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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\">Watch the debate here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over homelessness, abortion access, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change at the first and likely only debate between the two candidates this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage Sunday at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, Newsom and Dahle answered questions from KQED’s Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos. While Newsom and Dahle at times dug deep into policy disagreements, they also often retreated to more widely held positions by both political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#prop1\">Jump to: Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#gas\">Jump to: Soaring gas prices\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#homeless\">Jump to: Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#crime\">Jump to: Crime\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#common\">Jump to: Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does not support reproductive freedom, does not support reproductive choice, regardless of rape, regardless of incest,” Newsom said of his opponent, Dahle, taking aim at a topic \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-08-24/abortion-california-voters-2022-california-election-poll\">top of mind for Californians\u003c/a> at the opening of the debate. “I work[ed] with legislative leaders to get Proposition 1 on the ballot. It’s foundational to the core values to the state of California and is something that I enthusiastically support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle retorted with a jab at rumors Newsom is mulling a run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start out by thanking the governor for taking time out of his going forward on his dream of being president of the United States and actually coming to California and having a debate,” Dahle said. “I don’t know if he’s been out on the street or if you’ve been on the street talking to people who can’t afford to live in California. People are fleeing California because they can’t afford to live here. He’s driving up the cost of everything in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair traded barbs on California’s cost of living and Newsom’s record in helping Californians conserve water. Dahle also said Newsom could do more to ease high gas prices for people statewide. Newsom attacked Dahle’s opposition to funding to expand preschool and his stance against abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participate in a gubernatorial debate at KQED with Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(KQED/Beth LaBerge)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred companies have left California under his watch — in the last three years. These are worldwide companies. Tesla, Oracle, HP, have left California under his watch,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom responded, “Let me unpack, just on the issue of the economy. California has no peers. The state of California grew at 7.8% GDP last year — outperformed the United States, which was at 5.7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preelection polls — along with voters’ solid rejection of a Newsom recall last year — suggest the outcome is a foregone conclusion. According to \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0456d0gt\">a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month, 53% of voters support Newsom while 32% support Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s biggest problem, however, might be simple name recognition. The same poll showed that about 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s huge advantage in polls and fundraising have allowed him to nearly ignore his opponent, using his campaign cash to air commercials on other ballot topics, supporting Proposition 1 on abortion rights and opposing Proposition 30, which would raise taxes on the wealthy to fund climate goals and fight wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also raised eyebrows with strategic ad buys in Texas and Florida — highlighting his political differences with two Republican governors who are thought to be weighing a run for president in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom tried to put that matter to rest on Sunday. On stage, Lagos asked Newsom, “I want to ask very clearly, you’re asking voters for four more years. Do you commit to serving all four?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom answered, “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair then moved on to California-specific issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"prop1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In its June decision on Dobbs v. Jackson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, letting states decide whether to allow abortions. Following those weakened protections, California lawmakers approved placing Proposition 1 on the ballot, which would amend the state constitution to leave no doubt that abortion is a legal right in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929900\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit rests his hand on a desk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the debate, Newsom highlighted Dahle’s opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We’re not embarrassed and we don’t apologize for having the back of women and girls all across this country that are fleeing persecution. And fleeing the kind of, well, extreme policies you are promoting,” Newsom said, referencing Dahle. “What my opponent believes is some\u003cem> \u003c/em>10-year-old that’s raped by her father should be forced to bear her brother or sister. His position is extreme. And that is something I hope the people of the state of California consider\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle shot back that Proposition 1 didn’t allow a statewide debate on how abortion access should be navigated in California, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, he talks about extreme. Extreme is not ever having a conversation,” Dahle said. “It’s just all or nothing. That’s what’s going to happen under this Prop. 1.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle calls himself “pro-life” and voted against putting Proposition 1 before voters to make abortion a constitutional right in California, which Newsom has championed. Throughout his campaign, however, Dahle has not exactly been vocal about his position on abortion — perhaps an acknowledgment of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/where-do-californians-stand-on-abortion/\">overwhelming approval of abortion rights\u003c/a>. When asked about \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/california-candidates-opposing-abortion-17263279.php\">his position on abortion rights\u003c/a> by The San Francisco Chronicle earlier this year, Dahle deferred to his voting record instead of answering directly.[aside postID=\"news_11926844,news_11925876,news_11916134\" label=\"Related Post\"]Although he opposes abortion rights, Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-california-presidential-24979cc4ce5404bcbcb536b13cced595\">voted for a 2021 bill that would have made contraceptives — including the morning-after pill — much cheaper\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"gas\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Soaring gas prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gas prices soared across the nation this summer because of high inflation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing disruptions in the global supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while gas prices have recovered somewhat nationwide, they have continued to spike in California, hitting an average of $6.39 per gallon earlier this month — $2.58 higher than the national average, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED, Shafer asked Dahle, “How do you propose the state bring down the gas price in a meaningful way for consumers?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit makes a gesture with his hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dahle said California needs to grant permits to 1,200 oil wells sitting on the desk of the governor right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He prefers not to get those permits out,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said a gas tax holiday is “the fastest way you can actually help drive down inflation.” His experience with his own trucking business has made the gas pain all too personal, he said, seeing him pay $4,000 monthly for diesel fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That drives up the cost of a gallon of milk, a dozen eggs for every hardworking Californian,” Dahle said. “So if you lower that gas tax across the board, it lowers [the cost of] your food, not only the gas you put in your tank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the second-highest gas tax in the country and other environmental rules that increase the cost of fuel in the nation’s most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shafer pressed Dahle, “How do you guarantee that if the tax goes away, that it’s actually going to go to consumers and not just the oil companies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, we make sure that they do it,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the debate in the YouTube video above. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said other states have moved forward with gas tax reductions — some of which include Maryland, New York and Georgia — and “we haven’t seen the commensurate reduction” in gas prices because “there is no guarantee.” He added that leading economists have said it’s “nothing more than a gimmick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies are ripping you off and ripping us off. That’s why I want to move forward with a price-gouging penalty to address this abuse,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">The state Legislature briefly considered a proposal earlier this year that would have imposed a “windfall profits tax” on oil companies’ gross receipts when the price of a gallon of gasoline was “abnormally high compared to the price of a barrel of oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">That proposal would have required state regulators to determine the tax rate, making sure it recovered any oil company profit margins that exceeded $0.30 per gallon. The money from the tax would then have been returned to taxpayers via rebates. It’s unclear how closely Newsom’s final proposal will resemble this earlier effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"homeless\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dahle frequently says California spends too much money on homelessness with little to show for it. He has said that, if elected to office, he would declare homelessness a “public health crisis” and “stop the state’s misguided attempt to throw money” at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage, Dahle said he would declare a state of emergency over fentanyl in California. Lagos asked what a state of emergency would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would focus on the fact that fentanyl is an issue in California. People on the streets are addicted, to get them off of drugs. That’s the first thing you do to get them on the projection out is get them off of drugs. You fund the counties with the mental health programs that they need and the clinicians, and then drive down the cost of housing in California are the three things that would need to happen for to take care of homelessness,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, said Dahle’s proposal had no meat to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somehow, a ‘state of emergency’ [will be enacted], and we’re going to magically solve fentanyl. That’s what my opponent just said, somehow, [fentanyl] magically will disappear on the basis of a state of emergency,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has also taken aim at homeless spending in his career. During his time as San Francisco mayor, he said there was nothing “liberal or compassionate” about letting people sleep on the streets, and championed a program called Care Not Cash to end cash subsidies to unhoused people in favor of services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s taking that proposal to a statewide scale, saying California will hold local governments accountable. Lagos asked Newsom to respond to Californians who are concerned about the growing number of people living on the state’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re right. This is an outrage,” Newsom said. “We’re not going to hand out money any longer if local governments can’t produce results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a budget this year that would spend $10 billion on affordable housing and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">more than $12 billion — over two years — on the homelessness crisis\u003c/a>. That includes funding toward 42,000 housing units under Homekey, a program to convert motels, hotels and other buildings into housing to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom signed his controversial new program, CARE Court, into law. The Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act would compel some people with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders to either accept treatment plans or, if they refuse, be placed under conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, my opponent opposed the funding for CARE Court,” Newsom said. “When I got here, there was no homeless strategy, no plan, no resources of any merit. Today, there’s $15.3 billion and there’s a real strategy, real plan, and there’s accountability for the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">Californians without homes grew by at least 22,500 over the last three years\u003c/a>, according to a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s last point-in-time count. California enacted a number of safeguards against homelessness during the pandemic, from rental assistance to a moratorium on evictions. The rate of homelessness among Californians grew 15% over the last year, on par with steady growth in homelessness from 2015 to today.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"crime\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In television interviews and on social media, Dahle has echoed Republican criticism of Democrats for being what they call “soft on crime.” Dahle has advocated increasing\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/04/brian-dahle-california-governor/\"> funding to local law enforcement\u003c/a>, according to CalMatters, and weakening Proposition 47, which reduced punishments for some property and drug crimes. Conservatives have long pointed to Proposition 47 as a turning point that lowered consequences and led to rising crime, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-proposition-47-on-crime-and-recidivism/#:~:text=Did%20Proposition%2047%20increase%20crime,in%20crime%20reporting%20after%202014.\">research has not backed up that claim\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue remains a vexing issue, but Proposition 47 is not the culprit. It’s not the reason why we have seen an increase in crime in the state and or in this country,” Newsom said Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Crime statewide is lower now than it has been since at least 1992\u003c/a>, according to crime data analyzed by the Public Policy Institute of California. Violent crime and property crime rates did marginally increase between 2020 and 2021, but remain historically low, and even somewhat lower than in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narratives don’t fit the facts,” Newsom said, saying California is “average” for felony rates in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a uniquely large state, however, and different regions experience crime rates differently: The San Joaquin Valley saw large upticks in violent crime, while the highest rate of property crime in California last year was in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viral videos of smash-and-grab-style burglaries and brazen attacks against Asian and Asian American people have led to fear and outrage in some California cities, including San Francisco. Dahle referenced those disparities in the crimes Californians are seeing rise as a way for Newsom to obscure ugly truths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Murders went up 40% in the last two years in California,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Homicides are up in California since 2019\u003c/a>, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in commonsense criminal justice reform. The reality is, (Dahle) also opposed our crime reduction plan, a $758 million investment,” Newsom said, which included 1,000 new California Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And eight of the top 10 states with the highest murder rates are Republican-led, Newsom claimed. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/10/19/murder-rates-red-states-myth/\">have pushed back on that frequent Democratic talking point\u003c/a>, saying the crime rate is high in Democratic-led urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that has no political jurisdiction,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking to protect Californians from gun violence, Newsom signed a bevy of bills this legislative session to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-new-measures-to-protect-californians-from-gun-violence/\">toughen gun-safety laws\u003c/a>. Among them are new laws to conduct inspections of gun dealers, reducing the number of guns a person can manufacture, restricting ghost-gun and prohibiting the sale of firearms on state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://justfacts.votesmart.org/candidate/key-votes/82387/brian-dahle/37/guns\">voted against a slew of firearm-related bills\u003c/a> in the state Senate this session, including AB 1594, a controversial proposal by Newsom to allow people harmed by gun violence to file civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers. Still, Dahle did vote in favor of some gun-reform measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2022/07/22/bill-law-decade-ban-gun-ownership-child-elder-abuse\">a bill that would ban anyone convicted of child or elder abuse from possessing firearms for a decade\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"common\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the debate, Dahle and Newsom took potshots at the other’s policies, frequently relying on party talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a constant state of crisis under your leadership. Your leadership has not solved one problem. We have fires that you haven’t solved. We have water storage you haven’t solved. We have electricity you haven’t solved. All those things you talk about, but what are the results? Zero,” Dahle said, of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">“\u003c/b>With respect, you’re not pro-life. You’re pro-government-mandated birth. If you were pro-life, you would support our efforts to provide support for child care and preschool and prenatal programs. You’ve consistently opposed those programs,” Newsom said, of Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing business suits shake hands on stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle and Gov. Gavin Newsom shake hands after participating in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But near the end of the debate, Shafer and Lagos asked each candidate to talk about a time in life when they learned they were wrong, and how they remedied that mistake, a question that set them down the road toward common ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spoke about iterating in his life, and about overcoming a significant learning disability and taking speech therapy as a kid. As a result, he said, “I don’t like bullies, I don’t like cruelty, I don’t like people that humiliate other people.” And as a younger person, he said, he did “not learn quickly enough that all of us are unique.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said he learned a lot about environmentalism earlier on in his political career in a way that “helped me expand on my ability to be able to be very sensitive to the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair even found agreement on one issue: reparations. Dahle supported the study to explore paying back Black Californians for injustices of the past and present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I think it’s a step in the right [direction] for those people, to those people who were wronged,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lagos voiced her surprise, saying, “We found one thing you two agree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Homelessness, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change were among the topics gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over at the debate between the two candidates before this year's gubernatorial election.",
