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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:54 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed on Tuesday called on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfusd\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> to halt its plan to close up to 11 schools at the end of the academic year, citing confusion around the process and saying she has lost confidence in the superintendent’s ability to carry it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/LondonBreed/status/1846275807129620800\">statement\u003c/a> posted on social media platform X, Breed said, “It is time to immediately stop the school closure process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has become a distraction from the very real work that must be done to balance the budget in the next two months to prevent a state takeover,” the statement reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pressure from the mayor comes a week after Superintendent Matt Wayne \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008405/these-san-francisco-schools-could-close-list-isnt-final\">announced the list of campuses being considered for closure\u003c/a>, igniting concern and anger from families who had been frustrated over weeks of uncertainty surrounding the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005932/sf-mayor-sends-team-to-address-crisis-at-school-district-but-dont-call-it-a-takeover\">the rescue team\u003c/a> of city administrators she sent to aid the district three weeks ago has worked alongside district staffers on operational issues, including cutting roughly $110 million from the district’s budget. If that shortfall isn’t closed by the end of the year, the district could face a takeover by the California Department of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “mismanaged school closure process” has made addressing those issues difficult, Breed said in her statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also slammed Wayne, saying she does not believe the current school closure plan can be carried out in a way that will benefit SFUSD students and families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teachers, K-5 students, families and community members march from Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy to Harvey Milk Plaza in the Castro on Oct. 9, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I recognize that discussions around school closures and mergers are difficult and painful, but that only speaks to why any effort to engage in this conversation must be done with care, clarity, and competence,” Breed said. “That has not happened here, and I don’t have confidence that it can happen right now under the current conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the week since Wayne released the list, there has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008882/sfusd-faces-backlash-school-closures-community-rallies-town-halls\">significant fallout from communities\u003c/a> who were told their schools met the district’s criteria for closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The year was already off to a rocky start, especially after Wayne \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004831/anxious-waiting-game-drags-on-as-sfusd-delays-list-of-school-closures\">pushed the planned September announcement\u003c/a> of the closure list back a month, just two days before it was anticipated. That week, the former school board president announced that her abrupt resignation from the board was in part due to Wayne’s failures in leadership, and the school board called an emergency weekend meeting, purportedly to discuss whether to keep Wayne in his job. Breed sent in her team of experts to assist the district’s consolidation plan the same day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The October rollout was also chaotic: After news on Oct. 4 suggested Wayne might hold the list until November, the district \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008286/is-san-franciscos-school-closure-list-delayed-again-district-offers-little-clarity\">didn’t offer much information\u003c/a> until the following Monday, when Wayne announced in a video message that he would be releasing a list of schools that met the district’s criteria for closure on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008873 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241010-SFUSDClosures-06-BL-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008524/sfusd-closures-which-schools-will-be-affected-and-what-do-families-need-to-know\">The list\u003c/a> went live around 4 p.m. after it was obtained by\u003cem> Mission Local\u003c/em> and led to confusion about whether the list — which included plans for which campuses would merge or welcome students from other campuses — was just the schools that were eligible for closure or the district’s actual proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve heard over and over is confusion and concern around the proposed school closures/merger list and how it has been communicated and managed,” Breed’s statement continues. “I’ve heard from parents, students, and educators who are fearful about the futures of their schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many school communities and political leaders have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008873/san-francisco-school-closures-will-hurt-chinese-immigrant-communities-city-leaders-say\">protested the closures\u003c/a> in the past week, and parent groups have raised concerns regarding the equity of the list, which disproportionately affects schools on the east side of the city and would relocate students in two schools with Cantonese biliteracy programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008714/parents-sf-schools-named-for-closure-fight-keep-campuses-open\">raised concerns\u003c/a> about the criteria the district used, which targeted small schools and included “composite scores” that rate schools on factors including equity, academic performance, school culture and effective use of resources. Those criteria were also changed the same day the list was posted, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed suggested that her rescue team and members of the school board weren’t even clued in to all of the district’s communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was our understanding from our work with the school board that our stabilization team would be taken seriously,” she said, speaking with reporters after her announcement. “There were some major communication issues with our superintendent. And the fact is, if we are working on this together and we’re providing that support, we need to all be on the same page, and unfortunately, we haven’t been with this process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008829\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008829\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teachers, K–5 students, families and community members leave Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy to march to Harvey Milk Plaza in the Castro neighborhood of San Francisco on Oct. 9, 2024, to protest against the potential closure of the school. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>School Board President Matt Alexander said that Breed’s statement made “some valid points,” adding that the rollout wasn’t done in the way he expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said although the mayor’s team has been working closely with district staff on fiscal and operational stabilization, the superintendent seemed to decline assistance with strategic communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a fair amount of chaos and unnecessary drama,” Alexander told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Board of Education is actively monitoring the situation. We have one employee, which is the superintendent, and so we’re monitoring it, holding him accountable and we understand that as a governance team, it’s our responsibility to ensure that we stabilize the situation and that we provide our students and our educators with the schools they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Wayne and his staff are expected to meet with various school communities that would be affected by the closures ahead of the final proposal that will go to the school board on Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of now, the board is set to make a final decision on school closures on Dec. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said that the next few months should be spent ensuring the district maintains local control by balancing its budget in December. Both she and Alexander said that they believe it’s possible to achieve that goal without closing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The weeks and months ahead are going to be incredibly difficult,” Breed said. “There are painful but necessary decisions that will have to be made and any school closures or mergers would only be one small piece of the overall effort to balance the budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/sjohnson\">\u003cem>Sydney Johnson\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco Mayor London Breed said she lost confidence in the superintendent’s ability to manage the process and urged SFUSD to focus on balancing its budget.",
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"title": "Mayor Breed Demands Halt to SF School Closures, Citing Chaos and Confusion | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:54 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed on Tuesday called on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfusd\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> to halt its plan to close up to 11 schools at the end of the academic year, citing confusion around the process and saying she has lost confidence in the superintendent’s ability to carry it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/LondonBreed/status/1846275807129620800\">statement\u003c/a> posted on social media platform X, Breed said, “It is time to immediately stop the school closure process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has become a distraction from the very real work that must be done to balance the budget in the next two months to prevent a state takeover,” the statement reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pressure from the mayor comes a week after Superintendent Matt Wayne \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008405/these-san-francisco-schools-could-close-list-isnt-final\">announced the list of campuses being considered for closure\u003c/a>, igniting concern and anger from families who had been frustrated over weeks of uncertainty surrounding the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005932/sf-mayor-sends-team-to-address-crisis-at-school-district-but-dont-call-it-a-takeover\">the rescue team\u003c/a> of city administrators she sent to aid the district three weeks ago has worked alongside district staffers on operational issues, including cutting roughly $110 million from the district’s budget. If that shortfall isn’t closed by the end of the year, the district could face a takeover by the California Department of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “mismanaged school closure process” has made addressing those issues difficult, Breed said in her statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also slammed Wayne, saying she does not believe the current school closure plan can be carried out in a way that will benefit SFUSD students and families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teachers, K-5 students, families and community members march from Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy to Harvey Milk Plaza in the Castro on Oct. 9, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I recognize that discussions around school closures and mergers are difficult and painful, but that only speaks to why any effort to engage in this conversation must be done with care, clarity, and competence,” Breed said. “That has not happened here, and I don’t have confidence that it can happen right now under the current conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the week since Wayne released the list, there has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008882/sfusd-faces-backlash-school-closures-community-rallies-town-halls\">significant fallout from communities\u003c/a> who were told their schools met the district’s criteria for closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The year was already off to a rocky start, especially after