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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">More than 300,000 hens live on Weber Family Farms in Petaluma. Some are certified organic, meaning they eat organic food and roam cage-free through an old, wooden hen house, clucking in the fresh air. The rest are conventional hens and inhabit a dimly lit warehouse where they lay eggs once a day, which ultimately end up in supermarkets around the Bay Area and in southern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The farm has been in the Weber family for four generations. Mike Weber is the current co-owner, and while his farm is humane-certified — meaning a third-party animal welfare expert has visited and given their stamp of approval — he’s facing closure \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma/measures#measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">if Sonoma County voters approve Measure J\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is designed to put agricultural interests like ours out of business,” Weber said about the measure, which asks voters to ban certain large farms in the county in this November election.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011472\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011472 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Weber, farmer and co-owner of Weber Family Farms, poses for a photo at the farm in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J borrows the federal definition of a large concentrated animal feeding operation or CAFO. Under the Clean Water Act, the Environmental Protection Agency \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www3.epa.gov/npdes/pubs/cafo_permitmanual_chapter2.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">defines a large CAFO (PDF) \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">by the number of animals it has — 700 or more cows, 82,000 or more laying hens, for example. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s not based on how well you manage your flocks, how well you take care of your animals and the level of animal welfare you have,” Weber said. “It’s all about a number. And if you exceed that number, you’re punished, and you’re shut down.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/cafos\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J have identified 21 large CAFOs\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Sonoma County — including Weber’s — that fall under this CAFO definition and would be forced to downsize or shut down altogether if it passes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is a pretty drastic measure,” said Silvia Secchi, a professor who studies agriculture at the University of Iowa. “I think it’s really interesting because, finally, there are some stakes attached to this definition that have not been there before.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to Secchi, this is the first attempt ever in the U.S. to ban large CAFOs outright. Other states, including North Carolina, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.deq.nc.gov/about/divisions/water-resources/water-quality-permitting/animal-feeding-operations/program-summary\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">have passed moratoria\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, but this is the first time they would be eliminated altogether, and existing ones would have to shut down or be forced to move.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J argue these kinds of large farms are inherently cruel to the animals. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mary Bull, a fruit and vegetable farmer in Sebastopol, plans to vote “yes” on J. She said she has seen photos of farms like Weber’s and doesn’t think they should exist in Sonoma County.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just too crowded,” she said. “It’s just devastating, horrendous cruelty to the animals.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011471\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011471 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers package eggs in cartons at Weber Family Farms in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coalition to End Factory Farming\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a group of animal rights and environmental organizations, put forward the measure. Another big sponsor is \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.directactioneverywhere.com/campaigns/end-factory-farming-in-sonoma-county\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Direct Action Everywhere\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a Berkeley-based animal rights activist group known for its open rescue demonstrations. Last year, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/animal-activist-sentenced-in-conspiracy-case-involving-petaluma-poultry-far/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the organization’s cofounder was jailed\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> for breaking into Petaluma poultry farms — including Weber’s — as part of an animal welfare demonstration. \u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma,Sonoma County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Sonoma-County-1200x1200-1.png]\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All the large poultry and dairy farms in Sonoma County are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.usda.gov/media/blog/2012/03/22/organic-101-what-usda-organic-label-means\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">certified organic\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — which addresses both the manner in which foods are grown and animals are raised.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As for the environmental concerns, CAFOs \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/resources/cafos-what-we-dont-know-hurting-us\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are a major source\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of air and water pollution nationally. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/why-measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supporters of Measure J say\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> outlawing them in Sonoma County would benefit local waterways.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re one of the most egregious trashers of the planet, and they’ve got to go,” Bull said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, according to the local water quality control board, animal agriculture does not pose an outsized threat to waterways in Sonoma County when compared to other land uses, including commercial vineyards and residential areas.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s because of “very low herd densities on grazing lands, the predominance of pasture-based, organic dairies (which sharply contrasts with operations located in the Central Valley), and the ongoing implementation of the Regional Water Boards’ regulatory permitting programs for animal-based ag operations,” a spokesperson for the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/northcoast/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">North Coast Regional Water Quality Control Board\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> wrote in an email to KQED. “These programs are designed to ensure that such operations do not cause or contribute to water quality impairments, and rates of compliance are relatively high.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011473\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011473\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ‘No on J’ sign is posted along Stony Point Road in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J’s opponents include the county board of supervisors, various city councils and both the Democratic and Republican parties of Sonoma County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whether it passes or not, Secchi said the measure could still have ripple effects outside of Sonoma County and even outside California. She points to other pieces of legislation that have passed via ballot measure in the state, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/AHFSS/AnimalCare/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">like Proposition 12\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which prohibits producing and selling meat in California from animals that were raised in “extreme confinement.” The measure faced intense backlash from the pork industry and even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/21-468_5if6.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">went before the U.S. Supreme Court (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If a ban on large CAFOs went into effect across California, it could just displace livestock operations to places like Secchi’s home state of Iowa that have looser regulations for animal welfare, environmental pollution and even child labor laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People need to also understand that depending on how you do things in California, you do have these indirect effects out of state and need to be mindful of that,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, she added, it’s important to keep scrutinizing the livestock industry. Most meat eaters in the U.S. don’t think hard enough about where their food comes from, she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do think that all this attention is a signal that people are thinking about these issues,” Secchi said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Measure J asks voters to ban large animal farms in Sonoma County. Proponents are concerned about animal welfare and environmental pollution. Opponents say those concerns are unfounded and, if approved, the proposal would devastate the long-standing agriculture industry in the region.",
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"title": "A Sonoma County Ballot Measure Seeks to Outlaw Big Animal Farms. Farmers Say It Would Be Devastating | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">More than 300,000 hens live on Weber Family Farms in Petaluma. Some are certified organic, meaning they eat organic food and roam cage-free through an old, wooden hen house, clucking in the fresh air. The rest are conventional hens and inhabit a dimly lit warehouse where they lay eggs once a day, which ultimately end up in supermarkets around the Bay Area and in southern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The farm has been in the Weber family for four generations. Mike Weber is the current co-owner, and while his farm is humane-certified — meaning a third-party animal welfare expert has visited and given their stamp of approval — he’s facing closure \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma/measures#measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">if Sonoma County voters approve Measure J\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is designed to put agricultural interests like ours out of business,” Weber said about the measure, which asks voters to ban certain large farms in the county in this November election.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011472\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011472 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Weber, farmer and co-owner of Weber Family Farms, poses for a photo at the farm in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J borrows the federal definition of a large concentrated animal feeding operation or CAFO. Under the Clean Water Act, the Environmental Protection Agency \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www3.epa.gov/npdes/pubs/cafo_permitmanual_chapter2.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">defines a large CAFO (PDF) \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">by the number of animals it has — 700 or more cows, 82,000 or more laying hens, for example. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s not based on how well you manage your flocks, how well you take care of your animals and the level of animal welfare you have,” Weber said. “It’s all about a number. And if you exceed that number, you’re punished, and you’re shut down.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/cafos\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J have identified 21 large CAFOs\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Sonoma County — including Weber’s — that fall under this CAFO definition and would be forced to downsize or shut down altogether if it passes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is a pretty drastic measure,” said Silvia Secchi, a professor who studies agriculture at the University of Iowa. “I think it’s really interesting because, finally, there are some stakes attached to this definition that have not been there before.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to Secchi, this is the first attempt ever in the U.S. to ban large CAFOs outright. Other states, including North Carolina, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.deq.nc.gov/about/divisions/water-resources/water-quality-permitting/animal-feeding-operations/program-summary\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">have passed moratoria\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, but this is the first time they would be eliminated altogether, and existing ones would have to shut down or be forced to move.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J argue these kinds of large farms are inherently cruel to the animals. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mary Bull, a fruit and vegetable farmer in Sebastopol, plans to vote “yes” on J. She said she has seen photos of farms like Weber’s and doesn’t think they should exist in Sonoma County.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just too crowded,” she said. “It’s just devastating, horrendous cruelty to the animals.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011471\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011471 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers package eggs in cartons at Weber Family Farms in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coalition to End Factory Farming\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a group of animal rights and environmental organizations, put forward the measure. Another big sponsor is \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.directactioneverywhere.com/campaigns/end-factory-farming-in-sonoma-county\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Direct Action Everywhere\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a Berkeley-based animal rights activist group known for its open rescue demonstrations. Last year, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/animal-activist-sentenced-in-conspiracy-case-involving-petaluma-poultry-far/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the organization’s cofounder was jailed\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> for breaking into Petaluma poultry farms — including Weber’s — as part of an animal welfare demonstration. \u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma,Sonoma County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All the large poultry and dairy farms in Sonoma County are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.usda.gov/media/blog/2012/03/22/organic-101-what-usda-organic-label-means\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">certified organic\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — which addresses both the manner in which foods are grown and animals are raised.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As for the environmental concerns, CAFOs \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/resources/cafos-what-we-dont-know-hurting-us\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are a major source\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of air and water pollution nationally. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/why-measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supporters of Measure J say\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> outlawing them in Sonoma County would benefit local waterways.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re one of the most egregious trashers of the planet, and they’ve got to go,” Bull said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, according to the local water quality control board, animal agriculture does not pose an outsized threat to waterways in Sonoma County when compared to other land uses, including commercial vineyards and residential areas.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s because of “very low herd densities on grazing lands, the predominance of pasture-based, organic dairies (which sharply contrasts with operations located in the Central Valley), and the ongoing implementation of the Regional Water Boards’ regulatory permitting programs for animal-based ag operations,” a spokesperson for the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/northcoast/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">North Coast Regional Water Quality Control Board\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> wrote in an email to KQED. “These programs are designed to ensure that such operations do not cause or contribute to water quality impairments, and rates of compliance are relatively high.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011473\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011473\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ‘No on J’ sign is posted along Stony Point Road in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J’s opponents include the county board of supervisors, various city councils and both the Democratic and Republican parties of Sonoma County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whether it passes or not, Secchi said the measure could still have ripple effects outside of Sonoma County and even outside California. She points to other pieces of legislation that have passed via ballot measure in the state, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/AHFSS/AnimalCare/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">like Proposition 12\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which prohibits producing and selling meat in California from animals that were raised in “extreme confinement.” The measure faced intense backlash from the pork industry and even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/21-468_5if6.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">went before the U.S. Supreme Court (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If a ban on large CAFOs went into effect across California, it could just displace livestock operations to places like Secchi’s home state of Iowa that have looser regulations for animal welfare, environmental pollution and even child labor laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People need to also understand that depending on how you do things in California, you do have these indirect effects out of state and need to be mindful of that,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, she added, it’s important to keep scrutinizing the livestock industry. Most meat eaters in the U.S. don’t think hard enough about where their food comes from, she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After three \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/28/nx-s1-5168404/oregon-washington-arizona-ballots-drop-boxes-fires\">ballot boxes were set on fire\u003c/a> in the Pacific Northwest in recent weeks, raising concerns about voting safety, local elections officials are seeking to reassure voters that they can trust the protections in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, registrars have enhanced security measures to ensure that, even in this tense time, voters and poll workers can participate in a safe and fair election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several officials said they anticipated increased risks ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">this election\u003c/a>, which could be the result of the last four years of stoked fears around voting — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> and running mate JD Vance’s refusal to accept the outcome of the 2020 election, and the 2021 insurrection on the day Congress certified its result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve become increasingly aware of the security risks to the voting process,” said Matt Moreles, Santa Clara County’s acting registrar of voters. “We’ve been taking steps going into this year and into this election to try to strengthen the security so that we can provide all of our voters with a safe and secure election process that’s free from any interference and intimidation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Clara, that included adding security to high-turnout polling places and increasing collaboration with local law enforcement to develop escalation and incident response plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anything happens, we have direct lines out to all of our partners,” he said. “We’ve got plans for how to respond so that we can ensure continuity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballot drop boxes are a particular area of concern for voters after the recent fires. On Oct. 8, the first was lit in Vancouver, Washington. On Monday, another fire was set at one of the city’s ballot drop-off locations, as well as at another in Portland, Oregon.[aside postID=news_12011743 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities believe the incidents are related. The \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/29/us/ballot-box-fires-oregon-washington-gaza.html\">New York Times\u003c/a>\u003c/em> has reported that at all three sites, devices placed outside the drop boxes had “Free Gaza” written on them, though investigators are trying to determine whether the suspect was a pro-Palestinian activist or using the phrase to sow division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a September bulletin from the Department of Homeland Security, \u003ca href=\"https://propertyofthepeople.org/document-detail/?doc-id=25255596\">obtained by the watchdog group Property of the People\u003c/a>, plans to destroy ballot drop boxes had been swirling on social media for about six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some social media users are discussing and encouraging various methods of sabotaging ballot drop boxes and avoiding detection, likely heightening the potential for targeting of this election infrastructure through the 2024 election cycle,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bulletin specifically said that people on forums frequented by “domestic violence extremists” discussed methods to destroy the boxes with petroleum fuel, road flares and fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew going into this election that drop boxes were going to be an area of concern for security,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California requires local elections officials to pick up ballots from boxes every other day in the 10 days before the election, but Santa Clara County has increased the frequency of pickups at its 109 drop-off locations to every day, and as Nov. 5 gets closer, Moreles said they will be picking up three to four times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elections workers have been instructed to inspect the boxes on pickup runs to make sure nothing has been tampered with and that all of their seals are in place, and local law enforcement agencies have been asked to increase patrols near the boxes when possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynda Roberts, Marin County’s chief election officer, said that the county is installing fire suppression equipment to its 26 drop box locations. It is also increasing patrols in the areas, and is closing ballot boxes at polling places overnight, though they have traditionally been accessible 24 hours a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 14 drop boxes that are still open at all times are all in the vicinity of government and law enforcement agencies’ buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Bay Area counties plan to activate their emergency operation centers to centralize communication with voting locations and law enforcement officials, Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kristin Connelly, Contra Costa County’s registrar of voters, said she couldn’t comment on specifics, she said that the elections office had been in communication with local law enforcement and was doing “everything we can to keep a safe and secure election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many registrars are telling voters to sign up for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-status/wheres-my-ballot\">ballot tracking\u003c/a> so that they can see when their ballot has been received.[aside postID=news_12011896 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-02-KQED-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best thing that voters can do is to sign up for ballot tracks,” Roberts said. “It’s a free ballot tracking service through the Secretary of State that will tell the voter when we’ve received their ballot… Then they can have that assurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most counties in the Bay Area have details about their work to ensure a safe election, along with information on deadlines for mail-in ballots and the link to ballot tracking on their websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreles said that one of the best ways to ensure your ballot arrives safely is to vote early and track its progress. Santa Clara County, which has a little over a million registered voters, has already received 275,000 ballots. If your ballot hasn’t arrived after two to three days, he said it might be time to reach out to your elections office to see about a replacement or go to an in-person vote center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to all three of the officials, their counties are in good positions to have safe and secure elections next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been working tirelessly with all of our local, state and even federal partners to make sure that we have good plans in place to ensure a secure election,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After three \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/28/nx-s1-5168404/oregon-washington-arizona-ballots-drop-boxes-fires\">ballot boxes were set on fire\u003c/a> in the Pacific Northwest in recent weeks, raising concerns about voting safety, local elections officials are seeking to reassure voters that they can trust the protections in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, registrars have enhanced security measures to ensure that, even in this tense time, voters and poll workers can participate in a safe and fair election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several officials said they anticipated increased risks ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">this election\u003c/a>, which could be the result of the last four years of stoked fears around voting — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> and running mate JD Vance’s refusal to accept the outcome of the 2020 election, and the 2021 insurrection on the day Congress certified its result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve become increasingly aware of the security risks to the voting process,” said Matt Moreles, Santa Clara County’s acting registrar of voters. “We’ve been taking steps going into this year and into this election to try to strengthen the security so that we can provide all of our voters with a safe and secure election process that’s free from any interference and intimidation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Clara, that included adding security to high-turnout polling places and increasing collaboration with local law enforcement to develop escalation and incident response plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anything happens, we have direct lines out to all of our partners,” he said. “We’ve got plans for how to respond so that we can ensure continuity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballot drop boxes are a particular area of concern for voters after the recent fires. On Oct. 8, the first was lit in Vancouver, Washington. On Monday, another fire was set at one of the city’s ballot drop-off locations, as well as at another in Portland, Oregon.