman said. “It’s what we call a base election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats may have also benefited politically from something that didn’t happen: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/arnold-schwarzenegger\">Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger\u003c/a>, who campaigned for the independent redistricting commission when it was created more than a decade ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057779/aoc-and-schwarzenegger-take-their-stances-on-prop-50\">has come out against Proposition 50\u003c/a> but not hit the campaign trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057785\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057785\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2235142142-scaled-e1760999864910.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger at Town and Gown of USC on Sept. 15, 2025, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stutzman said Schwarzenegger’s lukewarm involvement — he has spoken out against the measure \u003ca href=\"https://deadline.com/2025/10/real-time-arnold-schwarzenegger-slams-prop-50-big-scam-1236591112/\">on TV \u003c/a>and at at least \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-09-15/schwarzenegger-newsom-ballot-proposal-gerrymandering-charlie-kirk-usc-democracy\">one event\u003c/a>, but not worked with the No on 50 campaign — makes sense given he’s not a fan of the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Schwarzenegger is a critic of Trump, so he’s not exactly gonna feed the Republican base or be the face that they necessarily want to see, even though they may agree with him on this,” said Stutzman, who worked for Schwarzenegger when he was governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the No side has been able to use Schwarzenegger’s appearances in their advertising, which Stutzman said could still be an effective tool in attracting some centrist or independent voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early ballot returns show equal shares of Democrats and Republicans have already cast their votes early — but with the Democrats’ numerical advantage, that amounts to nearly twice as many votes for redistricting so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who haven’t voted yet will surely be hearing more about Proposition 50 as Nov. 4 approaches. It’s already ranking as one of the most \u003ca href=\"https://news.ballotpedia.org/2025/10/14/california-proposition-50-ranks-as-the-seventh-most-expensive-ballot-measure-in-state-history-with-139-9-million-raised/\">expensive\u003c/a> ballot fights in state history — with nearly $150 million raised on both sides — and there are still several weeks left until voting ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While voters are deciding whether to approve new maps, it may feel more like they’re really being asked to choose between Newsom and Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Monday, October 20, 2025…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Democrats in California attempt to convince voters to approve new maps next month to give them more seats in Congress, and Republicans fight back against \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 50\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, the redistricting measure, both sides are relying on familiar political playbooks. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hundreds of thousands of people across California took part in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060511/massive-no-kings-crowds-return-to-bay-area-streets-rebuking-trump\">No Kings rallies\u003c/a> over the weekend, part of nationwide protests against the Trump administration. That includes in the conservative stronghold of far Northern California.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060736/recall-redux-democrats-and-republicans-bring-back-familiar-arguments-in-prop-50-battle\">\u003cstrong>In Battle Over Redistricting, Campaigns Use Familiar Messages To Target Undecided Voters\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Governor Gavin Newsom faced a recall campaign, which was focused largely on his aggressive response to the pandemic. The governor handily defeated the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Newsom and fellow Democrats are asking voters in California, a largely blue state, to throw away the maps created by an independent redistricting commission just a few years ago, and approve districts aimed at giving Democrats five more seats in Congress. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50 was placed before voters\u003c/a> after President Trump urged Texas and other Republican-led states to redraw their maps to give the GOP an advantage in the 2026 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just like the recall, the Yes on 50 campaign is making sure to tie their measure to national Republicans, the president and the MAGA movement. “There’s a lot of similarities to the recall,” said Jim DeBoo, a senior strategist for the Yes on 50 campaign. He served as Newsom’s chief of staff during the recall. “The difference is, Democrats in the recall begrudgingly voted no. They were like, why are we doing this? This is a waste of my time. I’m not energized about this at all.” DeBoo said this time around, field polls show a very different feeling among Democrats and independent voters, who are unhappy with the Trump administration, and looking at ways of pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes side is largely trying to make the campaign a referendum on the president, whose popularity in California generally hovers around 30% in independent polls. But Jessica Millan Patterson, who is chairing the No campaign and previously ran the state Republican Party, said that strategy is tired. “They don’t have a playbook. They have one play and they play that every single time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Stutzman is a GOP strategist who is not involved in either campaign. “The Republican motivation on this is Newsom. So as much as you’re getting Democrats to turn out to vote against Trump, the Republican turnout mechanism is Newsom. Newsom isn’t just unpopular with Republicans, he actually triggers them,” he said. So while the ballot measure is focused on redistricting, it may actually feel more like a choice between Governor Newsom and President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060511/massive-no-kings-crowds-return-to-bay-area-streets-rebuking-trump\">Thousands Protest Trump Administration At No Kings Rallies\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Thousands of people took to the streets on Saturday, in cities across California, as part of the nationwide No Kings rallies, protesting policies of the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the biggest marches were in large, Democratic-majority cities, like Los Angeles and San Francisco. But in the northern part of California, which is often a conservative stronghold, there were plenty of community members who came together as well on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In downtown Chico, organizers estimate 3,000 people took part in the peaceful protest. Among them was Leanne Jenswolt with the local activist group, Re-Sisters. She said it’s time for Americans to wake up and confront what she sees as a dangerous threat to democracy. “We are seeing America rise up. America was pretty sleepy for several months now, but the energy around this particular protest is the highest I’ve ever seen. And not just here, but globally,” she said. Across the state, the rallies were for the most part, peaceful in nature.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Monday, October 20, 2025…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As Democrats in California attempt to convince voters to approve new maps next month to give them more seats in Congress, and Republicans fight back against \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 50\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, the redistricting measure, both sides are relying on familiar political playbooks. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hundreds of thousands of people across California took part in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060511/massive-no-kings-crowds-return-to-bay-area-streets-rebuking-trump\">No Kings rallies\u003c/a> over the weekend, part of nationwide protests against the Trump administration. That includes in the conservative stronghold of far Northern California.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060736/recall-redux-democrats-and-republicans-bring-back-familiar-arguments-in-prop-50-battle\">\u003cstrong>In Battle Over Redistricting, Campaigns Use Familiar Messages To Target Undecided Voters\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Governor Gavin Newsom faced a recall campaign, which was focused largely on his aggressive response to the pandemic. The governor handily defeated the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Newsom and fellow Democrats are asking voters in California, a largely blue state, to throw away the maps created by an independent redistricting commission just a few years ago, and approve districts aimed at giving Democrats five more seats in Congress. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50 was placed before voters\u003c/a> after President Trump urged Texas and other Republican-led states to redraw their maps to give the GOP an advantage in the 2026 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just like the recall, the Yes on 50 campaign is making sure to tie their measure to national Republicans, the president and the MAGA movement. “There’s a lot of similarities to the recall,” said Jim DeBoo, a senior strategist for the Yes on 50 campaign. He served as Newsom’s chief of staff during the recall. “The difference is, Democrats in the recall begrudgingly voted no. They were like, why are we doing this? This is a waste of my time. I’m not energized about this at all.” DeBoo said this time around, field polls show a very different feeling among Democrats and independent voters, who are unhappy with the Trump administration, and looking at ways of pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes side is largely trying to make the campaign a referendum on the president, whose popularity in California generally hovers around 30% in independent polls. But Jessica Millan Patterson, who is chairing the No campaign and previously ran the state Republican Party, said that strategy is tired. “They don’t have a playbook. They have one play and they play that every single time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Stutzman is a GOP strategist who is not involved in either campaign. “The Republican motivation on this is Newsom. So as much as you’re getting Democrats to turn out to vote against Trump, the Republican turnout mechanism is Newsom. Newsom isn’t just unpopular with Republicans, he actually triggers them,” he said. So while the ballot measure is focused on redistricting, it may actually feel more like a choice between Governor Newsom and President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060511/massive-no-kings-crowds-return-to-bay-area-streets-rebuking-trump\">Thousands Protest Trump Administration At No Kings Rallies\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Thousands of people took to the streets on Saturday, in cities across California, as part of the nationwide No Kings rallies, protesting policies of the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the biggest marches were in large, Democratic-majority cities, like Los Angeles and San Francisco. But in the northern part of California, which is often a conservative stronghold, there were plenty of community members who came together as well on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In downtown Chico, organizers estimate 3,000 people took part in the peaceful protest. Among them was Leanne Jenswolt with the local activist group, Re-Sisters. She said it’s time for Americans to wake up and confront what she sees as a dangerous threat to democracy. “We are seeing America rise up. America was pretty sleepy for several months now, but the energy around this particular protest is the highest I’ve ever seen. And not just here, but globally,” she said. Across the state, the rallies were for the most part, peaceful in nature.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Proposition 50 Would Shift Antioch, Pittsburg to Aid Democrats in Congress",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 50 Would Shift Antioch, Pittsburg to Aid Democrats in Congress | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent Thursday evening, pastor Shantell Owens opened the doors of her Genesis Church in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/antioch\">Antioch\u003c/a>, an eastern Contra Costa County suburb, to two League of Women Voters volunteers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their mission: explain \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, the measure on California’s November ballot that would redraw the state’s congressional lines to help Democrats win more U.S. House seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens beamed as she described the church’s services in a neighborhood rocked by shootings last year. Genesis distributes free groceries every Saturday morning, hosts financial empowerment workshops — and on this evening offered a crash course on California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">Nov. 4 special election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My biggest fear is that when people don’t know, they don’t vote,” Owens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>League volunteer Janet Hoy explained the basics of Proposition 50, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053249/california-approves-redistricting-plan-now-its-up-to-voters\">asks voters\u003c/a> to replace California’s current congressional district lines, drawn by a nonpartisan citizens commission, with a new pro-Democratic map through 2030. Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed it in response to a congressional redistricting in Texas designed to help Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antioch and neighboring Pittsburg are key pieces in the shuffle, showing the inherent tension between maximizing national political outcomes and representing local interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058747\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058747\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Hoy, Civil Engagement Chair for the League of Women Voters, addresses a small group on the pros and cons of Proposition 50, a temporary redistricting measure on the statewide ballot for Nov. 4, at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You can see how Antioch changes, right?” Hoy said, pointing to a PowerPoint slide comparing the current and proposed maps. “You can see it’s really moving around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 50 is approved, heavily Democratic Antioch and Pittsburg would move to a Central Valley district, boosting the reelection chances of vulnerable Democratic Rep. Josh Harder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new map would break up the current 8th Congressional District, which pairs parts of Antioch and Pittsburg with Richmond, Vallejo and other cities along the Carquinez Strait, creating a racially diverse, working-class district where concerns about long commutes and oil refinery operations could be addressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the lines were finalized in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912468/activists-helped-create-the-bay-areas-most-diverse-congressional-district-now-theyre-probably-getting-john-garamendi\">the new 8th District was championed\u003c/a> by Bay Area activists as an example of a redistricting process that prioritized local needs over partisan goals. But even supporters now back a map aimed at helping Democrats gain House seats.[aside label=\"2025 California Special Election\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50,Learn about Proposition 50' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Aside-2025-Special-Election-Voter-Guide-Proposition-50-1200x675-1.png]“I think if there’s any way that we’re able to get more seats [in Congress] so that we can level the playing field to help the people here on the ground, we got to do it,” said Contra Costa County Supervisor Shanelle Scales-Preston, whose district overlaps much of the 8th District. “Hopefully, when [the commission] goes back in 2030, they can be intentional again about making sure they create a district for communities of color and working-class people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During 2021 public hearings, groups such as Black Women Organized for Political Action and Lift Up Contra Costa warned that Black, Latino and Asian voices were diluted in the prior map. Richmond was paired with the wealthy Lamorinda and Tri-Valley suburbs, while Vallejo and Martinez were in a district with Napa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers presented testimony on local bonds, or “communities of interest,” arguing that by combining these communities into one district would make their shared needs visible to elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were communities of interest around the refineries and environmental issues,” said Pedro Toledo, the chair of the Citizens Redistricting Commission. “There were also certainly quite a few communities of interest for low-income populations that wanted to be together and advocate together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission’s final report said the 8th was drawn “considering communities of interest to create a working-class focused district.” At the time, it was the only district in California where white, Latino, Black and Asian residents each accounted for at least 15% of the citizen voting-age population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058746\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058746\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sue Brandy, co-vice president of the League of Women Voters, presents slides outlining the pros and cons of Proposition 50 to a small group at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the district lines did not produce \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11914055/in-the-bays-most-diverse-district-an-old-white-guy-is-the-frontrunner\">local representation\u003c/a>. Since 2022, the seat has been held by 80-year-old Democratic Rep. John Garamendi, a white man with rancher roots who lives in the Sacramento County town of Walnut Grove.