Wayne \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004831/anxious-waiting-game-drags-on-as-sfusd-delays-list-of-school-closures\">pushed the planned September announcement\u003c/a> of the closure list back a month, just two days before it was anticipated. That week, the former school board president announced that her abrupt resignation from the board was in part due to Wayne’s failures in leadership, and the school board called an emergency weekend meeting, purportedly to discuss whether to keep Wayne in his job. Breed sent in her team of experts to assist the district’s consolidation plan the same day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The October rollout was also chaotic: After news on Oct. 4 suggested Wayne might hold the list until November, the district \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008286/is-san-franciscos-school-closure-list-delayed-again-district-offers-little-clarity\">didn’t offer much information\u003c/a> until the following Monday, when Wayne announced in a video message that he would be releasing a list of schools that met the district’s criteria for closure on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008524/sfusd-closures-which-schools-will-be-affected-and-what-do-families-need-to-know\">The list\u003c/a> went live around 4 p.m. after it was obtained by\u003cem> Mission Local\u003c/em> and led to confusion about whether the list — which included plans for which campuses would merge or welcome students from other campuses — was just the schools that were eligible for closure or the district’s actual proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve heard over and over is confusion and concern around the proposed school closures/merger list and how it has been communicated and managed,” Breed’s statement continues. “I’ve heard from parents, students, and educators who are fearful about the futures of their schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many school communities and political leaders have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008873/san-francisco-school-closures-will-hurt-chinese-immigrant-communities-city-leaders-say\">protested the closures\u003c/a> in the past week, and parent groups have raised concerns regarding the equity of the list, which disproportionately affects schools on the east side of the city and would relocate students in two schools with Cantonese biliteracy programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008714/parents-sf-schools-named-for-closure-fight-keep-campuses-open\">raised concerns\u003c/a> about the criteria the district used, which targeted small schools and included “composite scores” that rate schools on factors including equity, academic performance, school culture and effective use of resources. Those criteria were also changed the same day the list was posted, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed suggested that her rescue team and members of the school board weren’t even clued in to all of the district’s communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was our understanding from our work with the school board that our stabilization team would be taken seriously,” she said, speaking with reporters after her announcement. “There were some major communication issues with our superintendent. And the fact is, if we are working on this together and we’re providing that support, we need to all be on the same page, and unfortunately, we haven’t been with this process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008829\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008829\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teachers, K–5 students, families and community members leave Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy to march to Harvey Milk Plaza in the Castro neighborhood of San Francisco on Oct. 9, 2024, to protest against the potential closure of the school. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>School Board President Matt Alexander said that Breed’s statement made “some valid points,” adding that the rollout wasn’t done in the way he expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said although the mayor’s team has been working closely with district staff on fiscal and operational stabilization, the superintendent seemed to decline assistance with strategic communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a fair amount of chaos and unnecessary drama,” Alexander told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Board of Education is actively monitoring the situation. We have one employee, which is the superintendent, and so we’re monitoring it, holding him accountable and we understand that as a governance team, it’s our responsibility to ensure that we stabilize the situation and that we provide our students and our educators with the schools they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Wayne and his staff are expected to meet with various school communities that would be affected by the closures ahead of the final proposal that will go to the school board on Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of now, the board is set to make a final decision on school closures on Dec. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said that the next few months should be spent ensuring the district maintains local control by balancing its budget in December. Both she and Alexander said that they believe it’s possible to achieve that goal without closing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The weeks and months ahead are going to be incredibly difficult,” Breed said. “There are painful but necessary decisions that will have to be made and any school closures or mergers would only be one small piece of the overall effort to balance the budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/sjohnson\">\u003cem>Sydney Johnson\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sf-shaped-pelosi-feinstein-newsom-harris-global-political-leaders",
"title": "How SF Shaped Pelosi, Feinstein, Newsom and Harris Into Global Political Leaders",
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"headTitle": "How SF Shaped Pelosi, Feinstein, Newsom and Harris Into Global Political Leaders | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> proudly played up her East Bay roots at the Democratic National Convention, but her political career was launched in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, Harris, then a relatively unknown prosecutor, challenged the city’s incumbent district attorney. To the surprise of many, she won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris’ rise from elected office in San Francisco is extraordinary. Next month, she could become the first Black and South Asian woman elected President of the United States. She reached the doorstep of the presidency by following a path forged by those who used the city’s cutthroat politics as a proving ground for seeking higher office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi was the first female Speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dianne Feinstein was the first woman to serve as San Francisco mayor before making her mark in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi speaks at the North Carolina Democratic Unity Dinner fundraiser in Raleigh, North Carolina, on July 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Karl B DeBlaker/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gavin Newsom climbed the ladder from an obscure city commission to become mayor and now governor of California with a national megaphone. He was elected mayor the same year Harris defeated her former boss, San Francisco District Attorney Terence Hallinan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11963548 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/110A3835-scaled-e1696541380321-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians have emerged from other California cities to establish a national profile — notably former President Ronald Reagan and former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger — but they were launched from Hollywood, not the Los Angeles political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s political legacy raises the question: How can a relatively small city of 800,000 produce so many politicians with national and international prominence?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This city requires its elected officials to engage on a daily basis in complex discussions with informed constituents who will raise the most intricate of local issues, no matter if you are walking through the Presidio or attending an event at Delancey Street,” Harris said at the public memorial for Feinstein, who died in September 2023. “And this environment, I do believe, guided Dianne’s style of leadership, even after she reached the heights of national and global power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg\" alt=\"Woman speaks at lectern in front of building\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Vice President Kamala Harris speaks as San Francisco Mayor London Breed listens during the funeral for California Sen. Dianne Feinstein at City Hall in San Francisco on Thursday, Oct. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former state Assembly Speaker and San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, who many would include on the city’s list of political titans, said the environment that launched Harris, Feinstein and many others can all be traced to one person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phil Burton is the father of all of this — period. Literally,” Brown said recently, referring to the late Congressman who came within a vote of becoming House majority leader in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Burton began assembling what became known in San Francisco political circles as “the Burton Machine,” a coalition of religious leaders, unions and community activists who fine-tuned the art of winning elections. His brother, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage%7Chttps://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage\">John Burton\u003c/a>, an advocate for civil rights and environmental protections, served in the state Assembly and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said Phil Burton expanded the city’s Democratic Party’s membership to include people who were largely ignored until the civil rights era. Burton, Brown said, “noticed that minorities were being left out. And he began to structure the world of politics that literally caused involvement by that collection of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 501px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11834223 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"501\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg 501w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358-160x128.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 501px) 100vw, 501px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblyman Leo T. McCarthy, Assemblyman Willie L. Brown, Congressman Phil Burton and Art Agnos in the early 1980s. \u003ccite>(San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were all church and labor. Then we added ‘misfits’ — people who were pushed on the outside,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was the first to invite Chinese American and gay communities to be in the Democratic coalition. Successfully navigating San Francisco’s multicultural communities, with all their complex, nuanced issues and concerns, helps prepare politicians for the national stage, Brown argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that the current vice president can be so effective during the course of dialog in a debate is that’s what she had to do to survive here,” he said.\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was first elected to Congress in 1964. He used his political power to author landmark legislation, including the bill that created the Golden Gate National Recreation Area to protect the California coast — from northern Marin County to southern San Mateo County — from development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1962, Burton urged Brown, then a young defense attorney, to run to represent San Francisco in the state Assembly, a race he lost before being elected two years later. Burton also recruited Pelosi, then a homemaker living in Pacific Heights, to host fundraisers in her home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005996\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg\" alt=\"A row of flagpoles displaying rainbow flags stands in front of San Francisco City Hall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rainbow flags line the plaza in front of the San Francisco City Hall following the rulings brought down by the Supreme Court on same-sex marriage. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Burton died suddenly in 1983, his widow, Sala, replaced him in Congress. Just before she died of cancer in 1987, she encouraged Pelosi to run for the seat. By then, Pelosi had become a prolific Democratic Party fundraiser but told KQED she had never really thought of running for office herself. In a special election to fill the seat, she faced more than a dozen opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a live debate at KQED, one opponent, city Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, said Pelosi was out of touch with average San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother?”’ Silver asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another opponent, Supervisor Harry Britt, criticized Pelosi during a campaign appearance for using her connections for national races and issues more than local politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would specifically challenge Nancy Pelosi to show one time in the last 20 years when those connections have been used, standing with the people of this community on issues of importance to this community,” Britt said. “One time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once elected, Pelosi leveraged relationships she made in San Francisco business circles, including in the emerging tech community, to become a prolific fundraiser for Democrats across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all paved the way for her to become the first female Speaker of the House. Three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag8XCVjDs_I\">Pelosi told KQED\u003c/a> that in her first race for Congress, she became the focus of all the other candidates once polls showed her leading the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Rep. Nancy Pelosi, speaker emerita of the House, speaks with KQED Forum host Mina Kim at the KQED offices in San Francisco before a live broadcast on Aug. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Then I became the target by everybody, and they started saying all these things,” she recalled. “These are people I had in my home, that I had done events for, and all of a sudden, I didn’t know anything about anything, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race toughened up Pelosi for the rigors of Beltway politics in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same could be said for Harris. She was a prosecutor in the Alameda County District Attorney’s office when she briefly dated Brown, then the Assembly speaker, in 1994 until after he was elected mayor of San Francisco in 1995. Brown was her political mentor and helped open doors for Harris to the circles that wielded a lot of influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Prozan, who worked with Harris on her early campaigns, said San Francisco politics is like an episode of \u003cem>Survivor.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The caliber of people who run against each other have brass knuckles and are street fighters,” Prozan said. “And so when you have the kind of competition for elective office that you have in San Francisco, that prepares you for the next level and the next level and the next level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009320\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at City Hall in San Francisco on Aug. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, who previously served on the Board of Supervisors and in the state Assembly, famously described the city’s politics as a “knife fight in a phone booth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are used to playing very hardball, rough and tumble politics. It is not genteel,” he said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu, who told KQED he encouraged Harris to run for DA, said the city’s size and liberal politics mean campaigns get nasty and personal fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just squished up against each other in the political spectrum and trying to carve minuscule distinctions between imperceptible shades of blue,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 Bay Area Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea,Learn about every single race and measure across the nine Bay Area counties' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s vibrant and diverse Asian American communities have unique issues. For example, winning over Chinese American voters means campaigning in front of multiple political organizations, each with different priorities. Successful candidates in San Francisco have to navigate it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every single one of those constituencies, which in most other places would be a constituency, has a diversity of constituencies within those constituencies,” Chiu noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political consultant Ace Smith, who worked on campaigns for both Harris and Newsom, said San Francisco is to politics what the Dominican Republic is to baseball — a relatively small island that produces big league stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A huge amount of them make it to the majors and make a huge impact in the majors,” Smith said. “You had better be able to hit everything from the 100-mile-an-hour pitch to the nastiest curveball to the screwball and everything in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, currently running for mayor, said there’s no hiding because San Franciscans are so engaged in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot get away with being mediocre in San Francisco,” Peskin said. “You have to be the best of the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Sen. Barbara Boxer, who once represented a slice of San Francisco, along with Marin County, in Congress, noted that while the city is known as being extremely liberal by national standards, the politicians who climb the ladder don’t fit that mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a progressive place, but it’s not progressive crazy,” Boxer told KQED recently. “I think the people who wind up winning are progressive pragmatists, not progressive dreamers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said San Francisco requires more of its politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The recognition of competence and cultural competence — one size doesn’t fit all. Recognition of diversity, inclusivity,” he said. “And when you create an inclusive environment, you create an entrepreneurial environment, innovative environment. And inclusivity brings the best and the brightest from around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you have that mashup of greatness as well. And I think the politicians have to apply all that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> proudly played up her East Bay roots at the Democratic National Convention, but her political career was launched in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, Harris, then a relatively unknown prosecutor, challenged the city’s incumbent district attorney. To the surprise of many, she won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris’ rise from elected office in San Francisco is extraordinary. Next month, she could become the first Black and South Asian woman elected President of the United States. She reached the doorstep of the presidency by following a path forged by those who used the city’s cutthroat politics as a proving ground for seeking higher office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi was the first female Speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dianne Feinstein was the first woman to serve as San Francisco mayor before making her mark in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi speaks at the North Carolina Democratic Unity Dinner fundraiser in Raleigh, North Carolina, on July 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Karl B DeBlaker/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gavin Newsom climbed the ladder from an obscure city commission to become mayor and now governor of California with a national megaphone. He was elected mayor the same year Harris defeated her former boss, San Francisco District Attorney Terence Hallinan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians have emerged from other California cities to establish a national profile — notably former President Ronald Reagan and former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger — but they were launched from Hollywood, not the Los Angeles political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s political legacy raises the question: How can a relatively small city of 800,000 produce so many politicians with national and international prominence?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This city requires its elected officials to engage on a daily basis in complex discussions with informed constituents who will raise the most intricate of local issues, no matter if you are walking through the Presidio or attending an event at Delancey Street,” Harris said at the public memorial for Feinstein, who died in September 2023. “And this environment, I do believe, guided Dianne’s style of leadership, even after she reached the heights of national and global power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg\" alt=\"Woman speaks at lectern in front of building\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Vice President Kamala Harris speaks as San Francisco Mayor London Breed listens during the funeral for California Sen. Dianne Feinstein at City Hall in San Francisco on Thursday, Oct. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former state Assembly Speaker and San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, who many would include on the city’s list of political titans, said the environment that launched Harris, Feinstein and many others can all be traced to one person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phil Burton is the father of all of this — period. Literally,” Brown said recently, referring to the late Congressman who came within a vote of becoming House majority leader in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Burton began assembling what became known in San Francisco political circles as “the Burton Machine,” a coalition of religious leaders, unions and community activists who fine-tuned the art of winning elections. His brother, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage%7Chttps://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage\">John Burton\u003c/a>, an advocate for civil rights and environmental protections, served in the state Assembly and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said Phil Burton expanded the city’s Democratic Party’s membership to include people who were largely ignored until the civil rights era. Burton, Brown said, “noticed that minorities were being left out. And he began to structure the world of politics that literally caused involvement by that collection of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 501px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11834223 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"501\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg 501w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358-160x128.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 501px) 100vw, 501px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblyman Leo T. McCarthy, Assemblyman Willie L. Brown, Congressman Phil Burton and Art Agnos in the early 1980s. \u003ccite>(San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were all church and labor. Then we added ‘misfits’ — people who were pushed on the outside,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was the first to invite Chinese American and gay communities to be in the Democratic coalition. Successfully navigating San Francisco’s multicultural communities, with all their complex, nuanced issues and concerns, helps prepare politicians for the national stage, Brown argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that the current vice president can be so effective during the course of dialog in a debate is that’s what she had to do to survive here,” he said.