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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom celebrated the passage of Proposition 1 on Thursday after his ambitious proposal to reshape care for Californians grappling with behavioral health issues and homelessness won narrow approval from voters following more than two weeks of vote counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Change has its enemies, change is tough, change is hard,” Newsom said at a press conference in Los Angeles. “These have been a few long weeks, sleepless weeks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure authorizes the state to borrow nearly $6.4 billion to build residential treatment facilities and affordable apartments while also earmarking a greater share of future mental health dollars for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"California Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘Change has its enemies, change is tough, change is hard. These have been a few long weeks, sleepless weeks.’[/pullquote]After breathing a sigh of relief that Proposition 1 was able to survive an unfriendly primary electorate, Newsom aimed much of his remarks at the county governments who will be tasked with implementing many of the measure’s provisions. The governor acknowledged his legacy would hinge in part on the rollout of the measure and related programs at the intersection of behavioral health and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve got three more years here, roughly, to prove that we can make a dent in this,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> called Proposition 1’s victory late Wednesday. The measure currently leads by just under 30,000 votes — out of more than 7 million ballots cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A broad bipartisan coalition backed Proposition 1, and supporters vastly outspent a mostly volunteer group of opponents. However, the low turnout in the primary resulted in an electorate that skewed conservative. These voters may have looked askance at the billions in borrowing that the measure proposed, political strategist Marva Diaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had an uphill climb here with — there’s a budget deficit, prices are pretty high right now for families and we’re asking them to then say yes on a bond,” said Diaz, the owner and publisher of the California Target Book. “That perfect storm just made it very, very difficult but they ended up pulling it off and it passed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz also pointed to the measure’s complexity: In addition to the bond, Proposition 1 will rework the Mental Health Services Act, in part by expanding services to Californians with substance use challenges and setting aside 30% of the act’s revenue for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11980236,news_11979822,news_11977998\"]“It’s always easier to run a ballot measure that is extremely simple and clear to voters,” she said. “The more they have to research, the more they have to unpack, the more they have to figure out themselves, the harder it is to get them to vote yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom said voters may have been skeptical that the housing promised by Proposition 1 would be built quickly, citing the slow rollout of previous state bonds. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom celebrated the passage of Proposition 1 on Thursday after his ambitious proposal to reshape care for Californians grappling with behavioral health issues and homelessness won narrow approval from voters following more than two weeks of vote counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Change has its enemies, change is tough, change is hard,” Newsom said at a press conference in Los Angeles. “These have been a few long weeks, sleepless weeks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure authorizes the state to borrow nearly $6.4 billion to build residential treatment facilities and affordable apartments while also earmarking a greater share of future mental health dollars for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Change has its enemies, change is tough, change is hard. These have been a few long weeks, sleepless weeks.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After breathing a sigh of relief that Proposition 1 was able to survive an unfriendly primary electorate, Newsom aimed much of his remarks at the county governments who will be tasked with implementing many of the measure’s provisions. The governor acknowledged his legacy would hinge in part on the rollout of the measure and related programs at the intersection of behavioral health and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve got three more years here, roughly, to prove that we can make a dent in this,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> called Proposition 1’s victory late Wednesday. The measure currently leads by just under 30,000 votes — out of more than 7 million ballots cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A broad bipartisan coalition backed Proposition 1, and supporters vastly outspent a mostly volunteer group of opponents. However, the low turnout in the primary resulted in an electorate that skewed conservative. These voters may have looked askance at the billions in borrowing that the measure proposed, political strategist Marva Diaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had an uphill climb here with — there’s a budget deficit, prices are pretty high right now for families and we’re asking them to then say yes on a bond,” said Diaz, the owner and publisher of the California Target Book. “That perfect storm just made it very, very difficult but they ended up pulling it off and it passed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz also pointed to the measure’s complexity: In addition to the bond, Proposition 1 will rework the Mental Health Services Act, in part by expanding services to Californians with substance use challenges and setting aside 30% of the act’s revenue for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s always easier to run a ballot measure that is extremely simple and clear to voters,” she said. “The more they have to research, the more they have to unpack, the more they have to figure out themselves, the harder it is to get them to vote yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom said voters may have been skeptical that the housing promised by Proposition 1 would be built quickly, citing the slow rollout of previous state bonds. But the governor pointed to language in the measure that will allow projects to skip environmental review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to start putting out notices for funding availability in just a matter of months, the first ones come out in October,” Newsom said. “That’s unprecedented in California history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With funding secured, Newsom turned his attention to California’s county governments, who will largely be tasked with implementing the new behavioral health law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done our job, now the cities and counties need to step up,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those same counties opposed Proposition 1, fearing that the new focus on housing would reduce funding for the counseling, screening and preventative programs that counties currently bankroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michelle Doty Cabrera, executive director of the County Behavioral Health Directors Association, applauded the new investments in housing but said, “Such a massive shift in our behavioral health care system will take time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We’re going to try to hold [the Newsom administration’s] feet to the fire to make sure that things aren’t cut or that they have to own up to the cuts that are made.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Adding new focus and requirements to fund housing placements and substance use disorder services from a source of funding previously dedicated to mental health services will require counties to work in partnership with the state and local communities to identify solutions for the legacy mental health programs currently funded through the MHSA,” Cabrera said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaders of the campaign against Proposition 1 said they were now bracing for cuts to existing mental health programs, particularly support networks led by Californians with lived experience with behavioral health challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anything that says ‘peer’ next to it is endangered,” said Paul Simmons, a leader of the no campaign and former executive director of Depression and Bipolar Support Alliance California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to try to hold [the Newsom administration’s] feet to the fire to make sure that things aren’t cut or that they have to own up to the cuts that are made,” Simmons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Human Services Agency workers rallied outside their downtown office on Wednesday to protest the additional workload they may have to take on because of a new local measure that mandates drug screening for some residents who receive cash assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not enough staff to begin with. We know the staff that we have now, they barely are able to serve the community that we normally serve,” said Alejandra Calderon, a child protective specialist at the agency, who was among the roughly 100 workers at the demonstration. “And now we’re adding this other layer when we’re not ready at all.”[aside postID=\"news_11978236\" hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2099/03/240305-ElectionFileSF-60-BL_qut-1-1020x680.jpg']Voters on March 5 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/proposition-f\">decisively approved Proposition F\u003c/a>, a measure introduced by Mayor London Breed that tasks the Human Services Agency with screening city welfare recipients who are suspected of using illegal substances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Family caseworkers are already “seeing up to between 20 to 24 cases, which is just very dangerous,” Calderon said. “A lot of things are getting lost in the shuffle. And so it’s jeopardizing the quality of services that we’re able to provide to the families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theresa Rutherford, president of SEIU Local 1021, the union representing workers at the agency, said the city needs to provide the resources necessary to implement the new rules, not throw it on the backs of its already overworked staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city has a responsibility to make sure that when it creates a rule, it creates a law, it creates legislation — that it makes sure that the people are in place to implement that legislation,” she said. “We want this to be fixed. If you want a real law that is going to make change, make sure that you put the resources behind it, make sure that the people are in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Human Services Agency is already sorely understaffed, with more than 100 vacancies as of January, according to Nato Green, a bargaining coordinator for the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Teresa Young, a spokesperson for the Human Services Agency, said Wednesday that workers at the agency would not shoulder the burden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980326\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980326\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181.jpg\" alt=\"A view of a crowd of people, taken from behind, wearing purple shirts and holding 'SEIU'; signs. \" width=\"2048\" height=\"1365\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Human Services Agency workers rallying in front of their office on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Nik Altenberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rather, the agency plans to “contract out the drug screening assessments to licensed clinicians and mental health workers,” Young said in an email. She added that the city is “working to be ready to implement this new program” by Jan. 1, 2025, when the new law takes effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SEIU 1021, though, has also raised concerns about the city hiring out non-unionized contract labor and argues that even with the extra help, its own workers would still be responsible for having to “suspect” when a welfare recipient is using drugs and refer them for a screening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-prop-f-welfare-drug-use-union-block-measure-18749319.php\">filed an unfair practice charge\u003c/a> on March 7, stating that it was not consulted on the proposition and its potential implications for union-represented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally comes on the heels of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.seiu1021.org/article/max-capacity-reached-strike-school-where-sf-city-workers-consider-striking-last-resort\">“strike school”\u003c/a> held last week by SEIU 1021 and other local unions, meant to prepare workers for the possibility of a walkout amid tense ongoing contract negotiations with the city ahead of a June deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at Wednesday’s protest were encouraged by union organizers to sign a “strike pledge” affirming they would show up to a picket line and authorize a strike if their bargaining team were to call for one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has many vacancies “that really need to be filled, which leaves the rest of us — the remaining staff — working two to three different jobs,” Calderon said. “That’s just, you know, not sustainable in the long term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Voters on March 5 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/proposition-f\">decisively approved Proposition F\u003c/a>, a measure introduced by Mayor London Breed that tasks the Human Services Agency with screening city welfare recipients who are suspected of using illegal substances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Family caseworkers are already “seeing up to between 20 to 24 cases, which is just very dangerous,” Calderon said. “A lot of things are getting lost in the shuffle. And so it’s jeopardizing the quality of services that we’re able to provide to the families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theresa Rutherford, president of SEIU Local 1021, the union representing workers at the agency, said the city needs to provide the resources necessary to implement the new rules, not throw it on the backs of its already overworked staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city has a responsibility to make sure that when it creates a rule, it creates a law, it creates legislation — that it makes sure that the people are in place to implement that legislation,” she said. “We want this to be fixed. If you want a real law that is going to make change, make sure that you put the resources behind it, make sure that the people are in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Human Services Agency is already sorely understaffed, with more than 100 vacancies as of January, according to Nato Green, a bargaining coordinator for the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Teresa Young, a spokesperson for the Human Services Agency, said Wednesday that workers at the agency would not shoulder the burden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980326\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980326\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181.jpg\" alt=\"A