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities believe the incidents are related. The \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/29/us/ballot-box-fires-oregon-washington-gaza.html\">New York Times\u003c/a>\u003c/em> has reported that at all three sites, devices placed outside the drop boxes had “Free Gaza” written on them, though investigators are trying to determine whether the suspect was a pro-Palestinian activist or using the phrase to sow division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a September bulletin from the Department of Homeland Security, \u003ca href=\"https://propertyofthepeople.org/document-detail/?doc-id=25255596\">obtained by the watchdog group Property of the People\u003c/a>, plans to destroy ballot drop boxes had been swirling on social media for about six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some social media users are discussing and encouraging various methods of sabotaging ballot drop boxes and avoiding detection, likely heightening the potential for targeting of this election infrastructure through the 2024 election cycle,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bulletin specifically said that people on forums frequented by “domestic violence extremists” discussed methods to destroy the boxes with petroleum fuel, road flares and fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew going into this election that drop boxes were going to be an area of concern for security,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California requires local elections officials to pick up ballots from boxes every other day in the 10 days before the election, but Santa Clara County has increased the frequency of pickups at its 109 drop-off locations to every day, and as Nov. 5 gets closer, Moreles said they will be picking up three to four times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elections workers have been instructed to inspect the boxes on pickup runs to make sure nothing has been tampered with and that all of their seals are in place, and local law enforcement agencies have been asked to increase patrols near the boxes when possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynda Roberts, Marin County’s chief election officer, said that the county is installing fire suppression equipment to its 26 drop box locations. It is also increasing patrols in the areas, and is closing ballot boxes at polling places overnight, though they have traditionally been accessible 24 hours a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 14 drop boxes that are still open at all times are all in the vicinity of government and law enforcement agencies’ buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Bay Area counties plan to activate their emergency operation centers to centralize communication with voting locations and law enforcement officials, Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kristin Connelly, Contra Costa County’s registrar of voters, said she couldn’t comment on specifics, she said that the elections office had been in communication with local law enforcement and was doing “everything we can to keep a safe and secure election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many registrars are telling voters to sign up for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-status/wheres-my-ballot\">ballot tracking\u003c/a> so that they can see when their ballot has been received.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best thing that voters can do is to sign up for ballot tracks,” Roberts said. “It’s a free ballot tracking service through the Secretary of State that will tell the voter when we’ve received their ballot… Then they can have that assurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most counties in the Bay Area have details about their work to ensure a safe election, along with information on deadlines for mail-in ballots and the link to ballot tracking on their websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreles said that one of the best ways to ensure your ballot arrives safely is to vote early and track its progress. Santa Clara County, which has a little over a million registered voters, has already received 275,000 ballots. If your ballot hasn’t arrived after two to three days, he said it might be time to reach out to your elections office to see about a replacement or go to an in-person vote center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to all three of the officials, their counties are in good positions to have safe and secure elections next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been working tirelessly with all of our local, state and even federal partners to make sure that we have good plans in place to ensure a secure election,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/elections/\">upcoming election\u003c/a>, less than a week away, could reshape the U.S. Supreme Court — or not, depending on retirements, deaths, or other unforeseen events. The only certainty is political struggle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on who wins the presidential election, \u003cem>and\u003c/em> control of the Senate, the current 6–to–3 conservative supermajority could remain the same, be trimmed to 5–to–4, or expand to an even larger and more lopsided conservative majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public, for the most part, understands that if there is a Supreme Court vacancy, the president’s nominee will generally reflect the president’s views. But, there is a genuine possibility that if the Senate is controlled by the opposition party, the open seat will remain unfilled — not for months, but for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, there is also a real possibility that lower court seats will go unfilled, unless there is significant backroom horse-trading. In short, with power split between the White House and the Senate, there could be unprecedented gridlock on judicial nominations that extends all the way up to the Supreme Court and down to the appellate and even district courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The Merrick Garland treatment’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Republicans have wielded their power in unprecedented ways to prevent a president’s Supreme Court nominee from being confirmed. When conservative Justice Antonin Scalia died unexpectedly in 2016, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell immediately announced that no Obama nominee would be considered at all prior to the election that was nearly a year away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/29/624467256/what-happened-with-merrick-garland-in-2016-and-why-it-matters-now\">went ahead anyway\u003c/a>, figuring that old norms would prevail if he nominated a respected and centrist judge, someone acceptable to both Democrats and Republicans. Judge Merrick Garland seemed the best fit, but Garland didn’t even get a hearing, much less a vote. Four years later, after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/18/100306972/justice-ruth-bader-ginsburg-champion-of-gender-equality-dies-at-87\">death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg\u003c/a>, Senate Republicans put the pedal to the metal just weeks before the election, rapidly \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/26/927640619/senate-confirms-amy-coney-barrett-to-the-supreme-court\">pushing through the confirmation of judge, now Justice, Amy Coney Barrett\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, conservatives are just as determined to keep or expand their 6–to–3 Supreme Court majority. So what happens if Kamala Harris is elected president, but the Senate flips to Republican control?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll give you the Merrick Garland treatment,” says conservative scholar Josh Blackman, a professor at South Texas College of Law, Houston. “We’ll have the seat open for three or four years,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Trump win and a Democratic Senate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Would the reverse happen if Trump is elected but the Senate remains in Democratic hands?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats like to think of themselves as “more responsible” than Republicans, but the pressures would be enormous to do unto the Republicans what they did to the Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans “essentially crossed the Rubicon” in 2016 with the Garland nomination, says Harvard law professor Noah Feldman, who has written extensively about the court’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that we’re in a world of … controversial revolutionary decisions, neither party would be likely to give a positive vote to a nominee of the president from the opposite party,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NYU law professor Bob Bauer, who served as White House counsel for two years in the Obama administration, notes that institutional norms aren’t necessarily permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole notion that “a certain process has to be respected, regardless of the potential impact on one party or another,” he says. “It’s not a norm if it doesn’t command general adherence anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what if Trump is elected, and the Senate flips, as expected, to Republican control? The only thing then standing between nominating and confirming a new Trump-appointed justice would be two moderate Republican senators, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine. If the Republican margin in the Senate is 52–48, their votes aren’t needed; JD Vance would cast the tie-breaking vote as vice president even if Murkowski and Collins voted against the nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what recourse would the Democrats have in a situation like that? How would they fight a Trump nomination? After all, there is no filibuster anymore to block a vote. Democrats abolished the filibuster for lower court nominations in 2011 in response to Republicans routinely blocking judicial nominations. Republicans then abolished the filibuster for Supreme Court nominations in 2017 after Trump was elected and nominated Neil Gorsuch to fill the seat that GOP leader McConnell had held open after Scalia’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are only candid about this when speaking not for attribution. As one put it, “We would largely be left with the politics of personal destruction, investigating every aspect of a nominee’s life to find something that is disqualifying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unforeseen circumstances\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of course, right now, there is no vacant seat at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the deaths of Justices Scalia and Ginsburg prove that nothing is certain, they were far older than any member of the current court. Scalia was just days shy of turning 80 and Ginsburg was 87. In contrast, the oldest members of the current court are also among its most conservative. Justice Clarence Thomas is 76 and Justice Samuel Alito is 74, followed by liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor, 70, and Chief Justice Roberts, 69.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the most politically active conservative thinkers would like to see Thomas and Alito step down for younger conservative judges who could serve for many decades longer and move the conservative needle even further to the right. They see as their “farm team” the ultra-conservative Fifth Circuit Court of appeals, populated with former Thomas and Alito clerks whose decisions are often reversed even by the current conservatives on the Supreme Court, including the men they once clerked for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those who know Thomas and Alito well are adamant that neither man would leave the court at this point. Several NPR spoke to would only speak candidly on condition of anonymity. “What would he do, go home and fly flags with his wife at the beach?” said one Alito ally, adding that the court is “Alito’s life.” As for Thomas, his friends and former clerks say he would see retirement as “caving into his critics” and being “driven off the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if there are no retirements or unexpected health crises, the court could well remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A period of dysfunction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That leaves the lower courts, which get less attention than the Supreme Court, but decide many more cases. During the last year of the Obama administration, when Republicans controlled the Senate, not one nominee to a regional appeals court was confirmed, though 10 trial court judges, a tiny fraction of vacancies, were. The result was that on the day Trump was sworn in, there were 105 judicial vacancies to fill.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11992718,forum_2010101906513,news_12011637\"]Professor Blackman expects that if Harris is elected and Republicans control the Senate, something similar could happen for a full four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They may just stop, confirming” any lower court judges, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other conservatives think that is far too dire a prediction. They expect that especially in states where both senators are Democrats, there would be horse-trading and a deal that allocates judicial seats — basically, the Democrats get one, for example, for every two or three GOP nominees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvard’s Feldman says he sees no light at the end of the tunnel when the parties are split, with a president of one party, and a Senate controlled by the other party. But dysfunction, he thinks could lead to change … eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We might have what I call the incredible shrinking Supreme Court,” he says, adding that “if we have divided government and we have justices naturally retiring or dying and they don’t get replaced, we could go down to eight, to seven, to six and eventually the public might start to notice and complain about it, and then some sort of compromise formation might be reached.” That said, he acknowledges a process like that could take 15 or 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If he’s right, the end of dysfunction is a long way of off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Justice Clarence Thomas, the most senior and seasoned Supreme Court justice, provides a lesson of longevity and power. If he serves another three years, he will break Justice William O. Douglas’ 36-year record for length of service on the court. Indeed, even sooner, when the next president is sworn in this January, Thomas will be making decisions that directly effect his 11th presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/elections/\">upcoming election\u003c/a>, less than a week away, could reshape the U.S. Supreme Court — or not, depending on retirements, deaths, or other unforeseen events. The only certainty is political struggle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on who wins the presidential election, \u003cem>and\u003c/em> control of the Senate, the current 6–to–3 conservative supermajority could remain the same, be trimmed to 5–to–4, or expand to an even larger and more lopsided conservative majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public, for the most part, understands that if there is a Supreme Court vacancy, the president’s nominee will generally reflect the president’s views. But, there is a genuine possibility that if the Senate is controlled by the opposition party, the open seat will remain unfilled — not for months, but for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, there is also a real possibility that lower court seats will go unfilled, unless there is significant backroom horse-trading. In short, with power split between the White House and the Senate, there could be unprecedented gridlock on judicial nominations that extends all the way up to the Supreme Court and down to the appellate and even district courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The Merrick Garland treatment’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Republicans have wielded their power in unprecedented ways to prevent a president’s Supreme Court nominee from being confirmed. When conservative Justice Antonin Scalia died unexpectedly in 2016, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell immediately announced that no Obama nominee would be considered at all prior to the election that was nearly a year away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/29/624467256/what-happened-with-merrick-garland-in-2016-and-why-it-matters-now\">went ahead anyway\u003c/a>, figuring that old norms would prevail if he nominated a respected and centrist judge, someone acceptable to both Democrats and Republicans. Judge Merrick Garland seemed the best fit, but Garland didn’t even get a hearing, much less a vote. Four years later, after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/18/100306972/justice-ruth-bader-ginsburg-champion-of-gender-equality-dies-at-87\">death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg\u003c/a>, Senate Republicans put the pedal to the metal just weeks before the election, rapidly \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/26/927640619/senate-confirms-amy-coney-barrett-to-the-supreme-court\">pushing through the confirmation of judge, now Justice, Amy Coney Barrett\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, conservatives are just as determined to keep or expand their 6–to–3 Supreme Court majority. So what happens if Kamala Harris is elected president, but the Senate flips to Republican control?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll give you the Merrick Garland treatment,” says conservative scholar Josh Blackman, a professor at South Texas College of Law, Houston. “We’ll have the seat open for three or four years,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Trump win and a Democratic Senate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Would the reverse happen if Trump is elected but the Senate remains in Democratic hands?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats like to think of themselves as “more responsible” than Republicans, but the pressures would be enormous to do unto the Republicans what they did to the Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans “essentially crossed the Rubicon” in 2016 with the Garland nomination, says Harvard law professor Noah Feldman, who has written extensively about the court’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that we’re in a world of … controversial revolutionary decisions, neither party would be likely to give a positive vote to a nominee of the president from the opposite party,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NYU law professor Bob Bauer, who served as White House counsel for two years in the Obama administration, notes that institutional norms aren’t necessarily permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole notion that “a certain process has to be respected, regardless of the potential impact on one party or another,” he says. “It’s not a norm if it doesn’t command general adherence anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what if Trump is elected, and the Senate flips, as expected, to Republican control? The only thing then standing between nominating and confirming a new Trump-appointed justice would be two moderate Republican senators, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine. If the Republican margin in the Senate is 52–48, their votes aren’t needed; JD Vance would cast the tie-breaking vote as vice president even if Murkowski and Collins voted against the nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what recourse would the Democrats have in a situation like that? How would they fight a Trump nomination? After all, there is no filibuster anymore to block a vote. Democrats abolished the filibuster for lower court nominations in 2011 in response to Republicans routinely blocking judicial nominations. Republicans then abolished the filibuster for Supreme Court nominations in 2017 after Trump was elected and nominated Neil Gorsuch to fill the seat that GOP leader McConnell had held open after Scalia’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are only candid about this when speaking not for attribution. As one put it, “We would largely be left with the politics of personal destruction, investigating every aspect of a nominee’s life to find something that is disqualifying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unforeseen circumstances\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of course, right now, there is no vacant seat at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the deaths of Justices Scalia and Ginsburg prove that nothing is certain, they were far older than any member of the current court. Scalia was just days shy of turning 80 and Ginsburg was 87. In contrast, the oldest members of the current court are also among its most conservative. Justice Clarence Thomas is 76 and Justice Samuel Alito is 74, followed by liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor, 70, and Chief Justice Roberts, 69.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the most politically active conservative thinkers would like to see Thomas and Alito step down for younger conservative judges who could serve for many decades longer and move the conservative needle even further to the right. They see as their “farm team” the ultra-conservative Fifth Circuit Court of appeals, populated with former Thomas and Alito clerks whose decisions are often reversed even by the current conservatives on the Supreme Court, including the men they once clerked for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those who know Thomas and Alito well are adamant that neither man would leave the court at this point. Several NPR spoke to would only speak candidly on condition of anonymity. “What would he do, go home and fly flags with his wife at the beach?” said one Alito ally, adding that the court is “Alito’s life.” As for Thomas, his friends and former clerks say he would see retirement as “caving into his critics” and being “driven off the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if there are no retirements or unexpected health crises, the court could well remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A period of dysfunction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That leaves the lower courts, which get less attention than the Supreme Court, but decide many more cases. During the last year of the Obama administration, when Republicans controlled the Senate, not one nominee to a regional appeals court was confirmed, though 10 trial court judges, a tiny fraction of vacancies, were. The result was that on the day Trump was sworn in, there were 105 judicial vacancies to fill.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Professor Blackman expects that if Harris is elected and Republicans control the Senate, something similar could happen for a full four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They may just stop, confirming” any lower court judges, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other conservatives think that is far too dire a prediction. They expect that especially in states where both senators are Democrats, there would be horse-trading and a deal that allocates judicial seats — basically, the Democrats get one, for example, for every two or three GOP nominees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvard’s Feldman says he sees no light at the end of the tunnel when the parties are split, with a president of one party, and a Senate controlled by the other party. But dysfunction, he thinks could lead to change … eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We might have what I call the incredible shrinking Supreme Court,” he says, adding that “if we have divided government and we have justices naturally retiring or dying and they don’t get replaced, we could go down to eight, to seven, to six and eventually the public might start to notice and complain about it, and then some sort of compromise formation might be reached.” That said, he acknowledges a process like that could take 15 or 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If he’s right, the end of dysfunction is a long way of off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Justice Clarence Thomas, the most senior and seasoned Supreme Court justice, provides a lesson of longevity and power. If he serves another three years, he will break Justice William O. Douglas’ 36-year record for length of service on the court. Indeed, even sooner, when the next president is sworn in this January, Thomas will be making decisions that directly effect his 11th presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The end of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">2024 election season\u003c/a> is just days away, bringing — for better or worse — a conclusion to the uncertainty over who will hold the offices of power come next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another ray of light awaits us just beyond the horizon: the unceasing avalanche of campaign flyers will finally stop. But in the meantime, where do they all end up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I check my mail lately, I’m confronted by a mass of colorful ads praising one candidate or measure or condemning another. And although I already know who I’m voting for, the flyers keep coming. They clog my mailbox and litter the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And I know I’m not alone in this. Campaigns and political groups are sending out tons of these mailers, especially in San Francisco, where a contentious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">mayoral race\u003c/a> has become the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">city’s most expensive in recent history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last two weeks of October alone, Supervisor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012016/aaron-peskin-sees-boost-in-final-stretch-for-sf-mayor-can-he-keep-momentum-up\">Aaron Peskin’s mayoral campaign\u003c/a> sent out over 225,000 mailers, according to public filings with the San Francisco Ethics Commission. They cost his campaign roughly $175,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aaron Peskin gets things done,” reads the mailer, showing the Board of Supervisors president shaking hands and smiling. The flip side includes quotes from notable supporters singing his praises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those who live with roommates, as I do, it’s common to see duplicates of the same flyer addressed to each voting-age member of the household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Needless to say, all of the mailers I receive end up in the recycling bin, off to parts unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enter Robert Reed, spokesperson for Recology, San Francisco’s recycling company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the biggest season for campaign mailers … so, yes, we’re seeing more of them here,” Reed said during a recent tour of Recycle Central, a processing facility on Pier 96.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011992\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011992\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At Recology, hundreds of tons of recycling is loaded daily onto conveyor belts where the materials are sorted. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Every day, Recology trucks bring roughly 450 tons of recycling to the site. Those materials are then loaded onto conveyor belts, where nonrecyclable materials are pulled out, and the rest are separated into categories through a mix of by-hand and machine sorting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the conveyor belt, the boldly colored mailers stood out, dotting the blur of moving waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed explained that, as far as paper goes, recyclers are happy to get campaign mailers because they’re printed on high-grade stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These oversized postcards are printed on a paper called cardstock, and it has a long fiber, and it’s a heavy paper,” Reed said. “You can feel the quality of it. It is high-quality paper, and we want to make sure that it gets recycled.”[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed reached into the bunch and quickly plucked out a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They included one supporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001601/city-hall-outsider-daniel-lurie-wants-to-clean-up-local-government\">Daniel Lurie’s campaign for mayor\u003c/a>, another denouncing Lurie as the “trust fund guy” — referencing the fact that he is heir to the Levi Strauss fortune — and another in support of Supervisor Catherine Stefani’s run for the California Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the paper products are isolated, they’re compressed into large bales and moved by forklift onto shipping containers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We sort and bale over 100 bales of mixed paper here at Recycle Central every day. On a good day, it’s 130 bales,” Reed said. “They then go to a paper mill where they’re made into new paper products like cereal boxes. And that’s good. That saves trees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And who knows, maybe after a few cycles of paper reincarnation, that discarded paper will come back as a new mailer for the next election.