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toledo said using the concept of communities of interest to draw political maps can strengthen representation, regardless of who is elected to the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issues that a community in the Central Valley might care about — maybe water or health care — might be very different in a more urban setting,” he said. “That matters because one would hope that the official that a community elects would represent those issues in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 50 would move more than 106,000 Antioch and Pittsburg voters to the 9th Congressional District. Registered Democrats outnumber Republicans in those cities by more than 40 percentage points, according to an analysis by the nonpartisan election guide California Target Book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shift would help Harder, who narrowly won the 9th District last year by just four points, while Donald Trump carried the district over Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058744\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mary Schreiber (left) and Jan Warren (right), a Walnut Creek resident of 40 years, discuss and take notes during the League of Women Voters’ presentation at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Part of what this map is doing is shoring up those narrowly won seats,” said Eric McGhee, senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each congressional seat has to have roughly the same population, so in exchange for removing Antioch and Pittsburg, the Proposition 50 map adds the Solano County cities of Vacaville and Dixon to the 8th District, slightly increasing the share of white voters in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, McGhee said Proposition 50 maintains the current levels of racial representation across California. He found that the map on the ballot \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/how-would-the-prop-50-redistricting-plan-affect-racial-and-geographic-representation/\">matches\u003c/a> the number of districts (16) where eligible Latino voters currently constitute a majority. Proposition 50 also keeps the same number of districts where Asian and Black voters make up at least 30% of voters (6 and 2, respectively).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is harder to assess changes to the map that split up communities of interest, McGhee said. These pairings often encompass racial or ethnic enclaves, but also can include neighborhoods that share socioeconomic status, places of worship, employers or means of transportation.[aside label=\"2025 California Special Election\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews,Read the latest coverage of the Nov. 4 special election and learn about key measures on the ballot.' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2025-Special-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]“The bottom line is that there’s no single definition that everybody agrees on,” McGhee said. “Probably the best way to know if you’ve violated a community of interest is if some people complain loudly and assertively after the map is adopted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, none of the advocacy groups that championed the current 8th District lines have organized against Proposition 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scales-Preston, the county supervisor, has concerns about communities along the north shore of Contra Costa County having to share a district with parts of the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here in Pittsburg, you know, we touch the Delta, but it’s not like one of the Delta communities and the farming communities,” she said. “It’s totally different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Scales-Preston is supporting Proposition 50 because she views the need to break Republican control of Congress as paramount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has seen longer lines at food banks in Pittsburg and more residents bringing fishing poles to Bay Point Regional Shoreline in hopes of catching a free meal. She knows painful shortfalls will soon be coming to the health care and food safety nets as a result of the GOP-backed budget bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 50 for me is protecting health care for community members here, protecting our immigrant community…and protecting CalFresh,” Scales-Preston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at Genesis Church, just a handful of people have trickled in to hear the presentation about Proposition 50. Shantell Owens doesn’t recognize any local parishioners, but she vows to take the information she’s learned about the special election back to her congregation on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t understand it because it’s not time for an election — but it’s happening, right?’ Owens said. “So it’s about really shaking people up to understand that this is happening and we need to be a part of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent Thursday evening, pastor Shantell Owens opened the doors of her Genesis Church in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/antioch\">Antioch\u003c/a>, an eastern Contra Costa County suburb, to two League of Women Voters volunteers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their mission: explain \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, the measure on California’s November ballot that would redraw the state’s congressional lines to help Democrats win more U.S. House seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens beamed as she described the church’s services in a neighborhood rocked by shootings last year. Genesis distributes free groceries every Saturday morning, hosts financial empowerment workshops — and on this evening offered a crash course on California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">Nov. 4 special election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My biggest fear is that when people don’t know, they don’t vote,” Owens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>League volunteer Janet Hoy explained the basics of Proposition 50, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053249/california-approves-redistricting-plan-now-its-up-to-voters\">asks voters\u003c/a> to replace California’s current congressional district lines, drawn by a nonpartisan citizens commission, with a new pro-Democratic map through 2030. Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed it in response to a congressional redistricting in Texas designed to help Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antioch and neighboring Pittsburg are key pieces in the shuffle, showing the inherent tension between maximizing national political outcomes and representing local interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058747\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058747\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-8-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Hoy, Civil Engagement Chair for the League of Women Voters, addresses a small group on the pros and cons of Proposition 50, a temporary redistricting measure on the statewide ballot for Nov. 4, at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You can see how Antioch changes, right?” Hoy said, pointing to a PowerPoint slide comparing the current and proposed maps. “You can see it’s really moving around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 50 is approved, heavily Democratic Antioch and Pittsburg would move to a Central Valley district, boosting the reelection chances of vulnerable Democratic Rep. Josh Harder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new map would break up the current 8th Congressional District, which pairs parts of Antioch and Pittsburg with Richmond, Vallejo and other cities along the Carquinez Strait, creating a racially diverse, working-class district where concerns about long commutes and oil refinery operations could be addressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the lines were finalized in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912468/activists-helped-create-the-bay-areas-most-diverse-congressional-district-now-theyre-probably-getting-john-garamendi\">the new 8th District was championed\u003c/a> by Bay Area activists as an example of a redistricting process that prioritized local needs over partisan goals. But even supporters now back a map aimed at helping Democrats gain House seats.