view of a crowd of people, taken from behind, wearing purple shirts and holding 'SEIU'; signs. \" width=\"2048\" height=\"1365\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/20240320-DSCF5181-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Human Services Agency workers rallying in front of their office on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Nik Altenberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rather, the agency plans to “contract out the drug screening assessments to licensed clinicians and mental health workers,” Young said in an email. She added that the city is “working to be ready to implement this new program” by Jan. 1, 2025, when the new law takes effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SEIU 1021, though, has also raised concerns about the city hiring out non-unionized contract labor and argues that even with the extra help, its own workers would still be responsible for having to “suspect” when a welfare recipient is using drugs and refer them for a screening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-prop-f-welfare-drug-use-union-block-measure-18749319.php\">filed an unfair practice charge\u003c/a> on March 7, stating that it was not consulted on the proposition and its potential implications for union-represented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally comes on the heels of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.seiu1021.org/article/max-capacity-reached-strike-school-where-sf-city-workers-consider-striking-last-resort\">“strike school”\u003c/a> held last week by SEIU 1021 and other local unions, meant to prepare workers for the possibility of a walkout amid tense ongoing contract negotiations with the city ahead of a June deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at Wednesday’s protest were encouraged by union organizers to sign a “strike pledge” affirming they would show up to a picket line and authorize a strike if their bargaining team were to call for one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has many vacancies “that really need to be filled, which leaves the rest of us — the remaining staff — working two to three different jobs,” Calderon said. “That’s just, you know, not sustainable in the long term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Willie Brown Celebrates 90th Birthday With California Political Powerhouses",
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"content": "\u003cp>A veritable “Who’s Who” of state and local politics turned out at City Hall Wednesday afternoon to celebrate the 90th birthday of Willie L. Brown Jr., who, as speaker of the Assembly and later as mayor, mastered the art of raw power politics in California like few others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was held in the North Light Court in the Beaux-Arts style building, whose $300 million restoration Brown oversaw as mayor, down to the grand (some would say ostentatious) gold leaf finish on its majestic dome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his way into the event, as he was mobbed by well-wishers, I asked Brown how it felt to be 90. “Like a hundred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980205\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown greets and has his photo taken with guests at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The party drew many past and current elected officials, including San Francisco Mayor London Breed and her counterpart Karen Bass from Los Angeles, who was one of the many to follow Brown as speaker of the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Karen Bass, mayor, Los Angeles\"]‘Everybody here has a Willie Brown story. … And I’m one of those people.’[/pullquote]“Everybody here has a Willie Brown story, and there’s a couple of hundred people,” Bass said. “And the stories are specific about how he influenced their life and helped determine their future. And I’m one of those people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Brown’s signature qualities was his ability to get along with people he disagreed with, regardless of political party. In 1988, a few disgruntled Democrats in his caucus tried to overthrow him as speaker. The coup attempt failed, but one of the so-called “Gang of 5,” then-Assemblymember Rusty Areias, recalled how he and Brown moved on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980172\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass (center left) sits and laughs with Willie Brown at a celebration of Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He called me and said, ‘Hey, I know we have some differences right now, but this too will pass. And, we’ll be good again.’ And, you know, that’s exactly what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rusty Areias, former Assembly member\"]‘You know, I spent some time at Harvard and Chico State, but I really went to Brown University. He’s a great leader.’[/pullquote]Areias, who now runs a political consulting firm in Sacramento, said Brown taught him everything he knows about politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I spent some time at Harvard and Chico State, but I really went to Brown University. He’s a great leader. He’s a clear thinker, and he’s a good friend.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired San Francisco judge John Dearman recalls meeting Brown in the 1960s when they were both lawyers and eventually formed a law practice together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980214\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980214\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robin Brown (front center) and other guests watch and take photos as Willie Brown speaks at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He has this unique ability of meeting and being able to get along at first sight with anybody. He can start a conversation with anybody, and he is very glib,” Dearman said. What people often miss about Brown, he added, is that he really cares about people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"John Dearman, retired San Francisco judge\"]‘He has this unique ability of meeting and being able to get along at first sight with anybody. He can start a conversation with anybody, and he is very glib.’[/pullquote]“He has a lot of heart. People get the wrong impression because he’s so sure of himself and they think that he’s arrogant. And maybe he is, but also, he has a lot of heart, and he really is interested in people,” said Dearman, who was appointed judge by then-Gov. Jerry Brown at Willie Brown’s urging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians were not the only ones who turned out to celebrate Brown. His family, including his long-estranged wife Blanche and their daughters, were there to celebrate him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My father is smart, funny, charismatic — a magician, he makes magical things happen,” said Brown’s oldest daughter Susan. “He’s also very strict. So when he needs something, we hop to it, and we take care of it immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, known for his colorful fashion style, was decked out in a salmon-color jacket, pink shirt, and matching socks with white stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980173\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown wears pink star socks at a celebration of Willie Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His former press secretary, P.J. Johnston, who helped organize the event, joked that Brown once chastised him and sent him home “for having the temerity to wear linen in January.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The ‘Ayatollah of the Assembly’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Brown was born in segregated Mineola, Texas, on March 20, 1934, which he said had “almost nothing” going for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He came to San Francisco in 1951, staying with his Uncle Itsie Collins. Brown hoped to attend Stanford but had no way to pay for that high-priced education. Instead, he went to San Francisco State University where he met another young political prospect, John Burton, whose brother Phillip became a political powerhouse in local and national politics until his sudden death in 1983.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown graduated with a law degree from UC Hastings (now UC Law San Francisco) in 1958, a time when few Black attorneys were practicing law in San Francisco. He started out as a defense attorney with, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=02tcU0Uja_E\">as he told KQED in 2023\u003c/a>, clients that included pimps, prostitutes and others few attorneys sought out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980171\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980171\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed speaks at a celebration of Willie Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brown ran for the state Assembly in 1962, losing narrowly to the Democratic incumbent in the primary. But two years later, he prevailed, heading to Sacramento at the age of 30, where he made friendships with powerful lawmakers, lobbyists and others who would eventually help propel him to the first Black speaker in California, a job he held for a record 14 years. Ruling with something of an iron fist, no detail was too small to oversee. He proclaimed himself “the Ayatollah of the Assembly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Brown championed civil rights, including a successful effort to decriminalize homosexuality in California in 1975.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First as speaker and later as mayor, Brown was often associated with people investigated by the FBI for political corruption. Several people in Brown’s political orbit went to prison in San Francisco, but Brown was never indicted. He was too careful for that, once joking that “the e in e-mail stands for ‘evidence.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980175\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown speaks at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier just this week, one of Brown’s political protégés, Harlan Kelly, was sentenced to four years in federal prison after being convicted of charges related to bribery as part of a sweeping investigation into corruption in San Francisco’s government. Brown was among those writing to the judge seeking leniency in Kelly’s sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Brown became the face of a campaign to enact term limits, which voters passed in 1990. Some ads for Proposition 140 included the phrase “join me in giving Willie Brown the ‘boot.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown often jokes that if voters hadn’t approved term limits, he’d still be speaker. However, he acknowledges that he “never, ever would have known the great joy of being the mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980169\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown and San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins pose for a photo at a celebration of Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In retrospect, Brown told KQED he got much more tangible things done in City Hall than at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A legislative body does not execute. A legislative body opines. In the capacity of the CEO of a city, as is the case with every mayorship, that’s where you really get the chance to demonstrate if you can do things,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, asked as he was leaving the mayor’s office in 2004 what he would be remembered for, Brown said “bricks and mortar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many persons who hold the job of mayor are, in fact, known for what they built. Period. And I have a lot of those,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Willie Brown\"]‘Many persons who hold the job of mayor are, in fact, known for what they built. Period. And I have a lot of those.’[/pullquote]As San Francisco mayor, Brown oversaw the construction of a new ballpark for the San Francisco Giants, Mission Bay with its anchor tenant of UCSF, and the restoration of the Ferry Building on the Embarcadero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It might be said that Brown’s most enduring legacy will be the people he helped elevate into public office, including the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Vice-President Kamala Harris, who Brown once dated when she was a deputy district attorney in Alameda County. As speaker, Brown appointed Harris to a state appeals board for people who were denied unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The night Brown was elected mayor in 1995, it was Harris who handed him a baseball cap emblazoned with the name he was often called in his new job: “Da Mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980203\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980203\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Susan Horsefall wears a hat from Willie Brown’s 1995 campaign for Mayor of San Francisco at a celebration at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vice President Harris was not there and did not send a recorded greeting, nor did Gavin Newsom, who Brown also helped launch into politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mayor Breed gave her predecessor and mentor something she joked he already had: a key to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because any time you show up anywhere, the doors are always open,” Breed said. “You will always be our forever mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for what Brown was thinking about on this momentous day, he joked, “I’m looking forward to 91. Ninety is behind me already.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California political giant and former San Francisco mayor Willie Brown celebrated a milestone birthday this week. At 90 years old, his influence is still reflected in city and state politics today.",
