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The city’s budget plan, also passed in July, relies on one-time funds from the Coliseum sale and includes a contingency plan with drastic cuts triggered on Oct. 1 if the city hadn’t received the first $15 million from AASEG.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That second $10 million payment did not come in before the budget’s contingency cutoff date. The new sale agreement would push it back, but the effect on Oakland’s budget is still not clear, frustrating some City Council members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ray Bobbitt, AASEG’s founder and managing member, said Thursday that AASEG and the city had talked about amending \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997946/oakland-reaches-deal-on-105-million-coliseum-sale-to-stave-off-budget-cuts\">the initial deal \u003c/a>before it was signed and entered into talks quickly after to add security against the property to their payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 30, AASEG received an amended deal that increases the total price from $105 million to $110 million and requires all of the funds to be transferred before the fiscal year ends in July, Bobbitt said. Under the initial deal, the last installment would have been made by June 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $10 million payment that was initially slated for Sept. 1 was pushed back to Oct. 7, which Bobbitt said AASEG expects to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing’s really changed other than the fact that we may pay all of the money off within the fiscal year, which would be a mechanism to give us the security we need,” Bobbitt told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12004710 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/Oakland-Coliseum_-Getty-Images-1020x689.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some council members aren’t pleased that they were left out of the conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Janani Ramachandran said she and Councilmember Treva Reid had inquired repeatedly since August for updates on the sale. They were both skeptical of the city’s budget plan this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We said, ‘Look, we want to protect our city’s money. If it seems as though this money isn’t going to come in on time, we want to help problem solve and see what we can do to soften the blow of the contingency budget,’” Ramachandran told KQED. “We were denied an opportunity to engage with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s council meeting, she asked about the status of the $10 million payment that was expected Sept. 1, with an apparent grace period of about three weeks. City administrator Jestin Johnson said the city had enacted “several cost-reduction measures,” seemingly necessary only without those funds, but officials said they could not provide information about the status of the payments since no discussion of the sale was on the meeting’s agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramachandran said that even if the payment plan being negotiated by AASEG and the city is enacted, it could affect the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means the two other installment payments that were supposed to happen in November — another $15 million, and then $33 million by Jan. 15 — what’s going to happen to aspects of our budget that relied on that money coming in on time?” she said. “Even if this proposed deal does come to council, I have deep concerns about this impacting our budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Sheng Thao did not respond to a request for comment, but her office said in a statement on Tuesday, the Oct. 1 budget cutoff date, that “no contingencies have been triggered that weren’t already in place.” It did not specify what, if any, contingencies were in place at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All relevant information will be presented to the City Council in closed session and at the Finance and Management Committee meetings, in accordance with appropriate and legal noticing requirements,” the statement continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the deal is amended, the City Council will have to approve it before it can take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramachandran said the Coliseum deal is not currently scheduled for closed-session discussion. — aside from an emergency informational item that she, Reid, and Councilmember Noel Gallo requested be added to next Monday’s agenda, which was awaiting approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former Supervisor Mark Farrell and Supervisor Ahsha Safaí are teaming up in their bid to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">San Francisco’s next mayor\u003c/a> by telling voters to make the other candidate their second choice on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the first ranked-choice alliance to be announced in this year’s mayor’s race, and the two will campaign together leading up to Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one is going to win this race without a ranked-choice vote strategy,” Safaí told KQED. “I am going to spend time over the next month getting [Farrell] in front of my constituencies that he might not have history and contact with so they can get a good feeling of him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two mark an unlikely alliance. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000444/former-san-francisco-supervisor-mark-farrell-makes-a-comeback-bid-for-mayor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Farrell\u003c/a>, who has worked as a venture capitalist, represented some of the city’s wealthiest northern neighborhoods, including the Marina, Cow Hollow and the Presidio, while serving as supervisor before he was appointed interim mayor in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999653/sf-mayors-race-supervisor-ahsha-safai-talks-homelessness-accountability-and-iranian-roots\">Safaí\u003c/a>, who has a background in labor organizing, represents a much different San Francisco. He’s the only immigrant in the race and serves several working-class neighborhoods on the city’s southern edge, such as the Excelsior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='elections_2025' label='Bay Area 2024 Election Guide: Candidates and Issues' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While Ahsha and I do not agree on every issue, we share similar values and a shared belief that San Francisco will be stronger without London Breed as Mayor,” Farrell said in a statement. “Our alliance broadens both of our bases of support citywide and in a race where a percentage point could make the difference between winning or losing is extremely valuable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco uses \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101904407/doing-democracy-how-ranked-choice-voting-has-changed-elections\">ranked-choice voting\u003c/a>, meaning voters can choose up to 10 different candidates in order of preference, rather than traditional elections in which voters pick a single candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After all of the first-choice votes for each candidate are counted, any candidate with a majority wins the race. But if there is no clear winner in the first round, then the candidate with the least first-choice votes is eliminated, and their votes are redistributed to the next candidate on each voter’s ranking. That process repeats until a candidate has a majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell and Safaí have hinted at their collaboration on the campaign trail. When asked in previous forums who they would vote for, each named the other candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alliances are about complimenting each other,” Safaí said. “All morning long, I have been getting calls from constituents who want to hear from him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two have both earned endorsements from building trades unions and share common ground on platform points such as wanting to increase police staffing and expand housing development across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We both are raising our families here. We both have wide support from organized labor,” Farrell said, adding that the two are both “fighting for working families to ensure they have a fair shot and every opportunity to succeed in our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former Supervisor Mark Farrell and Supervisor Ahsha Safaí are teaming up in their bid to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">San Francisco’s next mayor\u003c/a> by telling voters to make the other candidate their second choice on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the first ranked-choice alliance to be announced in this year’s mayor’s race, and the two will campaign together leading up to Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one is going to win this race without a ranked-choice vote strategy,” Safaí told KQED. “I am going to spend time over the next month getting [Farrell] in front of my constituencies that he might not have history and contact with so they can get a good feeling of him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While Ahsha and I do not agree on every issue, we share similar values and a shared belief that San Francisco will be stronger without London Breed as Mayor,” Farrell said in a statement. “Our alliance broadens both of our bases of support citywide and in a race where a percentage point could make the difference between winning or losing is extremely valuable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco uses \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101904407/doing-democracy-how-ranked-choice-voting-has-changed-elections\">ranked-choice voting\u003c/a>, meaning voters can choose up to 10 different candidates in order of preference, rather than traditional elections in which voters pick a single candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After all of the first-choice votes for each candidate are counted, any candidate with a majority wins the race. But if there is no clear winner in the first round, then the candidate with the least first-choice votes is eliminated, and their votes are redistributed to the next candidate on each voter’s ranking. That process repeats until a candidate has a majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell and Safaí have hinted at their collaboration on the campaign trail. When asked in previous forums who they would vote for, each named the other candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alliances are about complimenting each other,” Safaí said. “All morning long, I have been getting calls from constituents who want to hear from him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two have both earned endorsements from building trades unions and share common ground on platform points such as wanting to increase police staffing and expand housing development across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We both are raising our families here. We both have wide support from organized labor,” Farrell said, adding that the two are both “fighting for working families to ensure they have a fair shot and every opportunity to succeed in our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort against Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price gained the backing of a prominent East Bay politician ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">November’s election\u003c/a> with the endorsement of Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“District Attorney Pam Price has failed the residents of Alameda County,” Swalwell told KQED on Wednesday. “She has essentially put in place pro-criminal policies where the cops catch the bad guys and she releases them back into the community, and that has made us less safe and has created anxiety among citizens. And you see the effects of this all throughout the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price was elected in 2022 on a platform focused on reducing incarceration and racial disparities in the criminal legal system. Her policies include not charging some types of sentencing enhancements and not charging minors as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell specifically pointed out Price’s refusal to seek gun enhancements, saying that “if you’re taking an approach of not going after violent criminals, people who use guns — if that’s your baseline, the most dangerous people who have access to the most dangerous weapons are not being charged with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Price said gun enhancements are applied on a case-by-case basis, as outlined by office \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/SPECIAL-DIRECTIVE-23-01-FAQ.04142023.pdf\">policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort to recall Price says her policies led to a \u003ca href=\"https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/exploration/crime-statistics/crimes-clearances\">spike in crime in the county in 2023\u003c/a>. So far this year, available \u003ca href=\"https://cityofoakland2.app.box.com/s/sjiq7usfy27gy9dfe51hp8arz5l1ixad/file/1638302557778\">crime data\u003c/a> for Oakland shows the rate there has been declining, mirroring a \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/08/13/violent-crime-oakland-and-nationwide-declining-2024/#:~:text=Between%20Jan.,Shootings%20are%20down%2023%25.