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"title": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate | KQED",
"description": "Homelessness, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change were among the topics gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over at the debate between the two candidates before this year's gubernatorial election.",
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"headline": "Newsom, Dahle Spar Over Abortion, Gas Tax and Crime in California Governor Debate",
"datePublished": "2022-10-23T15:44:09-07:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mx_n3PPEKcw\">Watch the debate here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gubernatorial candidates Gov. Gavin Newsom and Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber) sparred over homelessness, abortion access, soaring gas prices and addressing climate change at the first and likely only debate between the two candidates this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage Sunday at KQED headquarters in San Francisco, Newsom and Dahle answered questions from KQED’s Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos. While Newsom and Dahle at times dug deep into policy disagreements, they also often retreated to more widely held positions by both political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#prop1\">Jump to: Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#gas\">Jump to: Soaring gas prices\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#homeless\">Jump to: Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#crime\">Jump to: Crime\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#common\">Jump to: Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does not support reproductive freedom, does not support reproductive choice, regardless of rape, regardless of incest,” Newsom said of his opponent, Dahle, taking aim at a topic \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-08-24/abortion-california-voters-2022-california-election-poll\">top of mind for Californians\u003c/a> at the opening of the debate. “I work[ed] with legislative leaders to get Proposition 1 on the ballot. It’s foundational to the core values to the state of California and is something that I enthusiastically support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle retorted with a jab at rumors Newsom is mulling a run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start out by thanking the governor for taking time out of his going forward on his dream of being president of the United States and actually coming to California and having a debate,” Dahle said. “I don’t know if he’s been out on the street or if you’ve been on the street talking to people who can’t afford to live in California. People are fleeing California because they can’t afford to live here. He’s driving up the cost of everything in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair traded barbs on California’s cost of living and Newsom’s record in helping Californians conserve water. Dahle also said Newsom could do more to ease high gas prices for people statewide. Newsom attacked Dahle’s opposition to funding to expand preschool and his stance against abortion access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929902\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/020_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participate in a gubernatorial debate at KQED with Senior Editor for Politics and Government Scott Shafer and Politics Correspondent Marisa Lagos in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(KQED/Beth LaBerge)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred companies have left California under his watch — in the last three years. These are worldwide companies. Tesla, Oracle, HP, have left California under his watch,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom responded, “Let me unpack, just on the issue of the economy. California has no peers. The state of California grew at 7.8% GDP last year — outperformed the United States, which was at 5.7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preelection polls — along with voters’ solid rejection of a Newsom recall last year — suggest the outcome is a foregone conclusion. According to \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0456d0gt\">a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month, 53% of voters support Newsom while 32% support Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle’s biggest problem, however, might be simple name recognition. The same poll showed that about 52% of likely voters were “unfamiliar” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s huge advantage in polls and fundraising have allowed him to nearly ignore his opponent, using his campaign cash to air commercials on other ballot topics, supporting Proposition 1 on abortion rights and opposing Proposition 30, which would raise taxes on the wealthy to fund climate goals and fight wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also raised eyebrows with strategic ad buys in Texas and Florida — highlighting his political differences with two Republican governors who are thought to be weighing a run for president in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom tried to put that matter to rest on Sunday. On stage, Lagos asked Newsom, “I want to ask very clearly, you’re asking voters for four more years. Do you commit to serving all four?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom answered, “Yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair then moved on to California-specific issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"prop1\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Proposition 1: Reproductive rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In its June decision on Dobbs v. Jackson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, letting states decide whether to allow abortions. Following those weakened protections, California lawmakers approved placing Proposition 1 on the ballot, which would amend the state constitution to leave no doubt that abortion is a legal right in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929900\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit rests his hand on a desk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/014_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the debate, Newsom highlighted Dahle’s opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We’re not embarrassed and we don’t apologize for having the back of women and girls all across this country that are fleeing persecution. And fleeing the kind of, well, extreme policies you are promoting,” Newsom said, referencing Dahle. “What my opponent believes is some\u003cem> \u003c/em>10-year-old that’s raped by her father should be forced to bear her brother or sister. His position is extreme. And that is something I hope the people of the state of California consider\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle shot back that Proposition 1 didn’t allow a statewide debate on how abortion access should be navigated in California, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, he talks about extreme. Extreme is not ever having a conversation,” Dahle said. “It’s just all or nothing. That’s what’s going to happen under this Prop. 1.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle calls himself “pro-life” and voted against putting Proposition 1 before voters to make abortion a constitutional right in California, which Newsom has championed. Throughout his campaign, however, Dahle has not exactly been vocal about his position on abortion — perhaps an acknowledgment of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/where-do-californians-stand-on-abortion/\">overwhelming approval of abortion rights\u003c/a>. When asked about \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/california-candidates-opposing-abortion-17263279.php\">his position on abortion rights\u003c/a> by The San Francisco Chronicle earlier this year, Dahle deferred to his voting record instead of answering directly.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Although he opposes abortion rights, Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-california-presidential-24979cc4ce5404bcbcb536b13cced595\">voted for a 2021 bill that would have made contraceptives — including the morning-after pill — much cheaper\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"gas\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Soaring gas prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gas prices soared across the nation this summer because of high inflation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing disruptions in the global supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while gas prices have recovered somewhat nationwide, they have continued to spike in California, hitting an average of $6.39 per gallon earlier this month — $2.58 higher than the national average, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage at KQED, Shafer asked Dahle, “How do you propose the state bring down the gas price in a meaningful way for consumers?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a business suit makes a gesture with his hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/024_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle participates in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dahle said California needs to grant permits to 1,200 oil wells sitting on the desk of the governor right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He prefers not to get those permits out,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said a gas tax holiday is “the fastest way you can actually help drive down inflation.” His experience with his own trucking business has made the gas pain all too personal, he said, seeing him pay $4,000 monthly for diesel fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That drives up the cost of a gallon of milk, a dozen eggs for every hardworking Californian,” Dahle said. “So if you lower that gas tax across the board, it lowers [the cost of] your food, not only the gas you put in your tank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the second-highest gas tax in the country and other environmental rules that increase the cost of fuel in the nation’s most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Shafer pressed Dahle, “How do you guarantee that if the tax goes away, that it’s actually going to go to consumers and not just the oil companies?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, we make sure that they do it,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/mx_n3PPEKcw'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/mx_n3PPEKcw'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the debate in the YouTube video above. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said other states have moved forward with gas tax reductions — some of which include Maryland, New York and Georgia — and “we haven’t seen the commensurate reduction” in gas prices because “there is no guarantee.” He added that leading economists have said it’s “nothing more than a gimmick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies are ripping you off and ripping us off. That’s why I want to move forward with a price-gouging penalty to address this abuse,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">The state Legislature briefly considered a proposal earlier this year that would have imposed a “windfall profits tax” on oil companies’ gross receipts when the price of a gallon of gasoline was “abnormally high compared to the price of a barrel of oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"Component-root-0-2-63 p Component-p-0-2-54\">That proposal would have required state regulators to determine the tax rate, making sure it recovered any oil company profit margins that exceeded $0.30 per gallon. The money from the tax would then have been returned to taxpayers via rebates. It’s unclear how closely Newsom’s final proposal will resemble this earlier effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"homeless\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dahle frequently says California spends too much money on homelessness with little to show for it. He has said that, if elected to office, he would declare homelessness a “public health crisis” and “stop the state’s misguided attempt to throw money” at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On stage, Dahle said he would declare a state of emergency over fentanyl in California. Lagos asked what a state of emergency would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would focus on the fact that fentanyl is an issue in California. People on the streets are addicted, to get them off of drugs. That’s the first thing you do to get them on the projection out is get them off of drugs. You fund the counties with the mental health programs that they need and the clinicians, and then drive down the cost of housing in California are the three things that would need to happen for to take care of homelessness,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, said Dahle’s proposal had no meat to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Somehow, a ‘state of emergency’ [will be enacted], and we’re going to magically solve fentanyl. That’s what my opponent just said, somehow, [fentanyl] magically will disappear on the basis of a state of emergency,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has also taken aim at homeless spending in his career. During his time as San Francisco mayor, he said there was nothing “liberal or compassionate” about letting people sleep on the streets, and championed a program called Care Not Cash to end cash subsidies to unhoused people in favor of services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s taking that proposal to a statewide scale, saying California will hold local governments accountable. Lagos asked Newsom to respond to Californians who are concerned about the growing number of people living on the state’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re right. This is an outrage,” Newsom said. “We’re not going to hand out money any longer if local governments can’t produce results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a budget this year that would spend $10 billion on affordable housing and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">more than $12 billion — over two years — on the homelessness crisis\u003c/a>. That includes funding toward 42,000 housing units under Homekey, a program to convert motels, hotels and other buildings into housing to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Newsom signed his controversial new program, CARE Court, into law. The Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act would compel some people with schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders to either accept treatment plans or, if they refuse, be placed under conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, my opponent opposed the funding for CARE Court,” Newsom said. “When I got here, there was no homeless strategy, no plan, no resources of any merit. Today, there’s $15.3 billion and there’s a real strategy, real plan, and there’s accountability for the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">Californians without homes grew by at least 22,500 over the last three years\u003c/a>, according to a CalMatters analysis of the federal government’s last point-in-time count. California enacted a number of safeguards against homelessness during the pandemic, from rental assistance to a moratorium on evictions. The rate of homelessness among Californians grew 15% over the last year, on par with steady growth in homelessness from 2015 to today.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"crime\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In television interviews and on social media, Dahle has echoed Republican criticism of Democrats for being what they call “soft on crime.” Dahle has advocated increasing\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/04/brian-dahle-california-governor/\"> funding to local law enforcement\u003c/a>, according to CalMatters, and weakening Proposition 47, which reduced punishments for some property and drug crimes. Conservatives have long pointed to Proposition 47 as a turning point that lowered consequences and led to rising crime, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-proposition-47-on-crime-and-recidivism/#:~:text=Did%20Proposition%2047%20increase%20crime,in%20crime%20reporting%20after%202014.