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"title": "Willie Brown Celebrates 90th Birthday With California Political Powerhouses | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A veritable “Who’s Who” of state and local politics turned out at City Hall Wednesday afternoon to celebrate the 90th birthday of Willie L. Brown Jr., who, as speaker of the Assembly and later as mayor, mastered the art of raw power politics in California like few others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was held in the North Light Court in the Beaux-Arts style building, whose $300 million restoration Brown oversaw as mayor, down to the grand (some would say ostentatious) gold leaf finish on its majestic dome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his way into the event, as he was mobbed by well-wishers, I asked Brown how it felt to be 90. “Like a hundred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980205\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown greets and has his photo taken with guests at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The party drew many past and current elected officials, including San Francisco Mayor London Breed and her counterpart Karen Bass from Los Angeles, who was one of the many to follow Brown as speaker of the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Everybody here has a Willie Brown story. … And I’m one of those people.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Everybody here has a Willie Brown story, and there’s a couple of hundred people,” Bass said. “And the stories are specific about how he influenced their life and helped determine their future. And I’m one of those people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Brown’s signature qualities was his ability to get along with people he disagreed with, regardless of political party. In 1988, a few disgruntled Democrats in his caucus tried to overthrow him as speaker. The coup attempt failed, but one of the so-called “Gang of 5,” then-Assemblymember Rusty Areias, recalled how he and Brown moved on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980172\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass (center left) sits and laughs with Willie Brown at a celebration of Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He called me and said, ‘Hey, I know we have some differences right now, but this too will pass. And, we’ll be good again.’ And, you know, that’s exactly what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘You know, I spent some time at Harvard and Chico State, but I really went to Brown University. He’s a great leader.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Areias, who now runs a political consulting firm in Sacramento, said Brown taught him everything he knows about politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I spent some time at Harvard and Chico State, but I really went to Brown University. He’s a great leader. He’s a clear thinker, and he’s a good friend.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired San Francisco judge John Dearman recalls meeting Brown in the 1960s when they were both lawyers and eventually formed a law practice together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980214\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980214\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-14-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robin Brown (front center) and other guests watch and take photos as Willie Brown speaks at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He has this unique ability of meeting and being able to get along at first sight with anybody. He can start a conversation with anybody, and he is very glib,” Dearman said. What people often miss about Brown, he added, is that he really cares about people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘He has this unique ability of meeting and being able to get along at first sight with anybody. He can start a conversation with anybody, and he is very glib.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“He has a lot of heart. People get the wrong impression because he’s so sure of himself and they think that he’s arrogant. And maybe he is, but also, he has a lot of heart, and he really is interested in people,” said Dearman, who was appointed judge by then-Gov. Jerry Brown at Willie Brown’s urging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians were not the only ones who turned out to celebrate Brown. His family, including his long-estranged wife Blanche and their daughters, were there to celebrate him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My father is smart, funny, charismatic — a magician, he makes magical things happen,” said Brown’s oldest daughter Susan. “He’s also very strict. So when he needs something, we hop to it, and we take care of it immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, known for his colorful fashion style, was decked out in a salmon-color jacket, pink shirt, and matching socks with white stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980173\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown wears pink star socks at a celebration of Willie Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His former press secretary, P.J. Johnston, who helped organize the event, joked that Brown once chastised him and sent him home “for having the temerity to wear linen in January.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The ‘Ayatollah of the Assembly’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Brown was born in segregated Mineola, Texas, on March 20, 1934, which he said had “almost nothing” going for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He came to San Francisco in 1951, staying with his Uncle Itsie Collins. Brown hoped to attend Stanford but had no way to pay for that high-priced education. Instead, he went to San Francisco State University where he met another young political prospect, John Burton, whose brother Phillip became a political powerhouse in local and national politics until his sudden death in 1983.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown graduated with a law degree from UC Hastings (now UC Law San Francisco) in 1958, a time when few Black attorneys were practicing law in San Francisco. He started out as a defense attorney with, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=02tcU0Uja_E\">as he told KQED in 2023\u003c/a>, clients that included pimps, prostitutes and others few attorneys sought out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980171\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980171\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed speaks at a celebration of Willie Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brown ran for the state Assembly in 1962, losing narrowly to the Democratic incumbent in the primary. But two years later, he prevailed, heading to Sacramento at the age of 30, where he made friendships with powerful lawmakers, lobbyists and others who would eventually help propel him to the first Black speaker in California, a job he held for a record 14 years. Ruling with something of an iron fist, no detail was too small to oversee. He proclaimed himself “the Ayatollah of the Assembly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Brown championed civil rights, including a successful effort to decriminalize homosexuality in California in 1975.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First as speaker and later as mayor, Brown was often associated with people investigated by the FBI for political corruption. Several people in Brown’s political orbit went to prison in San Francisco, but Brown was never indicted. He was too careful for that, once joking that “the e in e-mail stands for ‘evidence.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980175\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown speaks at a celebration of his 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier just this week, one of Brown’s political protégés, Harlan Kelly, was sentenced to four years in federal prison after being convicted of charges related to bribery as part of a sweeping investigation into corruption in San Francisco’s government. Brown was among those writing to the judge seeking leniency in Kelly’s sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Brown became the face of a campaign to enact term limits, which voters passed in 1990. Some ads for Proposition 140 included the phrase “join me in giving Willie Brown the ‘boot.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown often jokes that if voters hadn’t approved term limits, he’d still be speaker. However, he acknowledges that he “never, ever would have known the great joy of being the mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980169\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willie Brown and San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins pose for a photo at a celebration of Brown’s 90th birthday at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In retrospect, Brown told KQED he got much more tangible things done in City Hall than at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A legislative body does not execute. A legislative body opines. In the capacity of the CEO of a city, as is the case with every mayorship, that’s where you really get the chance to demonstrate if you can do things,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, asked as he was leaving the mayor’s office in 2004 what he would be remembered for, Brown said “bricks and mortar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many persons who hold the job of mayor are, in fact, known for what they built. Period. And I have a lot of those,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Many persons who hold the job of mayor are, in fact, known for what they built. Period. And I have a lot of those.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>As San Francisco mayor, Brown oversaw the construction of a new ballpark for the San Francisco Giants, Mission Bay with its anchor tenant of UCSF, and the restoration of the Ferry Building on the Embarcadero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It might be said that Brown’s most enduring legacy will be the people he helped elevate into public office, including the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Vice-President Kamala Harris, who Brown once dated when she was a deputy district attorney in Alameda County. As speaker, Brown appointed Harris to a state appeals board for people who were denied unemployment benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The night Brown was elected mayor in 1995, it was Harris who handed him a baseball cap emblazoned with the name he was often called in his new job: “Da Mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980203\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980203\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240320-WILLIE-BROWNS-90TH-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Susan Horsefall wears a hat from Willie Brown’s 1995 campaign for Mayor of San Francisco at a celebration at City Hall in San Francisco on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vice President Harris was not there and did not send a recorded greeting, nor did Gavin Newsom, who Brown also helped launch into politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mayor Breed gave her predecessor and mentor something she joked he already had: a key to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because any time you show up anywhere, the doors are always open,” Breed said. “You will always be our forever mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for what Brown was thinking about on this momentous day, he joked, “I’m looking forward to 91. Ninety is behind me already.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California voters have approved a measure that will impose strict requirements on counties to spend on housing and drug treatment programs to tackle the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homeless-california-study-poverty-high-rent-a2a4bfc9b386cb70fdd14d593f31b68c\">state’s homelessness crisis\u003c/a>, in a tissue-thin win for Gov. Gavin Newsom, who personally campaigned for the measure’s passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats outnumber Republicans by a staggering 2–to–1 in California, and the borderline vote — coming more than two weeks after Election Day — signaled unease with the state’s homeless policies after Newsom’s administration invested billions of dollars in getting people off the street. However, no dramatic change has been seen in Los Angeles and other large cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state accounts for nearly a third of the homeless population in the United States; roughly 181,000 Californians are in need of housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who made the measure a signature proposal, spent significant time and money campaigning on its behalf. He raised more than $13 million to promote it with the support of law enforcement, first responders, hospitals and mayors of major cities. Opponents raised just $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 marks the first update to the state’s mental health system in 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the biggest change in decades in how California tackles homelessness and a victory for doing things radically different,” Newsom said in a statement after the measure’s razor-thin victory was announced. “Now, counties and local officials must match the ambition of California voters. This historic reform will only succeed if we all kick into action immediately — state government and local leaders, together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties will now be required to spend about two-thirds of the money from a voter-approved tax on millionaires, enacted in 2004, for mental health services on housing and programs for homeless people with serious mental illnesses or substance-abuse problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revenue from that tax, now between $2 billion and $3 billion a year, provides about one-third of the state’s total mental health budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more on homelessness\" tag=\"homelessness\"]The state, with a current inventory of 5,500 beds, needs some 8,000 more units to treat mental health and addiction issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative also allows the state to borrow $6.38 billion to build 4,350 housing units, half of which will be reserved for veterans, and add 6,800 mental health and addiction-treatment beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, including many social service providers and county officials, said the change would \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-homelessness-initiative-mental-health-3e6765a30343f7cc0147efd40f5a2f2f\">threaten programs\u003c/a> that are not solely focused on housing or drug treatment but keep people from losing their homes in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the single formula could mean rural counties such as Butte, with a homeless population of fewer than 1,300 people, would be required to divert the same percentage of funds to housing as urban counties such as San Francisco, which has a homeless population of six times bigger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With makeshift tents lining streets and disrupting businesses in communities across the state, homelessness has become one of the most frustrating issues in California and one sure to dog Newsom should he ever mount a presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom touted the proposition as the final piece in his plan to reform California’s mental health system. He has already pushed for laws that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-newsom-mental-health-conservatorship-baef68d08e1f8fd57869f40db2f2adce\">make it easier to force people\u003c/a> with behavioral health issues into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Elias, a television producer in Sacramento, said he “was on the fence” about Proposition 1 but decided to vote in favor of it because of the pervasive homelessness problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that’s all around us right now,” he said. “We got all these tents out here in front of City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estrellita Vivirito, a Palm Springs resident, also voted for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s only logical, you know, we have to do something,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katherine Wolf, a doctoral student at the University of California, Berkeley, said she voted against the measure out of concern that it would result in more people being locked up against their will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was appalled of the system of laws that he has been building to kind of erode the rights of people with mental disabilities,” Wolf said of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffin Bovee, a Republican state worker in Sacramento, also voted against the proposition and said the state has been wasting taxpayer