\">national downtrend\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://nij.ojp.gov/topics/articles/five-things-about-deterrence\">Research from the National Institute of Justice\u003c/a>, meanwhile, suggests that more severe jail and prison sentences are not an effective deterrent of crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007624\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham, victim’s advocate and leader of the recall campaign, speaks during a press conference outside of Hayward City Hall in Hayward on Oct. 2, 2024, announcing Congressman Eric Swalwell’s support for the recall of Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At a press conference in Hayward Wednesday, Swalwell, who represents southeastern Alameda County in the House of Representatives, said he saw the need for criminal justice reforms, pointing out that sentences for people whose crimes stem from addiction or mental health should be minimized. He also said Price’s policies are too friendly to people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell has long been a critic of Price. When Price ran for office in 2022, he donated to her opponent. Last May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/eric-swalwell-pamela-price-19458135.php\">they squabbled online\u003c/a>, with Swalwell, a former Alameda County prosecutor, accusing Price of being “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RepSwalwell/status/1788945467868635556\">soft on crime\u003c/a>” after the robbery of a Dublin mail carrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s campaign \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/PPrice_Cares/status/1790070830900064588\">retorted by accusing Swalwell\u003c/a> of holding Price to a higher standard than her predecessor — Swalwell’s former boss, Nancy O’Malley — and pointed out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/thieves-targeting-mail-keys-in-east-bay-usps-carrier-robberies\">robberies targeting mail carriers are a longstanding problem\u003c/a> that Swalwell only started blaming the district attorney’s office for after a Black woman was elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has been highly critical of O’Malley, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/09/12/pamela-price-alameda-county-district-attorney-interview-recall/\">accusing her\u003c/a> of leaving behind an office in disarray. In 2019, O’Malley gave the introductory remarks at the campaign launch of Swalwell’s short-lived run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to its 2023 Annual Report, Price’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">took action on approximately the same percentage of cases\u003c/a> brought to it by police as in the previous four years under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='elections_2775' label='Alameda County 2024 Elections: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates & Issues on Your Ballot' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell gained national attention when he became the House manager leading the second impeachment proceedings against former President Donald Trump in 2021. He later \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/05/politics/trump-lawsuit-insurrection-eric-swalwell/index.html\">sued Trump\u003c/a> over the Jan. 6 insurrection. That case is ongoing. Since then, Swalwell has kept up a drumbeat of media critiques of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He appears to be the first elected official from the county to endorse the recall effort against Price. \u003ca href=\"https://www.protectthewin.org/endorsements\">A handful\u003c/a> of local leaders and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/joegarofoli/article/sheng-thao-pamela-price-recalls-19761967.php\">Alameda County Democratic Party Central Committee\u003c/a> have endorsed the campaign to keep Price in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on Wednesday, the pro-Price campaign questioned the motives of Swalwell’s endorsement and sought to frame it as out of step with the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congressman Swalwell’s actions have raised questions about whom he truly represents and what impact his support may have on Democratic values in our community,” a spokesperson for the campaign said. “His support for an effort that undermines a fellow Democrat and rejects the position of local Democrats has left many of his constituents feeling betrayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement comes as both the recall campaign and the anti-recall effort kick into high gear in the last month before the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This past week, one of the recall campaign committees, called Supporters of Recall Pamela Price, received $152,500 in donations from the San Leandro Police Officers Association, the Deputy Sheriffs’ Association of Alameda County and a San Rafael-based group called Revitalize East Bay. Meanwhile, yard signs opposing the recall are popping up in front of houses and roadway medians across the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin) has long opposed embattled District Attorney Pamela Price. Now, he’s made his endorsement of her recall official.",
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"title": "Recall Targeting Alameda County DA Is Endorsed by East Bay Congressman | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort against Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price gained the backing of a prominent East Bay politician ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">November’s election\u003c/a> with the endorsement of Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“District Attorney Pam Price has failed the residents of Alameda County,” Swalwell told KQED on Wednesday. “She has essentially put in place pro-criminal policies where the cops catch the bad guys and she releases them back into the community, and that has made us less safe and has created anxiety among citizens. And you see the effects of this all throughout the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price was elected in 2022 on a platform focused on reducing incarceration and racial disparities in the criminal legal system. Her policies include not charging some types of sentencing enhancements and not charging minors as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell specifically pointed out Price’s refusal to seek gun enhancements, saying that “if you’re taking an approach of not going after violent criminals, people who use guns — if that’s your baseline, the most dangerous people who have access to the most dangerous weapons are not being charged with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Price said gun enhancements are applied on a case-by-case basis, as outlined by office \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/SPECIAL-DIRECTIVE-23-01-FAQ.04142023.pdf\">policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort to recall Price says her policies led to a \u003ca href=\"https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/exploration/crime-statistics/crimes-clearances\">spike in crime in the county in 2023\u003c/a>. So far this year, available \u003ca href=\"https://cityofoakland2.app.box.com/s/sjiq7usfy27gy9dfe51hp8arz5l1ixad/file/1638302557778\">crime data\u003c/a> for Oakland shows the rate there has been declining, mirroring a \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/08/13/violent-crime-oakland-and-nationwide-declining-2024/#:~:text=Between%20Jan.,Shootings%20are%20down%2023%25.\">national downtrend\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://nij.ojp.gov/topics/articles/five-things-about-deterrence\">Research from the National Institute of Justice\u003c/a>, meanwhile, suggests that more severe jail and prison sentences are not an effective deterrent of crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007624\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham, victim’s advocate and leader of the recall campaign, speaks during a press conference outside of Hayward City Hall in Hayward on Oct. 2, 2024, announcing Congressman Eric Swalwell’s support for the recall of Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At a press conference in Hayward Wednesday, Swalwell, who represents southeastern Alameda County in the House of Representatives, said he saw the need for criminal justice reforms, pointing out that sentences for people whose crimes stem from addiction or mental health should be minimized. He also said Price’s policies are too friendly to people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell has long been a critic of Price. When Price ran for office in 2022, he donated to her opponent. Last May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/eric-swalwell-pamela-price-19458135.php\">they squabbled online\u003c/a>, with Swalwell, a former Alameda County prosecutor, accusing Price of being “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RepSwalwell/status/1788945467868635556\">soft on crime\u003c/a>” after the robbery of a Dublin mail carrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s campaign \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/PPrice_Cares/status/1790070830900064588\">retorted by accusing Swalwell\u003c/a> of holding Price to a higher standard than her predecessor — Swalwell’s former boss, Nancy O’Malley — and pointed out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/thieves-targeting-mail-keys-in-east-bay-usps-carrier-robberies\">robberies targeting mail carriers are a longstanding problem\u003c/a> that Swalwell only started blaming the district attorney’s office for after a Black woman was elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has been highly critical of O’Malley, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/09/12/pamela-price-alameda-county-district-attorney-interview-recall/\">accusing her\u003c/a> of leaving behind an office in disarray. In 2019, O’Malley gave the introductory remarks at the campaign launch of Swalwell’s short-lived run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to its 2023 Annual Report, Price’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">took action on approximately the same percentage of cases\u003c/a> brought to it by police as in the previous four years under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell gained national attention when he became the House manager leading the second impeachment proceedings against former President Donald Trump in 2021. He later \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/05/politics/trump-lawsuit-insurrection-eric-swalwell/index.html\">sued Trump\u003c/a> over the Jan. 6 insurrection. That case is ongoing. Since then, Swalwell has kept up a drumbeat of media critiques of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He appears to be the first elected official from the county to endorse the recall effort against Price. \u003ca href=\"https://www.protectthewin.org/endorsements\">A handful\u003c/a> of local leaders and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/joegarofoli/article/sheng-thao-pamela-price-recalls-19761967.php\">Alameda County Democratic Party Central Committee\u003c/a> have endorsed the campaign to keep Price in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on Wednesday, the pro-Price campaign questioned the motives of Swalwell’s endorsement and sought to frame it as out of step with the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congressman Swalwell’s actions have raised questions about whom he truly represents and what impact his support may have on Democratic values in our community,” a spokesperson for the campaign said. “His support for an effort that undermines a fellow Democrat and rejects the position of local Democrats has left many of his constituents feeling betrayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement comes as both the recall campaign and the anti-recall effort kick into high gear in the last month before the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This past week, one of the recall campaign committees, called Supporters of Recall Pamela Price, received $152,500 in donations from the San Leandro Police Officers Association, the Deputy Sheriffs’ Association of Alameda County and a San Rafael-based group called Revitalize East Bay. Meanwhile, yard signs opposing the recall are popping up in front of houses and roadway medians across the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "former-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-drops-out-of-congressional-debate",
"title": "Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo Drops Out of Congressional Debate",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Updated 7:50 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Mayor Sam Liccardo pulled out of tonight’s scheduled debate with fellow Democrat Assemblymember Evan Low, citing laryngitis and losing his voice, according to his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s decision to drop out of the debate, hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48, comes amid a tense election year for the closely-watched Silicon Valley congressional seat. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">controversial recount in the March primary election\u003c/a> upped the intensity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve unfortunately lost my voice and had to cancel three meet-and-greets yesterday,” Liccardo said in a statement. “We’re canceling other events until my voice recovers. My doctor has given me medication to help with the laryngitis, and I hope to be back out there in a few days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo added that “knocking on doors across our community, participating in nearly 100 meet-and-greets and several debates has taken its toll on my vocal cords.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo and Low are competing to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, 81, who last year announced she would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">not seek re-election\u003c/a>. Eshoo was elected in 1992 and is the first woman and Democrat to represent California’s 16th Congressional District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the March primary, Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian tied for second place, with both garnering exactly 30,249 votes, a first since California launched its top-two primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984495/evan-low-takes-second-place-in-silicon-valley-congressional-race-after-recount-breaks-historic-tie\">Low won a high-profile recount\u003c/a>, requested by a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valle\">former Liccardo campaign staffer\u003c/a>, by just five votes, allowing him to face Liccardo in November. Campaign finance reports revealed the recount process was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a> and a pro-Liccardo super PAC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling released in late September\u003c/a> by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates can break through to voters during debates in ways that door-knocking and mailers might not. But it’s not clear what impact, if any, backing out of tonight’s debate will have on Liccardo’s lead in the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Mayor London Breed recently came under some heat for \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/09/11/san-francisco-mayor-skip-debates-london-breed/\">dropping out\u003c/a> of several mayoral debates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/from-the-ceo-ex-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-hurts-voters-by-ditching-public-candidate-forum-congress-election-2024/\">Liccardo declined to participate in a candidate forum with Low\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extremely suspicious — especially since it comes days after San Jose police and firefighters blasted Liccardo for lying about his record attacking first responders and causing the city to lose 500 cops on the beat,” said Low’s campaign manager, Lindsey Cobia. “The President of the San Jose Police Officer Association said it best. ‘There is a reason why every law enforcement organization has not endorsed Sam Liccardo: we don’t trust him.’ Liccardo should prove it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Liccardo campaign provided KQED with a copy of his medical records Wednesday night dated for an appointment earlier that morning. A doctor recommended five to seven days of voice rest for the former mayor, along with medication to treat laryngitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NBC Bay Area, KQED and Telemundo 48 are working to reschedule the debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed I’m unable to participate in the debate tonight, but I’ve instructed our team to do everything possible to reschedule this televised debate within the next three weeks to ensure voters have an opportunity to hear from both candidates,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmarzorati\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Liccardo has an 11% lead over Assemblymember Evan Low for the Silicon Valley Congressional seat, according to polling released in late September. Liccardo also backed out of a candidate forum with Low in July. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Updated 7:50 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Mayor Sam Liccardo pulled out of tonight’s scheduled debate with fellow Democrat Assemblymember Evan Low, citing laryngitis and losing his voice, according to his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s decision to drop out of the debate, hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48, comes amid a tense election year for the closely-watched Silicon Valley congressional seat. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">controversial recount in the March primary election\u003c/a> upped the intensity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve unfortunately lost my voice and had to cancel three meet-and-greets yesterday,” Liccardo said in a statement. “We’re canceling other events until my voice recovers. My doctor has given me medication to help with the laryngitis, and I hope to be back out there in a few days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo added that “knocking on doors across our community, participating in nearly 100 meet-and-greets and several debates has taken its toll on my vocal cords.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo and Low are competing to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, 81, who last year announced she would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">not seek re-election\u003c/a>. Eshoo was elected in 1992 and is the first woman and Democrat to represent California’s 16th Congressional District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the March primary, Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian tied for second place, with both garnering exactly 30,249 votes, a first since California launched its top-two primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984495/evan-low-takes-second-place-in-silicon-valley-congressional-race-after-recount-breaks-historic-tie\">Low won a high-profile recount\u003c/a>, requested by a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valle\">former Liccardo campaign staffer\u003c/a>, by just five votes, allowing him to face Liccardo in November. Campaign finance reports revealed the recount process was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a> and a pro-Liccardo super PAC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling released in late September\u003c/a> by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates can break through to voters during debates in ways that door-knocking and mailers might not. But it’s not clear what impact, if any, backing out of tonight’s debate will have on Liccardo’s lead in the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Mayor London Breed recently came under some heat for \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/09/11/san-francisco-mayor-skip-debates-london-breed/\">dropping out\u003c/a> of several mayoral debates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/from-the-ceo-ex-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-hurts-voters-by-ditching-public-candidate-forum-congress-election-2024/\">Liccardo declined to participate in a candidate forum with Low\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extremely suspicious — especially since it comes days after San Jose police and firefighters blasted Liccardo for lying about his record attacking first responders and causing the city to lose 500 cops on the beat,” said Low’s campaign manager, Lindsey Cobia. “The President of the San Jose Police Officer Association said it best. ‘There is a reason why every law enforcement organization has not endorsed Sam Liccardo: we don’t trust him.’ Liccardo should prove it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Liccardo campaign provided KQED with a copy of his medical records Wednesday night dated for an appointment earlier that morning. A doctor recommended five to seven days of voice rest for the former mayor, along with medication to treat laryngitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NBC Bay Area, KQED and Telemundo 48 are working to reschedule the debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed I’m unable to participate in the debate tonight, but I’ve instructed our team to do everything possible to reschedule this televised debate within the next three weeks to ensure voters have an opportunity to hear from both candidates,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmarzorati\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">landmark gun control law in San José\u003c/a> is free from legal challenges for the first time since its inception, following an appeals court ruling earlier this month, though it’s likely the issue will receive more scrutiny in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the law say the latest legal victory could push other cities toward adopting similar regulations, envisioned as a partial salve in addressing gun violence locally while national action has long stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are other municipalities that have tried to model ordinances after ours or are contemplating it and have been watching this really carefully,” said Tamarah Prevost, an attorney representing San José in the gun ordinance case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think overall what it shows is that municipalities can come up with creative solutions to what’s obviously a very complex problem. So San Jose’s hope is that it sends a signal and sort of a green light to other municipalities that they should hopefully do the same,” Prevost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjpd.org/records/documents-policies/gun-harm-reduction-ordinance\">Gun Harm Reduction Ordinance\u003c/a> – which requires gun owners in the city to carry a liability insurance policy and to pay a fee toward gun violence prevention – was the first of its kind and was mired in litigation beginning minutes after its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">approval by the City Council in January 2022\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance requirement has been in effect in the city since the start of 2023, though the city is still hammering out plans to enact the fee portion, which has been slowed in part as litigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the city plans to designate a nonprofit organization to collect the fee from gun owners, which could be around $25 annually, and manage the spending of those funds to help “\u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10508335&GUID=F4AC493E-905E-42E8-A69E-8ADE914F4BD2&_cldee=qPwZOesMnS9T4-irKaivTyUialCRez4pqnPIbzdhSyKYxyl6j2CwuXM-oTqDxZwd5kYxPAzkEHEzDujp-grjIw&recipientid=contact-108cc7900465e81189f4000c2917ee57-2c1b26add39b47e497764e35d6d26c02&utm_source=ClickDimensions&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=SD%2014%20-%20Johnson&esid=f912e4e5-c1b5-ec11-a979-005056a52bcd\">reduce the risk\u003c/a> or likelihood of harm from the use of firearms in the city of San Jose,” among other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2023, a federal court in San José dismissed the National Gun Rights Association’s arguments against the insurance mandate portion of the law, saying the new regulations are in line with the country’s “historical traditions” and constitutional guarantees for gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also dismissed the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association’s challenge to the fee portion of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Howard Jarvis group then appealed its concerns with the fee, which it called an “illegal tax” on gun owners, to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in San Francisco. A panel of appeals court judges on Sept. 10 agreed the case should be dismissed, saying it is too soon to challenge the fee portion of the law because it hasn’t been implemented yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No real threat of injury currently exists because the city has not set a precise collection date for the fee,” the panel of judges wrote in their decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More San José Coverage' tag='san-jose']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo, who championed the ordinance while in office, said the ruling is vindicating, and he hopes it will help strengthen the resolve of other local leaders looking to push back on the “epidemic” of gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got called or approached by more than a couple dozen mayors who all told me at one time or another, ‘We really want to do this, and my city attorney won’t let me until we find out that you get through the litigation first,’” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we hope that this will spur the grassroots activity in communities throughout the country, particularly in states like California, where we have communities that are more eager to see sensible gun regulation in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Bittle, chief counsel for the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, said the appeals court ruling was “no surprise,” but he still maintains the fee portion of the law is wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It bothers me that it’s on the books, that it’s still enacted, but I guess…it’s like hibernating,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if his group plans to revive litigation against the city once the fee portion of the law is put into place, Bittle said “yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just going to monitor what the city does in the future,” he said. “We’re still very interested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Prevost and Liccardo acknowledge that more legal challenges could lie ahead as enforcement of the ordinance progresses but feel confident those efforts would fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pioneering efforts are hard, particularly when there are powerful groups on the other side,” Liccardo said. “And certainly, many state legislatures have introduced measures like this only to see them die on the vine under the pressure of the gun lobby. So, of course, it’s going to take time to do this successfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, who is running to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo in the 16th District, said if he is elected to Congress, he doesn’t think the kinds of changes being made by the San José law would be possible at the federal level, though he does hope to push for other lower hanging fruit if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be going into a body where being able to do what we’ve done in San José is not on the table today. It’s really an opportunity for other city halls and other state legislatures,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance requirement has been in effect in the city since the start of 2023, though the city is still hammering out plans to enact the fee portion, which has been slowed in part as litigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the city plans to designate a nonprofit organization to collect the fee from gun owners, which could be around $25 annually, and manage the spending of those funds to help “\u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10508335&GUID=F4AC493E-905E-42E8-A69E-8ADE914F4BD2&_cldee=qPwZOesMnS9T4-irKaivTyUialCRez4pqnPIbzdhSyKYxyl6j2CwuXM-oTqDxZwd5kYxPAzkEHEzDujp-grjIw&recipientid=contact-108cc7900465e81189f4000c2917ee57-2c1b26add39b47e497764e35d6d26c02&utm_source=ClickDimensions&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=SD%2014%20-%20Johnson&esid=f912e4e5-c1b5-ec11-a979-005056a52bcd\">reduce the risk\u003c/a> or likelihood of harm from the use of firearms in the city of San Jose,” among other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2023, a federal court in San José dismissed the National Gun Rights Association’s arguments against the insurance mandate portion of the law, saying the new regulations are in line with the country’s “historical traditions” and constitutional guarantees for gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also dismissed the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association’s challenge to the fee portion of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Howard Jarvis group then appealed its concerns with the fee, which it called an “illegal tax” on gun owners, to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in San Francisco. A panel of appeals court judges on Sept. 10 agreed the case should be dismissed, saying it is too soon to challenge the fee portion of the law because it hasn’t been implemented yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No real threat of injury currently exists because the city has not set a precise collection date for the fee,” the panel of judges wrote in their decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo, who championed the ordinance while in office, said the ruling is vindicating, and he hopes it will help strengthen the resolve of other local leaders looking to push back on the “epidemic” of gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got called or approached by more than a couple dozen mayors who all told me at one time or another, ‘We really want to do this, and my city attorney won’t let me until we find out that you get through the litigation first,’” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we