\">research has not backed up that claim\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This issue remains a vexing issue, but Proposition 47 is not the culprit. It’s not the reason why we have seen an increase in crime in the state and or in this country,” Newsom said Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Crime statewide is lower now than it has been since at least 1992\u003c/a>, according to crime data analyzed by the Public Policy Institute of California. Violent crime and property crime rates did marginally increase between 2020 and 2021, but remain historically low, and even somewhat lower than in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narratives don’t fit the facts,” Newsom said, saying California is “average” for felony rates in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a uniquely large state, however, and different regions experience crime rates differently: The San Joaquin Valley saw large upticks in violent crime, while the highest rate of property crime in California last year was in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viral videos of smash-and-grab-style burglaries and brazen attacks against Asian and Asian American people have led to fear and outrage in some California cities, including San Francisco. Dahle referenced those disparities in the crimes Californians are seeing rise as a way for Newsom to obscure ugly truths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Murders went up 40% in the last two years in California,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/crime-trends-in-california/\">Homicides are up in California since 2019\u003c/a>, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe in commonsense criminal justice reform. The reality is, (Dahle) also opposed our crime reduction plan, a $758 million investment,” Newsom said, which included 1,000 new California Highway Patrol officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And eight of the top 10 states with the highest murder rates are Republican-led, Newsom claimed. Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/10/19/murder-rates-red-states-myth/\">have pushed back on that frequent Democratic talking point\u003c/a>, saying the crime rate is high in Democratic-led urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that has no political jurisdiction,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking to protect Californians from gun violence, Newsom signed a bevy of bills this legislative session to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/07/21/governor-newsom-signs-new-measures-to-protect-californians-from-gun-violence/\">toughen gun-safety laws\u003c/a>. Among them are new laws to conduct inspections of gun dealers, reducing the number of guns a person can manufacture, restricting ghost-gun and prohibiting the sale of firearms on state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle \u003ca href=\"https://justfacts.votesmart.org/candidate/key-votes/82387/brian-dahle/37/guns\">voted against a slew of firearm-related bills\u003c/a> in the state Senate this session, including AB 1594, a controversial proposal by Newsom to allow people harmed by gun violence to file civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers. Still, Dahle did vote in favor of some gun-reform measures, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2022/07/22/bill-law-decade-ban-gun-ownership-child-elder-abuse\">a bill that would ban anyone convicted of child or elder abuse from possessing firearms for a decade\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"common\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting remarks, finding common ground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the debate, Dahle and Newsom took potshots at the other’s policies, frequently relying on party talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a constant state of crisis under your leadership. Your leadership has not solved one problem. We have fires that you haven’t solved. We have water storage you haven’t solved. We have electricity you haven’t solved. All those things you talk about, but what are the results? Zero,” Dahle said, of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb data-stringify-type=\"bold\">“\u003c/b>With respect, you’re not pro-life. You’re pro-government-mandated birth. If you were pro-life, you would support our efforts to provide support for child care and preschool and prenatal programs. You’ve consistently opposed those programs,” Newsom said, of Dahle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929904\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929904\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg\" alt=\"Two men wearing business suits shake hands on stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"535\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-800x535.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1020x682.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/029_KQED_GubernatorialDebate_ArykCopley_10232022.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle and Gov. Gavin Newsom shake hands after participating in a gubernatorial debate at KQED in San Francisco on Oct. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But near the end of the debate, Shafer and Lagos asked each candidate to talk about a time in life when they learned they were wrong, and how they remedied that mistake, a question that set them down the road toward common ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom spoke about iterating in his life, and about overcoming a significant learning disability and taking speech therapy as a kid. As a result, he said, “I don’t like bullies, I don’t like cruelty, I don’t like people that humiliate other people.” And as a younger person, he said, he did “not learn quickly enough that all of us are unique.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dahle said he learned a lot about environmentalism earlier on in his political career in a way that “helped me expand on my ability to be able to be very sensitive to the environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pair even found agreement on one issue: reparations. Dahle supported the study to explore paying back Black Californians for injustices of the past and present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I think it’s a step in the right [direction] for those people, to those people who were wronged,” Dahle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lagos voiced her surprise, saying, “We found one thing you two agree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Hope and Prayer: California Churches Battle Abortion Ballot Measure",
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"content": "\u003cp>From the pulpit of the bright and airy Christ Cathedral in Garden Grove, Father Bao Thai delivered a homily on a recent Sunday morning, urging his congregation to vote against Proposition 1, a measure on the November 8 ballot that would enshrine the right to abortion in California’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A steward is entrusted to care for the master’s property until his return,” he preached. “What precious goods has the creator placed in our care? Do they include the innocent and sacred lives of the unborn and children to be born?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks earlier, at Good Shepherd Catholic Church in Pacifica, two congregants spoke at weekend masses to ask attendees to support the campaign against the “harmful” Prop. 1 with prayers, fasting and money.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kathleen Domingo, executive director, California Catholic Conference\"]'Win or lose, there's benefit in the process. It's never a bad thing to get people thinking about vulnerable people in their communities.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishops and other clergy from California’s dozen Catholic dioceses and archdioceses — spanning Sacramento to Fresno, Monterey to San Bernardino — have released videos to speak directly to the faithful, sometimes in multiple languages, about their concerns that the initiative would remove all existing restrictions on abortion in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Life is precious from the very moment of conception,” Father Michael Mahoney of Our Lady of Angels Parish in Burlingame said in a recent message filmed at the site of a future parish garden, where he encouraged families to take home “No Prop 1” signs for their yards. “This is against everything that we believe in as Catholics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fundraising by the opposition campaign is trailing significantly, in a state where a clear majority of adults regularly express support for abortion rights. So the success of a long-shot effort to defeat Prop. 1 may rest primarily on outreach by faith leaders and their ability to mobilize followers from the pews to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a month before Election Day, as mail ballots are set to begin arriving at the homes of every registered voter in California, officials across several major denominations are tapping into their networks of worshippers to get the word out against the abortion measure. Meanwhile, some conservative faith-based political groups are organizing voters to involve their churches in the campaign. Though not legally allowed to endorse partisan candidates because of their tax-exempt status, churches can advocate on issues, including ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fighting an 'egregious expansion' of abortion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most significant push so far has come from the Catholic Church. Over the summer, it started training clergy and parishioners, registering voters and developing educational resources about Prop. 1, which it calls the “most egregious expansion of abortion this country has ever seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A novena led by the California bishops — nine days of prayer to Our Lady of the Holy Rosary for the defeat of the initiative — began Thursday, ahead of Respect Life Month during October, an annual Catholic program to advocate against abortion and support women dealing with unexpected pregnancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 1 in 3 Californians is Catholic, providing the church an immense platform from which to try to shift the tide on Prop. 1. An August poll by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies found that 71% of registered voters were prepared to support the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kathleen Domingo, executive director of the California Catholic Conference, the state public policy office of the church, said even Catholic leaders are divided on whether they have a real chance to defeat Prop. 1. But they are undertaking a serious organizing effort regardless, she said, because it also presents an opportunity to get more people involved in their regular activities serving needy women, children and families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Win or lose, there’s benefit in the process,” she said. “It’s never a bad thing to get people thinking about vulnerable people in their communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wide gap in fundraising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The main opposition campaign to Prop. 1 stresses that its coalition is broader than faith-based organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And its arguments against the measure are entirely secular: The campaign dismisses Prop. 1, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, as a cynical attempt by Democrats to boost voter turnout that is unnecessary to guarantee abortion access in California, where the procedure is already protected by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents also raise concerns that the broad language of the initiative (“The state shall not deny or interfere with an individual’s reproductive freedom in their most intimate decisions”) would override all existing restrictions, allowing abortions past the current limit when a fetus is viable outside the womb at around 24 weeks and putting taxpayers on the hook as people come to California from other states seeking to terminate their pregnancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Proposition 1 spokesperson Molly Weedn said the characterization that the measure would remove all abortion restrictions in California is false. “That is a lot of misinformation and fear-mongering from the opposition,” she said. “The initiative is simply going to take existing law and add it to the constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Catherine Hadro, a spokesperson for California Together, No on Proposition 1, said that while the campaign is grateful for the assistance from religious leaders, it is targeting its communications to all Californians. She said opponents can see the momentum against Prop. 1 growing with a rise in grassroots donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know this is a message that resonates with Californians, no matter their faith,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But spreading that message through traditional electoral methods, such as digital advertising and mailers, has been challenging. The campaign has reported raising $1.1 million so far, most of it in the final week of September. Hadro declined to discuss the specifics of the opposition strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate effort, led by groups affiliated with the evangelical Christian movement, has raised about $73,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of Prop. 1, by comparison, have reported $11.8 million in contributions, including a $5 million donation by the Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was also recently endorsed by Catholics for Choice, a national nonprofit that advocates for abortion access and other policies in conflict with church doctrine. In a statement, President Jamie Manson said “the bishops’ radical anti-choice views are wildly out-of-step with the majority of the people in their own pews.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A July survey by Pew Research Center found that Catholics in the United States are split on abortion, with a majority now agreeing that the procedure should be legal in most or all cases — though more than two-thirds of regular mass attendees believe it should be illegal in most or all cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This faithful pro-choice majority supports abortion access because it aligns with our Catholic social justice values of human dignity, justice for the poor and marginalized, and religious freedom — not in spite of our Catholic faith, but because of it,” Manson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'A culture of death'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly 60% of what the No on Prop. 1 campaign has reported raising so far comes from the Catholic Church and affiliated donors, including $500,000 from the Knights of Columbus, a national Catholic fraternal organization. Officials at its Connecticut headquarters did not respond to an interview request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Priests, deacons and other church employees, largely in Orange County, have directly donated $20,000 to the campaign. Another $105,000 so far has come from the California Catholic Conference and half a dozen of the dioceses and archdioceses, which Domingo said are in-kind contributions for the extensive work that the church has done on its No on Prop. 1 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes developing bilingual flyers and pew cards in English, Spanish, Vietnamese and Korean to distribute at masses, as well as suggested weekly bulletin announcements (“Don’t hand lawmakers a blank check to pay for abortions, and don’t let them make California an ‘abortion sanctuary’”) and homily helps for pastors that recommend readings from the Bible and how to connect them to Prop. 1 (“the abortion industry has been as clever as a fox in its self-interest, like the dishonest steward who acted to preserve his income by immorally manipulating his master’s debtors, at the master’s expense”).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishops and other high-ranking clergy from across the state are making their own direct appeals to Catholic voters in video messages that amount to campaign advertisements. Though often framed within religious reflections, their arguments are also largely focused on what they consider to be the extreme implications of Prop. 1, which they believe would allow abortions until the moment of birth without exception. Some have compared the measure to human rights violations in North Korea and challenged parishioners to bring their pro-abortion-rights friends into the campaign against the initiative by educating them about what it “actually does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We rejoiced in the U.S. Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade in June, but we are now faced with the proposal to make abortion permanently legal without any restrictions in our state constitution,” Bishop Alberto Rojas of the Diocese of San Bernardino said in a video. “This doesn’t affirm the duty and value of the life that God has given us. It promotes a culture of death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Father Bruce Patterson, episcopal vicar for priests in the Diocese of Orange, invoked the parable of the prodigal son to reflect on how Catholics could change minds and win the “uphill battle” of ending abortion by not treating their opponents as enemies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To ever persuade them, we need to apply the same patience, love and clarity that the Father used to retrieve his lost and disarm his angry son,” Patterson said. “In doing so, we must remind ourselves that many who support abortion are, like St. Paul, acting out of ignorance and, yes, they remain our brothers and sisters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters reached out to Archbishop Salvatore Cordileone of the Archdiocese of San Francisco and Bishops Jaime Soto of the Diocese of Sacramento, Kevin Vann of the Diocese of Orange and Daniel Garcia of the Diocese of Monterey, who were identified in a July memorandum as the leadership team for the Catholic campaign against Prop. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for Soto and Garcia did not return numerous calls and emails. Representatives for Cordileone and Vann initially expressed a willingness to connect CalMatters with diocesan leaders active in the campaign, but subsequently declined because they were told to direct all inquiries through Domingo of the California Catholic Conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soto, who gave $1,000 to the No on Prop. 1 campaign, introduced the second day of the novena on Friday. In a video, he said that the initiative “demeans women and destroys all human nature” and called on Catholics to “translate the gospel of life by our own living testimony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The taking of an innocent human life should never be the solution to a problem. Freedom should not be defined by violence against the innocent,” Soto said. “Consider carefully, then, the moral and social costs of allowing the language of Proposition 1 to be embedded in the state constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Domingo said the church’s political engagement has been more extensive in this election because preventing abortions of “viable unborn children” is “something that’s dear to us.” She said it was important to “help people understand that common sense should prevail” over the “open-ended expansion of late-term abortion in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of value to people of faith speaking about issues that we believe strongly in,” she said. “And in this particular issue, we know that the majority of people in California and the majority of the people in the U.S. agree with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Evangelical churches organizing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other faith communities in the state have also begun outreach against Prop. 1 through their networks, though none is yet as extensive as the Catholic Church’s campaign. Many of the leaders recognize that they face long odds to stop the measure, but say they feel a moral imperative to fight to uphold what limits still remain on abortion in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many of us who have a Biblical view, this is very alarming,” said Tanner DiBella, president of the American Council, an organization he founded two years ago to bring evangelical voters into state politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DiBella said his group has provided educational resources about Prop. 1 to more than 620 member churches, including talking points and scriptural references for pastors to include in their sermons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a season where people are inundated with political ads and hearing political pundits on the news, it becomes white noise after a while,” he said. “There’s no more trusting, effective way to get that message out than from the pulpit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Jackson, president of William Jessup University, a private Christian institution near Sacramento, recently sent an email to its 1,500-member pastor network encouraging them to join the campaign. He said Christians are often reluctant to get involved in politics because they believe there should be a divide between secular and sacred activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of life is spiritual,” he said. “The proponents have mastered the media. And our hope is that we will be able to mobilize the masses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately from the official opposition campaign, a handful of religiously affiliated groups have launched websites to organize against Prop. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One site developed by Pray California includes form letters to pastors and priests with actions they can take to prevent “the murder of an innocent, helpless child” from being added to California’s constitution: speaking to their congregations from the pulpit, sending emails, encouraging others to “VOTE for the Lord’s Choices” and praying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another site warns on the homepage that “Governor Newsom wants birth day abortions to be legal” over a picture of a baby in a trash can next to a woman on an exam table. The campaign is run by Karen England, executive director of the Capitol Resource Institute, which advocates for “Judeo-Christian values in California,” in partnership with Pastor Jack Hibbs of the Calvary Chapel megachurch in Chino Hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hibbs, who headlined a Capitol protest this spring against a bill signed last week by Newsom that prohibits prosecutions for miscarriages, stillbirths and self-managed abortion, declined an interview request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927723\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927723\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM-800x532.png\" alt=\"A large crowd holding signs stands near a man with a microphone.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM-800x532.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM-1020x678.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM-160x106.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM-1536x1021.png 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM.png 1538w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pastor Jack Hibbs of Calvary Chapel in Chino Hills speaks during a press conference and rally denouncing an abortion access bill at the state Capitol in Sacramento on April 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>England said polling shows that voters overwhelmingly oppose “late-term abortions,” referring to those after fetal viability, so their campaign aims to inform the public that Prop. 1 is a sneaky attempt to open the door to unlimited abortions. Many of their materials are designed for churches, including a letter to pastors, a guide on what types of political activity are legally allowed and door hangers they can print and distribute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure we reach them with our limited time and that is a natural place to go with a community of people,” England said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Moved by the moral imperative'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not every religious leader speaking out against Prop. 1 is motivated primarily by defeating the measure at the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishop Eric Menees of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin does not expect California voters will reject the measure, but said he has felt compelled to condemn abortion since early in his career, when he prayed with a woman who was facing pressure from her boyfriend and family to terminate an unwanted pregnancy and she chose adoption instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It became very real for me,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menees plans to send a letter to his diocese on Tuesday, the Feast of St. Francis, asking people to vote no on Prop. 1, pray for its defeat and share the word about the initiative. He is working with churches in the Fresno area, where he is based, on a day of prayer in late October to ask for God’s intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Christian, I’m always hopeful. I pray that hearts and minds will be changed. Maybe people are so sure that Prop. 1 is going to pass that they won’t show up to the voting booth,” he said. “But I’m primarily moved by the moral imperative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney, the priest in Burlingame, said the question of protecting life that drives the Catholic Church is much larger than this initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over abortion obscures other efforts to get women the resources they need to carry their pregnancies to term and take care of their babies after birth, he said. His parish collects baby clothes and other supplies for young mothers who could not otherwise afford them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Prop. 1 appearing likely to pass, Mahoney, who preached against the measure at a recent Sunday mass, said his ultimate goal is to shift the entire notion of what it means to give women a choice. Rather than pouring hundreds of millions of dollars into shoring up abortion providers, he said California should direct that money to programs that support poor mothers or to expanding access to adoption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are trying to do is to say, ‘Look, there are options,’” Mahoney said. “I would love to change the conversation, because we have no chance whatsoever” to defeat Prop. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Religious opponents of abortion, led by the Catholic Church, are mobilizing against Proposition 1 on the November 8 ballot. But the numbers in fundraising and in the polls are against them.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>From the pulpit of the bright and airy Christ Cathedral in Garden Grove, Father Bao Thai delivered a homily on a recent Sunday morning, urging his congregation to vote against Proposition 1, a measure on the November 8 ballot that would enshrine the right to abortion in California’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A steward is entrusted to care for the master’s property until his return,” he preached. “What precious goods has the creator placed in our care? Do they include the innocent and sacred lives of the unborn and children to be born?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks earlier, at Good Shepherd Catholic Church in Pacifica, two congregants spoke at weekend masses to ask attendees to support the campaign against the “harmful” Prop. 1 with prayers, fasting and money.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishops and other clergy from California’s dozen Catholic dioceses and archdioceses — spanning Sacramento to Fresno, Monterey to San Bernardino — have released videos to speak directly to the faithful, sometimes in multiple languages, about their concerns that the initiative would remove all existing restrictions on abortion in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Life is precious from the very moment of conception,” Father Michael Mahoney of Our Lady of Angels Parish in Burlingame said in a recent message filmed at the site of a future parish garden, where he encouraged families to take home “No Prop 1” signs for their yards. “This is against everything that we believe in as Catholics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fundraising by the opposition campaign is trailing significantly, in a state where a clear majority of adults regularly express support for abortion rights. So the success of a long-shot effort to defeat Prop. 1 may rest primarily on outreach by faith leaders and their ability to mobilize followers from the pews to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a month before Election Day, as mail ballots are set to begin arriving at the homes of every registered voter in California, officials across several major denominations are tapping into their networks of worshippers to get the word out against the abortion measure. Meanwhile, some conservative faith-based political groups are organizing voters to involve their churches in the campaign. Though not legally allowed to endorse partisan candidates because of their tax-exempt status, churches can advocate on issues, including ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fighting an 'egregious expansion' of abortion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most significant push so far has come from the Catholic Church. Over the summer, it started training clergy and parishioners, registering voters and developing educational resources about Prop. 1, which it calls the “most egregious expansion of abortion this country has ever seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A novena led by the California bishops — nine days of prayer to Our Lady of the Holy Rosary for the defeat of the initiative — began Thursday, ahead of Respect Life Month during October, an annual Catholic program to advocate against abortion and support women dealing with unexpected pregnancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 1 in 3 Californians is Catholic, providing the church an immense platform from which to try to shift the tide on Prop. 1. An August poll by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies found that 71% of registered voters were prepared to support the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kathleen Domingo, executive director of the California Catholic Conference, the state public policy office of the church, said even Catholic leaders are divided on whether they have a real chance to defeat Prop. 1. But they are undertaking a serious organizing effort regardless, she said, because it also presents an opportunity to get more people involved in their regular activities serving needy women, children and families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Win or lose, there’s benefit in the process,” she said. “It’s never a bad thing to get people thinking about vulnerable people in their communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wide gap in fundraising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The main opposition campaign to Prop. 1 stresses that its coalition is broader than faith-based organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And its arguments against the measure are entirely secular: The campaign dismisses Prop. 1, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, as a cynical attempt by Democrats to boost voter turnout that is unnecessary to guarantee abortion access in California, where the procedure is already protected by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents also raise concerns that the broad language of the initiative (“The state shall not deny or interfere with an individual’s reproductive freedom in their most intimate decisions”) would override all existing restrictions, allowing abortions past the current limit when a fetus is viable outside the womb at around 24 weeks and putting taxpayers on the hook as people come to California from other states seeking to terminate their pregnancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes on Proposition 1 spokesperson Molly Weedn said the characterization that the measure would remove all abortion restrictions in California is false. “That is a lot of misinformation and fear-mongering from the opposition,” she said. “The initiative is simply going to take existing law and add it to the constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Catherine Hadro, a spokesperson for California Together, No on Proposition 1, said that while the campaign is grateful for the assistance from religious leaders, it is targeting its communications to all Californians. She said opponents can see the momentum against Prop. 1 growing with a rise in grassroots donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know this is a message that resonates with Californians, no matter their faith,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But spreading that message through traditional electoral methods, such as digital advertising and mailers, has been challenging. The campaign has reported raising $1.1 million so far, most of it in the final week of September. Hadro declined to discuss the specifics of the opposition strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate effort, led by groups affiliated with the evangelical Christian movement, has raised about $73,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of Prop. 1, by comparison, have reported $11.8 million in contributions, including a $5 million donation by the Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was also recently endorsed by Catholics for Choice, a national nonprofit that advocates for abortion access and other policies in conflict with church doctrine. In a statement, President Jamie Manson said “the bishops’ radical anti-choice views are wildly out-of-step with the majority of the people in their own pews.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A July survey by Pew Research Center found that Catholics in the United States are split on abortion, with a majority now agreeing that the procedure should be legal in most or all cases — though more than two-thirds of regular mass attendees believe it should be illegal in most or all cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This faithful pro-choice majority supports abortion access because it aligns with our Catholic social justice values of human dignity, justice for the poor and marginalized, and religious freedom — not in spite of our Catholic faith, but because of it,” Manson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'A culture of death'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly 60% of what the No on Prop. 1 campaign has reported raising so far comes from the Catholic Church and affiliated donors, including $500,000 from the Knights of Columbus, a national Catholic fraternal organization. Officials at its Connecticut headquarters did not respond to an interview request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Priests, deacons and other church employees, largely in Orange County, have directly donated $20,000 to the campaign. Another $105,000 so far has come from the California Catholic Conference and half a dozen of the dioceses and archdioceses, which Domingo said are in-kind contributions for the extensive work that the church has done on its No on Prop. 1 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes developing bilingual flyers and pew cards in English, Spanish, Vietnamese and Korean to distribute at masses, as well as suggested weekly bulletin announcements (“Don’t hand lawmakers a blank check to pay for abortions, and don’t let them make California an ‘abortion sanctuary’”) and homily helps for pastors that recommend readings from the Bible and how to connect them to Prop. 1 (“the abortion industry has been as clever as a fox in its self-interest, like the dishonest steward who acted to preserve his income by immorally manipulating his master’s debtors, at the master’s expense”).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishops and other high-ranking clergy from across the state are making their own direct appeals to Catholic voters in video messages that amount to campaign advertisements. Though often framed within religious reflections, their arguments are also largely focused on what they consider to be the extreme implications of Prop. 1, which they believe would allow abortions until the moment of birth without exception. Some have compared the measure to human rights violations in North Korea and challenged parishioners to bring their pro-abortion-rights friends into the campaign against the initiative by educating them about what it “actually does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We rejoiced in the U.S. Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade in June, but we are now faced with the proposal to make abortion permanently legal without any restrictions in our state constitution,” Bishop Alberto Rojas of the Diocese of San Bernardino said in a video. “This doesn’t affirm the duty and value of the life that God has given us. It promotes a culture of death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Father Bruce Patterson, episcopal vicar for priests in the Diocese of Orange, invoked the parable of the prodigal son to reflect on how Catholics could change minds and win the “uphill battle” of ending abortion by not treating their opponents as enemies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To ever persuade them, we need to apply the same patience, love and clarity that the Father used to retrieve his lost and disarm his angry son,” Patterson said. “In doing so, we must remind ourselves that many who support abortion are, like St. Paul, acting out of ignorance and, yes, they remain our brothers and sisters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters reached out to Archbishop Salvatore Cordileone of the Archdiocese of San Francisco and Bishops Jaime Soto of the Diocese of Sacramento, Kevin Vann of the Diocese of Orange and Daniel Garcia of the Diocese of Monterey, who were identified in a July memorandum as the leadership team for the Catholic campaign against Prop. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for Soto and Garcia did not return numerous calls and emails. Representatives for Cordileone and Vann initially expressed a willingness to connect CalMatters with diocesan leaders active in the campaign, but subsequently declined because they were told to direct all inquiries through Domingo of the California Catholic Conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soto, who gave $1,000 to the No on Prop. 1 campaign, introduced the second day of the novena on Friday. In a video, he said that the initiative “demeans women and destroys all human nature” and called on Catholics to “translate the gospel of life by our own living testimony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The taking of an innocent human life should never be the solution to a problem. Freedom should not be defined by violence against the innocent,” Soto said. “Consider carefully, then, the moral and social costs of allowing the language of Proposition 1 to be embedded in the state constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Domingo said the church’s political engagement has been more extensive in this election because preventing abortions of “viable unborn children” is “something that’s dear to us.” She said it was important to “help people understand that common sense should prevail” over the “open-ended expansion of late-term abortion in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of value to people of faith speaking about issues that we believe strongly in,” she said. “And in this particular issue, we know that the majority of people in California and the majority of the people in the U.S. agree with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Evangelical churches organizing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other faith communities in the state have also begun outreach against Prop. 1 through their networks, though none is yet as extensive as the Catholic Church’s campaign. Many of the leaders recognize that they face long odds to stop the measure, but say they feel a moral imperative to fight to uphold what limits still remain on abortion in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many of us who have a Biblical view, this is very alarming,” said Tanner DiBella, president of the American Council, an organization he founded two years ago to bring evangelical voters into state politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DiBella said his group has provided educational resources about Prop. 1 to more than 620 member churches, including talking points and scriptural references for pastors to include in their sermons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a season where people are inundated with political ads and hearing political pundits on the news, it becomes white noise after a while,” he said. “There’s no more trusting, effective way to get that message out than from the pulpit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Jackson, president of William Jessup University, a private Christian institution near Sacramento, recently sent an email to its 1,500-member pastor network encouraging them to join the campaign. He said Christians are often reluctant to get involved in politics because they believe there should be a divide between secular and sacred activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of life is spiritual,” he said. “The proponents have mastered the media. And our hope is that we will be able to mobilize the masses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately from the official opposition campaign, a handful of religiously affiliated groups have launched websites to organize against Prop. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One site developed by Pray California includes form letters to pastors and priests with actions they can take to prevent “the murder of an innocent, helpless child” from being added to California’s constitution: speaking to their congregations from the pulpit, sending emails, encouraging others to “VOTE for the Lord’s Choices” and praying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another site warns on the homepage that “Governor Newsom wants birth day abortions to be legal” over a picture of a baby in a trash can next to a woman on an exam table. The campaign is run by Karen England, executive director of the Capitol Resource Institute, which advocates for “Judeo-Christian values in California,” in partnership with Pastor Jack Hibbs of the Calvary Chapel megachurch in Chino Hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hibbs, who headlined a Capitol protest this spring against a bill signed last week by Newsom that prohibits prosecutions for miscarriages, stillbirths and self-managed abortion, declined an interview request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11927723\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11927723\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM-800x532.png\" alt=\"A large crowd holding signs stands near a man with a microphone.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM-800x532.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM-1020x678.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM-160x106.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM-1536x1021.png 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Screen-Shot-2022-10-04-at-4.30.31-PM.png 1538w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pastor Jack Hibbs of Calvary Chapel in Chino Hills speaks during a press conference and rally denouncing an abortion access bill at the state Capitol in Sacramento on April 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>England said polling shows that voters overwhelmingly oppose “late-term abortions,” referring to those after fetal viability, so their campaign aims to inform the public that Prop. 1 is a sneaky attempt to open the door to unlimited abortions. Many of their materials are designed for churches, including a letter to pastors, a guide on what types of political activity are legally allowed and door hangers they can print and distribute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure we reach them with our limited time and that is a natural place to go with a community of people,” England said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Moved by the moral imperative'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not every religious leader speaking out against Prop. 1 is motivated primarily by defeating the measure at the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishop Eric Menees of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin does not expect California voters will reject the measure, but said he has felt compelled to condemn abortion since early in his career, when he prayed with a woman who was facing pressure from her boyfriend and family to terminate an unwanted pregnancy and she chose adoption instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It became very real for me,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menees plans to send a letter to his diocese on Tuesday, the Feast of St. Francis, asking people to vote no on Prop. 1, pray for its defeat and share the word about the initiative. He is working with churches in the Fresno area, where he is based, on a day of prayer in late October to ask for God’s intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Christian, I’m always hopeful. I pray that hearts and minds will be changed. Maybe people are so sure that Prop. 1 is going to pass that they won’t show up to the voting booth,” he said. “But I’m primarily moved by the moral imperative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney, the priest in Burlingame, said the question of protecting life that drives the Catholic Church is much larger than this initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over abortion obscures other efforts to get women the resources they need to carry their pregnancies to term and take care of their babies after birth, he said. His parish collects baby clothes and other supplies for young mothers who could not otherwise afford them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Prop. 1 appearing likely to pass, Mahoney, who preached against the measure at a recent Sunday mass, said his ultimate goal is to shift the entire notion of what it means to give women a choice. Rather than pouring hundreds of millions of dollars into shoring up abortion providers, he said California should direct that money to programs that support poor mothers or to expanding access to adoption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are trying to do is to say, ‘Look, there are options,’” Mahoney said. “I would love to change the conversation, because we have no chance whatsoever” to defeat Prop. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "The V Word: Proposition 1 Revives Historic Abortion Debate Over 'Viability' in California",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As soon as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473\">leaked U.S. Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">published in May\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, threatening the federal right to abortion, California Democrats went to work writing an amendment to the state constitution, explicitly protecting the right to an abortion here.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Californians will vote on the amendment in the form of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/1/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 1\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> come November, but as the election approaches, lawmakers still do not agree whether the measure would merely \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">enshrine \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">abortion rights as they are currently articulated in state law, which allows abortion up to 24 weeks, or whether it would \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">expand\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> abortion rights, so as to permit abortions at any point in pregnancy, for any reason.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Throughout the legislative debate over the amendment, there were several awkward moments when Democrats were stumped by this question from Republicans, most notably when Assemblymember Kevin Kiley, R-Rocklin, posed it point-blank before the final vote in June.[aside label='Related Articles' tag='abortion']\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“California law generally bars the performance of an abortion past the point of fetal viability,” he said. “Would this constitutional amendment change that?”\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The floor went quiet. For a full 30 seconds, no one said anything. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon whispered with colleagues, asked to have the question repeated, then promised to answer later. He never did.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Viability has long been a controversial concept, plaguing ethicists on both sides of the abortion debate since it was embedded in the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. The Supreme Court justices wrote that a woman’s rights to bodily autonomy and privacy were protected only up to viability — \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the point when a fetus is capable of “meaningful life outside the mother’s womb,” which the court said occurs between \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/410/113/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">24 and 28 weeks after conception\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Since then, many doctors have bemoaned the legal and political bastardization of the medical concept, arguing viability is much more complex than gestational age alone. But the public has clung to it, with abortion-rights opponents and supporters both looking favorably on restricting access to the procedure later in pregnancy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Current California law incorporates the viability limit from Roe, allowing abortion for any reason through the second trimester, and after that only if the mother or fetus’s health is in danger. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the constitutional amendment outlined in Proposition 1 doesn’t mention the word \"viability\" anywhere. Even among legal scholars, there is no consensus as to whether that means the viability standard will remain if Proposition 1 is approved, or if time limits on abortion will be eradicated in California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It at least opens the door,” said UC Davis law professor Mary Ziegler, noting that courts are likely to make the final interpretation of Proposition 1 after the election, if it’s approved.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>The V-word debate revived\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When Assemblymember James Gallagher, R-Chico, spoke during the final floor debate in June, his voice wavered with emotion. He could not support the state constitutional amendment on abortion “because of what’s missing from it,” he said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He even choked up at one point talking about his twin boys, who were born two-and-a-half months premature and almost needed heart surgery in utero. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They were alive and they were people,” he repeated throughout his speech, pointing at the lectern for emphasis each time he mentioned their development as fetuses: 18 weeks, 23 weeks, 30 weeks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With no time limits or restrictions on a woman’s right to an abortion, Gallagher said, the amendment did nothing to protect the rights of the fetus.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Mary Ziegler, law professor, UC Davis\"]'In a world where there is no Roe, I think you're seeing California legislators trying to write into law a kind of blank slate, a better idea of what reproductive autonomy could be that isn't just Roe Part Two.'[/pullquote]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Babies like my twins at 30 weeks, their lives could be taken. And I don't think that's the right balance,” he said. “We can do better.” \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Proposition 1 have said the intention of the amendment was only to preserve the status quo. But in various committee hearings, the bill’s supporters seemed confused by the language of their own bill at times and scrambled to answer questions definitively about whether the amendment would preserve the viability limit or discard it. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But doctors who were involved in drafting the law, like Dr. Pratima Gupta, say that was no mistake. They left the word \"viability\" out on purpose.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Every pregnancy is individual and it's a continuum,” said Gupta, an OB-GYN in San Diego.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">People come into pregnancy with a range of preexisting health conditions, she said, like diabetes, anemia, high blood pressure, and obesity. They may not have much money or access to good medical care with the latest technology. All of these very nuanced factors, and not some arbitrary number, determine whether a fetus is viable, she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If I see a patient who has broken their bag of water at 23 weeks of pregnancy, that doesn't mean that it's viable or not viable,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Doctors who consulted on the amendment were following the lead of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the leading advisory group for OB-GYNs, which itself removed the term \"viability\" from \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acog.org/news/news-articles/2022/05/understanding-acog-policy-on-abortion\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">its own guidance on abortion\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> last May. The term has become so politicized that it barely has any medical meaning anymore, the group said, and deciding whether and when to have an abortion should be left to the patient and doctor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The demise of Roe v. Wade, in a strange way, is what has freed doctors of the vagaries of the viability framework as it was outlined in Roe. If the Supreme Court could put an end to 50 years of constitutional protections for abortion, doctors seem to be saying, the court could take all the flaws of their decision with it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“In a world where there is no Roe, I think you're seeing California legislators trying to write into law a kind of blank slate, a better idea of what reproductive autonomy could be that isn't just Roe Part Two,” Ziegler said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Why women get abortions later in pregnancy\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In recent years, at least three other states have removed viability and gestational age limits from their abortion laws. Colorado, New Jersey, Vermont and Washington, D.C., now allow abortion throughout pregnancy.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Abortion opponents argue that if California follows suit by passing Proposition 1, it will be a free-for-all, with women lining up for abortions when they’re eight months pregnant, for no reason at all.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We already currently have abortion up to 24 weeks. Why do we need to push it beyond that?” said Jonathan Keller, president and CEO of the California Family Council, a religious nonprofit. “Aren't we able to say that that is a step too far, even for California?