money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sacramento really shouldn’t get another dime until they actually figure out why what they’re doing is not working,” he said of the state’s handling of the homelessness crisis. “They spent $20 billion over the past few years trying to fix that problem, and it got worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many opponents also said the ballot measure would cut funding from cultural centers, peer-support programs and vocational services and would pit those programs against services for unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s administration has already spent at least $22 billion on various programs to address the crisis, including $3.5 billion to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lifestyle-business-health-california-coronavirus-pandemic-835c2091c63c199d397346a497e7ae49\">convert rundown motels into homeless housing\u003c/a>. California is also giving out $2 billion in grants to build more treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California voters have approved a measure that will impose strict requirements on counties to spend on housing and drug treatment programs to tackle the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homeless-california-study-poverty-high-rent-a2a4bfc9b386cb70fdd14d593f31b68c\">state’s homelessness crisis\u003c/a>, in a tissue-thin win for Gov. Gavin Newsom, who personally campaigned for the measure’s passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats outnumber Republicans by a staggering 2–to–1 in California, and the borderline vote — coming more than two weeks after Election Day — signaled unease with the state’s homeless policies after Newsom’s administration invested billions of dollars in getting people off the street. However, no dramatic change has been seen in Los Angeles and other large cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state accounts for nearly a third of the homeless population in the United States; roughly 181,000 Californians are in need of housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who made the measure a signature proposal, spent significant time and money campaigning on its behalf. He raised more than $13 million to promote it with the support of law enforcement, first responders, hospitals and mayors of major cities. Opponents raised just $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 marks the first update to the state’s mental health system in 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the biggest change in decades in how California tackles homelessness and a victory for doing things radically different,” Newsom said in a statement after the measure’s razor-thin victory was announced. “Now, counties and local officials must match the ambition of California voters. This historic reform will only succeed if we all kick into action immediately — state government and local leaders, together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties will now be required to spend about two-thirds of the money from a voter-approved tax on millionaires, enacted in 2004, for mental health services on housing and programs for homeless people with serious mental illnesses or substance-abuse problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revenue from that tax, now between $2 billion and $3 billion a year, provides about one-third of the state’s total mental health budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state, with a current inventory of 5,500 beds, needs some 8,000 more units to treat mental health and addiction issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative also allows the state to borrow $6.38 billion to build 4,350 housing units, half of which will be reserved for veterans, and add 6,800 mental health and addiction-treatment beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, including many social service providers and county officials, said the change would \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-homelessness-initiative-mental-health-3e6765a30343f7cc0147efd40f5a2f2f\">threaten programs\u003c/a> that are not solely focused on housing or drug treatment but keep people from losing their homes in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the single formula could mean rural counties such as Butte, with a homeless population of fewer than 1,300 people, would be required to divert the same percentage of funds to housing as urban counties such as San Francisco, which has a homeless population of six times bigger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With makeshift tents lining streets and disrupting businesses in communities across the state, homelessness has become one of the most frustrating issues in California and one sure to dog Newsom should he ever mount a presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom touted the proposition as the final piece in his plan to reform California’s mental health system. He has already pushed for laws that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-newsom-mental-health-conservatorship-baef68d08e1f8fd57869f40db2f2adce\">make it easier to force people\u003c/a> with behavioral health issues into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Elias, a television producer in Sacramento, said he “was on the fence” about Proposition 1 but decided to vote in favor of it because of the pervasive homelessness problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that’s all around us right now,” he said. “We got all these tents out here in front of City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estrellita Vivirito, a Palm Springs resident, also voted for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s only logical, you know, we have to do something,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katherine Wolf, a doctoral student at the University of California, Berkeley, said she voted against the measure out of concern that it would result in more people being locked up against their will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was appalled of the system of laws that he has been building to kind of erode the rights of people with mental disabilities,” Wolf said of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffin Bovee, a Republican state worker in Sacramento, also voted against the proposition and said the state has been wasting taxpayer money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sacramento really shouldn’t get another dime until they actually figure out why what they’re doing is not working,” he said of the state’s handling of the homelessness crisis. “They spent $20 billion over the past few years trying to fix that problem, and it got worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many opponents also said the ballot measure would cut funding from cultural centers, peer-support programs and vocational services and would pit those programs against services for unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s administration has already spent at least $22 billion on various programs to address the crisis, including $3.5 billion to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lifestyle-business-health-california-coronavirus-pandemic-835c2091c63c199d397346a497e7ae49\">convert rundown motels into homeless housing\u003c/a>. California is also giving out $2 billion in grants to build more treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For all the concern in recent years that U.S. democracy is on the brink, in danger or under threat, a report out Tuesday offers a glimmer of good news for American voters worried that casting a ballot will be difficult in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Put simply, the new data shows that voting in America has gotten easier over the past two decades. More voters can cast a ballot before Election Day, with the majority of U.S. states now offering some form of early in-person voting and mail voting to all voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we often talk in a partisan context about voter fraud and voter suppression and whether voters have access to the ballot, the reality is, over the past 25 years, we’ve greatly increased the convenience of voting for almost all Americans,” said David Becker, the founder and executive director of the Center for Election Innovation & Research (CEIR), which authored the \u003ca href=\"https://electioninnovation.org/research/expansion-voting-before-election-day/\">new report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David Becker, founder and executive director, CEIR\"]‘In almost every single state, voters can choose to vote when they want to.’[/pullquote]The research was inspired by an NPR request for historical data around voting access, and NPR is the first news organization to report the findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows that, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.wabe.org/georgia-republicans-seek-to-stop-automatic-voter-registration-in-state/\">real efforts\u003c/a> by \u003ca href=\"https://www.iowapublicradio.org/ipr-news/2021-03-08/iowa-governor-signs-law-cutting-time-allowed-for-voting\">some Republican-led legislatures\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.statenews.org/government-politics/2023-08-29/ohio-elections-officials-concerned-expired-id-may-thwart-voters\">restrict access\u003c/a> at the margins, the trend in the U.S. since 2000 has been toward making it easier to vote: Nearly 97% of voting-age American citizens now live in states that offer the option to vote before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/animated-maps.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-animated-maps&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lies about early voting, the lies about voting machines and efforts in some state legislatures to roll back some of the election integrity and convenience measures that have evolved over the last several decades, those efforts almost all failed,” Becker said. “In almost every single state, voters can choose to vote when they want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11973915,news_11974391,news_11977752\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Forty-six states and Washington, D.C., offer some form of early in-person voting, the report tallied, and 37 of those jurisdictions also offer mail voting to all voters without requiring an excuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis focused on broad categories around how people can vote but did not consider more specific voting policies that have sparked partisan debate in recent years, like mailing ballots to all registered voters, how mail ballots can be returned and ID requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Mann, CEIR’s research director, said he thought many people might be surprised at the bigger picture reflecting access because those other voting policies have taken so much of the political focus in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows some political trends. Of the 14 states that don’t offer mail voting to all voters, for instance, 12 have Republican-led legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But maybe the more striking trends are geographic. Every single state in the western U.S. has offered some form of early and mail voting to all voters since 2004, according to the data. And those states span the political spectrum, from conservative Idaho to liberal California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hard to talk about partisanship around this issue because historically, there just hasn’t been much,” Mann said. “We’ve seen voting by mail and early in-person voting supported by Republican legislatures, Democratic legislatures, Republican governors, Democratic governors. We see voters in both parties use both methods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other parts of the country, like the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic, it took reforms driven by the COVID-19 pandemic to move toward more ballot access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts all made changes to make voting more easily accessible, which have since partially or fully become permanent. Delaware is currently embroiled in a \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/delaware-supreme-court-court-strikes-down-permanent-absentee-voting-law-democrats-response/\">legal fight\u003c/a> over whether it can implement early and mail voting changes this election cycle as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South, with its history of slavery and Jim Crow laws, has long \u003ca href=\"https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2861&context=ndlr\">lagged behind\u003c/a> when it comes to voting access. The CEIR data shows that, although some \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/09/974605448/kentucky-election-reform-effort-gets-bipartisan-backing\">states\u003c/a> have slowly started expanding options for voters, it is generally the most difficult region for voters to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/table.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-table&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As options nationwide have become more widely available, voters have also responded by taking advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2000 election, 86% of voters voted at a polling place on Election Day, according to U.S. Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, during the pandemic, that number dropped to less than 31% of voters. It went back up in 2022 to roughly half of the electorate but was still in line with the two-decade trend toward more ballots being cast early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/datawrapper/7hGON/9/?initialWidth=650&childId=responsive-embed-7hGON&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, it’s a bit unclear if that trend will continue. Former President Donald Trump and his supporters have worked to demonize mail voting and, at times, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-health-government-and-politics-election-2020-55f4744b484919cd20d4d5e8d72e444e\">implored Republican voters\u003c/a> to vote on Election Day or as close to it as possible to avoid unproven claims of tampering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in reality, Becker says, more voting options actually make elections more secure and less susceptible to malicious activity or even human error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there were a problem, if there were a cyber event, if there were a malfunction, if there were bad weather, if there were traffic, if there were was a power outage, you could think of all kinds of circumstances. … The more you spread voting out over a series of days and over multiple modes, the less likely it’s going to impact voters,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, even in states where voters have numerous options on how to vote, in every federal election, tens of millions of eligible voters in the U.S. don’t cast ballots. Even in 2020, the highest-turnout election in modern history, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2021/2020-presidential-election-voting-and-registration-tables-now-available.html\">roughly a third\u003c/a> of eligible Americans didn’t vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirley Weber, the secretary of state of California, says more and more that it’s a reflection of people not feeling empowered or motivated by the system and not by how hard it is to cast a ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://electionlawblog.org/?p=140939\">Election experts\u003c/a> have generally agreed that in 2024, efforts to delegitimize election results are more worrisome than efforts to actually stop people from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done everything, I think, humanly possible to make it possible for people to vote,” Weber said. “[In California], you will get a ballot mailed to your home. It does not require a stamp. If you lose it and call us, we’ll send you another one. If you go to a vote center, you will be able to get a new ballot and vote right there if you want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the state places near the bottom of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.nh.gov/sites/g/files/ehbemt561/files/documents/2022-04/voter-turnout-charts-4-19-21.pdf\">U.S. rankings\u003c/a> regarding turnout rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have to do now is help people understand that voting is important, whether their candidate wins or loses,” she said. “[You’re] voting for yourself basically to have the dignity of having your issues being considered, and whether you win or lose, people listen to your voice, and they hear you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2024 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=New+data+shows+it%27s+gotten+easier+to+vote+in+the+U.S.