hope that this will spur the grassroots activity in communities throughout the country, particularly in states like California, where we have communities that are more eager to see sensible gun regulation in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Bittle, chief counsel for the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, said the appeals court ruling was “no surprise,” but he still maintains the fee portion of the law is wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It bothers me that it’s on the books, that it’s still enacted, but I guess…it’s like hibernating,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if his group plans to revive litigation against the city once the fee portion of the law is put into place, Bittle said “yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just going to monitor what the city does in the future,” he said. “We’re still very interested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Prevost and Liccardo acknowledge that more legal challenges could lie ahead as enforcement of the ordinance progresses but feel confident those efforts would fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pioneering efforts are hard, particularly when there are powerful groups on the other side,” Liccardo said. “And certainly, many state legislatures have introduced measures like this only to see them die on the vine under the pressure of the gun lobby. So, of course, it’s going to take time to do this successfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, who is running to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo in the 16th District, said if he is elected to Congress, he doesn’t think the kinds of changes being made by the San José law would be possible at the federal level, though he does hope to push for other lower hanging fruit if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be going into a body where being able to do what we’ve done in San José is not on the table today. It’s really an opportunity for other city halls and other state legislatures,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this podcast episode said that nothing would change immediately if Prop 33 passes. In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011500/if-proposition-33-passes-these-bay-area-cities-would-see-big-rent-control-changes\">several communities have laws that would immediately go into effect\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Vanessa Rancaño helps us understand what’s at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3223859608&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I’ve been renting my place here in the Bay Area for 9 years and once a year, around the time when our lease terms are due for renewal. I start to get anxious about what that rent increase might look like.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s a real fear! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Renters in California pay about 50 percent more for housing than renters in other states. Which means a lot of people are spending about as much as they can afford on rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Big rent increases price a lot of people out of their homes every year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One way local governments have tried to give renters a bit more stability is by enacting rent control laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> But caps set by the state mean they can only go so far… I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today we’re moving in on Prop 33, which would give authority back to local governments to enact or change rent control laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We’ve seen similar props in 2018 and 2020, and voters didn’t go for it. But polling shows the tide could be turning.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We’ll get into what exactly Prop 33 would do … plus an overview on the debate about rent control. Does it lower rents? Or have the opposite effect?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s all just ahead on Prop Fest. Stay tuned…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR BREAK\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s dive deep into Proposition 33, which will read like this on your ballot. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Amanda Font: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 33 is a state statue that expands local governments’ authority to enact rent control on residential property. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is one of the big ticket items on this year’s ballot. With tens of millions of dollars being spent on both sides. Because this one impacts people’s wallets. Here to wade through it with us is KQED housing reporter Vanessa Rancaño. Welcome, Vanessa. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hello. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So let’s start big picture. What is Proposition 33 aiming to do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It aims to give local governments more power to regulate rents. They do this via rent control laws. So these are policies that cap annual rent increases. At the moment, there’s a state law that sets some parameters on how far rent control Laws can go in California. But if Prop 33 passes, those limits would be removed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There is rent control already in some Bay Area cities like San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose. So cities do have some ability to enact rent control, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, they definitely do, but they can only go so far. And that’s because of this state law called the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act that’s been around since 1995. And it’s sort of key to understand that before we can unpack Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Well, let’s get into Costa-Hawkins, Where to begin? Walk us through it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sure. So the context for this law is that there was a swell of tenant activism in the 70s and 80s, which led to the passage of a number of local rent control laws. And at the time, people were struggling to pay rent for a bunch of reasons. We weren’t building enough, there was inflation, wages weren’t rising. And in 1978, Prop 13 passed here in California, limiting property taxes homeowners pay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, tenants had been promised that because landlords would be paying less in taxes, those savings were going to trickle down to them and they’d be paying less in rent. But that did not happen. Rents, in fact, rose. And tenants rights groups felt duped. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So in response to all these different factors, we saw a handful of cities pass rent control laws that limited how much a landlord could raise rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What we see then is a backlash against that increase in tenant power. Some people blamed rent control for the housing shortage. They thought rent control scared off developers from building new apartments because they wouldn’t be able to make as high a profit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So that’s the background when in 1995 these two state lawmakers, Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assemblymember Phil Hawkins, put forward legislation to curb rent control. It passes by just one vote and shapes rent control policy across California for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, what exactly does Costa-Hawkins do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it does two big things. It exempts single family homes, condos and anything built after 1995 from rent control. That’s why you see rent controlled units tend to be older. The idea there is that to encourage new construction you’ve got to exempt new apartments from rent control. For cities that had existing rent control laws in place Costa-Hawkins froze the cutoff dates for how old a unit had to be to be eligible for rent control under those laws. So, for example, in Oakland, the cutoff is 1983. Berkeley, it’s 1980. San Jose, San Francisco—nothing built after 1979 can have rent control. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The second really important thing that Costa-Hawkins does is it eliminates what’s called \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy control\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. That ties rent control to an apartment instead of to the tenant. So under Costa-Hawkins we have \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy decontrol\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. It means that if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, the landlord can raise the rent up to market rate, as high as they want. They’re only limited in terms of how much they can raise the rent a year to year after a tenant moves in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At this point Costa-Hawkins has been on the books in California for just shy of 30 years. Can you talk about what kind of impacts have seen?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Well, I think we can say that we see fewer people Living in rent controlled apartments than we might otherwise. We also see rent control apartments getting older. So our stock of rent controlled apartments dwindles because buildings get redeveloped. I think it’s really hard to say if limits on rent control have had any impact on development because there are just so many other factors in play. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But developers would certainly say that they like them, I would assume. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So this year we’re voting on Prop 33. What would it do exactly? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It would take us back to before Costa-Hawkins and hand the power to make decisions on rent control back to local governments. To be clear, it does not mean that suddenly rent control is going to be in every town, affecting every home or anything even close to that. But it does open the door for communities to make local rent control decisions without being limited by state law. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I feel like I’m having déja vu with this one because people have tried to overturn Costa-Hawkins before. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, there were two efforts, one in 2018 and one in 2020, that took aim at the law and voters shot both of those down. There are some powerful interests that really do not want to see the expansion of rent control. Landlord groups, real estate groups. They have put a lot of money into fighting these statewide initiatives and they have so far been successful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, rent control is controversial even among those who want to see lower rents. Can you explain why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. I mean, traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. They argue that rent caps are inefficient, that they create scarcity and drive up rents in non-regulated buildings. I came across this survey from 1992 that found over 90% of economists agreed that these policies drive down the quantity and quality of available housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ya know, Bay Curious actually did an explainer that covered some of those things about rent control back in 2018. So I would say if the efficacy of rent control is really important to how you vote, you might go give that a listen for some additional context. We’ll link to it in our show notes or just head online and search something like: “Bay Curious Rent Control 2018” and it should be the first thing that pops up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, that is a great overview of the arguments. I think the only thing I would add is that more recently we have seen some economists come forward to argue that there is research and there are real world examples that refute this traditional narrative, which they say is based more on economic theory than empirical evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mark Paul is a Rutgers economist who studies rent control and also very much supports it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mark Paul: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most mainstream economists are taught these theoretical models where perfect competition exists, there’s no such thing as market power, you know where landlords have more power than renters. In their models that they’re thinking about this there’s unlimited supply of affordable housing, homelessness doesn’t exist, and corporate landlords that use algorithmic pricing to jack prices up, something that we see the Federal Trade Commission going after corporate landlords for, things like that can’t exist because they would just get outcompeted. But I think people underestimate the bias most economists have against government intervention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hmm so it sounds like not all economists are necessarily on the same page the way they might have been at one time? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. So last year, a group of 32 economists wrote this letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency lobbying for the use of rent control across the country. And what they’re arguing is that all this naysaying that we see about rent control mirrors economists’ traditional opposition to minimum wage laws. They predicted that minimum wage laws were going to lead to widespread joblessness, and we haven’t actually seen that happen. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Hm Interesting. Are there any components of rent control that folks who do study this \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">can \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">agree on?\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So here is what I think we can safely say. There is research evidence that rent control does work to hold rents down for tenants in eligible units. But how much varies a lot across policies and studies. There is also evidence that it can have unintended consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the places where there’s agreement about what those consequences are: that it can lead to a decline in housing quality, because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. It can lead to a reduction in the number of rental housing units on the market because landlords convert apartments to condos. So there are studies that have found that more moderate forms of rent control can avoid some of these unintended consequences. And then the economists, those who support rent control argue that if you put in place other regulations, along with rent control, you can get around some of these consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So, for instance, you can do things to try to prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos. You can allow landlords to pass along maintenance costs to renters to sort of incentivize them to continue to maintain their properties. So things like that. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I know one critique of rent control has been it can be pretty blunt in terms of who it actually helps. Can you explain that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I will say that you know, there are many people who argue that even if you put in place the strongest, best rent control policy, it’s not necessarily going to reach the right people, right? Because it is tied to a property rather than a person. Michael Manville is a UCLA Urban planning professor who studies rent control. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Manville: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful, and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people. Because the thing is, even if you have the most powerful, strong rent control law, you could end up holding down the rent for a bunch of people who don’t necessarily need that assistance. And letting a bunch of people who do need that assistance pay a very high housing costs because they aren’t fortunate enough to be in a rent controlled unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Walk us through who is opposing Prop 33 and why. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In general, it’s landlord and real estate interests. And what they argue is that these policies ultimately are counterproductive, that they will lead to less new construction and ultimately housing prices will just go up, that rental prices will go up. I’ve also heard from landlords that, you know, their property taxes keep going up, but they’re seeing stricter caps on how much they can raise the rent and that makes it really tough for them to maintain their properties. And many of them are just really frustrated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Who is supporting this measure and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and its president, Michael Weinstein is the chief proponent of not just Prop 33, but also the last two attempts to roll back Costa-Hawkins in 2018 and 2020. The California Democratic Party is also backing it. Some tenant advocacy groups. Some unions. Francisco Dueñas runs Housing Now California it’s a coalition of organizations advocating for pro renter policies. They very much support Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We see that they help provide stability for tenants. That it helps prevent or protect against, you know, surprise increases in rents. And I think that’s the biggest benefit that people really look towards, is just knowing that their rents are not going to rise 100%, you know, from one month to the next when they’re lease ends.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And in general all these folks argue that the rent is just too high, that people are getting pushed out of cities. People are ending up homeless. And, you know, at the very least that we should do something to protect people from huge surprise rent increases. They point out that while we do have a state rent control law, it passed in 2019 and it limits annual increases to 10%, it’s just too high, they say. And that law sunsets in 2030 in any case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other arguments I’ve heard are that homeowners are benefiting from a form of price control in the form of fixed rate mortgages. And we should, you know, extend similar protections to renters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Beyond all that, there are people who argue that we should rethink how we approach housing in this country, that we should reframe it as a fundamental human right rather than a commodity. And they see rent control as one small step in that direction.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The profit motive shouldn’t be the only thing that leads the policy when it comes to housing because then, you know, everybody but the highest bidder is losing out if our housing policy is only focused on profit and, you know, outcomes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I do want to underline that support coming from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation on this prop, because that plays into what we’ll be talking about tomorrow, Proposition 34, which some have seen as a proposition built specifically to take aim at the AIDS Healthcare Foundation for their advocacy on rent control issues over the years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vanessa, this is one of the most expensive measures from a spending perspective that we’re seeing. Can you tell us how that’s all shaking out so far?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Oh my god. People are spending so much money on this. So to date, it’s over $40 million to support this proposition. The vast majority of that is coming from the AIDS HealthCare Foundation. In terms of opposition, they’ve raised over $65 million. The vast majority of that is coming from the California Apartment Association and the California Association of Realtors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Woo! Spendy. Vanessa Rancaño is a housing reporter at KQED. Vanessa, thanks for breaking this down for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thanks for having me.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s review. A vote yes on Prop 33 means you want local governments to have the power to enact or change their own rent control laws. A vote no on Prop 33 would keep state limits on rent control in place. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s it on Prop 33. You can find audio and transcripts of this episode, and all the others in our Prop Fest series at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. While you’re on the KQED website, be sure to check out our voter guide, which has lots more important information about your statewide and local elections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s made by…\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alan Montecillo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jessica Kariisa\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>Amanda Font\u003cbr>\nChristopher Beale\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ana De Almeda Amaral\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We get extra support from\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jen Chien\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Holly Kernan\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 34, which would limit how some healthcare providers can spend money earned through a federal drug pricing program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It looks like a healthcare bill, but it actually has a lot to do with rent control. We’ll spill the tea on that tomorrow – but be sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Thanks for listening to Prop Fest. Peace.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Reporter Vanessa Rancaño discusses what's at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.",
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"title": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this podcast episode said that nothing would change immediately if Prop 33 passes. In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011500/if-proposition-33-passes-these-bay-area-cities-would-see-big-rent-control-changes\">several communities have laws that would immediately go into effect\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Vanessa Rancaño helps us understand what’s at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3223859608&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I’ve been renting my place here in the Bay Area for 9 years and once a year, around the time when our lease terms are due for renewal. I start to get anxious about what that rent increase might look like.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s a real fear! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Renters in California pay about 50 percent more for housing than renters in other states. Which means a lot of people are spending about as much as they can afford on rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Big rent increases price a lot of people out of their homes every year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One way local governments have tried to give renters a bit more stability is by enacting rent control laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> But caps set by the state mean they can only go so far… I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today we’re moving in on Prop 33, which would give authority back to local governments to enact or change rent control laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We’ve seen similar props in 2018 and 2020, and voters didn’t go for it. But polling shows the tide could be turning.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We’ll get into what exactly Prop 33 would do … plus an overview on the debate about rent control. Does it lower rents? Or have the opposite effect?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s all just ahead on Prop Fest. Stay tuned…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR BREAK\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s dive deep into Proposition 33, which will read like this on your ballot. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Amanda Font: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 33 is a state statue that expands local governments’ authority to enact rent control on residential property. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is one of the big ticket items on this year’s ballot. With tens of millions of dollars being spent on both sides. Because this one impacts people’s wallets. Here to wade through it with us is KQED housing reporter Vanessa Rancaño. Welcome, Vanessa. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hello. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So let’s start big picture. What is Proposition 33 aiming to do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It aims to give local governments more power to regulate rents. They do this via rent control laws. So these are policies that cap annual rent increases. At the moment, there’s a state law that sets some parameters on how far rent control Laws can go in California. But if Prop 33 passes, those limits would be removed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There is rent control already in some Bay Area cities like San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose. So cities do have some ability to enact rent control, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, they definitely do, but they can only go so far. And that’s because of this state law called the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act that’s been around since 1995. And it’s sort of key to understand that before we can unpack Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Well, let’s get into Costa-Hawkins, Where to begin? Walk us through it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sure. So the context for this law is that there was a swell of tenant activism in the 70s and 80s, which led to the passage of a number of local rent control laws. And at the time, people were struggling to pay rent for a bunch of reasons. We weren’t building enough, there was inflation, wages weren’t rising. And in 1978, Prop 13 passed here in California, limiting property taxes homeowners pay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, tenants had been promised that because landlords would be paying less in taxes, those savings were going to trickle down to them and they’d be paying less in rent. But that did not happen. Rents, in fact, rose. And tenants rights groups felt duped. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So in response to all these different factors, we saw a handful of cities pass rent control laws that limited how much a landlord could raise rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What we see then is a backlash against that increase in tenant power. Some people blamed rent control for the housing shortage. They thought rent control scared off developers from building new apartments because they wouldn’t be able to make as high a profit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So that’s the background when in 1995 these two state lawmakers, Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assemblymember Phil Hawkins, put forward legislation to curb rent control. It passes by just one vote and shapes rent control policy across California for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, what exactly does Costa-Hawkins do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it does two big things. It exempts single family homes, condos and anything built after 1995 from rent control. That’s why you see rent controlled units tend to be older. The idea there is that to encourage new construction you’ve got to exempt new apartments from rent control. For cities that had existing rent control laws in place Costa-Hawkins froze the cutoff dates for how old a unit had to be to be eligible for rent control under those laws. So, for example, in Oakland, the cutoff is 1983. Berkeley, it’s 1980. San Jose, San Francisco—nothing built after 1979 can have rent control. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The second really important thing that Costa-Hawkins does is it eliminates what’s called \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy control\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. That ties rent control to an apartment instead of to the tenant. So under Costa-Hawkins we have \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy decontrol\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. It means that if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, the landlord can raise the rent up to market rate, as high as they want. They’re only limited in terms of how much they can raise the rent a year to year after a tenant moves in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At this point Costa-Hawkins has been on the books in California for just shy of 30 years. Can you talk about what kind of impacts have seen?