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think if there’s any way that we’re able to get more seats [in Congress] so that we can level the playing field to help the people here on the ground, we got to do it,” said Contra Costa County Supervisor Shanelle Scales-Preston, whose district overlaps much of the 8th District. “Hopefully, when [the commission] goes back in 2030, they can be intentional again about making sure they create a district for communities of color and working-class people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During 2021 public hearings, groups such as Black Women Organized for Political Action and Lift Up Contra Costa warned that Black, Latino and Asian voices were diluted in the prior map. Richmond was paired with the wealthy Lamorinda and Tri-Valley suburbs, while Vallejo and Martinez were in a district with Napa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers presented testimony on local bonds, or “communities of interest,” arguing that by combining these communities into one district would make their shared needs visible to elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were communities of interest around the refineries and environmental issues,” said Pedro Toledo, the chair of the Citizens Redistricting Commission. “There were also certainly quite a few communities of interest for low-income populations that wanted to be together and advocate together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission’s final report said the 8th was drawn “considering communities of interest to create a working-class focused district.” At the time, it was the only district in California where white, Latino, Black and Asian residents each accounted for at least 15% of the citizen voting-age population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058746\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058746\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-7-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sue Brandy, co-vice president of the League of Women Voters, presents slides outlining the pros and cons of Proposition 50 to a small group at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the district lines did not produce \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11914055/in-the-bays-most-diverse-district-an-old-white-guy-is-the-frontrunner\">local representation\u003c/a>. Since 2022, the seat has been held by 80-year-old Democratic Rep. John Garamendi, a white man with rancher roots who lives in the Sacramento County town of Walnut Grove.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toledo said using the concept of communities of interest to draw political maps can strengthen representation, regardless of who is elected to the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issues that a community in the Central Valley might care about — maybe water or health care — might be very different in a more urban setting,” he said. “That matters because one would hope that the official that a community elects would represent those issues in Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 50 would move more than 106,000 Antioch and Pittsburg voters to the 9th Congressional District. Registered Democrats outnumber Republicans in those cities by more than 40 percentage points, according to an analysis by the nonpartisan election guide California Target Book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shift would help Harder, who narrowly won the 9th District last year by just four points, while Donald Trump carried the district over Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12058744\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251003_REDISTRICT-ANTIOCH-_-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mary Schreiber (left) and Jan Warren (right), a Walnut Creek resident of 40 years, discuss and take notes during the League of Women Voters’ presentation at Genesis Church in Antioch, California, on Oct. 2, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Part of what this map is doing is shoring up those narrowly won seats,” said Eric McGhee, senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each congressional seat has to have roughly the same population, so in exchange for removing Antioch and Pittsburg, the Proposition 50 map adds the Solano County cities of Vacaville and Dixon to the 8th District, slightly increasing the share of white voters in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, McGhee said Proposition 50 maintains the current levels of racial representation across California. He found that the map on the ballot \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/how-would-the-prop-50-redistricting-plan-affect-racial-and-geographic-representation/\">matches\u003c/a> the number of districts (16) where eligible Latino voters currently constitute a majority. Proposition 50 also keeps the same number of districts where Asian and Black voters make up at least 30% of voters (6 and 2, respectively).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is harder to assess changes to the map that split up communities of interest, McGhee said. These pairings often encompass racial or ethnic enclaves, but also can include neighborhoods that share socioeconomic status, places of worship, employers or means of transportation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The bottom line is that there’s no single definition that everybody agrees on,” McGhee said. “Probably the best way to know if you’ve violated a community of interest is if some people complain loudly and assertively after the map is adopted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, none of the advocacy groups that championed the current 8th District lines have organized against Proposition 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scales-Preston, the county supervisor, has concerns about communities along the north shore of Contra Costa County having to share a district with parts of the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here in Pittsburg, you know, we touch the Delta, but it’s not like one of the Delta communities and the farming communities,” she said. “It’s totally different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Scales-Preston is supporting Proposition 50 because she views the need to break Republican control of Congress as paramount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has seen longer lines at food banks in Pittsburg and more residents bringing fishing poles to Bay Point Regional Shoreline in hopes of catching a free meal. She knows painful shortfalls will soon be coming to the health care and food safety nets as a result of the GOP-backed budget bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 50 for me is protecting health care for community members here, protecting our immigrant community…and protecting CalFresh,” Scales-Preston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at Genesis Church, just a handful of people have trickled in to hear the presentation about Proposition 50. Shantell Owens doesn’t recognize any local parishioners, but she vows to take the information she’s learned about the special election back to her congregation on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t understand it because it’s not time for an election — but it’s happening, right?’ Owens said. “So it’s about really shaking people up to understand that this is happening and we need to be a part of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This November, Californians are being asked to decide whether the state can redraw our congressional districts with Proposition 50. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">California Democrats say Prop. 50 is their answer to pressure from President Trump on red states like Texas, which redrew its congressional maps to favor Republicans in next year’s midterm elections. Opponents say it tramples on California’s independent redistricting process, which voters approved more than a decade ago.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1469784386&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This episode originally aired on Aug. 10, 2025. Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild American Federation of Television and Radio Artists San Francisco Northern California Local\u003c/span>\u003c/i> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Proposition 50 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057425/millions-pour-into-california-fight-over-newsoms-redistricting-ballot-measure\">redistricting campaign is ramping up\u003c/a> with new ads featuring New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in support and former California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger in opposition. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa and Guy are joined by Politico’s senior political reporter Melanie Mason to discuss the money and personalities on both sides of Prop. 50. Plus, they talk about former Vice President Kamala Harris’s new book \u003cem>107 Days\u003c/em> recounting her campaign for president. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Marisa Lagos and Guy Marzorati are joined by Politico's senior political reporter Melanie Mason to discuss the money and personalities on both sides of Proposition 50.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Proposition 50 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057425/millions-pour-into-california-fight-over-newsoms-redistricting-ballot-measure\">redistricting campaign is ramping up\u003c/a> with new ads featuring New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in support and former California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger in opposition. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa and Guy are joined by Politico’s senior political reporter Melanie Mason to discuss the money and personalities on both sides of Prop. 50. Plus, they talk about former Vice President Kamala Harris’s new book \u003cem>107 Days\u003c/em> recounting her campaign for president. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "In Picking a Fight with Trump, Newsom Gambles on His Own Political Future",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has never been shy about picking a fight. But this moment could be make-or-break for the ambitious politician, as he takes on President Donald Trump not only on social media but at the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a faceoff that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051494/california-democrats-back-newsom-plan-to-redraw-congressional-maps-for-2026\">could determine the balance of power\u003c/a> in the U.S. House of Representatives next year and have longer repercussions for the governor’s own political ambitions — potentially a White House run of his own in 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has emerged as perhaps the nation’s most high-profile Democrat in recent months as he pushes back against the president’s move to redraw congressional districts in Republican-led states. In response, Newsom is asking California voters to pass \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053249/california-approves-redistricting-plan-now-its-up-to-voters\">a redistricting plan\u003c/a> that could give Democrats five new seats — directly countering new Texas maps drawn to help Republicans flip five districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We got here because the President of the United States is struggling,” Newsom said last month at a news conference where he signed the law putting the redistricting proposal before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Trump] can’t win by playing by traditional sets of rules. He plays by no rules,” he added. “It’s not the rule of law, it’s the rule of Don. And we’re standing up to that. We’re responding to that. They fired the first shot in Texas. We wouldn’t be here, had Texas not done what they just did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hardly Newsom’s first time making national headlines by taking a high-stakes gamble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11715425\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11715425\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Gavin Newsom, then mayor of San Francisco, speaks during a news conference following a California Supreme Court decision to overturn the ban on same-sex marriage on May 15, 2008.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1359\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-800x566.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-1020x722.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-1200x849.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gavin Newsom, then mayor of San Francisco, speaks during a news conference following a California Supreme Court decision to overturn the ban on same-sex marriage on May 15, 2008. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2004, as San Francisco mayor, Newsom burst into the national consciousness when he threw open the doors of City Hall to same-sex couples and ordered city workers to begin marrying them, despite both state and federal bans on gay marriage. Republican political consultant Mike Madrid traces a straight path from that same sex marriage fight to this moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The throughline that I think is pretty consistent with Gavin Newsom is he is a generational talent in the Democratic Party that has been able to do something that nobody else has done. And that is: He wins on cultural issues,” Madrid said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid added that Democrats usually run from these fights, but “Gavin’s like, give me the sword, I’ll go out there. And he wins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s take-no-prisoners style toward Trump in recent months is a marked contrast from earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026230/after-years-of-attacks-newsom-tries-flattery-on-trump\">when he tried to make nice with Trump\u003c/a> as wildfires tore through Los Angeles. As those blazes burned, the governor met Trump on the airport tarmac and took him around L.A. to see the destruction, even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021435/trumps-misinformation-la-fires-fuels-concerns-over-future-disaster-aid-california\">the president made false claims about the fires’ causes\u003c/a> and threatened to withhold disaster aid.[aside postID=news_12043766 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GavinNewsom1AP-1020x680.jpg']That all changed in June, when Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043221/newsom-asks-trump-to-rescind-unlawful-deployment-of-troops-in-los-angeles\">sent armed military troops into L.A\u003c/a>. over Newsom’s objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom and his staff have taken an increasingly aggressive — and cheeky — tone online. He’s not only confronting the president in the media and in court, but also mocking his social media posts with parodies that echo Trump’s own language, tone and style.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has long derided Newsom as a “terrible” governor and called him “Newscum.” Now, the governor is mimicking Trump, savaging the president in all-caps posts. He has recently suggested Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1960387243505541553\">dementia\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1961544715012378728\">called\u003c/a> him a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1962873063223202205\">loser\u003c/a> and ridiculed his \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1960436979562373264\">hands\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They really learned, we cannot respond with facts and honesty and good information. We have to take the offense,” Madrid said. “And that’s what you saw to great effect during the ICE raids and continue to see it with sort of the quote-unquote trolling that’s going on now, where Gavin and his team are completely dominating the narrative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls indicate Newsom’s stance is resonating. Since April, Newsom’s approval rating has jumped eight points to 51% in \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9f06d6p8\">UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies poll.\u003c/a> Fifty-nine percent of voters support his more vocal criticisms of Trump, and Democrats are far more enthusiastic about him running for president in 2028 than former Vice President Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GovPressOffice/status/1963693102348354047\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s seen as kind of a dynamic force against Donald Trump. Voters, especially Democrats, seem to think that’s a good idea,” said Mark DiCamillo, director of the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the poll also found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053201/california-voters-divided-on-newsoms-plan-to-redraw-congressional-districts\">a tough fight ahead for Newsom with the redistricting ballot measure\u003c/a>, Proposition 50: It enjoyed 48% support in the poll, with 32 percent opposed and about one-fifth of voters still undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, this isn’t uncharted territory for the governor, DiCamillo said, noting that he handily beat back an attempted recall in 2021 by making it a referendum on Trump and MAGA politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This reminds me of when he got challenged on the recall election,” DiCamillo said. “He started running against Republicans and very successfully defeated the recall initiative; his job ratings went up … Now, he’s taking a very forceful, direct, combative approach to that and his job ratings are going up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048349\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12048349\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/gettyimages-2225249524-scaled-e1757027321314.jpeg\" alt=\"President Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on July 15 for Pittsburgh.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on July 15, 2025, for Pittsburgh. \u003ccite>(Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Franciscan Ellek Linton, a 26-year-old voter who’s registered as an independent, is one of those on the left who is giving Newsom high marks for his willingness to take on Trump. Linton said watching the governor mock Trump on social media has been refreshing and entertaining, not just for him but for his Utah-based parents, who weren’t even familiar with the governor until recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think in general his demeanor and his approach is really what we need, like that’s honestly, I believe the only way we’re ever going to beat Trump,” he said. “You got to go to that level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s task ahead is tougher than winning on social media: He must convince voters to support a ballot measure that will sideline the state’s independent redistricting commission, which was created at the ballot box just over a decade ago and remains popular in public polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linton said he will reluctantly support Newsom’s redistricting measure and its gerrymandered maps, even if it means adopting the tactics Trump and Texas are using.[aside postID=news_12054858 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Newsom-Tweets_3.jpg']“I don’t think anybody agrees with gerrymandering, but at the same time, it’s kind of necessary,” he said. “If one side’s gonna cheat, we have to kind of cheat back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans in California see Newsom’s move as a blatant power grab. On the Assembly floor last month, GOP leader James Gallagher said Trump was wrong to redistrict and warned that by following the president, Newsom is taking the country down a dangerous path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin is fighting fire with fire,” Gallagher said, calling the new maps a “Gavin-mander.