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The end of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">2024 election season\u003c/a> is just days away, bringing — for better or worse — a conclusion to the uncertainty over who will hold the offices of power come next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another ray of light awaits us just beyond the horizon: the unceasing avalanche of campaign flyers will finally stop. But in the meantime, where do they all end up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I check my mail lately, I’m confronted by a mass of colorful ads praising one candidate or measure or condemning another. And although I already know who I’m voting for, the flyers keep coming. They clog my mailbox and litter the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And I know I’m not alone in this. Campaigns and political groups are sending out tons of these mailers, especially in San Francisco, where a contentious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">mayoral race\u003c/a> has become the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">city’s most expensive in recent history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last two weeks of October alone, Supervisor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012016/aaron-peskin-sees-boost-in-final-stretch-for-sf-mayor-can-he-keep-momentum-up\">Aaron Peskin’s mayoral campaign\u003c/a> sent out over 225,000 mailers, according to public filings with the San Francisco Ethics Commission. They cost his campaign roughly $175,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aaron Peskin gets things done,” reads the mailer, showing the Board of Supervisors president shaking hands and smiling. The flip side includes quotes from notable supporters singing his praises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those who live with roommates, as I do, it’s common to see duplicates of the same flyer addressed to each voting-age member of the household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Needless to say, all of the mailers I receive end up in the recycling bin, off to parts unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enter Robert Reed, spokesperson for Recology, San Francisco’s recycling company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the biggest season for campaign mailers … so, yes, we’re seeing more of them here,” Reed said during a recent tour of Recycle Central, a processing facility on Pier 96.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011992\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011992\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At Recology, hundreds of tons of recycling is loaded daily onto conveyor belts where the materials are sorted. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Every day, Recology trucks bring roughly 450 tons of recycling to the site. Those materials are then loaded onto conveyor belts, where nonrecyclable materials are pulled out, and the rest are separated into categories through a mix of by-hand and machine sorting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the conveyor belt, the boldly colored mailers stood out, dotting the blur of moving waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed explained that, as far as paper goes, recyclers are happy to get campaign mailers because they’re printed on high-grade stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These oversized postcards are printed on a paper called cardstock, and it has a long fiber, and it’s a heavy paper,” Reed said. “You can feel the quality of it. It is high-quality paper, and we want to make sure that it gets recycled.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed reached into the bunch and quickly plucked out a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They included one supporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001601/city-hall-outsider-daniel-lurie-wants-to-clean-up-local-government\">Daniel Lurie’s campaign for mayor\u003c/a>, another denouncing Lurie as the “trust fund guy” — referencing the fact that he is heir to the Levi Strauss fortune — and another in support of Supervisor Catherine Stefani’s run for the California Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the paper products are isolated, they’re compressed into large bales and moved by forklift onto shipping containers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We sort and bale over 100 bales of mixed paper here at Recycle Central every day. On a good day, it’s 130 bales,” Reed said. “They then go to a paper mill where they’re made into new paper products like cereal boxes. And that’s good. That saves trees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And who knows, maybe after a few cycles of paper reincarnation, that discarded paper will come back as a new mailer for the next election.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "aaron-peskin-sees-boost-in-final-stretch-for-sf-mayor-can-he-keep-momentum-up",
"title": "Aaron Peskin Sees Boost in Final Stretch for SF Mayor. Can He Keep Momentum Up?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Moderate candidates in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">San Francisco’s mayoral race\u003c/a> — and their well-funded backers — are \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/sf-ads-farrell-lurie-trump-catch-19863235.php\">directing\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/10/07/mark-farrell-ranked-choice-london-breed/\">more\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/09/see-how-they-run-breed-and-farrells-mutual-attacks-overshadow-mayoral-debate/\">attacks\u003c/a> against one another in the final stretch of the race, leading some political analysts to see a pathway to victory for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003700/aaron-peskin-wants-to-lead-san-franciscos-journey-to-recovery\">sole progressive on the ticket\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin has trailed moderate opponents in voter polls for months. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010336/new-polls-san-francisco-mayors-race-peskin-lurie-surging\">recent polling shows an uptick in his support\u003c/a>, prompting his progressive allies across the city to amplify their unified messaging in hopes of reaching undecided and late voters. But Peskin, still an underdog in the race between Democrats, faces a tough fight in the final days ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narrative seven months ago when this race started was that the moderates were united and the progressives were divided. Well, seven months later, it is absolutely the opposite,” Peskin said at a party on Monday hosted by Small Business Forward, which \u003ca href=\"https://smallbusinessforward.org/\">endorsed\u003c/a> him for mayor. “You hear all of this billionaire-on-billionaire violence going on. And meanwhile, we’ve really come together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after announcing he would run, Peskin, who campaigns on policies like expanding rent control, became the target of his political rivals, such as the billionaire-backed political organizing group GrowSF’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986162/anybody-could-win-san-francisco-mayoral-race-poll-suggests-with-many-voters-undecided\">“anybody but Peskin”\u003c/a> message. Early polling showed incumbent Mayor London Breed neck-and-neck with former interim Mayor Mark Farrell, who has tacked himself to the right of Breed, while nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie, who has never run for elected office, led with voters’ second-choice picks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, more recent polling shows that early enthusiasm for Farrell has waned while Peskin’s support has steadily increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, it’s a fight to get into the top two, and it’s pretty clear three candidates that could get there are Lurie, Breed and Peskin,” said progressive political consultant Jim Ross. “It feels like Mark Farrell is fading in a lot of the polling we are seeing. Usually, in San Francisco politics, if you slide in the polls in the last two weeks, it’s really hard to regain that momentum.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200-1.png]That shift may be due to older, conservative-leaning voters tending to decide and vote earlier, while younger, more progressive voters often decide later, explained political consultant Eric Jaye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In San Francisco mayoral campaigns, voters tend to break out into their key allegiances later in the campaign,” said Jaye, who works with a PAC formed by labor unions supporting Peskin. “Peskin’s core constituencies tend to be late-breaking. And Farrell coalesced his base early with the most conservative voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a sprawling “Unity Rally” on Saturday, Peskin appeared alongside supporters for supervisor candidates Jackie Fielder, Stephen Torres, incumbents Dean Preston and Connie Chan, and other progressives on the November ballot. The campaigns gathered at a park in the Panhandle, holding signs and tabling for their candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is go time,” said rally attendee Christin Evans, a small business owner and city commissioner who is voting for Peskin and has been door-knocking for Fielder. “It feels exactly like the right time. We have been watching submissions of ballots to the Department of Elections and know people will vote the two weekends leading into the election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has elected Democratic mayors exclusively since 1964, and most in recent years have led moderate administrations. However, in 2019, voters elected a progressive-majority Board of Supervisors, and progressive leaders hope to retain that power in City Hall, even as the county’s official Democratic Party shifted to a moderate majority on its governing board this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re seeing much more participation of some of the wealthiest residents in this city’s politics,” political writer and analyst Steve Phillips said. “And [it] does have the effect of shifting the city’s political balance of power more to the right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the race enters its final phase, moderate candidates are increasingly targeting each other with attack ads on TV, text message blasts and mailers. Farrell, for example, has faced criticism for allegedly violating campaign finance laws. Farrell has repeatedly defended his strategy, saying that his legal team approved it. Meanwhile, text message ads from the Yes on D PAC criticized Lurie’s lack of government experience as “dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998907\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998907\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daniel Lurie speaks during a San Francisco mayoral debate flanked by former Mayor Mark Farrell (left), Mayor London Breed, and Aaron Peskin (right) on June 12. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phillips said Peskin isn’t the only one benefiting from the wave of anti-Farrell and anti-Lurie media. Breed, the only woman and person of color among the leading four candidates, has focused her campaign on understanding San Francisco’s biggest issues because she’s the only one on the ticket who has lived and overcome them firsthand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008296]“My sister suffered from addiction. She lost her battle with drugs and lost her life,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008296/mayor-london-breed-says-shes-just-getting-started\">Breed told KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “When I think about why I’m in public service in the first place, it’s because I’m trying to make sure this city makes the right kinds of investments to stop that kind of thing from happening again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her track record of bringing that lived experience to programs and decisions at City Hall has resonated particularly among voters in the city’s Black and Latino communities. An \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/election/article/mayor-breed-black-latino-19858152.php\">October poll from the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> found that nearly half of Black San Francisco voters listed Breed as their top pick for mayor, followed by 37% of Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a resident of San Francisco, there is a tsunami of materials coming in the mail, largely for the white guys, so it does bring in a reconsideration of London Breed in this context. I do think she may be getting a second look because of that,” Phillips said. “The challenge that Peskin faces is the challenge that white progressives face in this city. His base may not be wide enough to necessarily capture communities of color’s enthusiasm, and that will be a barrier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has also faced pushback for championing punitive policing measures that in San Francisco are likely to fall disproportionately on communities of color, such as increasing arrests of drug users or requiring drug screening for welfare recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the shifts, most polls still show Peskin trailing Breed and Lurie for first-choice votes. And Lurie — an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune who has raised more than any mayoral candidate in the city’s history — continues to poll strongly among both first and second-choice votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='san-francisco-mayor-election']Peskin’s campaign has fundraised a modest amount \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">in comparison to his billionaire-supported competitors\u003c/a>. He has nabbed big donations from labor unions and a broad base of small, individual contributions, totaling around $2.5 million — a far cry from a pro-Lurie PAC totaling nearly $10 million, which includes $8.7 million from his own fortune. Breed’s campaign has raised $3.1 million, including $1.45 million from former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg and $850,000 from cryptocurrency investor Chris Larsen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell received nearly $1 million from conservative donor William Oberndorf and $500,000 from real estate investor Thomas Coates. Meanwhile, billionaire venture capitalist Michael Moritz, who penned an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/16/opinion/aaron-peskin-san-francisco-politics-housing.html\">op-ed in the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> attacking Peskin in October\u003c/a>, has contributed nearly $3.1 million to Proposition D, a measure that would cut the number of city commissions in half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only candidate with momentum at this point is Aaron Peskin and the candidate who is fading apparently under the weight of very, very serious allegations around campaign finance impropriety is Mark Farrell,” Jaye says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question now, he said, remains: “Will Peskin’s momentum continue?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Progressive mayoral candidate Aaron Peskin is gaining momentum as moderate opponents direct attack ads at one another. But there’s still no clear frontrunner in the race.",
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"title": "Aaron Peskin Sees Boost in Final Stretch for SF Mayor. Can He Keep Momentum Up? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Moderate candidates in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">San Francisco’s mayoral race\u003c/a> — and their well-funded backers — are \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/sf-ads-farrell-lurie-trump-catch-19863235.php\">directing\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/10/07/mark-farrell-ranked-choice-london-breed/\">more\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/09/see-how-they-run-breed-and-farrells-mutual-attacks-overshadow-mayoral-debate/\">attacks\u003c/a> against one another in the final stretch of the race, leading some political analysts to see a pathway to victory for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003700/aaron-peskin-wants-to-lead-san-franciscos-journey-to-recovery\">sole progressive on the ticket\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin has trailed moderate opponents in voter polls for months. But \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010336/new-polls-san-francisco-mayors-race-peskin-lurie-surging\">recent polling shows an uptick in his support\u003c/a>, prompting his progressive allies across the city to amplify their unified messaging in hopes of reaching undecided and late voters. But Peskin, still an underdog in the race between Democrats, faces a tough fight in the final days ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The narrative seven months ago when this race started was that the moderates were united and the progressives were divided. Well, seven months later, it is absolutely the opposite,” Peskin said at a party on Monday hosted by Small Business Forward, which \u003ca href=\"https://smallbusinessforward.org/\">endorsed\u003c/a> him for mayor. “You hear all of this billionaire-on-billionaire violence going on. And meanwhile, we’ve really come together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after announcing he would run, Peskin, who campaigns on policies like expanding rent control, became the target of his political rivals, such as the billionaire-backed political organizing group GrowSF’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986162/anybody-could-win-san-francisco-mayoral-race-poll-suggests-with-many-voters-undecided\">“anybody but Peskin”\u003c/a> message. Early polling showed incumbent Mayor London Breed neck-and-neck with former interim Mayor Mark Farrell, who has tacked himself to the right of Breed, while nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie, who has never run for elected office, led with voters’ second-choice picks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, more recent polling shows that early enthusiasm for Farrell has waned while Peskin’s support has steadily increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, it’s a fight to get into the top two, and it’s pretty clear three candidates that could get there are Lurie, Breed and Peskin,” said progressive political consultant Jim Ross. “It feels like Mark Farrell is fading in a lot of the polling we are seeing. Usually, in San Francisco politics, if you slide in the polls in the last two weeks, it’s really hard to regain that momentum.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That shift may be due to older, conservative-leaning voters tending to decide and vote earlier, while younger, more progressive voters often decide later, explained political consultant Eric Jaye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In San Francisco mayoral campaigns, voters tend to break out into their key allegiances later in the campaign,” said Jaye, who works with a PAC formed by labor unions supporting Peskin. “Peskin’s core constituencies tend to be late-breaking. And Farrell coalesced his base early with the most conservative voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a sprawling “Unity Rally” on Saturday, Peskin appeared alongside supporters for supervisor candidates Jackie Fielder, Stephen Torres, incumbents Dean Preston and Connie Chan, and other progressives on the November ballot. The campaigns gathered at a park in the Panhandle, holding signs and tabling for their candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is go time,” said rally attendee Christin Evans, a small business owner and city commissioner who is voting for Peskin and has been door-knocking for Fielder. “It feels exactly like the right time. We have been watching submissions of ballots to the Department of Elections and know people will vote the two weekends leading into the election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has elected Democratic mayors exclusively since 1964, and most in recent years have led moderate administrations. However, in 2019, voters elected a progressive-majority Board of Supervisors, and progressive leaders hope to retain that power in City Hall, even as the county’s official Democratic Party shifted to a moderate majority on its governing board this spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re seeing much more participation of some of the wealthiest residents in this city’s politics,” political writer and analyst Steve Phillips said. “And [it] does have the effect of shifting the city’s political balance of power more to the right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the race enters its final phase, moderate candidates are increasingly targeting each other with attack ads on TV, text message blasts and mailers. Farrell, for example, has faced criticism for allegedly violating campaign finance laws. Farrell has repeatedly defended his strategy, saying that his legal team approved it. Meanwhile, text message ads from the Yes on D PAC criticized Lurie’s lack of government experience as “dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998907\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998907\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240612-SFMayoralDebate-90-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daniel Lurie speaks during a San Francisco mayoral debate flanked by former Mayor Mark Farrell (left), Mayor London Breed, and Aaron Peskin (right) on June 12. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phillips said Peskin isn’t the only one benefiting from the wave of anti-Farrell and anti-Lurie media. Breed, the only woman and person of color among the leading four candidates, has focused her campaign on understanding San Francisco’s biggest issues because she’s the only one on the ticket who has lived and overcome them firsthand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“My sister suffered from addiction. She lost her battle with drugs and lost her life,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008296/mayor-london-breed-says-shes-just-getting-started\">Breed told KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “When I think about why I’m in public service in the first place, it’s because I’m trying to make sure this city makes the right kinds of investments to stop that kind of thing from happening again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her track record of bringing that lived experience to programs and decisions at City Hall has resonated particularly among voters in the city’s Black and Latino communities. An \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/election/article/mayor-breed-black-latino-19858152.php\">October poll from the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> found that nearly half of Black San Francisco voters listed Breed as their top pick for mayor, followed by 37% of Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a resident of San Francisco, there is a tsunami of materials coming in the mail, largely for the white guys, so it does bring in a reconsideration of London Breed in this context. I do think she may be getting a second look because of that,” Phillips said. “The challenge that Peskin faces is the challenge that white progressives face in this city. His base may not be wide enough to necessarily capture communities of color’s enthusiasm, and that will be a barrier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has also faced pushback for championing punitive policing measures that in San Francisco are likely to fall disproportionately on communities of color, such as increasing arrests of drug users or requiring drug screening for welfare recipients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the shifts, most polls still show Peskin trailing Breed and Lurie for first-choice votes. And Lurie — an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune who has raised more than any mayoral candidate in the city’s history — continues to poll strongly among both first and second-choice votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Peskin’s campaign has fundraised a modest amount \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">in comparison to his billionaire-supported competitors\u003c/a>. He has nabbed big donations from labor unions and a broad base of small, individual contributions, totaling around $2.5 million — a far cry from a pro-Lurie PAC totaling nearly $10 million, which includes $8.7 million from his own fortune. Breed’s campaign has raised $3.1 million, including $1.45 million from former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg and $850,000 from cryptocurrency investor Chris Larsen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell received nearly $1 million from conservative donor William Oberndorf and $500,000 from real estate investor Thomas Coates. Meanwhile, billionaire venture capitalist Michael Moritz, who penned an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/16/opinion/aaron-peskin-san-francisco-politics-housing.html\">op-ed in the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> attacking Peskin in October\u003c/a>, has contributed nearly $3.1 million to Proposition D, a measure that would cut the number of city commissions in half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only candidate with momentum at this point is Aaron Peskin and the candidate who is fading apparently under the weight of very, very serious allegations around campaign finance impropriety is Mark Farrell,” Jaye says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question now, he said, remains: “Will Peskin’s momentum continue?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Can Tough-on-Crime Proposition 36 Solve Theft, Drug Use and Homelessness, Despite No New Funding?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 36, appearing before voters on next week’s ballot, promise their tough-on-crime measure will create “real accountability” for retail theft, fentanyl use and homelessness. But with no funding for drug treatment, police hiring or housing, experts say the measure could instead reduce money for existing rehabilitation programs if it passes as is widely expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to send repeat shoplifters and drug users to jail or prison — and aims to use those felony charges to pressure drug addicts into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would do that by rolling back provisions of a ballot initiative passed by state voters in 2014, known as Proposition 47. Proposition 47 downgraded low-level thefts and drug possession to misdemeanors, and it diverted state savings from incarcerating fewer people into programs, including mental health and drug treatment, school truancy and dropout prevention and victim services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Proposition 47’s passage, the state has rerouted approximately $800 million to those programs through grants — funding that could diminish significantly if Proposition 36 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfunded and unfortunately, it may impact some existing drug treatment and mental health services,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said at a news conference on Oct. 28 when asked about his opposition to Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While critics, including the governor, frame the measure as a return to the tough-on-crime policies of the 1980s and 1990s, which led to overcrowded prisons, backers, including Napa County District Attorney Allison Haley, argue the ballot measure is “reasoned and thoughtful, designed to narrowly address issues that are reducing the quality of life of Californians.”[aside postID='elections_1915' label='2024 Voter Guide: California Propositions' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california']At a Sept. 10 hearing in the state Capitol, Haley identified those issues as rising homelessness and retail theft and “a startling proliferation of opioid-related deaths.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 incentivizes drug treatment for addicts by giving them choices, by giving them determinative agency in their own lives. … It allows prosecutors to treat an offender with a single theft differently than someone who is a serial offender,” she said. “And it allows prosecutors to treat fentanyl-like the scourge that it is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say those promises may be difficult to keep without a huge influx of resources, given the state’s limited drug treatment capacity, its shortage of police officers and the ongoing housing crisis. Meanwhile, the ballot measure is likely to drive up jail and prison spending, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=36&year=2024\">according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst Office. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO estimates Proposition 36 would cost taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars a year, partly by increasing the state prison population “by around a few thousand people,” roughly the capacity of one state prison. It would also increase the number of people in local jails and on probation supervision and decrease the money from Proposition 47 for treatment programs by tens of millions of dollars each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this comes as the state, as well as many local governments, are facing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985932/newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit\">budget shortfalls\u003c/a>. San Diego County supervisors recently declined to endorse Proposition 36 after conducting an analysis that concluded the ballot measure would cost the county $58 million a year, could push its jail population beyond its system capacity and would reduce funding for Proposition 47 programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Law enforcement staffing \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 36 argue that by making shoplifting and other low-level thefts misdemeanors, it has undercut police officers’ ability to hold people accountable for those crimes. But there’s nothing preventing police from arresting misdemeanor offenders now — except, according to many in law enforcement, their own resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County Sheriff Jim Cooper, a former lawmaker and longtime critic of criminal justice reforms, told lawmakers at the September hearing that his department doesn’t “have the resources to go after every misdemeanor offender” — and that when faced with a decision between responding to a violent offense or a property crime, they will choose the more serious incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have the resources for the misdemeanor stuff, the day in and day out stuff because of Prop. 47,” he said. “We only have so much capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper blamed Proposition 47 for limiting police response to minor crimes. However, that measure didn’t directly impact police staffing, \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/wp-content/uploads/PORAC-Police-Staffing-Brief-2023-Updates.pdf\">which hit a 30-year low in California\u003c/a>, with 3,600 officers lost between 2020–2022, according to the Police Officers Research Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 wouldn’t change that staffing crisis said Tom Hoffman, who headed the state’s parole department from 2006–2009 and spent over 30 years as a police officer. The measure does not include any new money for police agencies — and in most cases, police officers will have no way of knowing when a shoplifting call comes in whether it will qualify as a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cases are the lowest priority,” he said, adding that they should be. “There are 35,000 (misdemeanor) warrants for people in Sacramento County alone for violations of these crimes. And the sheriff freely admits he’s not going to go find them, he’s not going to arrest them, and he won’t accept them being booked into his jail. And [Proposition] 36 isn’t going to change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Joaquin Probation Chief Steve Jackson supports Proposition 36, saying it would “return balance” to the criminal justice system by allowing more severe penalties for repeat offenders. But he acknowledged that some of its promises may not be easy to achieve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money written into it to fund any of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A solution to fentanyl and homelessness?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 backers are leaning heavily on the ballot measure’s provisions related to drug possession and use — and what they frame as a connection to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They note that since Proposition 47 passed, there’s been a sharp decline in participation in drug courts and other diversion programs, which offer someone facing a criminal charge the option of participating in treatment and having those charges dropped. They connect that decline to the rise in homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had a massive explosion in drug addiction, particularly fentanyl, in the last ten years in California since Prop. 47 passed. And that’s associated also with a massive increase in homelessness,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped craft Proposition 36, said at an Oct. 23 news conference.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12005230,forum_2010101907188,news_12009603\"]“There are lots of reasons for people being homeless, but one of the reasons we know very well is serious addiction,” he added. “And because of Prop. 47, they can use fentanyl and heroin every single day, multiple times a day. And it’s a ticket. There’s literally no incentive for them to get help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would let prosecutors charge someone with a felony if they’re caught possessing “hard drugs” like fentanyl more than twice — and offer them court-mandated drug treatment to avoid that felony. Reisig said this would fix what he sees as one of Proposition 47’s major shortcomings: that because drug possession was lowered to a misdemeanor, people have no reason to agree to treatment when they’re arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system#courts\">A KQED analysis\u003c/a> of more than a dozen counties shows he’s right that drug court participation is down sharply since Proposition 47’s passage — but drug treatment programs are still widely utilized, said Gary McCoy, vice president of policy at HealthRIGHT 360, which provides substance use disorder treatment, mental health services and other health care to over 49,000 Californians annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that in San Francisco, which has some of the most robust treatment networks in the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.findtreatment-sf.org/\">fewer than 40 residential treatment beds are available\u003c/a> out of the city’s 575 total. And in some rural counties, the options are even slimmer, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money to expand treatment in the proposition,” he said, noting that if someone can’t get into treatment and is facing a felony charge, they will likely be kept in jail. “It’s promising to incarcerate people again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig rejects this argument, saying that Proposition 36 isn’t “reinventing the wheel” but simply bringing back programs that existed prior to 2014. Jackson, the probation chief, said some counties may struggle to find treatment space, but he believes many, including San Joaquin County, do have space available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue the measure’s only impact on homelessness would come through increased incarceration, noting it contains no provisions or funding for housing or shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents point to recent state laws and initiatives to expand mental health and drug treatment options, including Proposition 1 in March, which Newsom wrote. Proposition 1 was a $6.4 billion bond to increase mental health and substance abuse services and build supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that the ballot measure was carefully crafted to help people with chronic mental illness get off the streets — and that Proposition 36 will increase demand for treatment beds and staff that wasn’t anticipated as part of the multiyear process that led to Proposition 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I guess what they’re trying to say is, well, we’ll just attach Prop. 1 dollars,” Newsom said. “It’s a very lazy response to a very serious issue and a complicated issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoffman, the former parole chief, called it “absurd to suggest that there is a solution to any one of those super complicated social, economic, political and criminal problems” in one ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is going to be impacted, fixed by Prop. 36. Really?” he asked. “For me, it just seems beyond logical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 36 promises to address California’s crime and fentanyl challenges. However, with no new funding, experts warn it could actually reduce money for existing programs while increasing prison populations.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 36, appearing before voters on next week’s ballot, promise their tough-on-crime measure will create “real accountability” for retail theft, fentanyl use and homelessness. But with no funding for drug treatment, police hiring or housing, experts say the measure could instead reduce money for existing rehabilitation programs if it passes as is widely expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to send repeat shoplifters and drug users to jail or prison — and aims to use those felony charges to pressure drug addicts into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would do that by rolling back provisions of a ballot initiative passed by state voters in 2014, known as Proposition 47. Proposition 47 downgraded low-level thefts and drug possession to misdemeanors, and it diverted state savings from incarcerating fewer people into programs, including mental health and drug treatment, school truancy and dropout prevention and victim services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Proposition 47’s passage, the state has rerouted approximately $800 million to those programs through grants — funding that could diminish significantly if Proposition 36 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfunded and unfortunately, it may impact some existing drug treatment and mental health services,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said at a news conference on Oct. 28 when asked about his opposition to Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While critics, including the governor, frame the measure as a return to the tough-on-crime policies of the 1980s and 1990s, which led to overcrowded prisons, backers, including Napa County District Attorney Allison Haley, argue the ballot measure is “reasoned and thoughtful, designed to narrowly address issues that are reducing the quality of life of Californians.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At a Sept. 10 hearing in the state Capitol, Haley identified those issues as rising homelessness and retail theft and “a startling proliferation of opioid-related deaths.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 incentivizes drug treatment for addicts by giving them choices, by giving them determinative agency in their own lives. … It allows prosecutors to treat an offender with a single theft differently than someone who is a serial offender,” she said. “And it allows prosecutors to treat fentanyl-like the scourge that it is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say those promises may be difficult to keep without a huge influx of resources, given the state’s limited drug treatment capacity, its shortage of police officers and the ongoing housing crisis. Meanwhile, the ballot measure is likely to drive up jail and prison spending, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=36&year=2024\">according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst Office. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO estimates Proposition 36 would cost taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars a year, partly by increasing the state prison population “by around a few thousand people,” roughly the capacity of one state prison. It would also increase the number of people in local jails and on probation supervision and decrease the money from Proposition 47 for treatment programs by tens of millions of dollars each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this comes as the state, as well as many local governments, are facing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985932/newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit\">budget shortfalls\u003c/a>. San Diego County supervisors recently declined to endorse Proposition 36 after conducting an analysis that concluded the ballot measure would cost the county $58 million a year, could push its jail population beyond its system capacity and would reduce funding for Proposition 47 programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Law enforcement staffing \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 36 argue that by making shoplifting and other low-level thefts misdemeanors, it has undercut police officers’ ability to hold people accountable for those crimes. But there’s nothing preventing police from arresting misdemeanor offenders now — except, according to many in law enforcement, their own resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County Sheriff Jim Cooper, a former lawmaker and longtime critic of criminal justice reforms, told lawmakers at the September hearing that his department doesn’t “have the resources to go after every misdemeanor offender” — and that when faced with a decision between responding to a violent offense or a property crime, they will choose the more serious incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have the resources for the misdemeanor stuff, the day in and day out stuff because of Prop. 47,” he said. “We only have so much capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper blamed Proposition 47 for limiting police response to minor crimes. However, that measure didn’t directly impact police staffing, \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/wp-content/uploads/PORAC-Police-Staffing-Brief-2023-Updates.pdf\">which hit a 30-year low in California\u003c/a>, with 3,600 officers lost between 2020–2022, according to the Police Officers Research Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 wouldn’t change that staffing crisis said Tom Hoffman, who headed the state’s parole department from 2006–2009 and spent over 30 years as a police officer. The measure does not include any new money for police agencies — and in most cases, police officers will have no way of knowing when a shoplifting call comes in whether it will qualify as a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cases are the lowest priority,” he said, adding that they should be. “There are 35,000 (misdemeanor) warrants for people in Sacramento County alone for violations of these crimes. And the sheriff freely admits he’s not going to go find them, he’s not going to arrest them, and he won’t accept them being booked into his jail. And [Proposition] 36 isn’t going to change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Joaquin Probation Chief Steve Jackson supports Proposition 36, saying it would “return balance” to the criminal justice system by allowing more severe penalties for repeat offenders. But he acknowledged that some of its promises may not be easy to achieve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money written into it to fund any of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A solution to fentanyl and homelessness?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 backers are leaning heavily on the ballot measure’s provisions related to drug possession and use — and what they frame as a connection to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They note that since Proposition 47 passed, there’s been a sharp decline in participation in drug courts and other diversion programs, which offer someone facing a criminal charge the option of participating in treatment and having those charges dropped. They connect that decline to the rise in homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had a massive explosion in drug addiction, particularly fentanyl, in the last ten years in California since Prop. 47 passed. And that’s associated also with a massive increase in homelessness,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped craft Proposition 36, said at an Oct. 23 news conference.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There are lots of reasons for people being homeless, but one of the reasons we know very well is serious addiction,” he added. “And because of Prop. 47, they can use fentanyl and heroin every single day, multiple times a day. And it’s a ticket. There’s literally no incentive for them to get help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would let prosecutors charge someone with a felony if they’re caught possessing “hard drugs” like fentanyl more than twice — and offer them court-mandated drug treatment to avoid that felony. Reisig said this would fix what he sees as one of Proposition 47’s major shortcomings: that because drug possession was lowered to a misdemeanor, people have no reason to agree to treatment when they’re arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system#courts\">A KQED analysis\u003c/a> of more than a dozen counties shows he’s right that drug court participation is down sharply since Proposition 47’s passage — but drug treatment programs are still widely utilized, said Gary McCoy, vice president of policy at HealthRIGHT 360, which provides substance use disorder treatment, mental health services and other health care to over 49,000 Californians annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that in San Francisco, which has some of the most robust treatment networks in the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.findtreatment-sf.org/\">fewer than 40 residential treatment beds are available\u003c/a> out of the city’s 575 total. And in some rural counties, the options are even slimmer, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money to expand treatment in the proposition,” he said, noting that if someone can’t get into treatment and is facing a felony charge, they will likely be kept in jail. “It’s promising to incarcerate people again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig rejects this argument, saying that Proposition 36 isn’t “reinventing the wheel” but simply bringing back programs that existed prior to 2014. Jackson, the probation chief, said some counties may struggle to find treatment space, but he believes many, including San Joaquin County, do have space available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue the measure’s only impact on homelessness would come through increased incarceration, noting it contains no provisions or funding for housing or shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents point to recent state laws and initiatives to expand mental health and drug treatment options, including Proposition 1 in March, which Newsom wrote. Proposition 1 was a $6.4 billion bond to increase mental health and substance abuse services and build supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that the ballot measure was carefully crafted to help people with chronic mental illness get off the streets — and that Proposition 36 will increase demand for treatment beds and staff that wasn’t anticipated as part of the multiyear process that led to Proposition 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I guess what they’re trying to say is, well, we’ll just attach Prop. 1 dollars,” Newsom said. “It’s a very lazy response to a very serious issue and a complicated issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoffman, the former parole chief, called it “absurd to suggest that there is a solution to any one of those super complicated social, economic, political and criminal problems” in one ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is going to be impacted, fixed by Prop. 36. Really?” he asked. “For me, it just seems beyond logical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "santa-clara-county-is-about-to-elect-its-first-vietnamese-american-supervisor",
"title": "Santa Clara County Is About to Elect Its First Vietnamese American Supervisor",
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"headTitle": "Santa Clara County Is About to Elect Its First Vietnamese American Supervisor | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Santa Clara County is about to elect its first ever Vietnamese American to the Board of Supervisors. In District 2, which includes downtown San Jose and the east side, Madison Nguyen and Betty Duong are vying for a seat that is open for the first time in over a decade. Whoever wins will play a major role in overseeing how the county spends money on issues like health care, housing, and human services.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prop Fest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/voterguide\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.applytojob.com/apply/ECNyMQ12yY/The-Bay-Podcast-Intern\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Apply to be our intern\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC6021388936&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:04] \u003c/em>I often think that, like County Board of Supervisors is a really overlooked position for local government because they really have the purse strings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:16] \u003c/em>Guy Marzorati is a politics and government correspondent for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:21] \u003c/em>The county has a huge budget, in this case, $12 billion roughly, that they’re spending every year. Roughly half of that is just on health care and the hospital system. But supervisors also do oversee other parts of county government, from the sheriffs to the county jails, the elections office and also in the South Bay and Santa Clara County. The board has gotten more involved in housing development in the last decade, using public funds to address the affordable housing shortfall we have in the South Bay. So there’s a huge responsibility and a huge kind of fiscal oversight that the county board has.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:02:02] \u003c/em>There are two open seats now on this board of supervisors. One in District five, which represents Palo Alto, Mountain View, Cupertino, Saratoga, Los Gatos, and District two, which is the the race we’re talking about today, which is entirely within San Jose and kind of a big deal, right, Guy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:02:25] \u003c/em>Yeah. I mean, San Jose is the only city in District two and this seat covers a real variety of neighborhoods. You have downtown San Jose, you have some neighborhoods south of downtown and in the city’s East side, Alum Rock, Little Saigon. So it’s really an ethnically and racially diverse district. Just looking at registered voters, it’s basically like a third Latino, a third Asian and a third white. So to win this seat, they’re going to need to run campaigns that really speak to voters across race and ethnicity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:02:58] \u003c/em>And what have voters in this part of the county told you about some of the issues that they’re thinking about this election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:07] \u003c/em>Yeah, I’ve heard a lot of, you know, the same issues come up from voters, but from different perspectives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Resendez: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:13] \u003c/em>You know, both are good candidates, but I’m voting for Madison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:16] \u003c/em>So I talked to Aaron Resendez. He’s a longtime resident of the East Side. He’s been really involved in community politics. He’s a business consultant. He’s supporting Madison Nguyen in this race. And he talked about kind of just like the feeling of almost like shame he has, as a longtime resident of seeing homelessness and so much blight in his community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Resendez: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:39] \u003c/em>But he did that, like with Cindy Chapman was that was not enough. And we just have the homeless population so bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:48] \u003c/em>I also talked to Christina Bui, who is a business owner, runs a bridal shop in Line Plaza, and she kind of pointed to the same conditions as Rezendes. But from a small business perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christina Bui: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:04:00] \u003c/em>We want our streets to be clean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:04:03] \u003c/em>She says. You know, these same kind of issues of blight make it hard to run a business and be in this race is supporting Betty Duong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christina Bui: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:04:11] \u003c/em>With the county and the city and their help. You know, we can make this place a better place for not just the community, but for our businesses as well. So let’s get into the race for this open seat in District two, then Guy, a seat that’s left open by supervisor Cindy Chavez, a longtime politician in the South Bay for the last 25 years. But she is turning out of the supervisor seat. What does it mean that she’s leaving?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:04:46] \u003c/em>Yeah, it’s a big deal. And when you think about kind of the two traditional wings of South Bay politics, the business moderate wing, the kind of labor progressive wing Cindy Chavez has been the face of that labor wing of politics in the South Bay. She’s been in this seat since 2013. So you have the fact of this, you know, longtime voice for labor and voice for these communities leaving. You also have this seat now that I think a lot of labor groups feel like we have to defend this seat on the county board of supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:05:18] \u003c/em>Right. And there are two women running to replace her. One is actually Chavez’s chief of staff, Betty Duong, and a former San Jose City Council member, Madison Nguyen. And before we get into the specifics of each candidate, they do have one thing in common, which is that if either of them wins, they’ll be the first Vietnamese-American on the board of supervisors, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:05:43] \u003c/em>That’s right. And it’s certainly, I think, definitely a moment of history for the Vietnamese-American community in the South Bay. There is roughly 140,000 Vietnamese Americans in Santa Clara County. San Jose, by some estimates, has the largest Vietnamese population outside of Vietnam. And this district, District two, has, it’s safe to say, has really been historically shaped by Vietnamese residents. Since they started arriving in the county in the mid-seventies after the fall of Saigon. You know, we saw initially a lot of refugees settle around downtown, really revitalized San Jose’s core in the late 70s. And then leading up to today, where you have these really thriving commercial districts in Little Saigon like Vietnam Town. So Vietnamese-American residents have shaped San Jose for decades and decades. And certainly this moment would be a big achievement in terms of political representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:33] \u003c/em>And both these candidates are really part of that legacy. And I want to talk more a little bit about who they are starting with, Madison Nguyen, what’s her sort of personal bio? What are her roots in San Jose and how how did she get started in politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:48] \u003c/em>So I am what you call a a boat baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:53] \u003c/em>Yeah. So Madison Nguyen came with her family from Vietnam to the U.S. as a refugee. I think she was 3 or 4 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:59] \u003c/em>We were rescued by a Philippine freighter who took us to the Philippines refugee camps. So we were there for about almost three years. And before we were sponsored by a Lutheran church to go to America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:13] \u003c/em>She grew up in the Central Valley and worked kind of in the agricultural business. Her family was then she was picking almonds, apricots, peaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:22] \u003c/em>We live in a Section eight, you know, house that was that was subsidized by the local government. And I had, you know, free lunches at the elementary school, middle school and high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:34] \u003c/em>She went to UC Santa Cruz. She was eventually a community college instructor at Danza and then eventually ran for this local school board seat in the Franklin McKinley School District. She became, at that time, the first Vietnamese-American woman in state history to hold public office. She also was the first Vietnamese-American council member in San Jose history when she won election in 2005, later became the city’s vice mayor. So she’s already, you know, made history and been a real name in South Bay politics before this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:05] \u003c/em>And how does when talk about the issues that matter to her in this race for board of supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:13] \u003c/em>So when really comes from that more moderate business flank of South Bay politics, although she had labor support earlier in her career, she’s more of a business aligned candidate at this point. And how that translates into issues, you can start with housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:28] \u003c/em>I definitely think that we should spend a differently than what we have been doing in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:32] \u003c/em>I think Nguyen would like to see Santa Clara County align more with the strategies we’ve seen the city of San Jose pursue under Mayor Matt Mahan, which is a shift in funding away from permanent affordable housing towards more short term transitional housing and.