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Well, I think we can say that we see fewer people Living in rent controlled apartments than we might otherwise. We also see rent control apartments getting older. So our stock of rent controlled apartments dwindles because buildings get redeveloped. I think it’s really hard to say if limits on rent control have had any impact on development because there are just so many other factors in play. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But developers would certainly say that they like them, I would assume. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So this year we’re voting on Prop 33. What would it do exactly? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It would take us back to before Costa-Hawkins and hand the power to make decisions on rent control back to local governments. To be clear, it does not mean that suddenly rent control is going to be in every town, affecting every home or anything even close to that. But it does open the door for communities to make local rent control decisions without being limited by state law. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I feel like I’m having déja vu with this one because people have tried to overturn Costa-Hawkins before. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, there were two efforts, one in 2018 and one in 2020, that took aim at the law and voters shot both of those down. There are some powerful interests that really do not want to see the expansion of rent control. Landlord groups, real estate groups. They have put a lot of money into fighting these statewide initiatives and they have so far been successful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, rent control is controversial even among those who want to see lower rents. Can you explain why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. I mean, traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. They argue that rent caps are inefficient, that they create scarcity and drive up rents in non-regulated buildings. I came across this survey from 1992 that found over 90% of economists agreed that these policies drive down the quantity and quality of available housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ya know, Bay Curious actually did an explainer that covered some of those things about rent control back in 2018. So I would say if the efficacy of rent control is really important to how you vote, you might go give that a listen for some additional context. We’ll link to it in our show notes or just head online and search something like: “Bay Curious Rent Control 2018” and it should be the first thing that pops up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, that is a great overview of the arguments. I think the only thing I would add is that more recently we have seen some economists come forward to argue that there is research and there are real world examples that refute this traditional narrative, which they say is based more on economic theory than empirical evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mark Paul is a Rutgers economist who studies rent control and also very much supports it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mark Paul: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most mainstream economists are taught these theoretical models where perfect competition exists, there’s no such thing as market power, you know where landlords have more power than renters. In their models that they’re thinking about this there’s unlimited supply of affordable housing, homelessness doesn’t exist, and corporate landlords that use algorithmic pricing to jack prices up, something that we see the Federal Trade Commission going after corporate landlords for, things like that can’t exist because they would just get outcompeted. But I think people underestimate the bias most economists have against government intervention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hmm so it sounds like not all economists are necessarily on the same page the way they might have been at one time? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. So last year, a group of 32 economists wrote this letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency lobbying for the use of rent control across the country. And what they’re arguing is that all this naysaying that we see about rent control mirrors economists’ traditional opposition to minimum wage laws. They predicted that minimum wage laws were going to lead to widespread joblessness, and we haven’t actually seen that happen. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Hm Interesting. Are there any components of rent control that folks who do study this \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">can \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">agree on?\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So here is what I think we can safely say. There is research evidence that rent control does work to hold rents down for tenants in eligible units. But how much varies a lot across policies and studies. There is also evidence that it can have unintended consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the places where there’s agreement about what those consequences are: that it can lead to a decline in housing quality, because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. It can lead to a reduction in the number of rental housing units on the market because landlords convert apartments to condos. So there are studies that have found that more moderate forms of rent control can avoid some of these unintended consequences. And then the economists, those who support rent control argue that if you put in place other regulations, along with rent control, you can get around some of these consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So, for instance, you can do things to try to prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos. You can allow landlords to pass along maintenance costs to renters to sort of incentivize them to continue to maintain their properties. So things like that. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I know one critique of rent control has been it can be pretty blunt in terms of who it actually helps. Can you explain that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I will say that you know, there are many people who argue that even if you put in place the strongest, best rent control policy, it’s not necessarily going to reach the right people, right? Because it is tied to a property rather than a person. Michael Manville is a UCLA Urban planning professor who studies rent control. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Manville: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful, and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people. Because the thing is, even if you have the most powerful, strong rent control law, you could end up holding down the rent for a bunch of people who don’t necessarily need that assistance. And letting a bunch of people who do need that assistance pay a very high housing costs because they aren’t fortunate enough to be in a rent controlled unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Walk us through who is opposing Prop 33 and why. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In general, it’s landlord and real estate interests. And what they argue is that these policies ultimately are counterproductive, that they will lead to less new construction and ultimately housing prices will just go up, that rental prices will go up. I’ve also heard from landlords that, you know, their property taxes keep going up, but they’re seeing stricter caps on how much they can raise the rent and that makes it really tough for them to maintain their properties. And many of them are just really frustrated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Who is supporting this measure and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and its president, Michael Weinstein is the chief proponent of not just Prop 33, but also the last two attempts to roll back Costa-Hawkins in 2018 and 2020. The California Democratic Party is also backing it. Some tenant advocacy groups. Some unions. Francisco Dueñas runs Housing Now California it’s a coalition of organizations advocating for pro renter policies. They very much support Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We see that they help provide stability for tenants. That it helps prevent or protect against, you know, surprise increases in rents. And I think that’s the biggest benefit that people really look towards, is just knowing that their rents are not going to rise 100%, you know, from one month to the next when they’re lease ends.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And in general all these folks argue that the rent is just too high, that people are getting pushed out of cities. People are ending up homeless. And, you know, at the very least that we should do something to protect people from huge surprise rent increases. They point out that while we do have a state rent control law, it passed in 2019 and it limits annual increases to 10%, it’s just too high, they say. And that law sunsets in 2030 in any case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other arguments I’ve heard are that homeowners are benefiting from a form of price control in the form of fixed rate mortgages. And we should, you know, extend similar protections to renters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Beyond all that, there are people who argue that we should rethink how we approach housing in this country, that we should reframe it as a fundamental human right rather than a commodity. And they see rent control as one small step in that direction.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The profit motive shouldn’t be the only thing that leads the policy when it comes to housing because then, you know, everybody but the highest bidder is losing out if our housing policy is only focused on profit and, you know, outcomes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I do want to underline that support coming from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation on this prop, because that plays into what we’ll be talking about tomorrow, Proposition 34, which some have seen as a proposition built specifically to take aim at the AIDS Healthcare Foundation for their advocacy on rent control issues over the years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vanessa, this is one of the most expensive measures from a spending perspective that we’re seeing. Can you tell us how that’s all shaking out so far?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Oh my god. People are spending so much money on this. So to date, it’s over $40 million to support this proposition. The vast majority of that is coming from the AIDS HealthCare Foundation. In terms of opposition, they’ve raised over $65 million. The vast majority of that is coming from the California Apartment Association and the California Association of Realtors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Woo! Spendy. Vanessa Rancaño is a housing reporter at KQED. Vanessa, thanks for breaking this down for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thanks for having me.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s review. A vote yes on Prop 33 means you want local governments to have the power to enact or change their own rent control laws. A vote no on Prop 33 would keep state limits on rent control in place. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s it on Prop 33. You can find audio and transcripts of this episode, and all the others in our Prop Fest series at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. While you’re on the KQED website, be sure to check out our voter guide, which has lots more important information about your statewide and local elections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s made by…\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alan Montecillo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jessica Kariisa\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>Amanda Font\u003cbr>\nChristopher Beale\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ana De Almeda Amaral\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We get extra support from\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jen Chien\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Holly Kernan\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 34, which would limit how some healthcare providers can spend money earned through a federal drug pricing program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It looks like a healthcare bill, but it actually has a lot to do with rent control. We’ll spill the tea on that tomorrow – but be sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>[Updated at 3:15 p.m. Sept. 30]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> sued a Catholic hospital in Northern California for denying a pregnant patient emergency abortion care, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> announced during a Monday press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lawsuit, filed in Humboldt County Superior Court, Bonta alleges Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka violated multiple laws, including the state’s Emergency Services Law, which mandates hospitals to provide care “necessary to relieve or eliminate the emergency medical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case reveals the limits and challenges of abortion access in California despite the state having some of the nation’s strongest reproductive health protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Eureka resident Dr. Anna Nusslock was 15 weeks pregnant when her water broke, she said at the press conference. Multiple doctors told her that the twins she was carrying would not survive, and if she didn’t receive an emergency abortion, neither would she. But Providence St. Joseph Hospital told Nusslock that it could not provide her with an abortion due to a hospital policy prohibiting medical intervention so long as “fetal heart tones” were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While experiencing bleeding and “blinding pain,” Nusslock was rushed 12 miles to Mad River Community Hospital in Arcata, California, where she received a life-saving surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am here today to tell my story for one simple reason, because I don’t want other people in my community to experience the same life-threatening trauma that I experienced,” Nusslock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said that it’s not unusual to hear tragic stories of women denied life-saving treatment coming out of the 22 states with full or partial abortion bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as Anna’s story illustrates, even here in California, we are not immune from this problem,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence, which operates 51 hospitals and 1,000 clinics on the West Coast, a spokesperson said the hospital learned about the lawsuit Monday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are currently reviewing the filings to understand what is being alleged,” Bryan Kawasaki wrote in a statement, which added that the hospital was “heartbroken” over Nusslock’s experience. “We review every event that may not have met our patient needs or expectations to understand what happened and take appropriate steps to meet those needs and expectations for every patient we encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s suit also alleges that Providence’s policy discriminates against pregnant patients, providing different choices than they would for other patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005009 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/iStock_000039661108_Large_qed-1020x678.