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You move forward fighting fire with fire, what happens? You burn it all down,” he said. “And in this case, it affects our most fundamental American principle: representation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even some Democrats who have historically viewed Newsom with skepticism because of his perceived political ambitions are rallying around the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former state Sen. Mark Leno, D-San Francisco, served alongside Newsom on the city’s Board of Supervisors more than two decades ago and was a progressive leader during his 14 years in Sacramento. Leno hasn’t always agreed with Newsom, but now has high praise for the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10777891\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10777891\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco) speaks at the Capitol in Sacramento on June 15, 2015.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1271\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-400x265.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1440x953.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1180x781.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-960x636.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Mark Leno. D-San Francisco, speaks at the Capitol in Sacramento on June 15, 2015. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a serious moment in our nation’s history, more than serious; it cannot be overstated. And Gavin is stepping up to the plate, I appreciate it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leno sees the redistricting fight — and whether Democrats can take back the House — as an existential moment for American democracy. It’s also a risky bet on which Newsom has seemingly staked his political reputation. If the ballot measure fails, it would not only be an embarrassment for the governor and Democrats, it could also help Republicans remain in control of the House and embolden Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do not think this is all about Gavin and all about Gavin’s aspirations. This is about the survival of our nation,” Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The redistricting campaign is expected to be close and attract money from around the country. Those near Newsom say he’ll lean on the same playbook that helped him survive the recall: making the fight about Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has never been shy about picking a fight. But this moment could be make-or-break for the ambitious politician, as he takes on President Donald Trump not only on social media but at the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a faceoff that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051494/california-democrats-back-newsom-plan-to-redraw-congressional-maps-for-2026\">could determine the balance of power\u003c/a> in the U.S. House of Representatives next year and have longer repercussions for the governor’s own political ambitions — potentially a White House run of his own in 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has emerged as perhaps the nation’s most high-profile Democrat in recent months as he pushes back against the president’s move to redraw congressional districts in Republican-led states. In response, Newsom is asking California voters to pass \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053249/california-approves-redistricting-plan-now-its-up-to-voters\">a redistricting plan\u003c/a> that could give Democrats five new seats — directly countering new Texas maps drawn to help Republicans flip five districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We got here because the President of the United States is struggling,” Newsom said last month at a news conference where he signed the law putting the redistricting proposal before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Trump] can’t win by playing by traditional sets of rules. He plays by no rules,” he added. “It’s not the rule of law, it’s the rule of Don. And we’re standing up to that. We’re responding to that. They fired the first shot in Texas. We wouldn’t be here, had Texas not done what they just did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hardly Newsom’s first time making national headlines by taking a high-stakes gamble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11715425\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11715425\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Gavin Newsom, then mayor of San Francisco, speaks during a news conference following a California Supreme Court decision to overturn the ban on same-sex marriage on May 15, 2008.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1359\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-800x566.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-1020x722.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34584_GettyImages-81099350-qut-1200x849.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gavin Newsom, then mayor of San Francisco, speaks during a news conference following a California Supreme Court decision to overturn the ban on same-sex marriage on May 15, 2008. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2004, as San Francisco mayor, Newsom burst into the national consciousness when he threw open the doors of City Hall to same-sex couples and ordered city workers to begin marrying them, despite both state and federal bans on gay marriage. Republican political consultant Mike Madrid traces a straight path from that same sex marriage fight to this moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The throughline that I think is pretty consistent with Gavin Newsom is he is a generational talent in the Democratic Party that has been able to do something that nobody else has done. And that is: He wins on cultural issues,” Madrid said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid added that Democrats usually run from these fights, but “Gavin’s like, give me the sword, I’ll go out there. And he wins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s take-no-prisoners style toward Trump in recent months is a marked contrast from earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026230/after-years-of-attacks-newsom-tries-flattery-on-trump\">when he tried to make nice with Trump\u003c/a> as wildfires tore through Los Angeles. As those blazes burned, the governor met Trump on the airport tarmac and took him around L.A. to see the destruction, even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021435/trumps-misinformation-la-fires-fuels-concerns-over-future-disaster-aid-california\">the president made false claims about the fires’ causes\u003c/a> and threatened to withhold disaster aid.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That all changed in June, when Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043221/newsom-asks-trump-to-rescind-unlawful-deployment-of-troops-in-los-angeles\">sent armed military troops into L.A\u003c/a>. over Newsom’s objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Newsom and his staff have taken an increasingly aggressive — and cheeky — tone online. He’s not only confronting the president in the media and in court, but also mocking his social media posts with parodies that echo Trump’s own language, tone and style.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has long derided Newsom as a “terrible” governor and called him “Newscum.” Now, the governor is mimicking Trump, savaging the president in all-caps posts. He has recently suggested Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1960387243505541553\">dementia\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1961544715012378728\">called\u003c/a> him a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1962873063223202205\">loser\u003c/a> and ridiculed his \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GavinNewsom/status/1960436979562373264\">hands\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They really learned, we cannot respond with facts and honesty and good information. We have to take the offense,” Madrid said. “And that’s what you saw to great effect during the ICE raids and continue to see it with sort of the quote-unquote trolling that’s going on now, where Gavin and his team are completely dominating the narrative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls indicate Newsom’s stance is resonating. Since April, Newsom’s approval rating has jumped eight points to 51% in \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9f06d6p8\">UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies poll.