\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was first elected to Congress in 1964. He used his political power to author landmark legislation, including the bill that created the Golden Gate National Recreation Area to protect the California coast — from northern Marin County to southern San Mateo County — from development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1962, Burton urged Brown, then a young defense attorney, to run to represent San Francisco in the state Assembly, a race he lost before being elected two years later. Burton also recruited Pelosi, then a homemaker living in Pacific Heights, to host fundraisers in her home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005996\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg\" alt=\"A row of flagpoles displaying rainbow flags stands in front of San Francisco City Hall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rainbow flags line the plaza in front of the San Francisco City Hall following the rulings brought down by the Supreme Court on same-sex marriage. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Burton died suddenly in 1983, his widow, Sala, replaced him in Congress. Just before she died of cancer in 1987, she encouraged Pelosi to run for the seat. By then, Pelosi had become a prolific Democratic Party fundraiser but told KQED she had never really thought of running for office herself. In a special election to fill the seat, she faced more than a dozen opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a live debate at KQED, one opponent, city Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, said Pelosi was out of touch with average San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother?”’ Silver asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another opponent, Supervisor Harry Britt, criticized Pelosi during a campaign appearance for using her connections for national races and issues more than local politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would specifically challenge Nancy Pelosi to show one time in the last 20 years when those connections have been used, standing with the people of this community on issues of importance to this community,” Britt said. “One time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once elected, Pelosi leveraged relationships she made in San Francisco business circles, including in the emerging tech community, to become a prolific fundraiser for Democrats across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all paved the way for her to become the first female Speaker of the House. Three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag8XCVjDs_I\">Pelosi told KQED\u003c/a> that in her first race for Congress, she became the focus of all the other candidates once polls showed her leading the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Rep. Nancy Pelosi, speaker emerita of the House, speaks with KQED Forum host Mina Kim at the KQED offices in San Francisco before a live broadcast on Aug. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Then I became the target by everybody, and they started saying all these things,” she recalled. “These are people I had in my home, that I had done events for, and all of a sudden, I didn’t know anything about anything, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race toughened up Pelosi for the rigors of Beltway politics in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same could be said for Harris. She was a prosecutor in the Alameda County District Attorney’s office when she briefly dated Brown, then the Assembly speaker, in 1994 until after he was elected mayor of San Francisco in 1995. Brown was her political mentor and helped open doors for Harris to the circles that wielded a lot of influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Prozan, who worked with Harris on her early campaigns, said San Francisco politics is like an episode of \u003cem>Survivor.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The caliber of people who run against each other have brass knuckles and are street fighters,” Prozan said. “And so when you have the kind of competition for elective office that you have in San Francisco, that prepares you for the next level and the next level and the next level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009320\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at City Hall in San Francisco on Aug. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, who previously served on the Board of Supervisors and in the state Assembly, famously described the city’s politics as a “knife fight in a phone booth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are used to playing very hardball, rough and tumble politics. It is not genteel,” he said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu, who told KQED he encouraged Harris to run for DA, said the city’s size and liberal politics mean campaigns get nasty and personal fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just squished up against each other in the political spectrum and trying to carve minuscule distinctions between imperceptible shades of blue,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s vibrant and diverse Asian American communities have unique issues. For example, winning over Chinese American voters means campaigning in front of multiple political organizations, each with different priorities. Successful candidates in San Francisco have to navigate it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every single one of those constituencies, which in most other places would be a constituency, has a diversity of constituencies within those constituencies,” Chiu noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political consultant Ace Smith, who worked on campaigns for both Harris and Newsom, said San Francisco is to politics what the Dominican Republic is to baseball — a relatively small island that produces big league stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A huge amount of them make it to the majors and make a huge impact in the majors,” Smith said. “You had better be able to hit everything from the 100-mile-an-hour pitch to the nastiest curveball to the screwball and everything in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, currently running for mayor, said there’s no hiding because San Franciscans are so engaged in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot get away with being mediocre in San Francisco,” Peskin said. “You have to be the best of the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Sen. Barbara Boxer, who once represented a slice of San Francisco, along with Marin County, in Congress, noted that while the city is known as being extremely liberal by national standards, the politicians who climb the ladder don’t fit that mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a progressive place, but it’s not progressive crazy,” Boxer told KQED recently. “I think the people who wind up winning are progressive pragmatists, not progressive dreamers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said San Francisco requires more of its politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The recognition of competence and cultural competence — one size doesn’t fit all. Recognition of diversity, inclusivity,” he said. “And when you create an inclusive environment, you create an entrepreneurial environment, innovative environment. And inclusivity brings the best and the brightest from around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you have that mashup of greatness as well. And I think the politicians have to apply all that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sfs-dean-preston-faces-criticism-affordable-housing-hayes-valley",
"title": "SF’s Dean Preston Faces Criticism Over Affordable Housing in Hayes Valley",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tommy Netzband and his Shih Tzu, Asha, sat in a circle with friends, sharing drinks and food packed in Tupperware on the grass at Patricia’s Green, an urban park in Hayes Valley, on Sept. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They laughed as Asha and her best friend, Birdie, zoomed around them, barking at passing dogs and their owners, who carried picnic baskets and blankets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know most people in the neighborhood. Asha knows everybody,” Netzband said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all hang out at the park every day, like three times a day,” Zach Nelson added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Netzband and Nelson, along with dozens of others, were in the park to watch \u003cem>Songs of Earth\u003c/em>, a 2023 documentary set in Norway, on the big outdoor screen. It was the first of five Friday movie nights scheduled for the 9th annual Fall Film Festival at PROXY, an outdoor space at Octavia Boulevard and Hayes Street that features local businesses, Sunday concerts and free events like the film festival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The space opened about 15 years ago as a placeholder for an affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing is a top concern for many San Francisco voters, and the candidates for mayor and the board of supervisors have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997174/sfs-top-district-5-candidates-outline-bold-plans-to-tackle-drug-crisis-in-tenderloin\">rolled out plans\u003c/a> to tackle the housing crisis. San Francisco, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965492/san-francisco-takes-forever-to-approve-new-housing-california-officials-are-forcing-change\">slowest city in California to approve new housing\u003c/a>, is under pressure to build 82,000 housing units by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006973\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006973\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rashad Bagnerise (right) helps customers try on shoes at the Wildling Shoes store located in a shipping container on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd. in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom issued an executive order \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">directing state officials to dismantle tent encampments\u003c/a>. On Thursday, San Francisco Mayor London Breed announced that the number of tents on the city’s streets is at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006541/sfs-homeless-sweeps-have-cleared-over-1200-tents-where-are-people-going\">lowest point since before counting began in 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In District 5, which includes the Tenderloin, Japantown, Western Addition, Haight Ashbury and Hayes Valley, incumbent Supervisor Dean Preston’s housing record has been criticized by pro-development groups and his challengers. PROXY, officially known as Parcel K, has been a part of Hayes Valley for as long as many residents like Netzband have lived in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston has made developing Parcel K a priority since he took office in 2019, dividing residents who have fallen in love with the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you promise affordable housing on a site as part of land-use planning, you damn well better deliver it,” Preston said at a rally in support of Parcel K development last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990536\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Dean Preston speaks to a local resident at a bus stop at McAllister and Divisadero in San Francisco on June 13 while campaigning for reelection to the Board of Supervisors District 5. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After voters approved a proposition to replace the central freeway west of Market Street with Octavia Boulevard in 1999, the surrounding land was parceled off for different uses. The city planted about 400 feet of grass and trees and put in concrete tables to create Patricia’s Green, named for Patrica Walkup, one of the activists who inspired the roadway teardown. Parcel K was earmarked for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston and Board President Aaron Peskin said that an affordable housing proposal for the space would gain the approval of the supervisors. If a developer did get the rights to build, they wouldn’t have to pay for the land. Thanks to a nearby market-rate development deal, Preston said a builder would get $1 million for the project. Still, 21 years since being designated for housing, there isn’t one rendering of what the apartment complex might look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston blames Mayor London Breed, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992943/sf-mayor-london-breed-wins-key-yimby-endorsement-after-string-of-misses\">endorsed by SF YIMBY\u003c/a>, the city’s pro-development movement, in July. Before anything can happen, Breed has to issue a request for qualifications to invite bids from developers, which Preston said the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/sites/default/files/documents/cac/MOCAC_presentation03-032023.pdf\">agreed\u003c/a> to do last year but hasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was determined that we would not prioritize Parcel K for development in the immediate term and instead focus on advancing projects that are more competitive for State funding and located in priority equity neighborhoods,” a spokesperson for the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993640\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993640\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Board of Supervisors president Aaron Peskin speaks during a rally to announce his campaign for mayor of San Francisco in Chinatown’s Portsmouth Square in San Francisco on April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson said that PROXY saves the city roughly half a million dollars a year in holding costs and contributes to the neighborhood. The debate over what to do with Parcel K is just one of many policy tug-of-war between YIMBY groups and progressives in the fight to solve the housing crisis. Preston and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993629/san-francisco-developers-slam-peskins-middle-income-housing-plan-as-redundant\">Peskin\u003c/a> have been quick to point out the hypocrisy of those who label them NIMBYs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would think the YIMBYs would be here,” said Peskin, who is running to replace Breed, after last month’s rally at Patricia’s Green in support of Parcel K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 30 people attended the rally, including members of the advocacy group Hayes Valley for All and affordable housing advocates, to celebrate the delivery of a petition signed by 1,600 people asking Breed to issue the RFQ immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, SF YIMBY volunteers published \u003ca href=\"https://nimby.report/preston\">Dean Preston’s Housing Graveyard\u003c/a>, a website chronicling more than 30,000 homes the group claims he’s opposed. GrowSF, a moderate advocacy group trying to oust Preston in November, put up a billboard near a shuttered Touchless Car Wash in the Haight that it said should be affordable homes. In June, a housing advocate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992055/san-francisco-supervisor-defends-housing-record-calling-lawsuit-a-publicity-stunt\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> over Preston’s depiction of his housing record on his reelection paperwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997837/yimby-lawsuit-over-sf-supervisor-dean-prestons-housing-record-is-thrown-out\">suit was thrown out in July\u003c/a>, after a judge ruled Preston’s statement was not false and misleading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston’s main rival, Bilal Mahmood, who GrowSF and SF YIMBY endorse, has campaigned on meeting the 2031 requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Board of Supervisors District 5 candidate Bilal Mahmood speaks during a press conference about his strategy to end open-air drug markets in San Francisco on April 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are not going to meet those housing goals if we follow the pattern that [Preston] does, which is pick fights in the community against single parcels and not be developing simultaneously and trying to get things done in as many spaces as possible,” said Mahmood, who has secured endorsements from Breed and San Francisco’s Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides Preston, he is the only other candidate in the race who signed Hayes Valley for All’s petition — reluctantly, according to organizers. He said District 5’s supervisor should be focused on building on other sites, like the car wash at 400 Divisadero St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dean wants to continue to make this a specific personal campaign issue because he’s failed to build housing,” he told KQED. “He’s also failed to build housing in other empty lots and other parcels and we need to be building housing in as many places as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the units Preston is accused of opposing by SF YIMBY are projects requiring developers to increase the percentage of affordable units to gain his vote, including at 400 Divisadero St. and another potential development at 650 Divisadero St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006972\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006972\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Saadi Halil, co-owner of Hometown Creamery, at the Hometown Creamery location on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd., in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Preston said that in 2022, there was a developer in contract to acquire the graffitied, fenced-off car wash lot for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/S-F-Supervisor-accuses-Mayor-Breed-of-17724203.php\">fully affordable project\u003c/a>. He blames Breed for failing to acquire the land. Now, a market-rate project with 200 units is proposed for the site. Only 23 are expected to be affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been supporting housing at all levels, but when we say that, we mean that includes housing the market won’t build, which is housing that low-income and working-class people can live in,” Preston, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997233/nancy-pelosi-endorses-democratic-socialist-dean-preston-for-san-francisco-d5-supervisor\">Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi\u003c/a> endorsed in July, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s also opposed projects before because of the way they could impact \u003ca href=\"https://perma.cc/WXE6-QWHK\">neighborhood character\u003c/a>. Before he was supervisor, Preston was a leader of Affordable Divis, which advocated for affordable development on the street that would “contribute to the architectural character of the neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the hub of this neighborhood,” Netzband said of PROXY, adding that the neighborhood wouldn’t utilize Patricia’s Green the same way if a tall apartment building was built on Parcel K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s lived in San Francisco for 30 years and said Hayes Valley’s sense of community has kept him in the neighborhood for half of that time. Netzband said he’d vote for Preston but feels that his push to develop Parcel K is out of touch with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006969\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tae-woo Kim trains a client at LuxFit on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd. in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Over the past 15 years, [Hayes Valley] has grown tremendously,” Netzband told KQED. “New housing has brought thousands of people into this neighborhood, and this park is way too small for a neighborhood that’s as dense as this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m all for public housing, but this needs to stay the hub of the community because this community will suffer if we don’t keep it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston told KQED that Parcel K development would include ground-floor retail, like most of the buildings in the Hayes Street commercial corridor. It could accommodate about 100 units and be around eight stories, compared to surrounding three- and four-story buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Laska, the former president of the Hayes Valley Neighborhood Association, said a tall building would swallow Patricia’s Green.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that would affect the draw to Hayes Valley, generally,” Laska, who was GrowSF’s head of operations in 2022, said. During her tenure, GrowSF coalesced with SF YIMBY to sponsor \u003ca href=\"https://growsf.org/voter-guide/san-francisco-voter-guide-november-2022-election/\">Proposition D\u003c/a>, a 2022 ballot measure to streamline the city approvals needed to build housing. The organization said proposals are often denied by an “anti-housing Board of Supervisors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008424 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/018_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it would greatly change the character of Hayes Valley if that went away,” Laska said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahmood’s idea for Parcel K is to build the affordable housing units on top of a two- to three-story, open-air atrium, which could continue to host the small businesses and community events PROXY does now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The purpose of a supervisor is to find consensus and compromise within your community to build the housing that we need there but also preserve the open space,” he said. “The proposal we came up with that we’ve been talking about since the beginning of this campaign is mixed-use development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahmood’s mixed-use space would require building higher and designing a more complicated structure, which “would be way more expensive to do in a seismically sound way,” Daniel Chatman, an associate professor in UC Berkeley’s Department of City and Regional Planning, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The engineering costs would be extremely high. The materials and the construction costs will be extremely high,” Chatman, who recommends focusing on other sites fit for larger projects that are easier financially and would have a greater impact on the city’s housing shortage, continued. “If you look at what’s happening in space right now, the revenue generation aspect of it is pretty minimal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would never justify building an additional two stories supported by pillars. That would be an additional million dollars or so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston said he’s more focused on affordable housing than large-scale projects, declaring his policy is pro-housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand there are some critics who want me to focus more on the market-rate side of things,” he told KQED. “But I’ve been an affordable housing champion for decades. And it’s disinformation to paint me like I’m getting in the way of housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Housing is a top concern for San Francisco voters as the city faces pressure to build tens of thousands of units by 2031. A years-long delay in developing a Hayes Valley site, intended for affordable housing, highlights the challenges of meeting California’s housing goals. ",