+since+2000&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For all the concern in recent years that U.S. democracy is on the brink, in danger or under threat, a report out Tuesday offers a glimmer of good news for American voters worried that casting a ballot will be difficult in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Put simply, the new data shows that voting in America has gotten easier over the past two decades. More voters can cast a ballot before Election Day, with the majority of U.S. states now offering some form of early in-person voting and mail voting to all voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we often talk in a partisan context about voter fraud and voter suppression and whether voters have access to the ballot, the reality is, over the past 25 years, we’ve greatly increased the convenience of voting for almost all Americans,” said David Becker, the founder and executive director of the Center for Election Innovation & Research (CEIR), which authored the \u003ca href=\"https://electioninnovation.org/research/expansion-voting-before-election-day/\">new report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘In almost every single state, voters can choose to vote when they want to.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The research was inspired by an NPR request for historical data around voting access, and NPR is the first news organization to report the findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows that, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.wabe.org/georgia-republicans-seek-to-stop-automatic-voter-registration-in-state/\">real efforts\u003c/a> by \u003ca href=\"https://www.iowapublicradio.org/ipr-news/2021-03-08/iowa-governor-signs-law-cutting-time-allowed-for-voting\">some Republican-led legislatures\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.statenews.org/government-politics/2023-08-29/ohio-elections-officials-concerned-expired-id-may-thwart-voters\">restrict access\u003c/a> at the margins, the trend in the U.S. since 2000 has been toward making it easier to vote: Nearly 97% of voting-age American citizens now live in states that offer the option to vote before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Forty-six states and Washington, D.C., offer some form of early in-person voting, the report tallied, and 37 of those jurisdictions also offer mail voting to all voters without requiring an excuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis focused on broad categories around how people can vote but did not consider more specific voting policies that have sparked partisan debate in recent years, like mailing ballots to all registered voters, how mail ballots can be returned and ID requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Mann, CEIR’s research director, said he thought many people might be surprised at the bigger picture reflecting access because those other voting policies have taken so much of the political focus in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows some political trends. Of the 14 states that don’t offer mail voting to all voters, for instance, 12 have Republican-led legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But maybe the more striking trends are geographic. Every single state in the western U.S. has offered some form of early and mail voting to all voters since 2004, according to the data. And those states span the political spectrum, from conservative Idaho to liberal California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hard to talk about partisanship around this issue because historically, there just hasn’t been much,” Mann said. “We’ve seen voting by mail and early in-person voting supported by Republican legislatures, Democratic legislatures, Republican governors, Democratic governors. We see voters in both parties use both methods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other parts of the country, like the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic, it took reforms driven by the COVID-19 pandemic to move toward more ballot access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts all made changes to make voting more easily accessible, which have since partially or fully become permanent. Delaware is currently embroiled in a \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/delaware-supreme-court-court-strikes-down-permanent-absentee-voting-law-democrats-response/\">legal fight\u003c/a> over whether it can implement early and mail voting changes this election cycle as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South, with its history of slavery and Jim Crow laws, has long \u003ca href=\"https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2861&context=ndlr\">lagged behind\u003c/a> when it comes to voting access. The CEIR data shows that, although some \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/09/974605448/kentucky-election-reform-effort-gets-bipartisan-backing\">states\u003c/a> have slowly started expanding options for voters, it is generally the most difficult region for voters to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/table.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-table&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As options nationwide have become more widely available, voters have also responded by taking advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2000 election, 86% of voters voted at a polling place on Election Day, according to U.S. Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, during the pandemic, that number dropped to less than 31% of voters. It went back up in 2022 to roughly half of the electorate but was still in line with the two-decade trend toward more ballots being cast early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/datawrapper/7hGON/9/?initialWidth=650&childId=responsive-embed-7hGON&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, it’s a bit unclear if that trend will continue. Former President Donald Trump and his supporters have worked to demonize mail voting and, at times, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-health-government-and-politics-election-2020-55f4744b484919cd20d4d5e8d72e444e\">implored Republican voters\u003c/a> to vote on Election Day or as close to it as possible to avoid unproven claims of tampering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in reality, Becker says, more voting options actually make elections more secure and less susceptible to malicious activity or even human error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there were a problem, if there were a cyber event, if there were a malfunction, if there were bad weather, if there were traffic, if there were was a power outage, you could think of all kinds of circumstances. … The more you spread voting out over a series of days and over multiple modes, the less likely it’s going to impact voters,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, even in states where voters have numerous options on how to vote, in every federal election, tens of millions of eligible voters in the U.S. don’t cast ballots. Even in 2020, the highest-turnout election in modern history, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2021/2020-presidential-election-voting-and-registration-tables-now-available.html\">roughly a third\u003c/a> of eligible Americans didn’t vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirley Weber, the secretary of state of California, says more and more that it’s a reflection of people not feeling empowered or motivated by the system and not by how hard it is to cast a ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://electionlawblog.org/?p=140939\">Election experts\u003c/a> have generally agreed that in 2024, efforts to delegitimize election results are more worrisome than efforts to actually stop people from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done everything, I think, humanly possible to make it possible for people to vote,” Weber said. “[In California], you will get a ballot mailed to your home. It does not require a stamp. If you lose it and call us, we’ll send you another one. If you go to a vote center, you will be able to get a new ballot and vote right there if you want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the state places near the bottom of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.nh.gov/sites/g/files/ehbemt561/files/documents/2022-04/voter-turnout-charts-4-19-21.pdf\">U.S. rankings\u003c/a> regarding turnout rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have to do now is help people understand that voting is important, whether their candidate wins or loses,” she said. “[You’re] voting for yourself basically to have the dignity of having your issues being considered, and whether you win or lose, people listen to your voice, and they hear you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2024 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=New+data+shows+it%27s+gotten+easier+to+vote+in+the+U.S.+since+2000&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After House lawmakers passed bipartisan legislation to force China to sell TikTok or face a ban in the U.S., the Senate seems to be putting the bill on a slower track. What would a ban mean for the economy and how could it affect tech companies in Silicon Valley?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott is joined by Wall Street Journal reporter Stu Woo to talk about the coming legal battle between national security interests and First Amendment rights for users of TikTok.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After House lawmakers passed bipartisan legislation to force China to sell TikTok or face a ban in the U.S., the Senate seems to be putting the bill on a slower track. What would a ban mean for the economy and how could it affect tech companies in Silicon Valley?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott is joined by Wall Street Journal reporter Stu Woo to talk about the coming legal battle between national security interests and First Amendment rights for users of TikTok.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin mulls a run for mayor, how people view his opposition to market-rate housing would be both a strength and a vulnerability should he jump in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly true in San Francisco’s west side, a neighborhood replete with single-family homes where people have rallied against state laws that would allow more multi-story housing to be built. Peskin is sometimes viewed as a champion of saving neighborhood character from what residents consider to be outsize new construction. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"George Wooding, neighborhood activist who lives west of Twin Peaks\"]‘That’s going to be one of the turning points of the mayor’s race on the west side. Anybody with a brain running for mayor is going to start attacking the density programs.”[/pullquote] George Wooding, a neighborhood activist who lives just west of Twin Peaks, said neighbors are angry about Mayor London Breed’s “Housing for All Plan,” which would incentivize building taller, denser housing. He said they worry there isn’t enough parking or infrastructure to support the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to be one of the turning points of the mayor’s race on the west side,” Wooding said. “Anybody with a brain running for mayor is going to start attacking the density programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s next mayor will steer the city’s future approach to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin is on one side of a divide in development philosophy between moderate and progressive Democrats in San Francisco. The moderates want the city to build, build, build to bring housing costs down. Progressives want the city to focus on building affordable housing while fiercely defending tenant protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Government has a role to play. And a progressive mayor, I think, can do so much more to protect and enhance our existing residents and our existing small businesses,” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has not declared that he will run for mayor, but he has spoken openly about considering it. Breed is facing a re-election challenge mostly from more conservative Democrats, including former Supervisor Mark Farrell and philanthropist and nonprofit CEO Daniel Lurie. Another candidate, Supervisor Ahsha Safai, has generally been considered a moderate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin, whose housing views are more mixed than his supporters or opponents assert, would be running to the left of the aforementioned candidates. But because of his voting record, groups supporting unrestricted construction of market-rate housing are already lining up to stop him from winning the election. [aside label='More on London Breed' tag='london-breed']Breed is a frequent ally of those groups, and courted them in her State of the City speech last week when she promised to veto any “anti-housing” legislation that crosses her desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She followed through on that pledge Thursday, vetoing legislation brought by Peskin to limit dense housing construction in the Jackson Square Historic District, east of Columbus Street. Supervisors can reject the veto with a supermajority of eight votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance passes off anti-housing policy in the guise of historic protections,” Breed wrote in her veto letter to the board. “Existing rules already protect against impacts to historic resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin countered, in a statement, “Instead of outsourcing housing decisions to developers so they can maximize profit, as the Mayor is doing, we need to build housing our working families can afford while improving the neighborhoods they live in. We don’t have to destroy San Francisco to save it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin was first elected to represent North Beach, Chinatown, Fisherman’s Wharf and other nearby neighborhoods in 2000. In recent years, he’s sponsored a flurry of resolutions opposing state legislation that would lead to building market-rate housing more freely in San Francisco:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>2018: Senate Bill 827 would have incentivized housing construction near transit lines\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2019: State Assembly Bill 68 would streamline housing approvals near transit\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2020: Senate Bill 1085 would strip away some local control against awarding incentives for building denser housing\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s pushback against state regulation doesn’t paint the full picture of Peskin’s housing record. In 2008, as president of the Board of Supervisors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/supes-ok-plan-for-thousands-of-new-homes-3260117.php\">Peskin played a central role in approving the Eastern Neighborhoods Plan\u003c/a>, legislation aimed at allowing the construction of 10,000 new housing units in the Mission, South of Market and Central Waterfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s arguably one of San Francisco’s most transformative rezoning efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, he co-authored Proposition A with Breed, which was approved by voters in the March primary. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976959/proposition-a-why-sf-is-asking-voters-for-a-300-million-affordable-housing-bond\">That measure will deliver a $300 million bond\u003c/a> toward the construction of affordable housing. It was written in concert with companion legislation Peskin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/sf-breed-signs-housing-stimulus-fee-reform-plan-housing-crisis/\">that would defer development impact fees and winnow inclusionary housing requirements on new construction\u003c/a>. The deferral is estimated to spur the creation of roughly 8,000 housing units, a boon for San Francisco’s state-mandated goal to build 82,000 housing units by 2031. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sachin Agarwal, co-founder, GrowSF\"]‘I believe that Aaron Peskin is going to announce that he’s running. And I think our priority as GrowSF is going to be anybody by Peskin.’[/pullquote]At an election party for moderate-aligned Democrats at Anina bar two weeks ago, GrowSF co-founder Sachin Agarwal said Peskin would be bad for San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe that Aaron Peskin is going to announce that he’s running. And I think our priority as GrowSF is going to be anybody by Peskin,” Agarwal said. “He is a huge NIMBY and has blocked an incredible amount of housing during the 20 years that he’s been in some form of San Francisco politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GrowSF is one of a coalition of tech billionaire-funded groups that have raised millions of dollars to recall school board members and former District Attorney Chesa Boudin, while also promoting Democrats aligned with their conservative values on public safety. Outsized funding from these groups has tipped the scales in recent elections and now an avalanche of cash threatens to bury Peskin. [aside postID=news_11976026 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-NONCITIZENVOTING-12-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']GrowSF isn’t the only roadblock to the housing strategies of the progressive camp. Annie Fryman, director of special projects at urbanist think tank SPUR, said any candidate opposing dense housing construction in San Francisco may clash with state regulators, \u003ca href=\"https://generalplan.sfplanning.org/I1_Housing.htm\">who have mandated the city to build those 82,000 housing units by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That leader will also eventually be accountable to disqualifying us from hundreds of millions of dollars of state affordable housing funding,” Fryman said. “That is a consequence of messing with the housing element.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey Smith, executive director of the Housing Action Coalition, a pro-density group that has endorsed Breed, said there are pockets of voters he called old-guard “anti-housing voices” all over the city, particularly in North Beach, the Haight Ashbury and the west side of San Francisco. According to Smith, those constituents hold a Not In My Backyard ethos and oppose housing at every turn. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Corey Smith, executive director, Housing Action Coalition, a pro-density group that endorsed Breed\"]‘I think when you actually think of NIMBYism as it is, I don’t think it’s a big portion of the electorate. I do think there’s a lane for President Peskin in this race.’[/pullquote]“I think when you actually think of NIMBYism as it is, I don’t think it’s a big portion of the electorate,” Smith said. But as part of a coalition, “I do think there’s a lane for President Peskin in this race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eileen Boken, a west side advocate who frequently attends City Hall meetings, said her neighbors were “blindsided” by state Sen. Scott Wiener’s proposal to wrest housing approval control of Ocean Beach away from the California Coastal Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said it would unlock more housing construction along the waterfront. The Board of Supervisors approved Peskin’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1991442/battle-over-san-franciscos-coastal-development-sparks-statewide-concerns\"> resolution that opposed Wiener’s coastal plan\u003c/a> in February. The resolution reflected the concerns of people like Boken who worry tall apartment buildings will block views for some while allowing urban skylines to encroach on the beach experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is Ocean Beach going to become Miami Beach?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> George Wooding, a neighborhood activist who lives just west of Twin Peaks, said neighbors are angry about Mayor London Breed’s “Housing for All Plan,” which would incentivize building taller, denser housing. He said they worry there isn’t enough parking or infrastructure to support the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to be one of the turning points of the mayor’s race on the west side,” Wooding said. “Anybody with a brain running for mayor is going to start attacking the density programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s next mayor will steer the city’s future approach to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin is on one side of a divide in development philosophy between moderate and progressive Democrats in San Francisco. The moderates want the city to build, build, build to bring housing costs down. Progressives want the city to focus on building affordable housing while fiercely defending tenant protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Government has a role to play. And a progressive mayor, I think, can do so much more to protect and enhance our existing residents and our existing small businesses,” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has not declared that he will run for mayor, but he has spoken openly about considering it. Breed is facing a re-election challenge mostly from more conservative Democrats, including former Supervisor Mark Farrell and philanthropist and nonprofit CEO Daniel Lurie. Another candidate, Supervisor Ahsha Safai, has generally been considered a moderate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin, whose housing views are more mixed than his supporters or opponents assert, would be running to the left of the aforementioned candidates. But because of his voting record, groups supporting unrestricted construction of market-rate housing are already lining up to stop him from winning the election. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Breed is a frequent ally of those groups, and courted them in her State of the City speech last week when she promised to veto any “anti-housing” legislation that crosses her desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She followed through on that pledge Thursday, vetoing legislation brought by Peskin to limit dense housing construction in the Jackson Square Historic District, east of Columbus Street. Supervisors can reject the veto with a supermajority of eight votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance passes off anti-housing policy in the guise of historic protections,” Breed wrote in her veto letter to the board. “Existing rules already protect against impacts to historic resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin countered, in a statement, “Instead of outsourcing housing decisions to developers so they can maximize profit, as the Mayor is doing, we need to build housing our working families can afford while improving the neighborhoods they live in. We don’t have to destroy San Francisco to save it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin was first elected to represent North Beach, Chinatown, Fisherman’s Wharf and other nearby neighborhoods in 2000. In recent years, he’s sponsored a flurry of resolutions opposing state legislation that would lead to building market-rate housing more freely in San Francisco:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>2018: Senate Bill 827 would have incentivized housing construction near transit lines\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2019: State Assembly Bill 68 would streamline housing approvals near transit\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2020: Senate Bill 1085 would strip away some local control against awarding incentives for building denser housing\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s pushback against state regulation doesn’t paint the full picture of Peskin’s housing record. In 2008, as president of the Board of Supervisors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/supes-ok-plan-for-thousands-of-new-homes-3260117.php\">Peskin played a central role in approving the Eastern Neighborhoods Plan\u003c/a>, legislation aimed at allowing the construction of 10,000 new housing units in the Mission, South of Market and Central Waterfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s arguably one of San Francisco’s most transformative rezoning efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, he co-authored Proposition A with Breed, which was approved by voters in the March primary. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976959/proposition-a-why-sf-is-asking-voters-for-a-300-million-affordable-housing-bond\">That measure will deliver a $300 million bond\u003c/a> toward the construction of affordable housing. It was written in concert with companion legislation Peskin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/sf-breed-signs-housing-stimulus-fee-reform-plan-housing-crisis/\">that would defer development impact fees and winnow inclusionary housing requirements on new construction\u003c/a>. The deferral is estimated to spur the creation of roughly 8,000 housing units, a boon for San Francisco’s state-mandated goal to build 82,000 housing units by 2031. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>GrowSF isn’t the only roadblock to the housing strategies of the progressive camp. Annie Fryman, director of special projects at urbanist think tank SPUR, said any candidate opposing dense housing construction in San Francisco may clash with state regulators, \u003ca href=\"https://generalplan.sfplanning.org/I1_Housing.htm\">who have mandated the city to build those 82,000 housing units by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That leader will also eventually be accountable to disqualifying us from hundreds of millions of dollars of state affordable housing funding,” Fryman said. “That is a consequence of messing with the housing element.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey Smith, executive director of the Housing Action Coalition, a pro-density group that has endorsed Breed, said there are pockets of voters he called old-guard “anti-housing voices” all over the city, particularly in North Beach, the Haight Ashbury and the west side of San Francisco. According to Smith, those constituents hold a Not In My Backyard ethos and oppose housing at every turn. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Oregon Decriminalized Drug Possession. Now It’s Reversing Course",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2020, Oregon voters passed a first-in-the-nation law to decriminalize the possession of small amounts of drugs, including heroin and fentanyl. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The idea behind Measure 110 was that the criminal justice system was not the place to steer people away from drugs and deal with a user’s addiction. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But now, Measure 110 is widely blamed for the spike in overdose deaths in Oregon and a worsening homeless crisis. Earlier this month, the legislature sent a bill to the governor to recriminalize drug possession. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott is joined by Oregon Public Broadcasting reporter Conrad Wilson to talk about Oregon’s U-turn on decriminalizing drugs and what it might say about California’s efforts to fight fentanyl use and overdose deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2020, Oregon voters passed a first-in-the-nation law to decriminalize the possession of small amounts of drugs, including heroin and fentanyl. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The idea behind Measure 110 was that the criminal justice system was not the place to steer people away from drugs and deal with a user’s addiction. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But now, Measure 110 is widely blamed for the spike in overdose deaths in Oregon and a worsening homeless crisis. Earlier this month, the legislature sent a bill to the governor to recriminalize drug possession. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott is joined by Oregon Public Broadcasting reporter Conrad Wilson to talk about Oregon’s U-turn on decriminalizing drugs and what it might say about California’s efforts to fight fentanyl use and overdose deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Former SFPUC Chief Harlan Kelly Sentenced to 4-Year Prison Term Following Fraud Conviction — Here Are 5 Takeaways",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Monday, March 18, 2024:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>Harlan Kelly, the former chief of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was sentenced to four years in prison on Monday, March 18, and ordered to pay a $10,000 fine after being found guilty last year of various federal fraud and conspiracy crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly “betrayed the public trust and made a mockery of his oath to serve the community in his high public office,” U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg said in court Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although federal prosecutors sought a 6 1/2 year prison sentence, Seeborg said Kelly had done enough for the community — as evidenced by the many letters of support sent on his behalf — to warrant a more lenient punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentencing is the latest development in the \u003ca class=\"\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11859677/san-franciscos-unfolding-web-of-corruption-a-cartoon-interactive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-link=\"native\">FBI’s expansive, six-year investigation\u003c/a> into city government corruption that has now ensnared more than a dozen individuals and two corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly is expected to begin serving his four-year prison term on June 19, and is ordered to serve three years of supervised release after that, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Original story, July 14, 2023\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>Yet another San Francisco city leader has been found guilty on charges related to bribery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After less than two days of deliberation, a San Francisco jury Friday convicted the former head of a powerful agency on six of eight charges stemming from a federal investigation into corruption in the city’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harlan Kelly, the former general manager of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was charged with wire fraud in 2020, charges that were later expanded to include bank fraud in late 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly was accused of taking bribes for years from a construction contractor, Walter Wong, who sought to win a contract to update city streetlights. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/federal-charges-against-former-san-francisco-puc-general-manager-expanded-include-bank\">separate bank fraud charges\u003c/a> allege Kelly conspired with real estate investor Victor Makras to make false statements to Quicken Loans to obtain a $1.3 million loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg has yet to sentence Kelly, but the former SFPUC chief faces a possible 20 to 30 years on each count against him. Wong \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11873494/sf-corruption-saga-continues-permit-expediter-walter-wong-to-repay-1-7-million\">pleaded guilty\u003c/a> for his role in multiple alleged bribery schemes in 2021. Makras \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/jury-convicts-san-francisco-broker-and-investor-victor-makras-fraud-real-estate-loan#:~:text=The%20federal%20jury%20today%20convicted,in%20violation%20of%2018%20U.S.C.\">was convicted late last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wide-ranging corruption scandal started in 2020 with a federal indictment of former San Francisco Public Works director Mohammed Nuru, who accepted bribes like a John Deere tractor, a $37,000 Rolex watch, and construction work on his Colusa County ranch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the corruption scandal didn’t stop at Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A slew of city officials and contractors have been ensnared in the corruption probe, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/former-director-san-francisco-mayor-s-office-neighborhood-services-and-san-francisco-s\">Mayor’s Office Fix-It team head Sandra Zuniga\u003c/a> and former Department of Building Inspection director \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/SF-s-building-chief-Tom-Hui-pulls-the-plug-on-15148650.php\">Tom Hui\u003c/a>. Former senior building inspector Bernie Curran also was convicted in a related corruption case, and was sentenced Friday to a year and one day in federal prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s wife, Naomi Kelly, did not face indictment, but stepped down from her role as city administrator after evidence against her husband implicated her, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of the city leaders who found themselves under the FBI’s microscope pleaded guilty, Kelly fought his charges in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the three-week trial, a jury heard testimony and closing arguments from the U.S. Attorney’s Office and Kelly’s defense attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five key takeaways from the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wong didn’t just admit to bribing Kelly once. He spent years trying to influence him\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The owner of several construction companies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/PROFILE-Walter-Wong-Powerhouse-pushes-2882045.php\">Wong was a politically-connected San Francisco insider\u003c/a> with ties to past mayoral admirations going as far back as Mayor Art Agnos. He used his largesse to help host banquets in Chinatown and bolster annual Lunar New Year parade celebrations. He also featured prominently in the case against Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors argued Wong’s attempts to influence Kelly started as early as 2013.\u003cbr>\nWong allegedly gifted home repair work to Kelly at a heavy discount, from installing iron hand-rails in his home to fixing water damage, and even installing wine-cellar shelving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I owe you big time!!!” Kelly wrote to Wong after the 2013 installation of the wine cellar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also spent lavishly on Kelly’s family during a 2016 China vacation, including a trip to a zoo, sightseeing tours, a meal between Wong and Kelly that topped $600, and freebie stays in five-star hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Kelly did pay Wong back, prosecutors argued, on two key projects he had control over: putting up holiday lights in San Francisco’s downtown, and a contract to convert existing city streetlights to use LED bulbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Stories' tag='san-francisco-corruption']Kelly pushed his staffers to expedite the purchase of holiday lights from one of Wong’s companies, a claim prosecutors punctuated in court. Emails sent at the behest of Kelly egged on employees to hurry on the purchase. Kelly also allegedly handed Wong insider-information to help edge-out other contractors bidding to win the city streetlight contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In closing arguments to jurors on July 12, prosecutor Kristina Green, from the U.S. Attorney’s Office, said text messages tell the tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you know Harlan Kelly was receiving gifts intended to influence city business? Because Harlan Kelly shows that link himself,” Green said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors then showed jurors a 2014 text message from Kelly to Wong, “My loan was approved. We need to get together to chat how to reimburse you and rfp (request for proposal). I should get the money in three weeks.” Essentially, in one message, prosecutors argued, Kelly both told Wong he would use a loan to pay him back for the discounted housework, while also saying he would share information about an RFP. That’s a request for proposal, essentially the guidelines the city would use for bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Importantly, that information is supposed to be confidential, so all companies bidding on a contract have an even playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong’s son, Washington Wong, who worked with him on those contracts, said on the witness stand, “we used that information to, I guess, tweak our next proposal [to the city].”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly’s defense attorney sought to sow doubt about Wong’s statements\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wong’s testimony was undoubtedly the biggest pillar of the U.S. attorneys’ arguments, which is likely why the defense had a laser focus on challenging his credibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s defense attorneys, Jonathan Baum and Brian Getz, cast the China trip and discounted home repair in a far rosier and more innocuous light, saying that Kelly and Wong enjoyed years of friendship that naturally resulted in exchanged gifts, dinners, and favorable treatment. At the same time, they described Wong as a shark on the hunt for new bribery marks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Was Harlan naive? He should’ve been more careful. He should’ve suspected what Walter was doing, but didn’t,” Baum told the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To punctuate his point, Baum flashed the dictionary definition of “naive” in large-font text on screens in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11873494 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/HuiAndWong-1020x678.jpg']Kelly’s lawyers also argued that Wong’s actual bribes to city officials – like Nuru – came in the form of thousands of dollars of cash stuffed into envelopes. If he were truly bribing Kelly, why not do that, instead of offering construction work on his home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That home construction work was also shoddy, and even over-charged, an expert witness brought by the defense said on the witness stand. While Wong tried to fix a water leak, photos showed water stains streaking Kelly’s Inner Sunset-home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this was a complex elaborate bribery scheme, would [Walter Wong] have done that?” Baum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most pointedly, however, the defense made sure to remind the jury that Wong stands to see his own bribery-related sentence reduced for cooperating as a witness, an idea they argued influences everything he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Seeborg instructed jurors to treat Wong’s testimony with “greater caution” than that of the other witnesses for that same reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Despite alleged bribes, Kelly’s influence didn’t always help Wong. But that doesn’t mean a crime wasn’t committed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors showed reams of evidence highlighting how Kelly inappropriately aided Wong in navigating an LED streetlight contract with the city. Kelly even went so far as to stuff confidential documents into a manila folder, later handing them to Wong out on the street, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that didn’t mean Wong had any luck winning his bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When ranking companies who had thrown their hat in the ring for the city contract, Wong’s company ranked 47th out of 51 total bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can we say that was dead last?” Baum, the defense attorney, said. “The most important thing to think about is, what happened? [Prosecutors would] argue this information was very valuable. But what were the results?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even on the witness stand, Wong’s son, Washington Wong, admitted their attempts to game the system were fruitless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the grand scheme of things, no, it didn’t seem to help,” Washington Wong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in his instructions to the jury, Judge Seeborg reminded them that Kelly need only have agreed to commit an act to have acted corruptly. And Green, one of the prosecutors, underscored that to the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walter Wong didn’t win the LED lights contract. Under the law, that doesn’t matter,” she said. What matters is if jurors decide they corrupted the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly allegedly flouted the rules, but emails and text messages showed he knew the law\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kelly hoped to keep much of his communications with Wong and other co-conspirators outside of the spotlight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wrote in a 2018 email “I’m not the only one who sees my email at work – I have some staff with access because I get a lot of emails and can’t be reading, and responding, to every one. Also emails sent to me are public record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subsequently, many of his emailed communications with Wong are from Kelly’s personal Yahoo email. It’s a problem known to happen in the city writ large – \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935973/i-am-somebody-who-enjoys-arguing-anonymoose-who-exposed-sf-city-hall-secrets-hangs-up-antlers\">citizen journalist “Anonymoose” found plenty of city officials trying to hide their communications\u003c/a> by skirting the city’s open records law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11935973 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1302058535-1020x680.jpg']Kelly also, at one point, emailed a city ethics rulebook to his San Francisco Public Utilities Commission staff. That rulebook contained explanations of city regulations that bar gifts from contractors with bids before the commission, much like Wong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors asked Mary Tienken, a project manager at the SFPUC, to take the witness stand in June. She wrote many of the bidding documents that – unbeknownst to her – Kelly eventually passed to Wong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about her duty under the law, Tienken said, “I was obligated not to provide any advantage to any bidders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The city is as connected as can be\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Testimony and documents submitted for evidence during the trial revealed guest-star appearances from various city politicos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2016 trip to China where Wong allegedly bribed Kelly included a visit to an ailing Rose Pak, a well-known Chinatown community leader, who was hospitalized, and later died after returning to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rose Pak was a friend of the family. I met her and she became a friend,” Maria Little, Kelly’s mother-in-law, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly and Makras also dined with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899657/mohammed-nuru-to-plead-guilty-in-city-hall-corruption-probe\">Mohammed Nuru, the former Public Works director who pleaded guilty to bribery charges in 2021\u003c/a>. And Wong and Kelly planned a dinner with the late Mayor Ed Lee by writing their text messages in code, referring to Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/Former-S-F-Mayor-Ed-Lee-code-name-35-15777827.php\">only as “35”\u003c/a> — his initials on a phone keypad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s not a surprise that these folks \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2021/10/20/real-estate-magnate-victor-makras-the-latest-to-indicted-by-feds-in-sf-public-corruption-probe/\">would rub shoulders with other city leaders\u003c/a>, the extent to which others have been mentioned in FBI documents, and the court record, has fueled \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2021/11/web-of-corruption-explore-the-cronyism-lies-and-federal-crimes-at-the-heart-of-san-franciscos-government/\">speculation\u003c/a> as to who in city government, if anyone, was also under federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conviction is a milestone in San Francisco political history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no other major indictments pending, Kelly’s conviction may snip the final thread in the tapestry of the San Francisco corruption scandal that has ensnared so many, giving a glimpse into a system of influence many have heard whispers of, but few had seen before in such full view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Monday, March 18, 2024:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>Harlan Kelly, the former chief of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was sentenced to four years in prison on Monday, March 18, and ordered to pay a $10,000 fine after being found guilty last year of various federal fraud and conspiracy crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly “betrayed the public trust and made a mockery of his oath to serve the community in his high public office,” U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg said in court Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although federal prosecutors sought a 6 1/2 year prison sentence, Seeborg said Kelly had done enough for the community — as evidenced by the many letters of support sent on his behalf — to warrant a more lenient punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentencing is the latest development in the \u003ca class=\"\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11859677/san-franciscos-unfolding-web-of-corruption-a-cartoon-interactive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-link=\"native\">FBI’s expansive, six-year investigation\u003c/a> into city government corruption that has now ensnared more than a dozen individuals and two corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly is expected to begin serving his four-year prison term on June 19, and is ordered to serve three years of supervised release after that, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Original story, July 14, 2023\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>Yet another San Francisco city leader has been found guilty on charges related to bribery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After less than two days of deliberation, a San Francisco jury Friday convicted the former head of a powerful agency on six of eight charges stemming from a federal investigation into corruption in the city’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harlan Kelly, the former general manager of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was charged with wire fraud in 2020, charges that were later expanded to include bank fraud in late 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly was accused of taking bribes for years from a construction contractor, Walter Wong, who sought to win a contract to update city streetlights. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/federal-charges-against-former-san-francisco-puc-general-manager-expanded-include-bank\">separate bank fraud charges\u003c/a> allege Kelly conspired with real estate investor Victor Makras to make false statements to Quicken Loans to obtain a $1.3 million loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg has yet to sentence Kelly, but the former SFPUC chief faces a possible 20 to 30 years on each count against him. Wong \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11873494/sf-corruption-saga-continues-permit-expediter-walter-wong-to-repay-1-7-million\">pleaded guilty\u003c/a> for his role in multiple alleged bribery schemes in 2021. Makras \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/jury-convicts-san-francisco-broker-and-investor-victor-makras-fraud-real-estate-loan#:~:text=The%20federal%20jury%20today%20convicted,in%20violation%20of%2018%20U.S.C.\">was convicted late last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wide-ranging corruption scandal started in 2020 with a federal indictment of former San Francisco Public Works director Mohammed Nuru, who accepted bribes like a John Deere tractor, a $37,000 Rolex watch, and construction work on his Colusa County ranch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the corruption scandal didn’t stop at Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A slew of city officials and contractors have been ensnared in the corruption probe, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/former-director-san-francisco-mayor-s-office-neighborhood-services-and-san-francisco-s\">Mayor’s Office Fix-It team head Sandra Zuniga\u003c/a> and former Department of Building Inspection director \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/SF-s-building-chief-Tom-Hui-pulls-the-plug-on-15148650.php\">Tom Hui\u003c/a>. Former senior building inspector Bernie Curran also was convicted in a related corruption case, and was sentenced Friday to a year and one day in federal prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s wife, Naomi Kelly, did not face indictment, but stepped down from her role as city administrator after evidence against her husband implicated her, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of the city leaders who found themselves under the FBI’s microscope pleaded guilty, Kelly fought his charges in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the three-week trial, a jury heard testimony and closing arguments from the U.S. Attorney’s Office and Kelly’s defense attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five key takeaways from the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wong didn’t just admit to bribing Kelly once. He spent years trying to influence him\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The owner of several construction companies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/PROFILE-Walter-Wong-Powerhouse-pushes-2882045.php\">Wong was a politically-connected San Francisco insider\u003c/a> with ties to past mayoral admirations going as far back as Mayor Art Agnos. He used his largesse to help host banquets in Chinatown and bolster annual Lunar New Year parade celebrations. He also featured prominently in the case against Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors argued Wong’s attempts to influence Kelly started as early as 2013.\u003cbr>\nWong allegedly gifted home repair work to Kelly at a heavy discount, from installing iron hand-rails in his home to fixing water damage, and even installing wine-cellar shelving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I owe you big time!!!” Kelly wrote to Wong after the 2013 installation of the wine cellar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also spent lavishly on Kelly’s family during a 2016 China vacation, including a trip to a zoo, sightseeing tours, a meal between Wong and Kelly that topped $600, and freebie stays in five-star hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Kelly did pay Wong back, prosecutors argued, on two key projects he had control over: putting up holiday lights in San Francisco’s downtown, and a contract to convert existing city streetlights to use LED bulbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kelly pushed his staffers to expedite the purchase of holiday lights from one of Wong’s companies, a claim prosecutors punctuated in court. Emails sent at the behest of Kelly egged on employees to hurry on the purchase. Kelly also allegedly handed Wong insider-information to help edge-out other contractors bidding to win the city streetlight contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In closing arguments to jurors on July 12, prosecutor Kristina Green, from the U.S. Attorney’s Office, said text messages tell the tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you know Harlan Kelly was receiving gifts intended to influence city business? Because Harlan Kelly shows that link himself,” Green said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors then showed jurors a 2014 text message from Kelly to Wong, “My loan was approved. We need to get together to chat how to reimburse you and rfp (request for proposal). I should get the money in three weeks.” Essentially, in one message, prosecutors argued, Kelly both told Wong he would use a loan to pay him back for the discounted housework, while also saying he would share information about an RFP. That’s a request for proposal, essentially the guidelines the city would use for bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Importantly, that information is supposed to be confidential, so all companies bidding on a contract have an even playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong’s son, Washington Wong, who worked with him on those contracts, said on the witness stand, “we used that information to, I guess, tweak our next proposal [to the city].”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly’s defense attorney sought to sow doubt about Wong’s statements\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wong’s testimony was undoubtedly the biggest pillar of the U.S. attorneys’ arguments, which is likely why the defense had a laser focus on challenging his credibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s defense attorneys, Jonathan Baum and Brian Getz, cast the China trip and discounted home repair in a far rosier and more innocuous light, saying that Kelly and Wong enjoyed years of friendship that naturally resulted in exchanged gifts, dinners, and favorable treatment. At the same time, they described Wong as a shark on the hunt for new bribery marks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Was Harlan naive? He should’ve been more careful. He should’ve suspected what Walter was doing, but didn’t,” Baum told the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To punctuate his point, Baum flashed the dictionary definition of “naive” in large-font text on screens in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kelly’s lawyers also argued that Wong’s actual bribes to city officials – like Nuru – came in the form of thousands of dollars of cash stuffed into envelopes. If he were truly bribing Kelly, why not do that, instead of offering construction work on his home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That home construction work was also shoddy, and even over-charged, an expert witness brought by the defense said on the witness stand. While Wong tried to fix a water leak, photos showed water stains streaking Kelly’s Inner Sunset-home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this was a complex elaborate bribery scheme, would [Walter Wong] have done that?” Baum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most pointedly, however, the defense made sure to remind the jury that Wong stands to see his own bribery-related sentence reduced for cooperating as a witness, an idea they argued influences everything he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Seeborg instructed jurors to treat Wong’s testimony with “greater caution” than that of the other witnesses for that same reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Despite alleged bribes, Kelly’s influence didn’t always help Wong. But that doesn’t mean a crime wasn’t committed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors showed reams of evidence highlighting how Kelly inappropriately aided Wong in navigating an LED streetlight contract with the city. Kelly even went so far as to stuff confidential documents into a manila folder, later handing them to Wong out on the street, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that didn’t mean Wong had any luck winning his bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When ranking companies who had thrown their hat in the ring for the city contract, Wong’s company ranked 47th out of 51 total bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can we say that was dead last?” Baum, the defense attorney, said. “The most important thing to think about is, what happened? [Prosecutors would] argue this information was very valuable. But what were the results?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even on the witness stand, Wong’s son, Washington Wong, admitted their attempts to game the system were fruitless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the grand scheme of things, no, it didn’t seem to help,” Washington Wong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in his instructions to the jury, Judge Seeborg reminded them that Kelly need only have agreed to commit an act to have acted corruptly. And Green, one of the prosecutors, underscored that to the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walter Wong didn’t win the LED lights contract. Under the law, that doesn’t matter,” she said. What matters is if jurors decide they corrupted the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly allegedly flouted the rules, but emails and text messages showed he knew the law\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kelly hoped to keep much of his communications with Wong and other co-conspirators outside of the spotlight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wrote in a 2018 email “I’m not the only one who sees my email at work – I have some staff with access because I get a lot of emails and can’t be reading, and responding, to every one. Also emails sent to me are public record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subsequently, many of his emailed communications with Wong are from Kelly’s personal Yahoo email. It’s a problem known to happen in the city writ large – \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935973/i-am-somebody-who-enjoys-arguing-anonymoose-who-exposed-sf-city-hall-secrets-hangs-up-antlers\">citizen journalist “Anonymoose” found plenty of city officials trying to hide their communications\u003c/a> by skirting the city’s open records law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kelly also, at one point, emailed a city ethics rulebook to his San Francisco Public Utilities Commission staff. That rulebook contained explanations of city regulations that bar gifts from contractors with bids before the commission, much like Wong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors asked Mary Tienken, a project manager at the SFPUC, to take the witness stand in June. She wrote many of the bidding documents that – unbeknownst to her – Kelly eventually passed to Wong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about her duty under the law, Tienken said, “I was obligated not to provide any advantage to any bidders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The city is as connected as can be\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Testimony and documents submitted for evidence during the trial revealed guest-star appearances from various city politicos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2016 trip to China where Wong allegedly bribed Kelly included a visit to an ailing Rose Pak, a well-known Chinatown community leader, who was hospitalized, and later died after returning to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rose Pak was a friend of the family. I met her and she became a friend,” Maria Little, Kelly’s mother-in-law, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly and Makras also dined with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899657/mohammed-nuru-to-plead-guilty-in-city-hall-corruption-probe\">Mohammed Nuru, the former Public Works director who pleaded guilty to bribery charges in 2021\u003c/a>. And Wong and Kelly planned a dinner with the late Mayor Ed Lee by writing their text messages in code, referring to Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/Former-S-F-Mayor-Ed-Lee-code-name-35-15777827.php\">only as “35”\u003c/a> — his initials on a phone keypad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s not a surprise that these folks \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2021/10/20/real-estate-magnate-victor-makras-the-latest-to-indicted-by-feds-in-sf-public-corruption-probe/\">would rub shoulders with other city leaders\u003c/a>, the extent to which others have been mentioned in FBI documents, and the court record, has fueled \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2021/11/web-of-corruption-explore-the-cronyism-lies-and-federal-crimes-at-the-heart-of-san-franciscos-government/\">speculation\u003c/a> as to who in city government, if anyone, was also under federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conviction is a milestone in San Francisco political history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no other major indictments pending, Kelly’s conviction may snip the final thread in the tapestry of the San Francisco corruption scandal that has ensnared so many, giving a glimpse into a system of influence many have heard whispers of, but few had seen before in such full view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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