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hospital ignores the medical advice of their physicians and the desires of their patients, subjecting them to intrusive hospital policies that are of no benefit to the patient’s health,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mary Ziegler, an abortion law expert at UC Davis, said that although the state has some of the strongest abortion rights in the country, there are “parts of California where those rights aren’t being realized.” That tends to be in disproportionately rural, conservative and smaller communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve also seen the influence of which kinds of hospitals operate in those communities,” Ziegler said. “Catholic and conservative hospitals tend to have different policies regarding access to these rights than others do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Widely seen as a potential candidate for governor in 2026, Bonta has used his enforcement powers to preserve and strengthen reproductive rights in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Bonta welcomed abortion care providers from states with restrictive laws like Arizona and Idaho, promising to protect them from anti-abortion laws. Last year, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11962088/california-sues-anti-abortion-counseling-centers-says-they-misled-women\">sued an anti-abortion group\u003c/a> and a chain of anti-abortion counseling centers, alleging the organizations misled women when they offered unproven treatments to reverse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990192/what-the-supreme-court-ruling-on-the-abortion-pill-means-for-access-in-california\">medication abortions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said his attorneys believe there may be others who have endured experiences similar to Nusslock and urged others who may have been denied medical care to share their stories with the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t yet know the full scope of this problem or how many patients have suffered, but we do know that unless we act, this will happen again and again,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ziegler said the state government has made major financial and political commitments facilitating abortion access, positioning itself as an “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002780/california-democrats-strike-back-against-local-conservative-rebellions-on-lgbtq-rights-abortion\">abortion sanctuary\u003c/a>” since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to an abortion two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge now is to make those resources work in underprivileged parts of California,” Ziegler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may need to be more kind of targeted work done at the local level — as opposed to the state level — to make sure that the people we know are still not aware of or able to access those resources are able to do so,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>[Updated at 3:15 p.m. Sept. 30]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> sued a Catholic hospital in Northern California for denying a pregnant patient emergency abortion care, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> announced during a Monday press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lawsuit, filed in Humboldt County Superior Court, Bonta alleges Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka violated multiple laws, including the state’s Emergency Services Law, which mandates hospitals to provide care “necessary to relieve or eliminate the emergency medical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case reveals the limits and challenges of abortion access in California despite the state having some of the nation’s strongest reproductive health protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Eureka resident Dr. Anna Nusslock was 15 weeks pregnant when her water broke, she said at the press conference. Multiple doctors told her that the twins she was carrying would not survive, and if she didn’t receive an emergency abortion, neither would she. But Providence St. Joseph Hospital told Nusslock that it could not provide her with an abortion due to a hospital policy prohibiting medical intervention so long as “fetal heart tones” were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While experiencing bleeding and “blinding pain,” Nusslock was rushed 12 miles to Mad River Community Hospital in Arcata, California, where she received a life-saving surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am here today to tell my story for one simple reason, because I don’t want other people in my community to experience the same life-threatening trauma that I experienced,” Nusslock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said that it’s not unusual to hear tragic stories of women denied life-saving treatment coming out of the 22 states with full or partial abortion bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as Anna’s story illustrates, even here in California, we are not immune from this problem,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence, which operates 51 hospitals and 1,000 clinics on the West Coast, a spokesperson said the hospital learned about the lawsuit Monday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are currently reviewing the filings to understand what is being alleged,” Bryan Kawasaki wrote in a statement, which added that the hospital was “heartbroken” over Nusslock’s experience. “We review every event that may not have met our patient needs or expectations to understand what happened and take appropriate steps to meet those needs and expectations for every patient we encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s suit also alleges that Providence’s policy discriminates against pregnant patients, providing different choices than they would for other patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hospital ignores the medical advice of their physicians and the desires of their patients, subjecting them to intrusive hospital policies that are of no benefit to the patient’s health,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mary Ziegler, an abortion law expert at UC Davis, said that although the state has some of the strongest abortion rights in the country, there are “parts of California where those rights aren’t being realized.” That tends to be in disproportionately rural, conservative and smaller communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve also seen the influence of which kinds of hospitals operate in those communities,” Ziegler said. “Catholic and conservative hospitals tend to have different policies regarding access to these rights than others do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Widely seen as a potential candidate for governor in 2026, Bonta has used his enforcement powers to preserve and strengthen reproductive rights in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Bonta welcomed abortion care providers from states with restrictive laws like Arizona and Idaho, promising to protect them from anti-abortion laws. Last year, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11962088/california-sues-anti-abortion-counseling-centers-says-they-misled-women\">sued an anti-abortion group\u003c/a> and a chain of anti-abortion counseling centers, alleging the organizations misled women when they offered unproven treatments to reverse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990192/what-the-supreme-court-ruling-on-the-abortion-pill-means-for-access-in-california\">medication abortions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said his attorneys believe there may be others who have endured experiences similar to Nusslock and urged others who may have been denied medical care to share their stories with the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t yet know the full scope of this problem or how many patients have suffered, but we do know that unless we act, this will happen again and again,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ziegler said the state government has made major financial and political commitments facilitating abortion access, positioning itself as an “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002780/california-democrats-strike-back-against-local-conservative-rebellions-on-lgbtq-rights-abortion\">abortion sanctuary\u003c/a>” since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to an abortion two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge now is to make those resources work in underprivileged parts of California,” Ziegler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may need to be more kind of targeted work done at the local level — as opposed to the state level — to make sure that the people we know are still not aware of or able to access those resources are able to do so,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Vetoes California Bill Against Private Equity Firms’ Health Care Takeovers",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB3129\">bill\u003c/a> that would have given \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> the ability to block private equity acquisitions of health care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would have empowered the state’s attorney general to review and veto deals garnered by private equity firms deemed bad for consumers and patients. It covered transactions involving public hospitals, health systems, physician groups and long-term care facilities operating in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key provision aimed to prevent investors from meddling in health care decisions, ensuring that physicians and medical professionals retain autonomy over patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the bill was redundant because the \u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/affordability/ohca/\">Office of Health Care Affordability\u003c/a> already has the authority to review and evaluate health care transactions in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private equity firms spend about \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/private-equity-in-health-care-prevalence-impact-and-policy-options-for-california-and-the-u-s/#:~:text=View%20the%20Report&text=At%20its%20most%20recent%20peak,and%20%2420%20billion%20in%20California.\">$20 billion\u003c/a> a year on health care transactions in California alone and $83 billion nationally. Physician practices are particularly appealing targets, with the number of transactions increasing \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">sixfold over the past decade\u003c/a>. While financial firms promise operational efficiency and management expertise, critics said the need for rapid returns — typically within three to seven years — could lead to aggressive cost-cutting measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Investors often decrease staffing ratios, increase prices and buy up multiple health care entities in the same region or specialty to use that market power to hike prices,” said Dr. Christopher Cai, a physician at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and a Harvard Medical School researcher specializing in pharmacoeconomics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley, the financial pressures created by private equity ownership can push physicians to meet patient quotas, prioritize more lucrative procedures or cut back on less profitable services. Over time, this can erode the quality of care patients receive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1994424 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2024/09/240617-HealthcareMinWage-14-BL-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates, labor unions and the California Medical Association called the measure crucial to patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today is a sad day for health care consumers,” said Assemblymember Jim Wood (D-Healdsburg), the bill’s sponsor, in a statement. “When we look across the nation, we see private equity’s encroachment into health care growing by leaps and bounds — and I had hoped California would be the first state to provide a preventive and reasonable initial review to protect health care consumers from being the victims of profit-driven investors who are not interested in ensuring that Californians get quality care where they need it and at an affordable price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill faced fierce opposition from the California Hospital Association and industry groups such as the American Investment Council (AIC) that argued the extra regulation could discourage investment in health care and limit innovation and access to capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s well-reasoned decision will help patients and communities continue to have access to quality care,” said Drew Maloney, the Council’s CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto may negatively influence support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.markey.senate.gov/HealthOverWealth\">similar proposal\u003c/a> at the national level, where it was introduced by Sen. Ed Markey (D-Massachusetts).