\u003c/a> Fifty-nine percent of voters support his more vocal criticisms of Trump, and Democrats are far more enthusiastic about him running for president in 2028 than former Vice President Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“He’s seen as kind of a dynamic force against Donald Trump. Voters, especially Democrats, seem to think that’s a good idea,” said Mark DiCamillo, director of the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the poll also found \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053201/california-voters-divided-on-newsoms-plan-to-redraw-congressional-districts\">a tough fight ahead for Newsom with the redistricting ballot measure\u003c/a>, Proposition 50: It enjoyed 48% support in the poll, with 32 percent opposed and about one-fifth of voters still undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, this isn’t uncharted territory for the governor, DiCamillo said, noting that he handily beat back an attempted recall in 2021 by making it a referendum on Trump and MAGA politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This reminds me of when he got challenged on the recall election,” DiCamillo said. “He started running against Republicans and very successfully defeated the recall initiative; his job ratings went up … Now, he’s taking a very forceful, direct, combative approach to that and his job ratings are going up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048349\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12048349\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/gettyimages-2225249524-scaled-e1757027321314.jpeg\" alt=\"President Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on July 15 for Pittsburgh.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on July 15, 2025, for Pittsburgh. \u003ccite>(Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Franciscan Ellek Linton, a 26-year-old voter who’s registered as an independent, is one of those on the left who is giving Newsom high marks for his willingness to take on Trump. Linton said watching the governor mock Trump on social media has been refreshing and entertaining, not just for him but for his Utah-based parents, who weren’t even familiar with the governor until recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think in general his demeanor and his approach is really what we need, like that’s honestly, I believe the only way we’re ever going to beat Trump,” he said. “You got to go to that level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom’s task ahead is tougher than winning on social media: He must convince voters to support a ballot measure that will sideline the state’s independent redistricting commission, which was created at the ballot box just over a decade ago and remains popular in public polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linton said he will reluctantly support Newsom’s redistricting measure and its gerrymandered maps, even if it means adopting the tactics Trump and Texas are using.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I don’t think anybody agrees with gerrymandering, but at the same time, it’s kind of necessary,” he said. “If one side’s gonna cheat, we have to kind of cheat back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans in California see Newsom’s move as a blatant power grab. On the Assembly floor last month, GOP leader James Gallagher said Trump was wrong to redistrict and warned that by following the president, Newsom is taking the country down a dangerous path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin is fighting fire with fire,” Gallagher said, calling the new maps a “Gavin-mander.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You move forward fighting fire with fire, what happens? You burn it all down,” he said. “And in this case, it affects our most fundamental American principle: representation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even some Democrats who have historically viewed Newsom with skepticism because of his perceived political ambitions are rallying around the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former state Sen. Mark Leno, D-San Francisco, served alongside Newsom on the city’s Board of Supervisors more than two decades ago and was a progressive leader during his 14 years in Sacramento. Leno hasn’t always agreed with Newsom, but now has high praise for the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10777891\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10777891\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco) speaks at the Capitol in Sacramento on June 15, 2015.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1271\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-400x265.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1440x953.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-1180x781.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/MarkLeno-960x636.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Mark Leno. D-San Francisco, speaks at the Capitol in Sacramento on June 15, 2015. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a serious moment in our nation’s history, more than serious; it cannot be overstated. And Gavin is stepping up to the plate, I appreciate it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leno sees the redistricting fight — and whether Democrats can take back the House — as an existential moment for American democracy. It’s also a risky bet on which Newsom has seemingly staked his political reputation. If the ballot measure fails, it would not only be an embarrassment for the governor and Democrats, it could also help Republicans remain in control of the House and embolden Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do not think this is all about Gavin and all about Gavin’s aspirations. This is about the survival of our nation,” Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The redistricting campaign is expected to be close and attract money from around the country. Those near Newsom say he’ll lean on the same playbook that helped him survive the recall: making the fight about Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California GOP Sues to Block Proposition 50, a Democratic-led Redistricting Measure",
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"content": "\u003cp>A group of Republican lawmakers is asking the California Supreme Court to remove a redistricting initiative from the November ballot, arguing Democrats violated the law when they rushed the measure through to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053140/california-lawmakers-pass-redistricting-plan-now-it-heads-to-voters\">redraw congressional districts\u003c/a> ahead of the 2026 midterm election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats, led by Gov. Gavin Newsom, last week placed Proposition 50 on a special November ballot. The initiative asks voters to throw out the maps drawn by the state’s independent redistricting commission and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052064/newsom-calls-for-special-election-to-redraw-californias-congressional-maps\">approve new congressional districts\u003c/a>, including five that are likely to flip from Republican to Democratic. It was written in response to Texas’ decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kut.org/politics/2025-08-23/texas-senate-redistricting-gerrmyandering-california-congressional-maps-passed-debate-governor\">redraw\u003c/a> its own congressional districts to flip five seats from blue to red.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhillonlaw.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/20250825_Writ_Remove-ACA-8-From-Ballot_FINAL.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a> was filed as an emergency petition to the state Supreme Court on behalf of four GOP members of the state Legislature, three California voters and a former member of the state’s independent redistricting commission, which has been tasked with drawing congressional districts for the past decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 50 would temporarily suspend the independent commission and approve new maps created by the Legislature. Under the measure, those maps would stay in place until after the 2030 census, when the independent commission would resume drawing districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re trying to destroy democracy in California — that’s not good for anybody,” Sen. Tony Strickland, R-Huntington Beach, said. He said he does not believe that redistricting would revert to the independent commission after 2030 if Proposition 50 passes, even if the law requires it. “Once politicians get that power — I don’t believe for one second this would be temporary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He placed the blame squarely on Democrats and Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053278\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053278\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomRedistrictingSignedAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomRedistrictingSignedAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomRedistrictingSignedAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomRedistrictingSignedAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom signs legislation calling for a special election on a redrawn congressional map on Thursday, Aug. 21, 2025, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s authoritarian to predetermine elections in California, and that’s exactly what will happen if Gavin Newsom is successful in November,” Strickland said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican President Donald Trump set off the mid-decade redistricting scramble this summer, calling on red states to redraw their lines and to give his party an edge in the next year’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argues that Proposition 50 violates state law in several ways, including by usurping the power of the Citizens Redistricting Commission and seeking to redraw congressional lines twice in one decade. The commission was created by voters in 2008 to draw state legislative districts and expanded to include congressional districts in 2010.