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Research indicates such scenarios are a fantasy. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/68/ss/ss6811a1.htm\">Abortions at or after 21 weeks are extremely rare\u003c/a>, representing only\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">1.2% of all abortions, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">according to data\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Other studies show\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/womens-health-policy/fact-sheet/abortions-later-in-pregnancy/\">the reasons women seek abortions at this time in pregnancy are varied\u003c/a>. It is primarily because of medical complications, where a pregnancy is desired, but the mother finds out late about a complication that puts her own life at risk, or a fetal abnormality that will make it impossible for the baby to survive after birth. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Increasingly, women face legal and logistical barriers that make it difficult for them to access abortion care as early as they want to, said Elizabeth Nash, policy analyst at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Guttmacher Institute\u003c/a>, a research organization focused on reproductive rights. As more states ban the procedure in the wake of the Supreme Court eviscerating Roe, fewer clinics offer it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The timing is not always up to the patient, particularly now\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">,”\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Nash said. “It may be that they're delayed because there are lots of restrictions they have to comply with. It may be because they need to travel for an abortion. It may be that they can't get time off of work.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Women may have trouble raising the money they need to pay for the procedure, or they may have an abusive partner who exerts control over their decisions and movements. “It may be that they don't recognize that they're pregnant,” Nash said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, even in a state like California that champions abortion rights and is even positioning itself as \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11914440/california-wants-to-be-the-nations-abortion-haven\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an abortion sanctuary\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, voters are more uncomfortable with the procedure the later it gets in pregnancy. An \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">August poll\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> showed \u003ca href=\"https://www.rasmussenreports.com/public_content/politics/partner_surveys/most_california_voters_support_limits_on_abortion\">only 13% of voters said they were OK with abortion through the third trimester\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But when it comes to securing abortion rights in general through Proposition 1, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3rx1h9cv\">71% of Californians say they’re going to vote for it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The politics of viability have changed,” said law professor Ziegler.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With the Supreme Court toppling the federal right to abortion, and more than half the states banning or trying to ban the procedure, Ziegler said, “these viability arguments — that had obviously been compelling for decades — don’t land the same way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The polls indicate voters are not inclined to nitpick right now. Ziegler predicts that they’ll accept the ambiguity in Proposition 1 and let the courts sort out the details later.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was made possible as part of The California Newsroom – a collaboration of California’s public radio stations, NPR and CalMatters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California voters will decide in November whether to add an amendment to the state constitution explicitly protecting abortion rights. But there is disagreement over exactly what Proposition 1 will do.",
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"description": "California voters will decide in November whether to add an amendment to the state constitution explicitly protecting abortion rights. But there is disagreement over exactly what Proposition 1 will do.",
"title": "The V Word: Proposition 1 Revives Historic Abortion Debate Over 'Viability' in California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As soon as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473\">leaked U.S. Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">published in May\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, threatening the federal right to abortion, California Democrats went to work writing an amendment to the state constitution, explicitly protecting the right to an abortion here.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Californians will vote on the amendment in the form of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/1/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 1\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> come November, but as the election approaches, lawmakers still do not agree whether the measure would merely \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">enshrine \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">abortion rights as they are currently articulated in state law, which allows abortion up to 24 weeks, or whether it would \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">expand\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> abortion rights, so as to permit abortions at any point in pregnancy, for any reason.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Throughout the legislative debate over the amendment, there were several awkward moments when Democrats were stumped by this question from Republicans, most notably when Assemblymember Kevin Kiley, R-Rocklin, posed it point-blank before the final vote in June.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“California law generally bars the performance of an abortion past the point of fetal viability,” he said. “Would this constitutional amendment change that?”\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The floor went quiet. For a full 30 seconds, no one said anything. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon whispered with colleagues, asked to have the question repeated, then promised to answer later. He never did.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Viability has long been a controversial concept, plaguing ethicists on both sides of the abortion debate since it was embedded in the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. The Supreme Court justices wrote that a woman’s rights to bodily autonomy and privacy were protected only up to viability — \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the point when a fetus is capable of “meaningful life outside the mother’s womb,” which the court said occurs between \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/410/113/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">24 and 28 weeks after conception\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Since then, many doctors have bemoaned the legal and political bastardization of the medical concept, arguing viability is much more complex than gestational age alone. But the public has clung to it, with abortion-rights opponents and supporters both looking favorably on restricting access to the procedure later in pregnancy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Current California law incorporates the viability limit from Roe, allowing abortion for any reason through the second trimester, and after that only if the mother or fetus’s health is in danger. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the constitutional amendment outlined in Proposition 1 doesn’t mention the word \"viability\" anywhere. Even among legal scholars, there is no consensus as to whether that means the viability standard will remain if Proposition 1 is approved, or if time limits on abortion will be eradicated in California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It at least opens the door,” said UC Davis law professor Mary Ziegler, noting that courts are likely to make the final interpretation of Proposition 1 after the election, if it’s approved.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>The V-word debate revived\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When Assemblymember James Gallagher, R-Chico, spoke during the final floor debate in June, his voice wavered with emotion. He could not support the state constitutional amendment on abortion “because of what’s missing from it,” he said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He even choked up at one point talking about his twin boys, who were born two-and-a-half months premature and almost needed heart surgery in utero. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They were alive and they were people,” he repeated throughout his speech, pointing at the lectern for emphasis each time he mentioned their development as fetuses: 18 weeks, 23 weeks, 30 weeks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With no time limits or restrictions on a woman’s right to an abortion, Gallagher said, the amendment did nothing to protect the rights of the fetus.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'In a world where there is no Roe, I think you're seeing California legislators trying to write into law a kind of blank slate, a better idea of what reproductive autonomy could be that isn't just Roe Part Two.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Babies like my twins at 30 weeks, their lives could be taken. And I don't think that's the right balance,” he said. “We can do better.” \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Proposition 1 have said the intention of the amendment was only to preserve the status quo. But in various committee hearings, the bill’s supporters seemed confused by the language of their own bill at times and scrambled to answer questions definitively about whether the amendment would preserve the viability limit or discard it. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But doctors who were involved in drafting the law, like Dr. Pratima Gupta, say that was no mistake. They left the word \"viability\" out on purpose.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Every pregnancy is individual and it's a continuum,” said Gupta, an OB-GYN in San Diego.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">People come into pregnancy with a range of preexisting health conditions, she said, like diabetes, anemia, high blood pressure, and obesity. They may not have much money or access to good medical care with the latest technology. All of these very nuanced factors, and not some arbitrary number, determine whether a fetus is viable, she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If I see a patient who has broken their bag of water at 23 weeks of pregnancy, that doesn't mean that it's viable or not viable,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Doctors who consulted on the amendment were following the lead of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the leading advisory group for OB-GYNs, which itself removed the term \"viability\" from \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acog.org/news/news-articles/2022/05/understanding-acog-policy-on-abortion\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">its own guidance on abortion\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> last May. The term has become so politicized that it barely has any medical meaning anymore, the group said, and deciding whether and when to have an abortion should be left to the patient and doctor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The demise of Roe v. Wade, in a strange way, is what has freed doctors of the vagaries of the viability framework as it was outlined in Roe. If the Supreme Court could put an end to 50 years of constitutional protections for abortion, doctors seem to be saying, the court could take all the flaws of their decision with it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“In a world where there is no Roe, I think you're seeing California legislators trying to write into law a kind of blank slate, a better idea of what reproductive autonomy could be that isn't just Roe Part Two,” Ziegler said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Why women get abortions later in pregnancy\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In recent years, at least three other states have removed viability and gestational age limits from their abortion laws. Colorado, New Jersey, Vermont and Washington, D.C., now allow abortion throughout pregnancy.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Abortion opponents argue that if California follows suit by passing Proposition 1, it will be a free-for-all, with women lining up for abortions when they’re eight months pregnant, for no reason at all.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We already currently have abortion up to 24 weeks. Why do we need to push it beyond that?” said Jonathan Keller, president and CEO of the California Family Council, a religious nonprofit. “Aren't we able to say that that is a step too far, even for California?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Research indicates such scenarios are a fantasy. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/68/ss/ss6811a1.htm\">Abortions at or after 21 weeks are extremely rare\u003c/a>, representing only\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">1.2% of all abortions, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">according to data\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Other studies show\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/womens-health-policy/fact-sheet/abortions-later-in-pregnancy/\">the reasons women seek abortions at this time in pregnancy are varied\u003c/a>. It is primarily because of medical complications, where a pregnancy is desired, but the mother finds out late about a complication that puts her own life at risk, or a fetal abnormality that will make it impossible for the baby to survive after birth. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Increasingly, women face legal and logistical barriers that make it difficult for them to access abortion care as early as they want to, said Elizabeth Nash, policy analyst at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Guttmacher Institute\u003c/a>, a research organization focused on reproductive rights. As more states ban the procedure in the wake of the Supreme Court eviscerating Roe, fewer clinics offer it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The timing is not always up to the patient, particularly now\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">,”\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Nash said. “It may be that they're delayed because there are lots of restrictions they have to comply with. It may be because they need to travel for an abortion. It may be that they can't get time off of work.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Women may have trouble raising the money they need to pay for the procedure, or they may have an abusive partner who exerts control over their decisions and movements. “It may be that they don't recognize that they're pregnant,” Nash said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, even in a state like California that champions abortion rights and is even positioning itself as \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11914440/california-wants-to-be-the-nations-abortion-haven\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">an abortion sanctuary\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, voters are more uncomfortable with the procedure the later it gets in pregnancy. An \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">August poll\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> showed \u003ca href=\"https://www.rasmussenreports.com/public_content/politics/partner_surveys/most_california_voters_support_limits_on_abortion\">only 13% of voters said they were OK with abortion through the third trimester\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But when it comes to securing abortion rights in general through Proposition 1, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3rx1h9cv\">71% of Californians say they’re going to vote for it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The politics of viability have changed,” said law professor Ziegler.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With the Supreme Court toppling the federal right to abortion, and more than half the states banning or trying to ban the procedure, Ziegler said, “these viability arguments — that had obviously been compelling for decades — don’t land the same way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The polls indicate voters are not inclined to nitpick right now. Ziegler predicts that they’ll accept the ambiguity in Proposition 1 and let the courts sort out the details later.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was made possible as part of The California Newsroom – a collaboration of California’s public radio stations, NPR and CalMatters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday Nov. 8 at 8:20 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the state facing a massive housing shortage that has driven up prices, California voters passed Proposition 1, a $4 billion affordable housing bond. Voters also approved Proposition 2, a separate measure that will allow the state to use a past tax on millionaires to fund housing for the mentally ill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 was placed on the ballot by the state Legislature. It will let the state sell $4 billion in bonds to finance the construction and renovation of affordable multifamily housing projects; housing construction near public transportation; down payment assistance for low- and moderate-income homebuyers; housing construction for farmworkers; and home loan assistance to veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[election2018result race=8742]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 2 will let the state use existing funds to issue bonds that will pay for housing homeless, mentally ill Californians. The money to pay for those bonds will come from Proposition 63, an income tax on people who make more than $1 million a year, which voters approved in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[election2018result race=8743]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 63 provides funding for county mental health services, but lawmakers decided in 2016 that $140 million a year of the money should be spent on stabilizing mentally ill people by housing them. But they decided to go back to voters with Proposition 2 after a lawsuit delayed their ability to immediately use the Proposition 63 funds for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is, without question, a pivotal moment for mental health care in California,” Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg said in a statement about the passage of Proposition 2. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By leveraging just a small percentage of existing mental health funding, we will be able to build enough supportive housing over the course of this program to get tens of thousands of people who are homeless and living with serious mental illness off the streets and into recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11675163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A homeless encampment located on Florida St in the Mission District of San Francisco on Thursday, June 23, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11675163\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment located on Florida Street in the Mission District of San Francisco on Thursday, June 23, 2016. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has some of the highest housing costs in the U.S., largely driven by a lack of construction. According to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, an average California home costs 2½ times the national average, and rent is about 50 percent higher than in the rest of the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs paid for by Proposition 1, the housing bond, could help as many as 55,000 families, according to the LAO. Supporters say that Proposition 2 will help build 20,000 permanent supportive housing units, where residents could also connect with mental health and substance abuse services, medical care, education and job training, and case managers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 was supported by the state Democratic Party and nearly all of the state’s Democratic representatives, as well as local governments, labor groups and hundreds of community organizations. There was no official opposition campaign. Proposition 2 had even wider support, from many of the same groups and the state Democratic and Republican parties as well as police groups and many mental health associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one chapter of the National Alliance on Mental Illness, in Contra Costa County, opposed Proposition 2, saying it will take money away from mental illness treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers voted in 2017 to put Proposition 1 on the ballot as part of a broader legislative package aimed at increasing housing production in California and lowering housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday Nov. 8 at 8:20 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the state facing a massive housing shortage that has driven up prices, California voters passed Proposition 1, a $4 billion affordable housing bond. Voters also approved Proposition 2, a separate measure that will allow the state to use a past tax on millionaires to fund housing for the mentally ill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 was placed on the ballot by the state Legislature. It will let the state sell $4 billion in bonds to finance the construction and renovation of affordable multifamily housing projects; housing construction near public transportation; down payment assistance for low- and moderate-income homebuyers; housing construction for farmworkers; and home loan assistance to veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 2 will let the state use existing funds to issue bonds that will pay for housing homeless, mentally ill Californians. The money to pay for those bonds will come from Proposition 63, an income tax on people who make more than $1 million a year, which voters approved in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 63 provides funding for county mental health services, but lawmakers decided in 2016 that $140 million a year of the money should be spent on stabilizing mentally ill people by housing them. But they decided to go back to voters with Proposition 2 after a lawsuit delayed their ability to immediately use the Proposition 63 funds for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is, without question, a pivotal moment for mental health care in California,” Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg said in a statement about the passage of Proposition 2. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By leveraging just a small percentage of existing mental health funding, we will be able to build enough supportive housing over the course of this program to get tens of thousands of people who are homeless and living with serious mental illness off the streets and into recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11675163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A homeless encampment located on Florida St in the Mission District of San Francisco on Thursday, June 23, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11675163\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment located on Florida Street in the Mission District of San Francisco on Thursday, June 23, 2016. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has some of the highest housing costs in the U.S., largely driven by a lack of construction. According to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, an average California home costs 2½ times the national average, and rent is about 50 percent higher than in the rest of the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs paid for by Proposition 1, the housing bond, could help as many as 55,000 families, according to the LAO. Supporters say that Proposition 2 will help build 20,000 permanent supportive housing units, where residents could also connect with mental health and substance abuse services, medical care, education and job training, and case managers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 was supported by the state Democratic Party and nearly all of the state’s Democratic representatives, as well as local governments, labor groups and hundreds of community organizations. There was no official opposition campaign. Proposition 2 had even wider support, from many of the same groups and the state Democratic and Republican parties as well as police groups and many mental health associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one chapter of the National Alliance on Mental Illness, in Contra Costa County, opposed Proposition 2, saying it will take money away from mental illness treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers voted in 2017 to put Proposition 1 on the ballot as part of a broader legislative package aimed at increasing housing production in California and lowering housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\">Prop 6, Gas Tax – 12 p.m., Oct. 10 \u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 5, which would give homeowners over 55, and a few others, the ability to take their low property tax rates with them to a new house. It is essentially an extension of Proposition 13, which was put into place 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, and we’re on day three of Bay Curious Prop Week. Today, we’re digging in on Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SCOTT SHAFER: Proposition 5 would basically expand Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Prop 13 passed 40 years ago and gives property owners low, low property tax rates with only tiny increases. And now with the state — and especially the Bay Area — in the middle of a housing crisis, voters are being asked to double down on Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Problem is, it doesn’t really increase the housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Today, Erika Aguilar and the team at “The Bay” podcast will dig into the pros and cons of Prop 5. Stick around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: So let’s start at the beginning. First of all tell me your name and a little bit about yourself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KENNETH WILKINS: Oh god.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Kenneth Wilkins is a longtime resident of North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Scott Shafer is senior editor of the California Politics and Government Desk at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Just spell your name for me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Kenneth. K-E-N-N-E-T-H.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He’s been there… He was born basically in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And so you moved here, you said ’86?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s a beautiful neighborhood. It’s very quiet… tree-lined streets, mostly single-family homes, a few larger apartment buildings. There’s a lot of construction going on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: It seems like everyone who purchased a house, they are refurbishing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He was walking me down the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This house was the Dickson’s here. And they were here when I came in 1976. And this one here, Mr. Armstrong — he helped us with some plumbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So he’s been on the block for 40 some years. How much was that house when he first bought it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, it was very funny. He pointed to a car, his car that was parked in front of the house. And he said…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it cost less than this car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Is that right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This car cost $21,000 I think. And it was less than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was like a Toyota. But it wasn’t a Tesla. It was like a beat up Toyota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So that’s just representative of what the housing market looked like back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s not something he could find in the cushions of his couch. He had to get a loan. But nonetheless you get a sense of how much it’s gone up. Those houses now sell for three quarters of a million or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I never dreamed that a house would be sold for over a million in this neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: But they do.\u003cbr>\n[2018-prop prop=5]\u003cbr>\nAGUILAR: I want to get into Proposition 5, but before we do that, I feel like we have to talk about Proposition 13. So can you tell me the story of how Proposition 13 became a California law?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Yeah, you have to go back to the late-to-mid-1970s. Jerry Brown was governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: After two terms of Ronald Reagan’s conservatism, California voters, who elected Jerry Brown as governor last year, were expecting several changes in state policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The cost of everything was going up quickly because inflation was high, and back then, local governments could raise the property taxes whenever they wanted to. And so if they needed to pay for something, they raised property taxes a little bit, and so people’s tax bills were going up as the value of their homes went up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Inflation’s hit the standard of living particularly hard here and soaring property taxes have been a major factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: People, especially seniors, on fixed incomes were having a hard time staying in their homes. And at the same time the state had a pretty big budget surplus. And so there was all this talk in Sacramento about, “Well gee, why don’t we give people a tax rebate?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But that didn’t happen. So there was this frustration building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HOWARD JARVIS: I am forming the American Tax Reduction Movement for the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: There were two guys, Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann, who became the spokespeople for this tax revolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: And the purpose of this amendment is, number one, to reduce the amount of money that government takes in in taxes because we think the only way you can cut spending is to not give them the money in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: What was the reaction to it? How popular was it back then?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was really popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Proposition 13 caused what may be a record voter turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: I mean this was a really overwhelming passage. It probably got about 65 percent of the vote in 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JARVIS: We have proven that here in California, that we the people, not the politicians, are still the boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REPORTER: A thunderous response from Howard Jarvis…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Proposition 13 did a few things. First, it taxed homes based on their 1976 values. Then for anyone buying a house after that, Prop 13 set the property tax rate at just 1 percent of home sales price. And it can only be increased by a maximum of 2 percent each year until the house is sold again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It has taken a lot of money away from schools. Those local property taxes are used to fund programs including education. I think when Prop 13 passed, California was near the top in per pupil spending. Now we’re more toward the bottom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Back to Ken. What does Proposition 13 mean for him? Like how does it affect him considering that there’s a lot of movement along his block?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, he’s clearly benefited from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And do you remember if you voted for it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think I did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: His tax bill is, I don’t know exactly what it is, but it’s a lot less than somebody who lives next door and just bought the house and is paying taxes based on the market rate assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Can people move their low property tax rates around right now? Or does it just stick to the house or property that you own?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you’re 55 years or older or severely disabled, you can buy a home of the same or less value and take that with you to another county… if that county has agreed to accept that lower value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So not all counties are in on this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Not all counties. In fact, most counties are not, so just about 10 of the 58 counties in California have agreed to accept this lower tax rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So what problem is Proposition 5 trying to solve?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you talk to realtors or if you talk to seniors…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: California realtors have an important chance to protect California’s homeowners and extend much needed property tax protection to seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: They have these big homes that they’re rattling around in, and they really would like to downsize. The problem is they’ve got this great deal on their property tax because they’ve been there so long and so they know if they move and buy a market value home, their tax rate is going to go way up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: It will remove an unfair move-in penalty or property tax spike that prevents many seniors from selling their single family home in order to downsize or move closer to their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The argument here is that they will sell their big house, move to a smaller house and free up their bigger house for young families that want a three- or four-bedroom place. The problem of course is can a young family afford to buy that house?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Who has introduced Proposition 5? Like who backs it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LYNDA EISENMANN: Hi, my name is Lynda Eisenmann. I’m a broker, real estate broker in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The California Association of Realtors — and their national association as well — have kicked in at least $7 million to collect the signatures to get it on the ballot and then presumably to spend some of that money to help get it passed. They have an interest in it. You know, if you sell a house you get a commission, so they like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EISENMANN: It’s when people stay put that we have a more stagnant market in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: OK. Who’s on the other side? Like who is against Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Local governments are opposed to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Tenants rights groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Tenants groups. Yeah. I mean all these groups, including education advocates, they’re afraid that schools are going to get less money. David Chiu is an assemblyman from San Francisco. He is a big opponent of Prop 5. He thinks it’s a big tax giveaway to people who don’t really need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHIU: Prop 5 is an enormous tax break for longtime wealthy property owners who get to pile on more tax breaks on top of what they already have. While renters and first-time home buyers continue to face higher home prices it does nothing to actually address the housing crisis, and it continues to exacerbate the income inequality that is unfortunately the story all over the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And the legislative analysts who analyzed this said it’s going to ultimately cost local governments about a billion dollars in lost revenue in the coming years if Prop 5 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So what does Ken think about Proposition 5? Does he think he’s going to vote for Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You know he’s really thinking about it. He’s not sure. He clearly would benefit himself. On the other hand, he’s not in a big hurry to sell his house and move. In fact, he said “I’d like to be here till I’m 99 years old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: In our case, I don’t think we will sell the property. We’ll pass it on to our grandkids and the grandkids’ kids and so forth. My daughter said, “No don’t sell it. Don’t sell it. When we get old enough, we won’t be able to buy a house.” Which pretty much came true, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: She was right. That said, I think he likes the idea of Prop 5, but also he’s very thoughtful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think it might affect the tax base for those other counties or cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You’re right. And what would that mean?