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"title": "SF’s Dean Preston Faces Criticism Over Affordable Housing in Hayes Valley | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tommy Netzband and his Shih Tzu, Asha, sat in a circle with friends, sharing drinks and food packed in Tupperware on the grass at Patricia’s Green, an urban park in Hayes Valley, on Sept. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They laughed as Asha and her best friend, Birdie, zoomed around them, barking at passing dogs and their owners, who carried picnic baskets and blankets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know most people in the neighborhood. Asha knows everybody,” Netzband said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all hang out at the park every day, like three times a day,” Zach Nelson added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Netzband and Nelson, along with dozens of others, were in the park to watch \u003cem>Songs of Earth\u003c/em>, a 2023 documentary set in Norway, on the big outdoor screen. It was the first of five Friday movie nights scheduled for the 9th annual Fall Film Festival at PROXY, an outdoor space at Octavia Boulevard and Hayes Street that features local businesses, Sunday concerts and free events like the film festival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The space opened about 15 years ago as a placeholder for an affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing is a top concern for many San Francisco voters, and the candidates for mayor and the board of supervisors have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997174/sfs-top-district-5-candidates-outline-bold-plans-to-tackle-drug-crisis-in-tenderloin\">rolled out plans\u003c/a> to tackle the housing crisis. San Francisco, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965492/san-francisco-takes-forever-to-approve-new-housing-california-officials-are-forcing-change\">slowest city in California to approve new housing\u003c/a>, is under pressure to build 82,000 housing units by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006973\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006973\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rashad Bagnerise (right) helps customers try on shoes at the Wildling Shoes store located in a shipping container on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd. in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom issued an executive order \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">directing state officials to dismantle tent encampments\u003c/a>. On Thursday, San Francisco Mayor London Breed announced that the number of tents on the city’s streets is at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006541/sfs-homeless-sweeps-have-cleared-over-1200-tents-where-are-people-going\">lowest point since before counting began in 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In District 5, which includes the Tenderloin, Japantown, Western Addition, Haight Ashbury and Hayes Valley, incumbent Supervisor Dean Preston’s housing record has been criticized by pro-development groups and his challengers. PROXY, officially known as Parcel K, has been a part of Hayes Valley for as long as many residents like Netzband have lived in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston has made developing Parcel K a priority since he took office in 2019, dividing residents who have fallen in love with the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you promise affordable housing on a site as part of land-use planning, you damn well better deliver it,” Preston said at a rally in support of Parcel K development last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990536\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Dean Preston speaks to a local resident at a bus stop at McAllister and Divisadero in San Francisco on June 13 while campaigning for reelection to the Board of Supervisors District 5. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After voters approved a proposition to replace the central freeway west of Market Street with Octavia Boulevard in 1999, the surrounding land was parceled off for different uses. The city planted about 400 feet of grass and trees and put in concrete tables to create Patricia’s Green, named for Patrica Walkup, one of the activists who inspired the roadway teardown. Parcel K was earmarked for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston and Board President Aaron Peskin said that an affordable housing proposal for the space would gain the approval of the supervisors. If a developer did get the rights to build, they wouldn’t have to pay for the land. Thanks to a nearby market-rate development deal, Preston said a builder would get $1 million for the project. Still, 21 years since being designated for housing, there isn’t one rendering of what the apartment complex might look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston blames Mayor London Breed, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992943/sf-mayor-london-breed-wins-key-yimby-endorsement-after-string-of-misses\">endorsed by SF YIMBY\u003c/a>, the city’s pro-development movement, in July. Before anything can happen, Breed has to issue a request for qualifications to invite bids from developers, which Preston said the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/sites/default/files/documents/cac/MOCAC_presentation03-032023.pdf\">agreed\u003c/a> to do last year but hasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was determined that we would not prioritize Parcel K for development in the immediate term and instead focus on advancing projects that are more competitive for State funding and located in priority equity neighborhoods,” a spokesperson for the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993640\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993640\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Board of Supervisors president Aaron Peskin speaks during a rally to announce his campaign for mayor of San Francisco in Chinatown’s Portsmouth Square in San Francisco on April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson said that PROXY saves the city roughly half a million dollars a year in holding costs and contributes to the neighborhood. The debate over what to do with Parcel K is just one of many policy tug-of-war between YIMBY groups and progressives in the fight to solve the housing crisis. Preston and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993629/san-francisco-developers-slam-peskins-middle-income-housing-plan-as-redundant\">Peskin\u003c/a> have been quick to point out the hypocrisy of those who label them NIMBYs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would think the YIMBYs would be here,” said Peskin, who is running to replace Breed, after last month’s rally at Patricia’s Green in support of Parcel K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 30 people attended the rally, including members of the advocacy group Hayes Valley for All and affordable housing advocates, to celebrate the delivery of a petition signed by 1,600 people asking Breed to issue the RFQ immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, SF YIMBY volunteers published \u003ca href=\"https://nimby.report/preston\">Dean Preston’s Housing Graveyard\u003c/a>, a website chronicling more than 30,000 homes the group claims he’s opposed. GrowSF, a moderate advocacy group trying to oust Preston in November, put up a billboard near a shuttered Touchless Car Wash in the Haight that it said should be affordable homes. In June, a housing advocate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992055/san-francisco-supervisor-defends-housing-record-calling-lawsuit-a-publicity-stunt\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> over Preston’s depiction of his housing record on his reelection paperwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997837/yimby-lawsuit-over-sf-supervisor-dean-prestons-housing-record-is-thrown-out\">suit was thrown out in July\u003c/a>, after a judge ruled Preston’s statement was not false and misleading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston’s main rival, Bilal Mahmood, who GrowSF and SF YIMBY endorse, has campaigned on meeting the 2031 requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Board of Supervisors District 5 candidate Bilal Mahmood speaks during a press conference about his strategy to end open-air drug markets in San Francisco on April 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are not going to meet those housing goals if we follow the pattern that [Preston] does, which is pick fights in the community against single parcels and not be developing simultaneously and trying to get things done in as many spaces as possible,” said Mahmood, who has secured endorsements from Breed and San Francisco’s Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides Preston, he is the only other candidate in the race who signed Hayes Valley for All’s petition — reluctantly, according to organizers. He said District 5’s supervisor should be focused on building on other sites, like the car wash at 400 Divisadero St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dean wants to continue to make this a specific personal campaign issue because he’s failed to build housing,” he told KQED. “He’s also failed to build housing in other empty lots and other parcels and we need to be building housing in as many places as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the units Preston is accused of opposing by SF YIMBY are projects requiring developers to increase the percentage of affordable units to gain his vote, including at 400 Divisadero St. and another potential development at 650 Divisadero St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006972\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006972\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Saadi Halil, co-owner of Hometown Creamery, at the Hometown Creamery location on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd., in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Preston said that in 2022, there was a developer in contract to acquire the graffitied, fenced-off car wash lot for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/S-F-Supervisor-accuses-Mayor-Breed-of-17724203.php\">fully affordable project\u003c/a>. He blames Breed for failing to acquire the land. Now, a market-rate project with 200 units is proposed for the site. Only 23 are expected to be affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been supporting housing at all levels, but when we say that, we mean that includes housing the market won’t build, which is housing that low-income and working-class people can live in,” Preston, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997233/nancy-pelosi-endorses-democratic-socialist-dean-preston-for-san-francisco-d5-supervisor\">Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi\u003c/a> endorsed in July, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s also opposed projects before because of the way they could impact \u003ca href=\"https://perma.cc/WXE6-QWHK\">neighborhood character\u003c/a>. Before he was supervisor, Preston was a leader of Affordable Divis, which advocated for affordable development on the street that would “contribute to the architectural character of the neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the hub of this neighborhood,” Netzband said of PROXY, adding that the neighborhood wouldn’t utilize Patricia’s Green the same way if a tall apartment building was built on Parcel K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s lived in San Francisco for 30 years and said Hayes Valley’s sense of community has kept him in the neighborhood for half of that time. Netzband said he’d vote for Preston but feels that his push to develop Parcel K is out of touch with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006969\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tae-woo Kim trains a client at LuxFit on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd. in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Over the past 15 years, [Hayes Valley] has grown tremendously,” Netzband told KQED. “New housing has brought thousands of people into this neighborhood, and this park is way too small for a neighborhood that’s as dense as this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m all for public housing, but this needs to stay the hub of the community because this community will suffer if we don’t keep it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston told KQED that Parcel K development would include ground-floor retail, like most of the buildings in the Hayes Street commercial corridor. It could accommodate about 100 units and be around eight stories, compared to surrounding three- and four-story buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Laska, the former president of the Hayes Valley Neighborhood Association, said a tall building would swallow Patricia’s Green.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that would affect the draw to Hayes Valley, generally,” Laska, who was GrowSF’s head of operations in 2022, said. During her tenure, GrowSF coalesced with SF YIMBY to sponsor \u003ca href=\"https://growsf.org/voter-guide/san-francisco-voter-guide-november-2022-election/\">Proposition D\u003c/a>, a 2022 ballot measure to streamline the city approvals needed to build housing. The organization said proposals are often denied by an “anti-housing Board of Supervisors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it would greatly change the character of Hayes Valley if that went away,” Laska said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahmood’s idea for Parcel K is to build the affordable housing units on top of a two- to three-story, open-air atrium, which could continue to host the small businesses and community events PROXY does now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The purpose of a supervisor is to find consensus and compromise within your community to build the housing that we need there but also preserve the open space,” he said. “The proposal we came up with that we’ve been talking about since the beginning of this campaign is mixed-use development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahmood’s mixed-use space would require building higher and designing a more complicated structure, which “would be way more expensive to do in a seismically sound way,” Daniel Chatman, an associate professor in UC Berkeley’s Department of City and Regional Planning, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The engineering costs would be extremely high. The materials and the construction costs will be extremely high,” Chatman, who recommends focusing on other sites fit for larger projects that are easier financially and would have a greater impact on the city’s housing shortage, continued. “If you look at what’s happening in space right now, the revenue generation aspect of it is pretty minimal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would never justify building an additional two stories supported by pillars. That would be an additional million dollars or so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston said he’s more focused on affordable housing than large-scale projects, declaring his policy is pro-housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand there are some critics who want me to focus more on the market-rate side of things,” he told KQED. “But I’ve been an affordable housing champion for decades. And it’s disinformation to paint me like I’m getting in the way of housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "silicon-valley-house-candidates-sam-liccardo-evan-low-spar-in-congressional-debate",