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:48] \u003c/em>Shelter For a minute, affordable housing, that’s always going to be the goal, the end goal, right? But before we get there, we have to get them transitioned into temporary temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:59] \u003c/em>She’s also probably a little bit more to the center in terms of criminal justice and policing. She’s been an outspoken supporter of Proposition 36 to enact some tougher sentences statewide. So that’s kind of the framing policy wise in which she’s approaching this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:09:16] \u003c/em>We need to get drug dealers off the street. We need to make sure that when people commit a felony, that they pay for their crime. And we need to be very diligent in working together to ensure that, you know, that that we provide public safety for our residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:09:35] \u003c/em>And who’s coming out in support of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:09:37] \u003c/em>So we have seen support for Nguyen come from some of the leading moderate politicians in the region, most notably San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan, who’s endorsed her candidacy. And I think this speaks to really the integral relationship that the District two supervisor will have with the city of San Jose. Right. As the person representing downtown and much of the east side. Like that’s that’s a really important relationship. And then she’s also gotten financially more of the, you know, kind of traditional business backing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:15] \u003c/em>Coming up, what candidate Betty Duong is all about and how the two represent a shift in Vietnamese-American politics in the South Bay. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:35] \u003c/em>And what about Betty Duong? What is her personal bio and and what was her pathway into politics like?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Betty Duong: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:43] \u003c/em>So my mom and dad came to Santa Clara County in the late 70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:47] \u003c/em>Yeah. So Betty Duong is a San Jose native. Her family participated in this refugee resettlement program in Santa Clara County. Growing up in Section eight housing in downtown San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Betty Duong: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:57] \u003c/em>And at that time when we were growing up, we relied heavily on county services as well. So that actually comes with lots of visits from social workers, inspections just to make sure the family’s doing well. So that again, that was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:11:08] \u003c/em>I think it’s safe to say, like she probably has more government experience than most first time candidates. She’s been Cindy Chavez’s chief of staff. That means basically her like top deputy running her office. She previously ran the county’s Office of Labor Standards Enforcement. She also led the campaign back in 2016 to pass a huge, affordable housing bond. This was measure A, this really kickstarted the county’s efforts to be involved in the housing development business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Betty Duong: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:11:37] \u003c/em>We really were the first county to say, hey, we’re going to step in, even though nothing says it’s our job, we’re going to step and we’re going to take on housing as a response, playing a role for public safety, for health and for health and wellness and for just the humanity of it. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:11:52] \u003c/em>So the issues that she’s emphasizing, they align a lot with what Madison Women’s emphasized as far as housing, homelessness, public safety, the strategies and the policy views are a little different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Betty Duong: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:12:04] \u003c/em>So my priorities are to build more and more expanse and expand the type of housing that we’re going to build to be able to meet the needs of everybody who is housing insecure and unhoused right now and also build up prevention system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:12:18] \u003c/em>Young would kind of more aligned with Cindy Chavez in supporting the development of affordable housing, putting more money towards prevention of homelessness, making sure that people have, you know, rent assistance and are not, you know, losing their apartments and ending up on the street and probably a kind of a staying the course as far as the county’s focus on permanent affordable housing rather than shifting towards a more shelter based approach in reducing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Betty Duong: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:12:45] \u003c/em>I can tell you this, in the years that I have supported and been a part of the county’s housing efforts, helping someone stay house is going to be infinitely easier, right? Less costly, better outcomes and helping someone off the streets. I’m not saying we don’t do that still, but there’s an opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:13:01] \u003c/em>And I imagine Labor is coming out in support of Betty Duong here. Who else?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:13:08] \u003c/em>Yeah. So she certainly has the support of organized labor in the county and also of a lot of, you know, labor backed politicians, whether that’s Cindy Chavez, whether that’s Dave Cortez, the the state senator, and the labor spectrum, It really is across the board from home health care workers to teamsters to county employees. I think you are seeing a broad labor coalition get behind Yang’s candidacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:13:37] \u003c/em>Guy. How are both these candidates pitching themselves to voters?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:13:43] \u003c/em>Yeah, well, one thing I’ve really been interested in watching is like that dynamic of how both of these candidates are pitching themselves as change candidates. Madison Nguyen has been clear the county needs a new approach, like that’s her change argument. She’s offering change on the policy front and a move away from maybe how Cindy Chavez represented the district. Then you have Betty Duong, who has said again and again, like I’m a first time candidate, she’s offering change, really on the personal front. You know, Madison win is a more established figure, but that kind of comes with all the baggage that you see in local politics. You maybe have more established support. You also have a lot of established opposition. I mean, Nguyen survived a recall while she was on the city council. There was a recall attempt against her in 2009 over her push to change the name of Little Saigon to the Saigon business district. You still have some people upset over that. So she has this longer life in public office. And I think Young’s case is the change candidates. I’m a new face on the elected stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:14:49] \u003c/em>And what about spending here? What’s that looking like?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:14:53] \u003c/em>Yes. So spending’s been really interesting to track. Duong has spent around $460,000 Nguyen has spent around 400,000. So there has been a lot of campaign spending. And then when you look outside of that, like the outside groups who have no limits on their abilities to spend, Yang is definitely benefited from hundreds of thousands of dollars spent by labor groups, including groups who are county employees like sheriffs, for example. The real thing that stood out to me, though, and caught my eye in the campaign. Spending is this new dynamic of this group called the California Alliance of Family Owned Businesses. They are funded by fast food franchise owners, and they’ve poured more than half $1 million roughly into this campaign. Both money opposing Duong and also supporting Nguyen. As you all have talked about, like this issue of local fast food wages, labor standards, this is really getting heated up in local politics. And we’ve seen this fight over, you know, fast food working conditions now move to the local level, you know, whoever is going to be elected, the next supervisor. This could potentially be an issue coming before the board whether Santa Clara should enact more local protections for fast food workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:16:11] \u003c/em>And I mean, again, we are talking about a history making election here between these two. I mean, it would be a historic first, whoever it is who wins. There’s been media coverage about all this. But how front and center has this sort of representation factor been in the actual campaigning?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:16:36] \u003c/em>It’s not the first thing that these candidates are interested in talking about. I think part of that is the fact that with two Vietnamese Americans in this general election, it’s a guarantee that history is going to be made. And I think in some ways that’s kind of opened up the dialog between the candidates to be more about the issues because it’s a foregone conclusion. Whoever wins will become the county’s first Vietnamese-American supervisor. I also think it’s it speaks to districts, to diversity. Right. And just winning the Vietnamese American vote is not going to be enough to win this district. And you’ve seen both candidates really bring to this race long histories of working across community lines. I mean, Madison Nguyen represented District seven on the council. A plurality of residents there are Latino. And so I think the work that she did, you know, backing housing projects in the district, those were not specifically like Vietnamese-American issues. Same thing with Betty Duong. She’s worked in this district to office. One of the issues the board is is working on right now is setting up a Latino wellness center. So I think both Duong and Nguyen understand deeply that getting elected and effectively serving this district to community is not going to be through the kind of narrow lens of Vietnamese-American representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:17:51] \u003c/em>Yeah, but it is interesting because you have these two candidates from the same community, but who represent sort of different kinds of politics. Like how do you see these two women representing the changes in politics within the Vietnamese-American community in San Jose over the years?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:18:13] \u003c/em>Yeah, this was something I talked about with Phillip Nguyen who’s with the Vietnamese-American roundtable about this kind of being like a real second generation election within the communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Philip Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:18:23] \u003c/em>For the younger generation, at least my generation of folk, right? There is a there is a hope. And in being able to see that sort of representation in the political.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:18:31] \u003c/em>Process and we talked about that in two aspects. The first of which is the issues of, you know, Vietnam and some of the more polarizing issues around communism. Those are not front and center in this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Philip Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:18:45] \u003c/em>Folks in San Jose probably have seen parades or cars with like flags going around like Eastridge Mall into Grand Central, Right. That are calling for freedom for Vietnam and like human rights for Vietnam, down with the communists. I think for that, for a long time, that was the only image of who Vietnamese Americans were in in San Jose. In San Jose. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:19:07] \u003c/em>You know, you have the candidates focused on issues that you would likely hear about from any supervisor candidate, housing, public safety. Those have been, at least by the candidates themselves, what they’ve been centering in their campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Philip Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:19:20] \u003c/em>What I and I think a lot of the Vietnamese American community see and in both candidates is a lot of hope and a direction forward, a way to move forward while still acknowledging that we are not yet done with healing from the past. Right. That these these wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:19:35] \u003c/em>This the second piece of that, I think, is the fact that as you see Vietnamese-American candidates like white candidates, like Mexican-American candidates in San Jose fall within this kind of spectrum of labor and business. It just means really that this is just like a San Jose story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Philip Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:19:52] \u003c/em>And I think those camps have emerged in a way that is in alignment with how San Jose politics has kind of fallen into. Right. The Vietnamese-American community is is conforming to that political discourse. Right. Of like Vietnamese Americans who support more business oriented interests and more labor oriented interests. And then who? Those folks?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:20:11] \u003c/em>As you know, communities take hold within the region. You see kind of these broader political divides cut across different races, cut across different ethnicities. And I do think that’s something you definitely see at play here, even with two Vietnamese-American candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:20:31] \u003c/em>Okay. How might you summarize, I guess, the stakes of this specific election for San Jose and the South Bay more broadly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:20:39] \u003c/em>There’s a huge responsibility that the county board has. And so it makes it a really important position and one that could really define policy direction within Santa Clara County for a while, because these are seats in which the winner gets three terms. You get to run for three, four year terms. And so when you’re talking about the winner of this race potentially holding this office for more than a decade, you really start to understand the significant impacts that this election could have on this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:21:12] \u003c/em>Well, Guy, thank you so much for breaking this one down. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:21:17] \u003c/em>Yeah, Thanks so much for having me.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In District 2, which includes downtown San Jose and the east side, Madison Nguyen and Betty Duong are vying for a seat that is open for the first time in over a decade.",
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"title": "Santa Clara County Is About to Elect Its First Vietnamese American Supervisor | KQED",
"description": "In District 2, which includes downtown San Jose and the east side, Madison Nguyen and Betty Duong are vying for a seat that is open for the first time in over a decade.",
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"headline": "Santa Clara County Is About to Elect Its First Vietnamese American Supervisor",
"datePublished": "2024-11-01T03:00:24-07:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Santa Clara County is about to elect its first ever Vietnamese American to the Board of Supervisors. In District 2, which includes downtown San Jose and the east side, Madison Nguyen and Betty Duong are vying for a seat that is open for the first time in over a decade. Whoever wins will play a major role in overseeing how the county spends money on issues like health care, housing, and human services.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prop Fest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/voterguide\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.applytojob.com/apply/ECNyMQ12yY/The-Bay-Podcast-Intern\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Apply to be our intern\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC6021388936&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:04] \u003c/em>I often think that, like County Board of Supervisors is a really overlooked position for local government because they really have the purse strings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:16] \u003c/em>Guy Marzorati is a politics and government correspondent for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:21] \u003c/em>The county has a huge budget, in this case, $12 billion roughly, that they’re spending every year. Roughly half of that is just on health care and the hospital system. But supervisors also do oversee other parts of county government, from the sheriffs to the county jails, the elections office and also in the South Bay and Santa Clara County. The board has gotten more involved in housing development in the last decade, using public funds to address the affordable housing shortfall we have in the South Bay. So there’s a huge responsibility and a huge kind of fiscal oversight that the county board has.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:02:02] \u003c/em>There are two open seats now on this board of supervisors. One in District five, which represents Palo Alto, Mountain View, Cupertino, Saratoga, Los Gatos, and District two, which is the the race we’re talking about today, which is entirely within San Jose and kind of a big deal, right, Guy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:02:25] \u003c/em>Yeah. I mean, San Jose is the only city in District two and this seat covers a real variety of neighborhoods. You have downtown San Jose, you have some neighborhoods south of downtown and in the city’s East side, Alum Rock, Little Saigon. So it’s really an ethnically and racially diverse district. Just looking at registered voters, it’s basically like a third Latino, a third Asian and a third white. So to win this seat, they’re going to need to run campaigns that really speak to voters across race and ethnicity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:02:58] \u003c/em>And what have voters in this part of the county told you about some of the issues that they’re thinking about this election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:07] \u003c/em>Yeah, I’ve heard a lot of, you know, the same issues come up from voters, but from different perspectives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Resendez: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:13] \u003c/em>You know, both are good candidates, but I’m voting for Madison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:16] \u003c/em>So I talked to Aaron Resendez. He’s a longtime resident of the East Side. He’s been really involved in community politics. He’s a business consultant. He’s supporting Madison Nguyen in this race. And he talked about kind of just like the feeling of almost like shame he has, as a longtime resident of seeing homelessness and so much blight in his community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Resendez: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:39] \u003c/em>But he did that, like with Cindy Chapman was that was not enough. And we just have the homeless population so bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:48] \u003c/em>I also talked to Christina Bui, who is a business owner, runs a bridal shop in Line Plaza, and she kind of pointed to the same conditions as Rezendes. But from a small business perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christina Bui: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:04:00] \u003c/em>We want our streets to be clean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:04:03] \u003c/em>She says. You know, these same kind of issues of blight make it hard to run a business and be in this race is supporting Betty Duong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christina Bui: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:04:11] \u003c/em>With the county and the city and their help. You know, we can make this place a better place for not just the community, but for our businesses as well. So let’s get into the race for this open seat in District two, then Guy, a seat that’s left open by supervisor Cindy Chavez, a longtime politician in the South Bay for the last 25 years. But she is turning out of the supervisor seat. What does it mean that she’s leaving?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:04:46] \u003c/em>Yeah, it’s a big deal. And when you think about kind of the two traditional wings of South Bay politics, the business moderate wing, the kind of labor progressive wing Cindy Chavez has been the face of that labor wing of politics in the South Bay. She’s been in this seat since 2013. So you have the fact of this, you know, longtime voice for labor and voice for these communities leaving. You also have this seat now that I think a lot of labor groups feel like we have to defend this seat on the county board of supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:05:18] \u003c/em>Right. And there are two women running to replace her. One is actually Chavez’s chief of staff, Betty Duong, and a former San Jose City Council member, Madison Nguyen. And before we get into the specifics of each candidate, they do have one thing in common, which is that if either of them wins, they’ll be the first Vietnamese-American on the board of supervisors, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:05:43] \u003c/em>That’s right. And it’s certainly, I think, definitely a moment of history for the Vietnamese-American community in the South Bay. There is roughly 140,000 Vietnamese Americans in Santa Clara County. San Jose, by some estimates, has the largest Vietnamese population outside of Vietnam. And this district, District two, has, it’s safe to say, has really been historically shaped by Vietnamese residents. Since they started arriving in the county in the mid-seventies after the fall of Saigon. You know, we saw initially a lot of refugees settle around downtown, really revitalized San Jose’s core in the late 70s. And then leading up to today, where you have these really thriving commercial districts in Little Saigon like Vietnam Town. So Vietnamese-American residents have shaped San Jose for decades and decades. And certainly this moment would be a big achievement in terms of political representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:33] \u003c/em>And both these candidates are really part of that legacy. And I want to talk more a little bit about who they are starting with, Madison Nguyen, what’s her sort of personal bio? What are her roots in San Jose and how how did she get started in politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:48] \u003c/em>So I am what you call a a boat baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:53] \u003c/em>Yeah. So Madison Nguyen came with her family from Vietnam to the U.S. as a refugee. I think she was 3 or 4 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:59] \u003c/em>We were rescued by a Philippine freighter who took us to the Philippines refugee camps. So we were there for about almost three years. And before we were sponsored by a Lutheran church to go to America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:13] \u003c/em>She grew up in the Central Valley and worked kind of in the agricultural business. Her family was then she was picking almonds, apricots, peaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:22] \u003c/em>We live in a Section eight, you know, house that was that was subsidized by the local government. And I had, you know, free lunches at the elementary school, middle school and high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:34] \u003c/em>She went to UC Santa Cruz. She was eventually a community college instructor at Danza and then eventually ran for this local school board seat in the Franklin McKinley School District. She became, at that time, the first Vietnamese-American woman in state history to hold public office. She also was the first Vietnamese-American council member in San Jose history when she won election in 2005, later became the city’s vice mayor. So she’s already, you know, made history and been a real name in South Bay politics before this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:05] \u003c/em>And how does when talk about the issues that matter to her in this race for board of supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:13] \u003c/em>So when really comes from that more moderate business flank of South Bay politics, although she had labor support earlier in her career, she’s more of a business aligned candidate at this point. And how that translates into issues, you can start with housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:28] \u003c/em>I definitely think that we should spend a differently than what we have been doing in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:32] \u003c/em>I think Nguyen would like to see Santa Clara County align more with the strategies we’ve seen the city of San Jose pursue under Mayor Matt Mahan, which is a shift in funding away from permanent affordable housing towards more short term transitional housing and.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:48] \u003c/em>Shelter For a minute, affordable housing, that’s always going to be the goal, the end goal, right? But before we get there, we have to get them transitioned into temporary temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:59] \u003c/em>She’s also probably a little bit more to the center in terms of criminal justice and policing. She’s been an outspoken supporter of Proposition 36 to enact some tougher sentences statewide. So that’s kind of the framing policy wise in which she’s approaching this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Madison Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:09:16] \u003c/em>We need to get drug dealers off the street. We need to make sure that when people commit a felony, that they pay for their crime. And we need to be very diligent in working together to ensure that, you know, that that we provide public safety for our residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:09:35] \u003c/em>And who’s coming out in support of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:09:37] \u003c/em>So we have seen support for Nguyen come from some of the leading moderate politicians in the region, most notably San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan, who’s endorsed her candidacy. And I think this speaks to really the integral relationship that the District two supervisor will have with the city of San Jose. Right. As the person representing downtown and much of the east side. Like that’s that’s a really important relationship. And then she’s also gotten financially more of the, you know, kind of traditional business backing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:15] \u003c/em>Coming up, what candidate Betty Duong is all about and how the two represent a shift in Vietnamese-American politics in the South Bay. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:35] \u003c/em>And what about Betty Duong? What is her personal bio and and what was her pathway into politics like?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Betty Duong: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:43] \u003c/em>So my mom and dad came to Santa Clara County in the late 70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:47] \u003c/em>Yeah. So Betty Duong is a San Jose native. Her family participated in this refugee resettlement program in Santa Clara County. Growing up in Section eight housing in downtown San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Betty Duong: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:57] \u003c/em>And at that time when we were growing up, we relied heavily on county services as well. So that actually comes with lots of visits from social workers, inspections just to make sure the family’s doing well. So that again, that was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:11:08] \u003c/em>I think it’s safe to say, like she probably has more government experience than most first time candidates. She’s been Cindy Chavez’s chief of staff. That means basically her like top deputy running her office. She previously ran the county’s Office of Labor Standards Enforcement. She also led the campaign back in 2016 to pass a huge, affordable housing bond. This was measure A, this really kickstarted the county’s efforts to be involved in the housing development business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Betty Duong: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:11:37] \u003c/em>We really were the first county to say, hey, we’re going to step in, even though nothing says it’s our job, we’re going to step and we’re going to take on housing as a response, playing a role for public safety, for health and for health and wellness and for just the humanity of it. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:11:52] \u003c/em>So the issues that she’s emphasizing, they align a lot with what Madison Women’s emphasized as far as housing, homelessness, public safety, the strategies and the policy views are a little different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Betty Duong: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:12:04] \u003c/em>So my priorities are to build more and more expanse and expand the type of housing that we’re going to build to be able to meet the needs of everybody who is housing insecure and unhoused right now and also build up prevention system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:12:18] \u003c/em>Young would kind of more aligned with Cindy Chavez in supporting the development of affordable housing, putting more money towards prevention of homelessness, making sure that people have, you know, rent assistance and are not, you know, losing their apartments and ending up on the street and probably a kind of a staying the course as far as the county’s focus on permanent affordable housing rather than shifting towards a more shelter based approach in reducing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Betty Duong: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:12:45] \u003c/em>I can tell you this, in the years that I have supported and been a part of the county’s housing efforts, helping someone stay house is going to be infinitely easier, right? Less costly, better outcomes and helping someone off the streets. I’m not saying we don’t do that still, but there’s an opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:13:01] \u003c/em>And I imagine Labor is coming out in support of Betty Duong here. Who else?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:13:08] \u003c/em>Yeah. So she certainly has the support of organized labor in the county and also of a lot of, you know, labor backed politicians, whether that’s Cindy Chavez, whether that’s Dave Cortez, the the state senator, and the labor spectrum, It really is across the board from home health care workers to teamsters to county employees. I think you are seeing a broad labor coalition get behind Yang’s candidacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:13:37] \u003c/em>Guy. How are both these candidates pitching themselves to voters?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:13:43] \u003c/em>Yeah, well, one thing I’ve really been interested in watching is like that dynamic of how both of these candidates are pitching themselves as change candidates. Madison Nguyen has been clear the county needs a new approach, like that’s her change argument. She’s offering change on the policy front and a move away from maybe how Cindy Chavez represented the district. Then you have Betty Duong, who has said again and again, like I’m a first time candidate, she’s offering change, really on the personal front. You know, Madison win is a more established figure, but that kind of comes with all the baggage that you see in local politics. You maybe have more established support. You also have a lot of established opposition. I mean, Nguyen survived a recall while she was on the city council. There was a recall attempt against her in 2009 over her push to change the name of Little Saigon to the Saigon business district. You still have some people upset over that. So she has this longer life in public office. And I think Young’s case is the change candidates. I’m a new face on the elected stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:14:49] \u003c/em>And what about spending here? What’s that looking like?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:14:53] \u003c/em>Yes. So spending’s been really interesting to track. Duong has spent around $460,000 Nguyen has spent around 400,000. So there has been a lot of campaign spending. And then when you look outside of that, like the outside groups who have no limits on their abilities to spend, Yang is definitely benefited from hundreds of thousands of dollars spent by labor groups, including groups who are county employees like sheriffs, for example. The real thing that stood out to me, though, and caught my eye in the campaign. Spending is this new dynamic of this group called the California Alliance of Family Owned Businesses. They are funded by fast food franchise owners, and they’ve poured more than half $1 million roughly into this campaign. Both money opposing Duong and also supporting Nguyen. As you all have talked about, like this issue of local fast food wages, labor standards, this is really getting heated up in local politics. And we’ve seen this fight over, you know, fast food working conditions now move to the local level, you know, whoever is going to be elected, the next supervisor. This could potentially be an issue coming before the board whether Santa Clara should enact more local protections for fast food workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:16:11] \u003c/em>And I mean, again, we are talking about a history making election here between these two. I mean, it would be a historic first, whoever it is who wins. There’s been media coverage about all this. But how front and center has this sort of representation factor been in the actual campaigning?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:16:36] \u003c/em>It’s not the first thing that these candidates are interested in talking about. I think part of that is the fact that with two Vietnamese Americans in this general election, it’s a guarantee that history is going to be made. And I think in some ways that’s kind of opened up the dialog between the candidates to be more about the issues because it’s a foregone conclusion. Whoever wins will become the county’s first Vietnamese-American supervisor. I also think it’s it speaks to districts, to diversity. Right. And just winning the Vietnamese American vote is not going to be enough to win this district. And you’ve seen both candidates really bring to this race long histories of working across community lines. I mean, Madison Nguyen represented District seven on the council. A plurality of residents there are Latino. And so I think the work that she did, you know, backing housing projects in the district, those were not specifically like Vietnamese-American issues. Same thing with Betty Duong. She’s worked in this district to office. One of the issues the board is is working on right now is setting up a Latino wellness center. So I think both Duong and Nguyen understand deeply that getting elected and effectively serving this district to community is not going to be through the kind of narrow lens of Vietnamese-American representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:17:51] \u003c/em>Yeah, but it is interesting because you have these two candidates from the same community, but who represent sort of different kinds of politics. Like how do you see these two women representing the changes in politics within the Vietnamese-American community in San Jose over the years?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:18:13] \u003c/em>Yeah, this was something I talked about with Phillip Nguyen who’s with the Vietnamese-American roundtable about this kind of being like a real second generation election within the communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Philip Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:18:23] \u003c/em>For the younger generation, at least my generation of folk, right? There is a there is a hope. And in being able to see that sort of representation in the political.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:18:31] \u003c/em>Process and we talked about that in two aspects. The first of which is the issues of, you know, Vietnam and some of the more polarizing issues around communism. Those are not front and center in this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Philip Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:18:45] \u003c/em>Folks in San Jose probably have seen parades or cars with like flags going around like Eastridge Mall into Grand Central, Right. That are calling for freedom for Vietnam and like human rights for Vietnam, down with the communists. I think for that, for a long time, that was the only image of who Vietnamese Americans were in in San Jose. In San Jose. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:19:07] \u003c/em>You know, you have the candidates focused on issues that you would likely hear about from any supervisor candidate, housing, public safety. Those have been, at least by the candidates themselves, what they’ve been centering in their campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Philip Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:19:20] \u003c/em>What I and I think a lot of the Vietnamese American community see and in both candidates is a lot of hope and a direction forward, a way to move forward while still acknowledging that we are not yet done with healing from the past. Right. That these these wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:19:35] \u003c/em>This the second piece of that, I think, is the fact that as you see Vietnamese-American candidates like white candidates, like Mexican-American candidates in San Jose fall within this kind of spectrum of labor and business. It just means really that this is just like a San Jose story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Philip Nguyen: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:19:52] \u003c/em>And I think those camps have emerged in a way that is in alignment with how San Jose politics has kind of fallen into. Right. The Vietnamese-American community is is conforming to that political discourse. Right. Of like Vietnamese Americans who support more business oriented interests and more labor oriented interests. And then who? Those folks?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:20:11] \u003c/em>As you know, communities take hold within the region. You see kind of these broader political divides cut across different races, cut across different ethnicities. And I do think that’s something you definitely see at play here, even with two Vietnamese-American candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:20:31] \u003c/em>Okay. How might you summarize, I guess, the stakes of this specific election for San Jose and the South Bay more broadly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:20:39] \u003c/em>There’s a huge responsibility that the county board has. And so it makes it a really important position and one that could really define policy direction within Santa Clara County for a while, because these are seats in which the winner gets three terms. You get to run for three, four year terms. And so when you’re talking about the winner of this race potentially holding this office for more than a decade, you really start to understand the significant impacts that this election could have on this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:21:12] \u003c/em>Well, Guy, thank you so much for breaking this one down. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:21:17] \u003c/em>Yeah, Thanks so much for having me.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>We’re almost there, folks. Two years of nonstop campaigning for the White House will finally come to a close this Tuesday, Nov. 5, on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Election Day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the Pew Research Center found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2023/09/19/americans-dismal-views-of-the-nations-politics/\">65% of Americans say they always or often feel “exhausted” when thinking about politics\u003c/a>. And that was before all the dramatic twists and turns of 2024 that have given us the present circumstances: Vice President Kamala Harris and former president Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/25/us/politics/poll-harris-trump-times-siena.html\">deadlocked in the polls of every single swing state\u003c/a>, leaving even the most experienced political analysts with little clue of who will be the next president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But besides election exhaustion, there are other feelings felt across the political spectrum, from anxiety and frustration to straight-up fear. Among many undocumented and mixed-status immigrant families, for example, there’s a lot of nervousness about Trump enacting what he calls “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OtpORNvI26w\">the largest deportation program in American history\u003c/a>.” After the former president survived a public assassination attempt in July at a Pennsylvania campaign rally, a large number of his most ardent supporters \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/after-the-assassination-attempt-against-trump-anger-and-anxiety-loom-over-the-republican-convention\">fear that Trump could be targeted again\u003c/a>. And as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011576/what-do-young-voters-care-about-most-in-this-presidential-election\">millions of Gen Z Americans prepare to cast their votes for the first time\u003c/a>, many have shared \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967133/charli-xcx-fans-election-2024-harris-trump\">their frustration that neither candidate may do enough to protect the lives of Palestinians in Gaza\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re feeling these big emotions, you’re not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s normalize [feeling] anxious because it is a very high-stakes election,” said Kelli McLean, a California marriage and family therapist who works on issues relating to trauma, anxiety and depression with her clients. “This is anxiety-provoking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times when we’re feeling a certain type of way about something, it comes out in other ways we don’t expect,” said Ioanna Angelakis, a licensed marriage and family therapist based in San Francisco. “So it’s really important to be honest and truthful with yourself and others about what’s going on and to formulate a plan, so you have something to fall back on — should the worst thing happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for expert advice on the things you can do before, on and after Nov. 5 to help manage anxiety about the 2024 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Try to consume less election news\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When something is very important to us, it’s normal for us to keep checking on it as much as we can. In a presidential election as unpredictable as this one, we may have the TV on all the time or be constantly checking social media to see if there’s any tiny piece of new information that will give us hope that things will “go our way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But seeking out this feeling of control — in a situation that frankly cannot be controlled by any one single individual — can lead to us feeling even more helpless, McClean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a direct correlation between how much anxiety people are feeling to what they’re watching,” she said. “The election is everywhere, and people are inundating themselves with this. It’s information overload.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 Bay Area Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea,Learn about every single race and measure across the nine Bay Area counties' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recommendation McLean has been sharing with her clients is to stay away from social media as much as they can — or as much as they can bear — for the next few days. “They’re limiting their exposure to these 24-hour news cycles, which can be anxiety-provoking for people,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Remember, polls aren’t crystal balls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/3825/what-is-the-electoral-college-and-is-it-time-to-get-rid-of-it\">seven swing states that are key to winning the election\u003c/a>, polls have switched back and forth between a Trump lead and a Harris lead for weeks now. While you may look for any sliver of hope in new polls, keep in mind that most recent polls \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/harris-trump-poll-pennsylvania-29-10-2024/\">have only changed by 1 or 2 percentage points\u003c/a>, which is within a poll’s margin of error — the window of uncertainty your poll results may have. For example, in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-harris-poll-gender-gap/\">Oct. 28 CBS News/YouGov poll of registered voters in Pennsylvania\u003c/a>, Harris and Trump are tied 49%–49%, but the margin of error is 2.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls are, after all, surveys of smaller groups meant to reflect a larger population. While Harris and Trump are tied among the smaller group surveyed, that doesn’t mean that in all of Pennsylvania, there’s a perfect tie among those who plan to vote for Harris and Trump. The margin of error tells us that the candidates’ numbers could actually be a little higher or a little lower — within that 2.6% range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this goes to say that it’s probably a good idea to limit how much we look at polls. Remember: the 2016 and 2020 elections delivered many electoral surprises that polls didn’t predict. Since then, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2024-elections/370649/trust-polls-2016-2020-election-2024-pollster-polling-miss\">pollsters have refined their methods\u003c/a> — but even they say that polls are not “perfectly predictive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why therapists like Angelakis are reminding their clients to accept the uncertainty in this major event and work from there. “The future is unpredictable and unknown — it’s a mystery,” she said. “All we can do is just stay grounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enjoy the weekend before Election Day as much as you can\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, the first Tuesday of November could be historic for the country. But let’s not forget that the first \u003cem>weekend\u003c/em> of November is quite special in its own right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diwali, the Hindu festival that celebrates light triumphing over darkness, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/entertainment/article/diwali-deepavali-hindu-festival-19854481.php\">begins this year in the early hours of Thursday, Oct. 31\u003c/a>, and lasts until the next morning. Halloween is also on Thursday — a perfect excuse for families and friends to get together ahead of the weekend.[aside postID=science_1995033 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2024/10/Claremont-Canyon-by-Fred-Rowe-East-Bay-Regional-Park-District-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Nov. 1 and Saturday, Nov. 2, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/dia-de-los-muertos\">Día de los Muertos\u003c/a> will be celebrated across California, with cities like \u003ca href=\"https://www.dayofthedeadsf.org/\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://unitycouncil.org/program/diaoakland/\">Oakland\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://diasanjose.com/\">San José\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://boyleheightsbeat.com/your-guide-to-free-dia-de-los-muertos-events-on-the-eastside/\">Los Angeles \u003c/a>hosting community-led celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Enjoy your weekend,” Angelakis said. “Don’t let these fears take you over because they’re just fears right now … they’re not your reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Find \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967439/merlin-the-pig-northern-california-animals-house-pig-mina-alali-davis\">some joyful things going on to distract you\u003c/a>, and most importantly, find ways to laugh with your loved ones, she recommended. Even try to “poke fun at your fears,” Angelakis said, “and you can let out steam that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also read our guide to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995033/12-bay-area-hikes-for-escaping-the-election-even-for-a-few-hours\">the outdoor spots in the Bay Area that might bring you a little calm and peace\u003c/a> in the run-up to Election Day and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Parents and caregivers: Keep in mind the needs of your little ones\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if your family doesn’t talk too much about politics at the dinner table, there’s still a chance that your child may be hearing about the election from their friends or classmates. Whether they share this directly with you or not, they may be absorbing the anxiety of others around them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids are the spokespeople of their parents and their family’s fears,” Angelakis said. “When your child is acting out, or when your child is isolating, these are signs that your child is worried about something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is when it’s very important to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764070/how-to-talk-with-kids-after-a-traumatic-event\">age-appropriate conversations about what’s happening out in the world\u003c/a>, McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11764070]“If you’re dealing with a small child, know that a lot of this is too much for them to fully take in, and it can be traumatizing,” she said. “You can explain to them the process without going into scary details: ‘Two people are competing and they have different beliefs. People can get very mad and nervous about it. But you’re still going to be safe in this home with your parents.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to lie to them or over-promise, but just not expose them to things that are not appropriate on the news or social media,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/59143/war-crisis-tragedy-how-to-talk-with-kids-when-the-news-is-scary\">\u003cem>Read KQED’s bilingual guide on how to talk to kids during difficult or scary major moments.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Watch your anxiety levels on Election Day itself …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s Nov. 5. You — or those around — have already voted. And results of the presidential election start coming in at 5 p.m. Pacific Time, when the polls close on the East Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every major TV network will have nonstop coverage of the results throughout the night, and it’s very likely that most restaurants, bars and community spaces with a television will be showing this coverage. But remember: you can choose how much of this coverage you consume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you know that waiting hours into the early morning for the results of each swing state — which just a few thousand votes could decide — will really set your anxiety spiraling, take breaks from watching. What might be even better for you is making a plan with family or friends to do something completely different on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of how much (or little) news you consume on Tuesday, remember: there will still be results at the end of the vote count — which could take days, like it did in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… and focus on your breathing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another strategy that Angelakis recommends is giving yourself time for breathing exercises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Take two breaths in and one breath out,” she said, adding that you can do as many of these exercises until you start feeling a little more grounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you try that breathing, it feels really good,” Angelakis said. “It calms your nervous system down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She especially recommends doing these breathing exercises if anxious thoughts start coming in throughout Election Night. When you feel these thoughts rising, “visualize the best possible outcome in a day of your life,” she said, “from every last detail that you wake up until the moment you go to bed at night.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why: By bringing back our focus to our own lives and our own actions, we remind ourselves what is in our own control — and let go of worries about things out of our control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t forget the power you have in your own community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The results of this general election will not impact everyone equally — and this is true far beyond the presidential race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When talking to folks from communities that are most vulnerable to policy shifts, McLean hears how folks sometimes feel disconnected from the decisions happening in Washington, D.C. “They feel powerless,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ultimately, “we are not powerless,” McClean said. “Getting involved in grassroots activism, something local in your own community, can help with these feelings of powerlessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']And remember that even if you can’t vote — whether it’s because of your immigration status, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009162/election-2024-what-are-the-voting-rights-of-current-and-formerly-incarcerated-californians\">criminal record\u003c/a> or age — you still have a lot of power. In the Bay Area, for example, the labor rights organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/about\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a> (TUWU) has helped undocumented workers organize themselves for years to demand and gain higher wages, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946661/ive-been-contributing-undocumented-workers-are-key-to-californias-economy-a-new-bill-would-give-them-unemployment-benefits\">labor protections\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005037/sf-proposes-relief-fund-to-aid-wage-theft-victims-left-unpaid-by-employers\">social services\u003c/a> at the local and state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are multi-year fights. They don’t happen overnight,” said Samuel Romero, organizing director of TUWU. “So many of these things wouldn’t have been able to pass without the support of the community that we organize with, the majority being folks that aren’t even eligible to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as you work with your community to make change, don’t forget that a big part of that is also what happens in your home. “It is a huge election, and there is a lot at stake,” McClean said. “But it is important for people to ground themselves in their own lives and really take care of themselves first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>We’re almost there, folks. Two years of nonstop campaigning for the White House will finally come to a close this Tuesday, Nov. 5, on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Election Day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the Pew Research Center found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2023/09/19/americans-dismal-views-of-the-nations-politics/\">65% of Americans say they always or often feel “exhausted” when thinking about politics\u003c/a>. And that was before all the dramatic twists and turns of 2024 that have given us the present circumstances: Vice President Kamala Harris and former president Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/25/us/politics/poll-harris-trump-times-siena.html\">deadlocked in the polls of every single swing state\u003c/a>, leaving even the most experienced political analysts with little clue of who will be the next president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But besides election exhaustion, there are other feelings felt across the political spectrum, from anxiety and frustration to straight-up fear. Among many undocumented and mixed-status immigrant families, for example, there’s a lot of nervousness about Trump enacting what he calls “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OtpORNvI26w\">the largest deportation program in American history\u003c/a>.” After the former president survived a public assassination attempt in July at a Pennsylvania campaign rally, a large number of his most ardent supporters \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/after-the-assassination-attempt-against-trump-anger-and-anxiety-loom-over-the-republican-convention\">fear that Trump could be targeted again\u003c/a>. And as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011576/what-do-young-voters-care-about-most-in-this-presidential-election\">millions of Gen Z Americans prepare to cast their votes for the first time\u003c/a>, many have shared \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967133/charli-xcx-fans-election-2024-harris-trump\">their frustration that neither candidate may do enough to protect the lives of Palestinians in Gaza\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re feeling these big emotions, you’re not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s normalize [feeling] anxious because it is a very high-stakes election,” said Kelli McLean, a California marriage and family therapist who works on issues relating to trauma, anxiety and depression with her clients. “This is anxiety-provoking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times when we’re feeling a certain type of way about something, it comes out in other ways we don’t expect,” said Ioanna Angelakis, a licensed marriage and family therapist based in San Francisco. “So it’s really important to be honest and truthful with yourself and others about what’s going on and to formulate a plan, so you have something to fall back on — should the worst thing happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for expert advice on the things you can do before, on and after Nov. 5 to help manage anxiety about the 2024 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Try to consume less election news\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When something is very important to us, it’s normal for us to keep checking on it as much as we can. In a presidential election as unpredictable as this one, we may have the TV on all the time or be constantly checking social media to see if there’s any tiny piece of new information that will give us hope that things will “go our way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But seeking out this feeling of control — in a situation that frankly cannot be controlled by any one single individual — can lead to us feeling even more helpless, McClean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a direct correlation between how much anxiety people are feeling to what they’re watching,” she said. “The election is everywhere, and people are inundating themselves with this. It’s information overload.