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it would be something, I mean, to really think about before you voted against it or for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now Prop 5 is not the only housing-related prop on the ballot. The one getting the most attention is about expanding rent control, Prop 10. We’ll have a whole episode about that one on Friday. But there are a couple of other housing props we want to flag for you. First, Prop 1.\u003cbr>\n[2018-prop prop=1]\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state issue $4 billion in bonds to fund the construction of affordable housing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Money from Prop 1 would be used to give out low-interest loans for multi-family housing projects. It would also be used to help veterans buy homes. This would give California more housing, but some people say the real barrier to building is bureaucratic red tape and this wouldn’t address that. The $4 billion bond would ultimately cost California taxpayers just short of $6 billion over the next 35 years. And then there’s Prop 2.\u003cbr>\n[2018-prop prop=2]\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state be allowed to use money intended for mental health services to pay for housing for homeless Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Back in 2004, voters passed Prop 63 which raised taxes on millionaires to fund mental health services. Lawmakers want to use some of that money to pay for housing for people with mental illness. But it’s not clear if they can legally do that. Prop 2 clears everything up. It would allow the state to issue $2 billion in bonds to fund housing projects for people who are homeless and have mental illness. And it would let those bonds be paid back using tax revenues from Prop 63. The so-called housing first method has worked to curb homelessness elsewhere, but putting this money toward housing would mean there would be less going toward treatment and other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I know we’ve thrown a lot at you today, so if you have more questions about any of this — especially Prop 5 — we’re having a Facebook Live where we can dig in even more. That’ll be on Wednesday, Oct. 17 at noon. You can RSVP ahead of time so you won’t miss it. Details at BayCurious.org. You can also check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Thanks to producer Jessica Placzek, politics editor Scott Shafer, and our friends at “The Bay” podcast: Erika Aguilar, Vinnee Tong and Devin Katayama. Love you guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Tomorrow we’re talking about the props that could impact our health care in California — and potentially the entire country. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Should California Expand Tax Breaks for Older Homeowners? Propositions 5, 1 and 2, Explained | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\">Prop 6, Gas Tax – 12 p.m., Oct. 10 \u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 5, which would give homeowners over 55, and a few others, the ability to take their low property tax rates with them to a new house. It is essentially an extension of Proposition 13, which was put into place 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, and we’re on day three of Bay Curious Prop Week. Today, we’re digging in on Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SCOTT SHAFER: Proposition 5 would basically expand Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Prop 13 passed 40 years ago and gives property owners low, low property tax rates with only tiny increases. And now with the state — and especially the Bay Area — in the middle of a housing crisis, voters are being asked to double down on Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Problem is, it doesn’t really increase the housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Today, Erika Aguilar and the team at “The Bay” podcast will dig into the pros and cons of Prop 5. Stick around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: So let’s start at the beginning. First of all tell me your name and a little bit about yourself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KENNETH WILKINS: Oh god.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Kenneth Wilkins is a longtime resident of North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Scott Shafer is senior editor of the California Politics and Government Desk at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Just spell your name for me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Kenneth. K-E-N-N-E-T-H.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He’s been there… He was born basically in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And so you moved here, you said ’86?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s a beautiful neighborhood. It’s very quiet… tree-lined streets, mostly single-family homes, a few larger apartment buildings. There’s a lot of construction going on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: It seems like everyone who purchased a house, they are refurbishing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He was walking me down the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This house was the Dickson’s here. And they were here when I came in 1976. And this one here, Mr. Armstrong — he helped us with some plumbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So he’s been on the block for 40 some years. How much was that house when he first bought it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, it was very funny. He pointed to a car, his car that was parked in front of the house. And he said…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it cost less than this car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Is that right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This car cost $21,000 I think. And it was less than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was like a Toyota. But it wasn’t a Tesla. It was like a beat up Toyota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So that’s just representative of what the housing market looked like back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s not something he could find in the cushions of his couch. He had to get a loan. But nonetheless you get a sense of how much it’s gone up. Those houses now sell for three quarters of a million or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I never dreamed that a house would be sold for over a million in this neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: But they do.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nAGUILAR: I want to get into Proposition 5, but before we do that, I feel like we have to talk about Proposition 13. So can you tell me the story of how Proposition 13 became a California law?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Yeah, you have to go back to the late-to-mid-1970s. Jerry Brown was governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: After two terms of Ronald Reagan’s conservatism, California voters, who elected Jerry Brown as governor last year, were expecting several changes in state policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The cost of everything was going up quickly because inflation was high, and back then, local governments could raise the property taxes whenever they wanted to. And so if they needed to pay for something, they raised property taxes a little bit, and so people’s tax bills were going up as the value of their homes went up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Inflation’s hit the standard of living particularly hard here and soaring property taxes have been a major factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: People, especially seniors, on fixed incomes were having a hard time staying in their homes. And at the same time the state had a pretty big budget surplus. And so there was all this talk in Sacramento about, “Well gee, why don’t we give people a tax rebate?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But that didn’t happen. So there was this frustration building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HOWARD JARVIS: I am forming the American Tax Reduction Movement for the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: There were two guys, Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann, who became the spokespeople for this tax revolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: And the purpose of this amendment is, number one, to reduce the amount of money that government takes in in taxes because we think the only way you can cut spending is to not give them the money in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: What was the reaction to it? How popular was it back then?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was really popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Proposition 13 caused what may be a record voter turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: I mean this was a really overwhelming passage. It probably got about 65 percent of the vote in 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JARVIS: We have proven that here in California, that we the people, not the politicians, are still the boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REPORTER: A thunderous response from Howard Jarvis…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Proposition 13 did a few things. First, it taxed homes based on their 1976 values. Then for anyone buying a house after that, Prop 13 set the property tax rate at just 1 percent of home sales price. And it can only be increased by a maximum of 2 percent each year until the house is sold again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It has taken a lot of money away from schools. Those local property taxes are used to fund programs including education. I think when Prop 13 passed, California was near the top in per pupil spending. Now we’re more toward the bottom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Back to Ken. What does Proposition 13 mean for him? Like how does it affect him considering that there’s a lot of movement along his block?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, he’s clearly benefited from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And do you remember if you voted for it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think I did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: His tax bill is, I don’t know exactly what it is, but it’s a lot less than somebody who lives next door and just bought the house and is paying taxes based on the market rate assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Can people move their low property tax rates around right now? Or does it just stick to the house or property that you own?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you’re 55 years or older or severely disabled, you can buy a home of the same or less value and take that with you to another county… if that county has agreed to accept that lower value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So not all counties are in on this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Not all counties. In fact, most counties are not, so just about 10 of the 58 counties in California have agreed to accept this lower tax rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So what problem is Proposition 5 trying to solve?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you talk to realtors or if you talk to seniors…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: California realtors have an important chance to protect California’s homeowners and extend much needed property tax protection to seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: They have these big homes that they’re rattling around in, and they really would like to downsize. The problem is they’ve got this great deal on their property tax because they’ve been there so long and so they know if they move and buy a market value home, their tax rate is going to go way up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: It will remove an unfair move-in penalty or property tax spike that prevents many seniors from selling their single family home in order to downsize or move closer to their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The argument here is that they will sell their big house, move to a smaller house and free up their bigger house for young families that want a three- or four-bedroom place. The problem of course is can a young family afford to buy that house?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Who has introduced Proposition 5? Like who backs it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LYNDA EISENMANN: Hi, my name is Lynda Eisenmann. I’m a broker, real estate broker in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The California Association of Realtors — and their national association as well — have kicked in at least $7 million to collect the signatures to get it on the ballot and then presumably to spend some of that money to help get it passed. They have an interest in it. You know, if you sell a house you get a commission, so they like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EISENMANN: It’s when people stay put that we have a more stagnant market in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: OK. Who’s on the other side? Like who is against Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Local governments are opposed to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Tenants rights groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Tenants groups. Yeah. I mean all these groups, including education advocates, they’re afraid that schools are going to get less money. David Chiu is an assemblyman from San Francisco. He is a big opponent of Prop 5. He thinks it’s a big tax giveaway to people who don’t really need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHIU: Prop 5 is an enormous tax break for longtime wealthy property owners who get to pile on more tax breaks on top of what they already have. While renters and first-time home buyers continue to face higher home prices it does nothing to actually address the housing crisis, and it continues to exacerbate the income inequality that is unfortunately the story all over the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And the legislative analysts who analyzed this said it’s going to ultimately cost local governments about a billion dollars in lost revenue in the coming years if Prop 5 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So what does Ken think about Proposition 5? Does he think he’s going to vote for Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You know he’s really thinking about it. He’s not sure. He clearly would benefit himself. On the other hand, he’s not in a big hurry to sell his house and move. In fact, he said “I’d like to be here till I’m 99 years old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: In our case, I don’t think we will sell the property. We’ll pass it on to our grandkids and the grandkids’ kids and so forth. My daughter said, “No don’t sell it. Don’t sell it. When we get old enough, we won’t be able to buy a house.” Which pretty much came true, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: She was right. That said, I think he likes the idea of Prop 5, but also he’s very thoughtful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think it might affect the tax base for those other counties or cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You’re right. And what would that mean?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it would be something, I mean, to really think about before you voted against it or for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now Prop 5 is not the only housing-related prop on the ballot. The one getting the most attention is about expanding rent control, Prop 10. We’ll have a whole episode about that one on Friday. But there are a couple of other housing props we want to flag for you. First, Prop 1.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state issue $4 billion in bonds to fund the construction of affordable housing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Money from Prop 1 would be used to give out low-interest loans for multi-family housing projects. It would also be used to help veterans buy homes. This would give California more housing, but some people say the real barrier to building is bureaucratic red tape and this wouldn’t address that. The $4 billion bond would ultimately cost California taxpayers just short of $6 billion over the next 35 years. And then there’s Prop 2.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state be allowed to use money intended for mental health services to pay for housing for homeless Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Back in 2004, voters passed Prop 63 which raised taxes on millionaires to fund mental health services. Lawmakers want to use some of that money to pay for housing for people with mental illness. But it’s not clear if they can legally do that. Prop 2 clears everything up. It would allow the state to issue $2 billion in bonds to fund housing projects for people who are homeless and have mental illness. And it would let those bonds be paid back using tax revenues from Prop 63. The so-called housing first method has worked to curb homelessness elsewhere, but putting this money toward housing would mean there would be less going toward treatment and other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I know we’ve thrown a lot at you today, so if you have more questions about any of this — especially Prop 5 — we’re having a Facebook Live where we can dig in even more. That’ll be on Wednesday, Oct. 17 at noon. You can RSVP ahead of time so you won’t miss it. Details at BayCurious.org. You can also check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Thanks to producer Jessica Placzek, politics editor Scott Shafer, and our friends at “The Bay” podcast: Erika Aguilar, Vinnee Tong and Devin Katayama. Love you guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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