"title": "Silicon Valley House Candidates Sam Liccardo, Evan Low Spar In Congressional Debate",
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"headTitle": "Silicon Valley House Candidates Sam Liccardo, Evan Low Spar In Congressional Debate | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democrats competing for \u003ca href=\"https://stage.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district\">Silicon Valley’s congressional seat\u003c/a> clashed, snarled and bristled over campaign ethics, public safety and homelessness in Friday night’s debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The matchup between former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low was rescheduled from Oct. 2, when Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007347/former-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-drops-out-of-congressional-debate\">withdrew, citing laryngitis\u003c/a>. They are vying to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, who announced last year that she would not \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">seek re-election\u003c/a> for California’s 16th Congressional District, a seat that represents Palo Alto, Half Moon Bay, Pacifica, and other cities in San Mateo and Santa Clara counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling\u003c/a> released in late September by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions between the two Democrats have been simmering for months. Low won a spot on the November ballot following a high-profile recount in May that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo quickly put Low on the defensive about campaign ethics complaints, arguing that Low’s campaign has skirted a law prohibiting using state campaign funds on federal races. The voting rights group, Defend the Vote, which has endorsed Liccardo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/02/evan-low-hit-with-fec-complaint-accusing-him-of-illegally-using-money-from-his-state-campaign-account-for-his-congressional-bid/\">filed a federal complaint\u003c/a> against Low over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Only one of these candidates is under an FPPC investigation,” Liccardo said, referring to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/state-investigates-evan-low-tech-foundation-calmatters-report/\">separate investigation\u003c/a> by the California Fair Political Practices Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low defended his campaign’s approach. He repeatedly criticized Liccardo’s record on public safety during the debate hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he was mayor of San José, he implemented a plan that dismantled public employees and public safety. In fact, 500 police officers left,” Low said, adding that he has the sole endorsement from the San José Police Officers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district,Learn about the U.S. House of Representatives, District 16 Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, mentioning that his brother, who is a police officer, was in the live audience, blasted Liccardo’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/40879/just-how-bad-is-san-joses-budget-situation-really\">support for pension reform and a decline in police staffing\u003c/a> when Liccardo served on the San José City Council and as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo slammed Low for blocking a police reform bill in 2018 that would have opened up police misconduct records around the state. Low said he still supports his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual assault. Excessive use of force. Theft. These are all crimes. And when police officers commit these crimes, the public has a right to know about it,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates said they supported allowing for more immigration but also supported strengthening the border. However, the two diverged when asked if they would have changed President Joe Biden’s approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, who frequently invoked Vice President Kamala Harris, said, “No.” Liccardo said that the Biden Administration was “too slow to respond to the crisis at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low said he supports comprehensive immigration reform at the national level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Half Moon Bay, there are undocumented farmworkers who are struggling to put food on the table,” he said, adding that he wants to pass Biden and Harris’ immigration reform bill. “We also know there are highly-skilled workers that we need immigration reform for as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low shake hands after their debate on Friday, Oct. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for KQED/POOL)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They took digs at each other on housing and homelessness. Liccardo said Low didn’t do enough in the state Assembly to curb the issue, while Low accused Liccardo of allowing homelessness to sprawl out of control during his time as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said he supports removing barriers to Section 8 housing vouchers. Low said he thinks there needs to be stronger auditing and accountability around spending for homeless services and holding cities accountable for building enough affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city missed the mark by 13,128 units during his tenure,” Low said, referring to state-mandated housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Evan Low has demonstrated zero leadership on homelessness,” Liccardo responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technology, which dominates big industry in the district, was one area where the two found some common ground. Both said they support increasing privacy protections online, in particular for children, and creating protections for workers whose jobs are threatened by automation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot we can do if we set a private industry standard — the best standard — to be the floor for liability,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The candidates for the next South Bay Congressional representative for San Mateo and Santa Clara counties traded barbs on housing, public safety and campaign ethics.",
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"title": "Silicon Valley House Candidates Sam Liccardo, Evan Low Spar In Congressional Debate | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democrats competing for \u003ca href=\"https://stage.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district\">Silicon Valley’s congressional seat\u003c/a> clashed, snarled and bristled over campaign ethics, public safety and homelessness in Friday night’s debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The matchup between former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low was rescheduled from Oct. 2, when Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007347/former-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-drops-out-of-congressional-debate\">withdrew, citing laryngitis\u003c/a>. They are vying to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, who announced last year that she would not \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">seek re-election\u003c/a> for California’s 16th Congressional District, a seat that represents Palo Alto, Half Moon Bay, Pacifica, and other cities in San Mateo and Santa Clara counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling\u003c/a> released in late September by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions between the two Democrats have been simmering for months. Low won a spot on the November ballot following a high-profile recount in May that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo quickly put Low on the defensive about campaign ethics complaints, arguing that Low’s campaign has skirted a law prohibiting using state campaign funds on federal races. The voting rights group, Defend the Vote, which has endorsed Liccardo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/02/evan-low-hit-with-fec-complaint-accusing-him-of-illegally-using-money-from-his-state-campaign-account-for-his-congressional-bid/\">filed a federal complaint\u003c/a> against Low over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Only one of these candidates is under an FPPC investigation,” Liccardo said, referring to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/state-investigates-evan-low-tech-foundation-calmatters-report/\">separate investigation\u003c/a> by the California Fair Political Practices Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low defended his campaign’s approach. He repeatedly criticized Liccardo’s record on public safety during the debate hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he was mayor of San José, he implemented a plan that dismantled public employees and public safety. In fact, 500 police officers left,” Low said, adding that he has the sole endorsement from the San José Police Officers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, mentioning that his brother, who is a police officer, was in the live audience, blasted Liccardo’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/40879/just-how-bad-is-san-joses-budget-situation-really\">support for pension reform and a decline in police staffing\u003c/a> when Liccardo served on the San José City Council and as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo slammed Low for blocking a police reform bill in 2018 that would have opened up police misconduct records around the state. Low said he still supports his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual assault. Excessive use of force. Theft. These are all crimes. And when police officers commit these crimes, the public has a right to know about it,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates said they supported allowing for more immigration but also supported strengthening the border. However, the two diverged when asked if they would have changed President Joe Biden’s approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, who frequently invoked Vice President Kamala Harris, said, “No.” Liccardo said that the Biden Administration was “too slow to respond to the crisis at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low said he supports comprehensive immigration reform at the national level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Half Moon Bay, there are undocumented farmworkers who are struggling to put food on the table,” he said, adding that he wants to pass Biden and Harris’ immigration reform bill. “We also know there are highly-skilled workers that we need immigration reform for as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low shake hands after their debate on Friday, Oct. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for KQED/POOL)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They took digs at each other on housing and homelessness. Liccardo said Low didn’t do enough in the state Assembly to curb the issue, while Low accused Liccardo of allowing homelessness to sprawl out of control during his time as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said he supports removing barriers to Section 8 housing vouchers. Low said he thinks there needs to be stronger auditing and accountability around spending for homeless services and holding cities accountable for building enough affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city missed the mark by 13,128 units during his tenure,” Low said, referring to state-mandated housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Evan Low has demonstrated zero leadership on homelessness,” Liccardo responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technology, which dominates big industry in the district, was one area where the two found some common ground. Both said they support increasing privacy protections online, in particular for children, and creating protections for workers whose jobs are threatened by automation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot we can do if we set a private industry standard — the best standard — to be the floor for liability,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "uc-santa-cruz-police-search-pro-palestinian-student-protester-civil-rights-lawsuit",