[aside postID=news_12053140 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CARedistrictingAP.jpg']“The constitutional provisions in force now say that redistricting has to be done by the Independent Citizens Commission. It has to involve transparency and public participation. And it can’t be for partisan gerrymandering,” said Mike Columbo, an attorney representing Republicans. “By engaging in the redistricting process already, before asking for voters to grant them the power to do so, the Legislature has exceeded its power under the Constitution. The Legislature cannot break the law and ask for the people later to retroactively give it the power to redistrict.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loyola Marymount University law professor Jessica Levinson noted that voters are being asked to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you think about what this proposal is trying to do, it’s trying to change our state Constitution,” she said. “The lawsuit is essentially arguing that these changes violate the Constitution as it stands. That’s true — and that’s why the voters are being asked to amend the Constitution to change it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More broadly, Levinson believes the suit faces a “serious uphill battle,” in part because judges are generally reluctant to get ahead of voters and prevent them from considering a question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984193\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984193\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A section of the California seal hangs on the front of the State of California Earl Warren Building on Jan. 22, 2007, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“At this point, if the California Supreme Court granted relief, they would be essentially prohibiting the voters from weighing in on this question,” she said. “So in a sense, we should remember that all pre-election reviews in some way face an uphill battle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also alleges more technical legal violations, including that the ballot measure violates a state law prohibiting initiatives from posing questions on more than one subject.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it rehashes an argument that the state Supreme Court already \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/california-supreme-court-declines-to-stop-newsoms-redistricting-plan/\">declined to take up last week\u003c/a>: whether the legislation creating Proposition 50 was illegally passed because the bill was not in print for 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A group of Republican lawmakers is asking the California Supreme Court to remove a redistricting initiative from the November ballot, arguing Democrats violated the law when they rushed the measure through to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053140/california-lawmakers-pass-redistricting-plan-now-it-heads-to-voters\">redraw congressional districts\u003c/a> ahead of the 2026 midterm election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats, led by Gov. Gavin Newsom, last week placed Proposition 50 on a special November ballot. The initiative asks voters to throw out the maps drawn by the state’s independent redistricting commission and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052064/newsom-calls-for-special-election-to-redraw-californias-congressional-maps\">approve new congressional districts\u003c/a>, including five that are likely to flip from Republican to Democratic. It was written in response to Texas’ decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kut.org/politics/2025-08-23/texas-senate-redistricting-gerrmyandering-california-congressional-maps-passed-debate-governor\">redraw\u003c/a> its own congressional districts to flip five seats from blue to red.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhillonlaw.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/20250825_Writ_Remove-ACA-8-From-Ballot_FINAL.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a> was filed as an emergency petition to the state Supreme Court on behalf of four GOP members of the state Legislature, three California voters and a former member of the state’s independent redistricting commission, which has been tasked with drawing congressional districts for the past decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 50 would temporarily suspend the independent commission and approve new maps created by the Legislature. Under the measure, those maps would stay in place until after the 2030 census, when the independent commission would resume drawing districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re trying to destroy democracy in California — that’s not good for anybody,” Sen. Tony Strickland, R-Huntington Beach, said. He said he does not believe that redistricting would revert to the independent commission after 2030 if Proposition 50 passes, even if the law requires it. “Once politicians get that power — I don’t believe for one second this would be temporary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He placed the blame squarely on Democrats and Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053278\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053278\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomRedistrictingSignedAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomRedistrictingSignedAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomRedistrictingSignedAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomRedistrictingSignedAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom signs legislation calling for a special election on a redrawn congressional map on Thursday, Aug. 21, 2025, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s authoritarian to predetermine elections in California, and that’s exactly what will happen if Gavin Newsom is successful in November,” Strickland said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican President Donald Trump set off the mid-decade redistricting scramble this summer, calling on red states to redraw their lines and to give his party an edge in the next year’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argues that Proposition 50 violates state law in several ways, including by usurping the power of the Citizens Redistricting Commission and seeking to redraw congressional lines twice in one decade. The commission was created by voters in 2008 to draw state legislative districts and expanded to include congressional districts in 2010.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The constitutional provisions in force now say that redistricting has to be done by the Independent Citizens Commission. It has to involve transparency and public participation. And it can’t be for partisan gerrymandering,” said Mike Columbo, an attorney representing Republicans. “By engaging in the redistricting process already, before asking for voters to grant them the power to do so, the Legislature has exceeded its power under the Constitution. The Legislature cannot break the law and ask for the people later to retroactively give it the power to redistrict.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loyola Marymount University law professor Jessica Levinson noted that voters are being asked to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you think about what this proposal is trying to do, it’s trying to change our state Constitution,” she said. “The lawsuit is essentially arguing that these changes violate the Constitution as it stands. That’s true — and that’s why the voters are being asked to amend the Constitution to change it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More broadly, Levinson believes the suit faces a “serious uphill battle,” in part because judges are generally reluctant to get ahead of voters and prevent them from considering a question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984193\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984193\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/73076353-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A section of the California seal hangs on the front of the State of California Earl Warren Building on Jan. 22, 2007, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“At this point, if the California Supreme Court granted relief, they would be essentially prohibiting the voters from weighing in on this question,” she said. “So in a sense, we should remember that all pre-election reviews in some way face an uphill battle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also alleges more technical legal violations, including that the ballot measure violates a state law prohibiting initiatives from posing questions on more than one subject.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it rehashes an argument that the state Supreme Court already \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/california-supreme-court-declines-to-stop-newsoms-redistricting-plan/\">declined to take up last week\u003c/a>: whether the legislation creating Proposition 50 was illegally passed because the bill was not in print for 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
"airtime": "SAT 1pm-2pm, 9pm-10pm",
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},
"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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