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recommendation McLean has been sharing with her clients is to stay away from social media as much as they can — or as much as they can bear — for the next few days. “They’re limiting their exposure to these 24-hour news cycles, which can be anxiety-provoking for people,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Remember, polls aren’t crystal balls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/3825/what-is-the-electoral-college-and-is-it-time-to-get-rid-of-it\">seven swing states that are key to winning the election\u003c/a>, polls have switched back and forth between a Trump lead and a Harris lead for weeks now. While you may look for any sliver of hope in new polls, keep in mind that most recent polls \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/harris-trump-poll-pennsylvania-29-10-2024/\">have only changed by 1 or 2 percentage points\u003c/a>, which is within a poll’s margin of error — the window of uncertainty your poll results may have. For example, in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-harris-poll-gender-gap/\">Oct. 28 CBS News/YouGov poll of registered voters in Pennsylvania\u003c/a>, Harris and Trump are tied 49%–49%, but the margin of error is 2.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls are, after all, surveys of smaller groups meant to reflect a larger population. While Harris and Trump are tied among the smaller group surveyed, that doesn’t mean that in all of Pennsylvania, there’s a perfect tie among those who plan to vote for Harris and Trump. The margin of error tells us that the candidates’ numbers could actually be a little higher or a little lower — within that 2.6% range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this goes to say that it’s probably a good idea to limit how much we look at polls. Remember: the 2016 and 2020 elections delivered many electoral surprises that polls didn’t predict. Since then, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2024-elections/370649/trust-polls-2016-2020-election-2024-pollster-polling-miss\">pollsters have refined their methods\u003c/a> — but even they say that polls are not “perfectly predictive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why therapists like Angelakis are reminding their clients to accept the uncertainty in this major event and work from there. “The future is unpredictable and unknown — it’s a mystery,” she said. “All we can do is just stay grounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enjoy the weekend before Election Day as much as you can\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, the first Tuesday of November could be historic for the country. But let’s not forget that the first \u003cem>weekend\u003c/em> of November is quite special in its own right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diwali, the Hindu festival that celebrates light triumphing over darkness, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/entertainment/article/diwali-deepavali-hindu-festival-19854481.php\">begins this year in the early hours of Thursday, Oct. 31\u003c/a>, and lasts until the next morning. Halloween is also on Thursday — a perfect excuse for families and friends to get together ahead of the weekend.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Nov. 1 and Saturday, Nov. 2, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/dia-de-los-muertos\">Día de los Muertos\u003c/a> will be celebrated across California, with cities like \u003ca href=\"https://www.dayofthedeadsf.org/\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://unitycouncil.org/program/diaoakland/\">Oakland\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://diasanjose.com/\">San José\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://boyleheightsbeat.com/your-guide-to-free-dia-de-los-muertos-events-on-the-eastside/\">Los Angeles \u003c/a>hosting community-led celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Enjoy your weekend,” Angelakis said. “Don’t let these fears take you over because they’re just fears right now … they’re not your reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Find \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967439/merlin-the-pig-northern-california-animals-house-pig-mina-alali-davis\">some joyful things going on to distract you\u003c/a>, and most importantly, find ways to laugh with your loved ones, she recommended. Even try to “poke fun at your fears,” Angelakis said, “and you can let out steam that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also read our guide to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995033/12-bay-area-hikes-for-escaping-the-election-even-for-a-few-hours\">the outdoor spots in the Bay Area that might bring you a little calm and peace\u003c/a> in the run-up to Election Day and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Parents and caregivers: Keep in mind the needs of your little ones\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if your family doesn’t talk too much about politics at the dinner table, there’s still a chance that your child may be hearing about the election from their friends or classmates. Whether they share this directly with you or not, they may be absorbing the anxiety of others around them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids are the spokespeople of their parents and their family’s fears,” Angelakis said. “When your child is acting out, or when your child is isolating, these are signs that your child is worried about something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is when it’s very important to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764070/how-to-talk-with-kids-after-a-traumatic-event\">age-appropriate conversations about what’s happening out in the world\u003c/a>, McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If you’re dealing with a small child, know that a lot of this is too much for them to fully take in, and it can be traumatizing,” she said. “You can explain to them the process without going into scary details: ‘Two people are competing and they have different beliefs. People can get very mad and nervous about it. But you’re still going to be safe in this home with your parents.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to lie to them or over-promise, but just not expose them to things that are not appropriate on the news or social media,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/59143/war-crisis-tragedy-how-to-talk-with-kids-when-the-news-is-scary\">\u003cem>Read KQED’s bilingual guide on how to talk to kids during difficult or scary major moments.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Watch your anxiety levels on Election Day itself …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s Nov. 5. You — or those around — have already voted. And results of the presidential election start coming in at 5 p.m. Pacific Time, when the polls close on the East Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every major TV network will have nonstop coverage of the results throughout the night, and it’s very likely that most restaurants, bars and community spaces with a television will be showing this coverage. But remember: you can choose how much of this coverage you consume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you know that waiting hours into the early morning for the results of each swing state — which just a few thousand votes could decide — will really set your anxiety spiraling, take breaks from watching. What might be even better for you is making a plan with family or friends to do something completely different on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of how much (or little) news you consume on Tuesday, remember: there will still be results at the end of the vote count — which could take days, like it did in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… and focus on your breathing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another strategy that Angelakis recommends is giving yourself time for breathing exercises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Take two breaths in and one breath out,” she said, adding that you can do as many of these exercises until you start feeling a little more grounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you try that breathing, it feels really good,” Angelakis said. “It calms your nervous system down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She especially recommends doing these breathing exercises if anxious thoughts start coming in throughout Election Night. When you feel these thoughts rising, “visualize the best possible outcome in a day of your life,” she said, “from every last detail that you wake up until the moment you go to bed at night.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why: By bringing back our focus to our own lives and our own actions, we remind ourselves what is in our own control — and let go of worries about things out of our control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t forget the power you have in your own community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The results of this general election will not impact everyone equally — and this is true far beyond the presidential race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When talking to folks from communities that are most vulnerable to policy shifts, McLean hears how folks sometimes feel disconnected from the decisions happening in Washington, D.C. “They feel powerless,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ultimately, “we are not powerless,” McClean said. “Getting involved in grassroots activism, something local in your own community, can help with these feelings of powerlessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And remember that even if you can’t vote — whether it’s because of your immigration status, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009162/election-2024-what-are-the-voting-rights-of-current-and-formerly-incarcerated-californians\">criminal record\u003c/a> or age — you still have a lot of power. In the Bay Area, for example, the labor rights organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/about\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a> (TUWU) has helped undocumented workers organize themselves for years to demand and gain higher wages, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946661/ive-been-contributing-undocumented-workers-are-key-to-californias-economy-a-new-bill-would-give-them-unemployment-benefits\">labor protections\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005037/sf-proposes-relief-fund-to-aid-wage-theft-victims-left-unpaid-by-employers\">social services\u003c/a> at the local and state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are multi-year fights. They don’t happen overnight,” said Samuel Romero, organizing director of TUWU. “So many of these things wouldn’t have been able to pass without the support of the community that we organize with, the majority being folks that aren’t even eligible to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as you work with your community to make change, don’t forget that a big part of that is also what happens in your home. “It is a huge election, and there is a lot at stake,” McClean said. “But it is important for people to ground themselves in their own lives and really take care of themselves first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Voters across vast Santa Clara County will have a rare chance this upcoming election to choose a new Superior Court judge in a heated contest between two veteran county prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jay Boyarsky and Johnene Stebbins, who have served for decades together in the county District Attorney’s Office, are facing off for a seat on the bench — one of 77 in the county — left vacant earlier this year with the retirement of Judge Vincent Chiarello.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters seldom have the opportunity to select county judges, as incumbent judges don’t often face challengers when they seek another term and, absent any opponents, are essentially reelected automatically \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.courts.ca.gov/branch-facts/judicial-selection-how-california-chooses-its-judges-and-justices\">without even appearing on the ballot\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, if judges vacate their seats in the middle of their six-year terms, the governor typically appoints their replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges in the Superior Court system often rotate through different assignments and oversee various civil and criminal cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates in this race both work for the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office: Boyarsky, 59, is the chief assistant district attorney and has worked in the office for 30 years, and Stebbins, 55, is a deputy district attorney who has 26 years of experience in the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, 55, told KQED she wants to become a judge because she’s done all she can do in her current role as a deputy district attorney. In her 26 years in the office, Stebbins said, she prosecuted a vast range of criminal cases — from domestic violence and murder to environmental and consumer protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t really think of any crimes left that I haven’t prosecuted,” said Stebbins, who also teaches law enforcement agencies how to investigate sexual assault, child molestation and internet crimes cases. “But I’m not done with public service. I’m not done with the law. I specifically became a D.A. because I wanted to be in the courtroom.”[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/santaclara,Santa Clara County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Santa-Clara-County-1200x1200-1.png]“I feel like my breadth of knowledge, the things that I teach, the things that I do, my experience in the courtroom, make moving on to judge a natural progression,” she added “And I think I could be an asset to the bench.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, the chief assistant district attorney, began working in the DA’s office in 1994 and told KQED he quickly became interested in prosecuting hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s actually the one main reason I wanted to become a prosecutor, is I wanted to stand up for people who were victimized simply because of who they were,” said Boyarsky, adding that he later also developed a knack for prosecuting sexual offenders, child molesters and rapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky also ran Jeff Rosen’s successful campaign for DA in 2011 and was subsequently promoted by Rosen — who he calls his “best friend” — to his current position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It all ended up working out way better than I ever could have thought because I got to help transform and improve the District Attorney’s Office,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky said becoming a judge feels like an excellent way to continue his work in public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to try to make the community and the world better. And I owe that in light of the sacrifice that my father and his generation made for freedom, for democracy, for the rule of law, and to serve this country,” said Boyarsky, whose father fought in World War II and helped liberate Jewish people from Nazi concentration camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, who first ran unsuccessfully for judgeship in 2008, also applied for a governor’s appointment to the bench in 2007 and 2023 but was not selected either time. He said the latest application is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each candidate has received a hefty tranche of endorsements: Both have gotten the support of roughly 30 current and former judges. Rosen and George Kennedy have also endorsed Boyarsky — the DA before him — along with several other current and former district attorneys throughout the state and a broad array of politicians and civil rights groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, meanwhile, is endorsed by Chiarello — the judge vacating the bench — along with Dolores Carr, a former county DA. And although the unions representing officers of the county’s two largest law enforcement agencies — San José Police and the Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office — endorsed both candidates, Stebbins underscores that she collected the sole endorsement of all other police unions in the county, along with the county union that represents both deputy district attorneys and public defenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it speaks volumes as to how law enforcement thinks (the DA’s office is) doing that they do not support the second in command to the top law enforcement official in the county,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']Stebbins said judges need to listen to both sides carefully and be willing to work fairly with each party without getting “run over” by either side, a skill she said she has consistently demonstrated throughout her career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins argues she has the on-the-ground experience to become an effective judge, noting that she still practices law daily and works in courtrooms with judges, public defenders, defendants and victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the courtroom every day, and a lot has changed in the law in the last decade,” she said. “So I’m actually seeing how that all plays out and what changes have been made and how that’s affecting all of the stakeholders in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience is also the basis for her biggest criticism of Boyarsky, who she said is too far removed from the current day-to-day realities of the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s “supervising the supervisors that supervise,” she said. “I’m the surgeon doing the surgeries every day. … “He’s in the medical office blocks away, hiring the doctors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also argues that Boyarsky’s rise to chief assistant “was not a rise based on merit” but rather on “a friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Boyarsky points to his extensive administrative and management experience overseeing 190 attorneys as a major strength that will contribute to his efficacy on the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I do is I make a lot of decisions every day, and I communicate them,” he said. “And they’re about people’s lives. They’re about people’s careers. They’re about accountability. They’re about the media, they’re about policy, they’re about the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said judges do much more than just oversee trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s primarily making decisions and weighing facts and evidence and taking competing interests into account,” he said. “That’s what someone who’s running a very large organization has to do every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read more about Boyarsky’s positions and endorsements \u003ca href=\"https://www.jayboyarsky.com/\">here\u003c/a>, and Stebbins’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.johnenelindastebbinsforjudge.org/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Two veteran prosecutors in the district attorney's office are squaring off in a heated race for the seat. They talked to KQED about their priorities.\r\n",
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"title": "South Bay Voters Get Rare Chance to Elect New Superior Court Judge | KQED",
"description": "Two veteran prosecutors in the district attorney's office are squaring off in a heated race for the seat. They talked to KQED about their priorities.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voters across vast Santa Clara County will have a rare chance this upcoming election to choose a new Superior Court judge in a heated contest between two veteran county prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jay Boyarsky and Johnene Stebbins, who have served for decades together in the county District Attorney’s Office, are facing off for a seat on the bench — one of 77 in the county — left vacant earlier this year with the retirement of Judge Vincent Chiarello.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters seldom have the opportunity to select county judges, as incumbent judges don’t often face challengers when they seek another term and, absent any opponents, are essentially reelected automatically \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.courts.ca.gov/branch-facts/judicial-selection-how-california-chooses-its-judges-and-justices\">without even appearing on the ballot\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, if judges vacate their seats in the middle of their six-year terms, the governor typically appoints their replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges in the Superior Court system often rotate through different assignments and oversee various civil and criminal cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates in this race both work for the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office: Boyarsky, 59, is the chief assistant district attorney and has worked in the office for 30 years, and Stebbins, 55, is a deputy district attorney who has 26 years of experience in the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, 55, told KQED she wants to become a judge because she’s done all she can do in her current role as a deputy district attorney. In her 26 years in the office, Stebbins said, she prosecuted a vast range of criminal cases — from domestic violence and murder to environmental and consumer protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t really think of any crimes left that I haven’t prosecuted,” said Stebbins, who also teaches law enforcement agencies how to investigate sexual assault, child molestation and internet crimes cases. “But I’m not done with public service. I’m not done with the law. I specifically became a D.A. because I wanted to be in the courtroom.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I feel like my breadth of knowledge, the things that I teach, the things that I do, my experience in the courtroom, make moving on to judge a natural progression,” she added “And I think I could be an asset to the bench.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, the chief assistant district attorney, began working in the DA’s office in 1994 and told KQED he quickly became interested in prosecuting hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s actually the one main reason I wanted to become a prosecutor, is I wanted to stand up for people who were victimized simply because of who they were,” said Boyarsky, adding that he later also developed a knack for prosecuting sexual offenders, child molesters and rapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky also ran Jeff Rosen’s successful campaign for DA in 2011 and was subsequently promoted by Rosen — who he calls his “best friend” — to his current position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It all ended up working out way better than I ever could have thought because I got to help transform and improve the District Attorney’s Office,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky said becoming a judge feels like an excellent way to continue his work in public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to try to make the community and the world better. And I owe that in light of the sacrifice that my father and his generation made for freedom, for democracy, for the rule of law, and to serve this country,” said Boyarsky, whose father fought in World War II and helped liberate Jewish people from Nazi concentration camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyarsky, who first ran unsuccessfully for judgeship in 2008, also applied for a governor’s appointment to the bench in 2007 and 2023 but was not selected either time. He said the latest application is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each candidate has received a hefty tranche of endorsements: Both have gotten the support of roughly 30 current and former judges. Rosen and George Kennedy have also endorsed Boyarsky — the DA before him — along with several other current and former district attorneys throughout the state and a broad array of politicians and civil rights groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins, meanwhile, is endorsed by Chiarello — the judge vacating the bench — along with Dolores Carr, a former county DA. And although the unions representing officers of the county’s two largest law enforcement agencies — San José Police and the Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office — endorsed both candidates, Stebbins underscores that she collected the sole endorsement of all other police unions in the county, along with the county union that represents both deputy district attorneys and public defenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it speaks volumes as to how law enforcement thinks (the DA’s office is) doing that they do not support the second in command to the top law enforcement official in the county,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Stebbins said judges need to listen to both sides carefully and be willing to work fairly with each party without getting “run over” by either side, a skill she said she has consistently demonstrated throughout her career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins argues she has the on-the-ground experience to become an effective judge, noting that she still practices law daily and works in courtrooms with judges, public defenders, defendants and victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the courtroom every day, and a lot has changed in the law in the last decade,” she said. “So I’m actually seeing how that all plays out and what changes have been made and how that’s affecting all of the stakeholders in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience is also the basis for her biggest criticism of Boyarsky, who she said is too far removed from the current day-to-day realities of the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s “supervising the supervisors that supervise,” she said. “I’m the surgeon doing the surgeries every day. … “He’s in the medical office blocks away, hiring the doctors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also argues that Boyarsky’s rise to chief assistant “was not a rise based on merit” but rather on “a friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Boyarsky points to his extensive administrative and management experience overseeing 190 attorneys as a major strength that will contribute to his efficacy on the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I do is I make a lot of decisions every day, and I communicate them,” he said. “And they’re about people’s lives. They’re about people’s careers. They’re about accountability. They’re about the media, they’re about policy, they’re about the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said judges do much more than just oversee trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s primarily making decisions and weighing facts and evidence and taking competing interests into account,” he said. “That’s what someone who’s running a very large organization has to do every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read more about Boyarsky’s positions and endorsements \u003ca href=\"https://www.jayboyarsky.com/\">here\u003c/a>, and Stebbins’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.johnenelindastebbinsforjudge.org/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-recall-vote-nears-alameda-county-da-says-shes-faced-resistance-her-entire-term",