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB3129\">bill\u003c/a> that would have given \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> the ability to block private equity acquisitions of health care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would have empowered the state’s attorney general to review and veto deals garnered by private equity firms deemed bad for consumers and patients. It covered transactions involving public hospitals, health systems, physician groups and long-term care facilities operating in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key provision aimed to prevent investors from meddling in health care decisions, ensuring that physicians and medical professionals retain autonomy over patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the bill was redundant because the \u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/affordability/ohca/\">Office of Health Care Affordability\u003c/a> already has the authority to review and evaluate health care transactions in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private equity firms spend about \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/private-equity-in-health-care-prevalence-impact-and-policy-options-for-california-and-the-u-s/#:~:text=View%20the%20Report&text=At%20its%20most%20recent%20peak,and%20%2420%20billion%20in%20California.\">$20 billion\u003c/a> a year on health care transactions in California alone and $83 billion nationally. Physician practices are particularly appealing targets, with the number of transactions increasing \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">sixfold over the past decade\u003c/a>. While financial firms promise operational efficiency and management expertise, critics said the need for rapid returns — typically within three to seven years — could lead to aggressive cost-cutting measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Investors often decrease staffing ratios, increase prices and buy up multiple health care entities in the same region or specialty to use that market power to hike prices,” said Dr. Christopher Cai, a physician at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and a Harvard Medical School researcher specializing in pharmacoeconomics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley, the financial pressures created by private equity ownership can push physicians to meet patient quotas, prioritize more lucrative procedures or cut back on less profitable services. Over time, this can erode the quality of care patients receive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates, labor unions and the California Medical Association called the measure crucial to patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today is a sad day for health care consumers,” said Assemblymember Jim Wood (D-Healdsburg), the bill’s sponsor, in a statement. “When we look across the nation, we see private equity’s encroachment into health care growing by leaps and bounds — and I had hoped California would be the first state to provide a preventive and reasonable initial review to protect health care consumers from being the victims of profit-driven investors who are not interested in ensuring that Californians get quality care where they need it and at an affordable price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill faced fierce opposition from the California Hospital Association and industry groups such as the American Investment Council (AIC) that argued the extra regulation could discourage investment in health care and limit innovation and access to capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s well-reasoned decision will help patients and communities continue to have access to quality care,” said Drew Maloney, the Council’s CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto may negatively influence support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.markey.senate.gov/HealthOverWealth\">similar proposal\u003c/a> at the national level, where it was introduced by Sen. Ed Markey (D-Massachusetts).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Vetoes Traffic Safety Bill, Despite Pressure After Recent Pedestrian Deaths",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 6 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has vetoed a bill that would have required most passenger vehicles sold in California to have additional passive intelligent speed assistance systems to alert drivers when they go 10 miles per hour or more over the speed limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco pedestrian advocates had been ramping up pressure on Newsom to sign the state bill, saying it would have helped reduce traffic-related deaths and serious injuries in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The calls for Newsom to sign the bill, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, intensified after two pedestrians were killed on Lombard St. in just the last two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walk SF’s Marta Lindsey said that, despite the efforts by officials to curtail traffic-related fatalities, the data speaks for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are dealing with a multi-headed beast,” Lindsey said. “How our streets are designed is so important in terms of how drivers behave, and so in the last 10 years, the city has been doing a lot of the right things, but it hasn’t happened at the scale or the number of layers needed to address the fact that the threat has risen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rise in road deaths in California is a completely preventable tragedy,” Wiener said in a statement. “The evidence is clear: Rising levels of dangerous speeding are placing all Californians in danger, and by taking prudent steps to improve safety, we can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police are still pursuing their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10413631/san-francisco-fire-department-signs-on-to-vision-zero-pedestrian-safety-plan\">Vision Zero \u003c/a>goal, six months after the deadline that the city set in its 2014 initiative to reduce citywide traffic-related deaths to zero within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"pedestrian-safety\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco has seemingly made little consistent progress on that front: \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/traffic-fatalities#traffic-fatalities\">39 pedestrians \u003c/a>were killed in 2022 alone, the deadliest year for traffic-related fatalities since 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the city’s Department of Public Health has already reported 23 traffic fatalities so far this year, exceeding the 22 recorded in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Riggs, a USCF professor who focuses on mobility and transportation issues, believes that educating the public in simple terms is an often overlooked piece of the Vision Zero puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we consider Vision Zero, I think we forget substantive components about how we influence not only drivers but bicyclists and pedestrians to be responsible roadway users,” Riggs said. He points to a unique approach that San Francisco police took last week when an officer donned an inflatable chicken suit and crossed the road at the intersection of Alemany Boulevard and Rousseau Street in the city’s Excelsior neighborhood, where a 76-year-old man \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/pedestrian-dies-hit-and-run-s-f-18690047.php\"> was killed in a hit-and-run earlier this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who didn’t stop for the officer in the chicken suit were immediately flagged by other officers standing by and issued citations for failing to yield to a pedestrian. A video of the chicken exercise was \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/collinrugg/status/1837639499247178090?s=12\"> posted on X\u003c/a>, drawing about 6 million views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many different kinds of educational frames we can put on what is happening on the roadway that don’t involve planner speak or engineering speak,” Riggs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a formal veto request letter to Newsom, the California Senate Republican Caucus called SB 961 “overly prescriptive” and said that “the real focus should be on increasing law enforcement presence in our communities and appropriately punishing those who blatantly disregard traffic laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cathy Chase, the president of Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety, which supported the bill, said, “We need to flip the script and think about how many people are being killed on our roadways — preventably — when we have solutions at hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We need a multipronged approach where there is more effective law enforcement of traffic safety violations, and also the use of available technology to slow cars down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsey, of Walk SF, said she was not at all surprised about pushback against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They fought seatbelts, by the way, they fought windshield wipers, they fought airbags, they fought the rearview cameras,” she said, referring to the auto industry and anti-regulatory lawmakers. “They fight all of this stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"description": "Gov. Gavin Newsom has vetoed SB 961, which would have required most passenger vehicles sold in California to have additional passive intelligent speed assistance systems to alert drivers when they go 10 miles per hour or more over the speed limit.",
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"headline": "Newsom Vetoes Traffic Safety Bill, Despite Pressure After Recent Pedestrian Deaths",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 6 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has vetoed a bill that would have required most passenger vehicles sold in California to have additional passive intelligent speed assistance systems to alert drivers when they go 10 miles per hour or more over the speed limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco pedestrian advocates had been ramping up pressure on Newsom to sign the state bill, saying it would have helped reduce traffic-related deaths and serious injuries in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The calls for Newsom to sign the bill, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, intensified after two pedestrians were killed on Lombard St. in just the last two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walk SF’s Marta Lindsey said that, despite the efforts by officials to curtail traffic-related fatalities, the data speaks for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are dealing with a multi-headed beast,” Lindsey said. “How our streets are designed is so important in terms of how drivers behave, and so in the last 10 years, the city has been doing a lot of the right things, but it hasn’t happened at the scale or the number of layers needed to address the fact that the threat has risen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rise in road deaths in California is a completely preventable tragedy,” Wiener said in a statement. “The evidence is clear: Rising levels of dangerous speeding are placing all Californians in danger, and by taking prudent steps to improve safety, we can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police are still pursuing their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10413631/san-francisco-fire-department-signs-on-to-vision-zero-pedestrian-safety-plan\">Vision Zero \u003c/a>goal, six months after the deadline that the city set in its 2014 initiative to reduce citywide traffic-related deaths to zero within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco has seemingly made little consistent progress on that front: \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/traffic-fatalities#traffic-fatalities\">39 pedestrians \u003c/a>were killed in 2022 alone, the deadliest year for traffic-related fatalities since 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the city’s Department of Public Health has already reported 23 traffic fatalities so far this year, exceeding the 22 recorded in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Riggs, a USCF professor who focuses on mobility and transportation issues, believes that educating the public in simple terms is an often overlooked piece of the Vision Zero puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we consider Vision Zero, I think we forget substantive components about how we influence not only drivers but bicyclists and pedestrians to be responsible roadway users,” Riggs said. He points to a unique approach that San Francisco police took last week when an officer donned an inflatable chicken suit and crossed the road at the intersection of Alemany Boulevard and Rousseau Street in the city’s Excelsior neighborhood, where a 76-year-old man \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/pedestrian-dies-hit-and-run-s-f-18690047.php\"> was killed in a hit-and-run earlier this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who didn’t stop for the officer in the chicken suit were immediately flagged by other officers standing by and issued citations for failing to yield to a pedestrian. A video of the chicken exercise was \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/collinrugg/status/1837639499247178090?s=12\"> posted on X\u003c/a>, drawing about 6 million views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many different kinds of educational frames we can put on what is happening on the roadway that don’t involve planner speak or engineering speak,” Riggs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a formal veto request letter to Newsom, the California Senate Republican Caucus called SB 961 “overly prescriptive” and said that “the real focus should be on increasing law enforcement presence in our communities and appropriately punishing those who blatantly disregard traffic laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cathy Chase, the president of Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety, which supported the bill, said, “We need to flip the script and think about how many people are being killed on our roadways — preventably — when we have solutions at hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We need a multipronged approach where there is more effective law enforcement of traffic safety violations, and also the use of available technology to slow cars down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsey, of Walk SF, said she was not at all surprised about pushback against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They fought seatbelts, by the way, they fought windshield wipers, they fought airbags, they fought the rearview cameras,” she said, referring to the auto industry and anti-regulatory lawmakers. “They fight all of this stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"planet-money": {
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/reveal300px.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Science-Friday-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
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