"title": "As Recall Vote Nears, Alameda County DA Says She’s Faced Resistance Her Entire Term",
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"headTitle": "As Recall Vote Nears, Alameda County DA Says She’s Faced Resistance Her Entire Term | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been a tough few weeks for Alameda County District Attorney Price, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">faces a recall election\u003c/a> Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall has been endorsed by her longtime political opponent, former Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010683/former-alameda-county-da-nancy-omalley-endorses-recall-pamela-price\">Nancy O’Malley\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/endorsement-pamela-price-recall-alameda-da-19831707.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/25/alameda-county-district-attorney-recall-pamela-price-editorial/\">\u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), who represents southeastern Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">supports the recall\u003c/a> and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/g5dfnv45ya1mpn74zxf8l/SWALWELL-Price-Ltr-FINAL.pdf?rlkey=ytiyanej1fmu9o486crarpuww&e=1&st=mcxu8m10&dl=0\">threatening to sue\u003c/a> Price for defamation after her anti-recall campaign suggested in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=845953397720684&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> that Swalwell engaged in misconduct during his time as a deputy district attorney under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a poll released last week by the Oakland Chamber of Commerce, 56% of Oakland voters support the recall. Oakland is the county’s largest city and was home to much of her \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/12/23/berkeley-vote-california-alameda-county-election-2022-maps\">base\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, about 16% of Alameda County voters have returned their ballots, according to Political Data, Inc. That could mean the vast majority of voters are still making up their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Price’s inauguration in January 2023, KQED spoke to her about her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935709/change-is-hard-alameda-da-elect-pamela-price-talks-about-the-road-ahead\">vision for the office\u003c/a>. In an Oct. 24 conversation with KQED, Price described the challenges of leading the office through a transition, responded to criticism and outlined what she will do if she defeats the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The interview has been edited for brevity and clarity\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Making big transitions in any office is hard, especially when some of the people who are in office don’t want that change. What have you prioritized?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My first priority was to stabilize the workforce. We had to calm everybody down and make sure that we were addressing what people’s fears were, what their needs were and that they had a decent place to work. There’s a lot of trauma in the office, and it may be that it’s secondary trauma from the work that we do. So, we amplified the mental health resources. We did a lot of improvements to the physical plant and started majorly working on the technology because the office was, as my IT person says, literally in the Stone Age in terms of how they use the technology. A lot of training needed to happen and still needs to happen to get people to use the technology, and then also to be able to work more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009700 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-11_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are some things that you had to let go of?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are practices in this office that I think I know are not serving this community, but it’s how we’ve always done it. This issue around arrest warrants in this county — we mail out notifications to people that they have a court date. And if they don’t come to a court date, a bench warrant may be issued, but we don’t communicate that very well. Bail is another problem in this community. We had to say, “OK, what is the long-term impact of changing money bail, and how does that interact with our other partners in the criminal justice system?” It’s been a longer discussion around how we fix money bail out in Alameda County. It’s also been a longer discussion about how we address some of the in-custody deaths at Santa Rosa County Jail. Very serious issues, but we just kind of scratched the surface. My sense is that we’ve done amazing things, but we would have been able to move faster if we did not have so much resistance both within and without.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you think the last two years would have been different if you hadn’t had to focus on responding to a recall effort?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think the anxiety that people in office are feeling now would not have ever risen to this level, and it would have allowed them to be more open about the challenges that they were facing. I think that once the people who no longer wanted to be here found an opportunity and got support for having a recall, it undermined the stability of the people who were here. That they were under pressure. We have 422 employees. These folks come to work every day committed to do their job the best that they can do. And on the outside, all that they are hearing over and over again — that they’re doing a terrible job. That the DA is creating a hostile work environment. It demoralizes my team. I think that we would have been able to heal and reduce some of the anxiety that people felt about change and the transition if we had not had a lot of fomenting from the outside and people trying to destabilize the office. There’s a lot to do, and we’ve stayed focused, and we have done a lot. I don’t know that we would have done more, but I think it just would have been a lot easier for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955803\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman wearing a dark, sleeveless floral-printed dress, stands with her hands together in an office filled with books.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price at her office in Oakland on July 16, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your administration has had some caustic exchanges, sometimes on social media, with the county sheriff’s office, the governor, the California Highway Patrol, and the former district attorney you replaced, Nancy O’Malley. Why do you think there have been so many disagreements between high-level officials and your administration?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement has for decades controlled the decision-making and the conversation about what justice looks like in district attorney’s offices. In November of 2022, the voters said we want to have a different conversation. It was driven by our efforts in 2018 to show people that the district attorney’s office is an elected office, and that it belongs to this community, and that we should have a voice in determining what kind of justice we’re going to be receiving from our district attorney’s office. The conversation became more intense nationally in the George Floyd period. For the most part, law enforcement and police unions weren’t really part of that conversation. Not in Alameda County. So it was only after we won that suddenly they woke up and said, “Wait a minute, somebody else who we don’t control is now leading that conversation.” I think that that’s part of the backlash and what people have to anticipate when you have a change as dramatic as the one that we’ve had in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> Price unsuccessfully ran against O’Malley in 2018.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001150 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240821-ANTIRECALL-AF-05-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Critics have accused you of nepotism, in part because of the hiring of Antwon Cloird, with whom you have a personal relationship. They’ve also accused you of hiring unqualified employees. In response, you’ve pointed out that O’Malley hired her sister and said you are being held to a double standard. Do you think it’s unfair for the public to want those practices to stop?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t know that the public is requesting that it not happen anymore. I think that the critics are political operatives and have made this a political issue. My predecessor hired far more family members than just her sister. Her predecessor hired the family members of judges in this county. That was a way of creating the kind of familial relationships between this office and the Alameda County bench that continue to exist. I have 11 employees whose parents were either judges or they worked in this office. This was a legacy office for many, many decades. The branch head of our East County Hall of Justice is Jim Meehan. His father hired him 38 years ago. So it’s not something that just recently happened. The county has never had an anti-nepotism policy. So, I think that to the extent that some people have expressed concerns about my hiring practices, I just find it interesting that no one was concerned about the hiring practices until the Black woman became the district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> John J. Meehan, the father of Jim Meehan, served as Alameda County District Attorney between 1981-1994. KQED could not confirm that an additional 10 employees in the office are related to judges or have family members who are current or former employees.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham and Carl Chan, leaders of the campaign to recall Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price, join demonstrators as they yell chants during a kickoff rally outside the René C. Davidson Courthouse in Oakland on June 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The San Francisco Chronicle reported that more than 1,000 misdemeanor crimes will go unevaluated and uncharged after your office allows the statute of limitations on them to expire. You’ve acknowledged there is a backlog and an unknown number of police reports have now passed the statute of limitations. Why should Alameda County residents who may become the victims of crime trust your office will evaluate their case?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because that is what we do every day. We receive over 12,000 police reports from 22 different police agencies. The problem that was identified and highlighted at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse apparently has existed for decades, and it was only revealed to us when we began asking questions about certain cases. We started digging into it, and what I found is that a backlog of unreviewed reports had become normalized because of the workload. It was normalized for people to be overwhelmed in the work that they were doing. And they didn’t have the kind of systems in place to support them in their work. What the public should know is that now we understand what the problem is, and we’ve done a deep dive. The team that I said I would put on to this problem on Monday, Oct. 21, actually has started. We now have four and five lawyers who are going to address the backlog. My IT team successfully modified the computer system Wednesday, Oct. 23. We’ve determined it’s not a thousand cases [that passed the statute of limitations], but it appears to be under 600. We will clean this up by Dec. 31, if not sooner. We fix the problem as we find problems, as we have been doing for the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> In August, the California Highway Patrol said in a statement to KQED that 72% of cases referred to the Alameda County DA since February 2024 hadn’t been acted on. Price told KQED that the CHP complaint is what tipped her off to the problem in her office’s law enforcement report review process at Wiley W. Manuel. At a press conference on Oct. 16, Price told reporters she was expanding the number of attorneys working to address the backlog and updating the office’s case management software to better track how long attorneys have to charge a case before the statute of limitations kicks in.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda,Alameda County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Looking forward, what do you think a well-functioning criminal justice system in Alameda County would look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A well-running criminal justice system in Alameda County, number one, would respect the people who we impact, both victims and defendants. Victims are not well treated in this system. My office will do more to make sure we bring an online text messaging system so that people don’t show up at court and there’s no court, or they show up at court and the court date gets continued. We want to expand the number of victim-witness advocates. My goal is to have 50. We only have 33 who are hands-on, trauma-informed right now. The other 11 are claims people. So, for me, a fully functional, well-running criminal justice system would have at least 100 advocates, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have a full, robust, collaborative court program that has a full menu of options for young people ages 18 to 26. Right now, we have two, maybe 1 1/2 courts that actually address the needs or really respond to criminal activity by transitional-aged youth. We need far more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing that I think will reflect a fully functioning, appropriate criminal justice system for this community will be a fully functioning restorative justice process that is embedded in the DA’s office. A restorative justice process is about healing for victims. It’s not about the defendant. The defendant ultimately is going to be held accountable, whatever that looks like. But it really is an opportunity for the victims to not just be tools and witnesses and people who come to court and see something — then they have got to go out and fix their own lives. They actually get to participate in the process. And at some point, if the process is successful, they get to ask the person, “Why did you kill my loved one?” And it’s starting to happen. We’ve got one case I can’t really talk about, but it’s happening. In five years, we hope we will have a fully functioning restorative justice practice inside the DA’s office. And 10 years from now, people will look back and say, “How come they didn’t have restorative justice back then?” It will be normalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "As Recall Vote Nears, Alameda County DA Says She’s Faced Resistance Her Entire Term | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been a tough few weeks for Alameda County District Attorney Price, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">faces a recall election\u003c/a> Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall has been endorsed by her longtime political opponent, former Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010683/former-alameda-county-da-nancy-omalley-endorses-recall-pamela-price\">Nancy O’Malley\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/endorsement-pamela-price-recall-alameda-da-19831707.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/25/alameda-county-district-attorney-recall-pamela-price-editorial/\">\u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), who represents southeastern Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">supports the recall\u003c/a> and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/g5dfnv45ya1mpn74zxf8l/SWALWELL-Price-Ltr-FINAL.pdf?rlkey=ytiyanej1fmu9o486crarpuww&e=1&st=mcxu8m10&dl=0\">threatening to sue\u003c/a> Price for defamation after her anti-recall campaign suggested in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=845953397720684&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> that Swalwell engaged in misconduct during his time as a deputy district attorney under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a poll released last week by the Oakland Chamber of Commerce, 56% of Oakland voters support the recall. Oakland is the county’s largest city and was home to much of her \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/12/23/berkeley-vote-california-alameda-county-election-2022-maps\">base\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, about 16% of Alameda County voters have returned their ballots, according to Political Data, Inc. That could mean the vast majority of voters are still making up their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Price’s inauguration in January 2023, KQED spoke to her about her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935709/change-is-hard-alameda-da-elect-pamela-price-talks-about-the-road-ahead\">vision for the office\u003c/a>. In an Oct. 24 conversation with KQED, Price described the challenges of leading the office through a transition, responded to criticism and outlined what she will do if she defeats the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The interview has been edited for brevity and clarity\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Making big transitions in any office is hard, especially when some of the people who are in office don’t want that change. What have you prioritized?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My first priority was to stabilize the workforce. We had to calm everybody down and make sure that we were addressing what people’s fears were, what their needs were and that they had a decent place to work. There’s a lot of trauma in the office, and it may be that it’s secondary trauma from the work that we do. So, we amplified the mental health resources. We did a lot of improvements to the physical plant and started majorly working on the technology because the office was, as my IT person says, literally in the Stone Age in terms of how they use the technology. A lot of training needed to happen and still needs to happen to get people to use the technology, and then also to be able to work more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are some things that you had to let go of?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are practices in this office that I think I know are not serving this community, but it’s how we’ve always done it. This issue around arrest warrants in this county — we mail out notifications to people that they have a court date. And if they don’t come to a court date, a bench warrant may be issued, but we don’t communicate that very well. Bail is another problem in this community. We had to say, “OK, what is the long-term impact of changing money bail, and how does that interact with our other partners in the criminal justice system?” It’s been a longer discussion around how we fix money bail out in Alameda County. It’s also been a longer discussion about how we address some of the in-custody deaths at Santa Rosa County Jail. Very serious issues, but we just kind of scratched the surface. My sense is that we’ve done amazing things, but we would have been able to move faster if we did not have so much resistance both within and without.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you think the last two years would have been different if you hadn’t had to focus on responding to a recall effort?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think the anxiety that people in office are feeling now would not have ever risen to this level, and it would have allowed them to be more open about the challenges that they were facing. I think that once the people who no longer wanted to be here found an opportunity and got support for having a recall, it undermined the stability of the people who were here. That they were under pressure. We have 422 employees. These folks come to work every day committed to do their job the best that they can do. And on the outside, all that they are hearing over and over again — that they’re doing a terrible job. That the DA is creating a hostile work environment. It demoralizes my team. I think that we would have been able to heal and reduce some of the anxiety that people felt about change and the transition if we had not had a lot of fomenting from the outside and people trying to destabilize the office. There’s a lot to do, and we’ve stayed focused, and we have done a lot. I don’t know that we would have done more, but I think it just would have been a lot easier for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955803\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman wearing a dark, sleeveless floral-printed dress, stands with her hands together in an office filled with books.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price at her office in Oakland on July 16, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your administration has had some caustic exchanges, sometimes on social media, with the county sheriff’s office, the governor, the California Highway Patrol, and the former district attorney you replaced, Nancy O’Malley. Why do you think there have been so many disagreements between high-level officials and your administration?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement has for decades controlled the decision-making and the conversation about what justice looks like in district attorney’s offices. In November of 2022, the voters said we want to have a different conversation. It was driven by our efforts in 2018 to show people that the district attorney’s office is an elected office, and that it belongs to this community, and that we should have a voice in determining what kind of justice we’re going to be receiving from our district attorney’s office. The conversation became more intense nationally in the George Floyd period. For the most part, law enforcement and police unions weren’t really part of that conversation. Not in Alameda County. So it was only after we won that suddenly they woke up and said, “Wait a minute, somebody else who we don’t control is now leading that conversation.” I think that that’s part of the backlash and what people have to anticipate when you have a change as dramatic as the one that we’ve had in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> Price unsuccessfully ran against O’Malley in 2018.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Critics have accused you of nepotism, in part because of the hiring of Antwon Cloird, with whom you have a personal relationship. They’ve also accused you of hiring unqualified employees. In response, you’ve pointed out that O’Malley hired her sister and said you are being held to a double standard. Do you think it’s unfair for the public to want those practices to stop?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t know that the public is requesting that it not happen anymore. I think that the critics are political operatives and have made this a political issue. My predecessor hired far more family members than just her sister. Her predecessor hired the family members of judges in this county. That was a way of creating the kind of familial relationships between this office and the Alameda County bench that continue to exist. I have 11 employees whose parents were either judges or they worked in this office. This was a legacy office for many, many decades. The branch head of our East County Hall of Justice is Jim Meehan. His father hired him 38 years ago. So it’s not something that just recently happened. The county has never had an anti-nepotism policy. So, I think that to the extent that some people have expressed concerns about my hiring practices, I just find it interesting that no one was concerned about the hiring practices until the Black woman became the district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> John J. Meehan, the father of Jim Meehan, served as Alameda County District Attorney between 1981-1994. KQED could not confirm that an additional 10 employees in the office are related to judges or have family members who are current or former employees.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham and Carl Chan, leaders of the campaign to recall Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price, join demonstrators as they yell chants during a kickoff rally outside the René C. Davidson Courthouse in Oakland on June 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The San Francisco Chronicle reported that more than 1,000 misdemeanor crimes will go unevaluated and uncharged after your office allows the statute of limitations on them to expire. You’ve acknowledged there is a backlog and an unknown number of police reports have now passed the statute of limitations. Why should Alameda County residents who may become the victims of crime trust your office will evaluate their case?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because that is what we do every day. We receive over 12,000 police reports from 22 different police agencies. The problem that was identified and highlighted at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse apparently has existed for decades, and it was only revealed to us when we began asking questions about certain cases. We started digging into it, and what I found is that a backlog of unreviewed reports had become normalized because of the workload. It was normalized for people to be overwhelmed in the work that they were doing. And they didn’t have the kind of systems in place to support them in their work. What the public should know is that now we understand what the problem is, and we’ve done a deep dive. The team that I said I would put on to this problem on Monday, Oct. 21, actually has started. We now have four and five lawyers who are going to address the backlog. My IT team successfully modified the computer system Wednesday, Oct. 23. We’ve determined it’s not a thousand cases [that passed the statute of limitations], but it appears to be under 600. We will clean this up by Dec. 31, if not sooner. We fix the problem as we find problems, as we have been doing for the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> In August, the California Highway Patrol said in a statement to KQED that 72% of cases referred to the Alameda County DA since February 2024 hadn’t been acted on. Price told KQED that the CHP complaint is what tipped her off to the problem in her office’s law enforcement report review process at Wiley W. Manuel. At a press conference on Oct. 16, Price told reporters she was expanding the number of attorneys working to address the backlog and updating the office’s case management software to better track how long attorneys have to charge a case before the statute of limitations kicks in.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Looking forward, what do you think a well-functioning criminal justice system in Alameda County would look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A well-running criminal justice system in Alameda County, number one, would respect the people who we impact, both victims and defendants. Victims are not well treated in this system. My office will do more to make sure we bring an online text messaging system so that people don’t show up at court and there’s no court, or they show up at court and the court date gets continued. We want to expand the number of victim-witness advocates. My goal is to have 50. We only have 33 who are hands-on, trauma-informed right now. The other 11 are claims people. So, for me, a fully functional, well-running criminal justice system would have at least 100 advocates, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have a full, robust, collaborative court program that has a full menu of options for young people ages 18 to 26. Right now, we have two, maybe 1 1/2 courts that actually address the needs or really respond to criminal activity by transitional-aged youth. We need far more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing that I think will reflect a fully functioning, appropriate criminal justice system for this community will be a fully functioning restorative justice process that is embedded in the DA’s office. A restorative justice process is about healing for victims. It’s not about the defendant. The defendant ultimately is going to be held accountable, whatever that looks like. But it really is an opportunity for the victims to not just be tools and witnesses and people who come to court and see something — then they have got to go out and fix their own lives. They actually get to participate in the process. And at some point, if the process is successful, they get to ask the person, “Why did you kill my loved one?” And it’s starting to happen. We’ve got one case I can’t really talk about, but it’s happening. In five years, we hope we will have a fully functioning restorative justice practice inside the DA’s office. And 10 years from now, people will look back and say, “How come they didn’t have restorative justice back then?” It will be normalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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},
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"id": "baycurious",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
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"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
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