"title": "UC Santa Cruz Police Search of Student Protester’s Phone Raises Concern of Retaliation",
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"headTitle": "UC Santa Cruz Police Search of Student Protester’s Phone Raises Concern of Retaliation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Attorneys for a student who is suing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-santa-cruz\">UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> over a temporary campus ban she received after last spring’s pro-Palestinian protests are accusing university police of targeting her with a retaliatory, overly broad search in an apparent effort to stifle her speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laaila Irshad is the lead plaintiff in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003855/uc-santa-cruz-students-professor-sue-over-campus-bans-after-pro-palestinian-protest\">a lawsuit filed last month\u003c/a> on behalf of two students and a professor who were temporarily barred from UCSC’s campus, saying their suspensions were illegal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006851/uc-santa-cruz-campus-bans-protesters-fundamentally-unfair\">caused great harm\u003c/a> during the last two weeks of the spring academic session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than a week after instruction began this fall, attorneys said, Irshad had her phone seized by university police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a fire alarm went off early on Oct. 1, she was standing outside the dormitory where she serves as the resident advisor when police approached with a search warrant for her phone, according to Chessie Thacher, an ACLU of Northern California attorney representing Irshad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The warrant was issued based on a sealed affidavit that allegedly outlines probable cause to believe the phone’s contents include evidence of a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the affidavit is sealed, Thacher said her team has reason to believe the warrant is unrelated to the protest that led to Irshad’s arrest and the separate but related civil rights lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"681\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz workers who are union members of UAW 4811, part of the United Auto Workers, and pro-Palestinian protesters carry signs as they demonstrate in front of the UC Santa Cruz campus on May 20, 2024, in Santa Cruz. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The kicker for us was that this search warrant, served in such a public way, had a picture of Laila on it, and it wasn’t a picture of her student ID — it was a picture of her giving an interview to a news reporter about her involvement in the case,” Thacher told KQED. “This just feels like it has a retaliatory motive or intent, or an attempt to kind of say to Ms. Irshad: ‘Proceed with caution because we are intent on silencing your speech.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys filed a motion on Friday declaring that Irshad plans to petition the court to destroy or void the warrant, return her phone, order the destruction of all seized information and unseal the affidavit at a hearing in December. If the warrant isn’t voided, she is requesting that the court seal her phone until there can be a hearing about her claim that the warrant is overly broad and the phone contained communication that falls under attorney-client privilege.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Hernandez Jason, a spokesperson for UC Santa Cruz, said in an email that the warrant was related to an “active investigation that began prior to the lawsuit” and could not share any additional information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last May, Irshad was among 112 protesters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988397/many-protesters-arrested-at-uc-santa-cruz-pro-palestinian-encampment\">who were arrested\u003c/a> after police in riot gear were deployed to a pro-Palestinian encampment in a little-used parking lot near the base of UC Santa Cruz’s hilly campus. Rachel Lederman, another of the protesters’ attorneys, told KQED in September that throughout the night, officers squeezed in on the protesters and eventually detained many of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988048\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988048\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz academic workers represented by UAW 4811 and pro-Palestinian protesters carry signs as they demonstrate in front of the campus on May 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Irshad and others who were detained received temporary campus bans under Section 626.4 of the California Penal Code, which allows university officials to revoke consent for a person to be on campus for up to 14 days “whenever there is reasonable cause to believe that such person has willfully disrupted the orderly operation of such campus or facility.” Entering the campus while the ban is in place is a misdemeanor punishable by jail time or a fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad, fellow student Elio Ellutzi and professor Christine Hong joined a lawsuit over their bans in September, accusing UC Santa Cruz of illegally applying Section 626.4. The bans were issued without a hearing, which is unlawful unless the person’s presence on campus constitutes a “substantial and material threat of significant injury to persons or property,” according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008430 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although some students had hearings, they did not begin to take place until at least a week after the bans were issued, Lederman said in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters are asking the court for an injunction to prevent UC Santa Cruz from issuing these bans and a declaration that doing so is illegal, as well as a preliminary injunction that would halt the university’s use of the tactic until the case is ultimately decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad, who was a resident advisor last year as well, said she was compensated for her RA work with free campus housing and meal points — both of which she lost access to when she was barred from campus. She also said she could not access her computer, complete assignments or attend class, ultimately leading her to fail courses, according to a declaration filed in Santa Cruz Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The search warrant for her phone was issued on Sept. 25, about two and a half weeks after her lawsuit was filed and five days after filing for the preliminary injunction. Thacher said the “series of events” is troubling to the attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also believes that the warrant itself — which gives officers access to all data on Irshad’s phone since it first stored data — is overly broad because it does not define a time period and searches her entire digital history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Ms. Irschad was not a plaintiff in a civil rights lawsuit against the UC Santa Cruz Police Department and others, this warrant would still be overbroad,” Thacher said. “But she is a plaintiff in a civil rights lawsuit against [UCSC], and the events here … are really troubling. It feels retaliatory. And we’re asking the court to help us understand what is going on here so that we can protect and defend Ms. Irschad’s rights to be a plaintiff in this lawsuit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the motion for a preliminary injunction in Irshad’s civil rights suit is slated for a hearing in November, and a hearing to decide whether to void or tighten the restrictions around her search warrant is set for Dec. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Attorneys for a student who is suing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-santa-cruz\">UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> over a temporary campus ban she received after last spring’s pro-Palestinian protests are accusing university police of targeting her with a retaliatory, overly broad search in an apparent effort to stifle her speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laaila Irshad is the lead plaintiff in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003855/uc-santa-cruz-students-professor-sue-over-campus-bans-after-pro-palestinian-protest\">a lawsuit filed last month\u003c/a> on behalf of two students and a professor who were temporarily barred from UCSC’s campus, saying their suspensions were illegal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006851/uc-santa-cruz-campus-bans-protesters-fundamentally-unfair\">caused great harm\u003c/a> during the last two weeks of the spring academic session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than a week after instruction began this fall, attorneys said, Irshad had her phone seized by university police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a fire alarm went off early on Oct. 1, she was standing outside the dormitory where she serves as the resident advisor when police approached with a search warrant for her phone, according to Chessie Thacher, an ACLU of Northern California attorney representing Irshad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The warrant was issued based on a sealed affidavit that allegedly outlines probable cause to believe the phone’s contents include evidence of a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the affidavit is sealed, Thacher said her team has reason to believe the warrant is unrelated to the protest that led to Irshad’s arrest and the separate but related civil rights lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"681\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz workers who are union members of UAW 4811, part of the United Auto Workers, and pro-Palestinian protesters carry signs as they demonstrate in front of the UC Santa Cruz campus on May 20, 2024, in Santa Cruz. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The kicker for us was that this search warrant, served in such a public way, had a picture of Laila on it, and it wasn’t a picture of her student ID — it was a picture of her giving an interview to a news reporter about her involvement in the case,” Thacher told KQED. “This just feels like it has a retaliatory motive or intent, or an attempt to kind of say to Ms. Irshad: ‘Proceed with caution because we are intent on silencing your speech.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys filed a motion on Friday declaring that Irshad plans to petition the court to destroy or void the warrant, return her phone, order the destruction of all seized information and unseal the affidavit at a hearing in December. If the warrant isn’t voided, she is requesting that the court seal her phone until there can be a hearing about her claim that the warrant is overly broad and the phone contained communication that falls under attorney-client privilege.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Hernandez Jason, a spokesperson for UC Santa Cruz, said in an email that the warrant was related to an “active investigation that began prior to the lawsuit” and could not share any additional information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last May, Irshad was among 112 protesters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988397/many-protesters-arrested-at-uc-santa-cruz-pro-palestinian-encampment\">who were arrested\u003c/a> after police in riot gear were deployed to a pro-Palestinian encampment in a little-used parking lot near the base of UC Santa Cruz’s hilly campus. Rachel Lederman, another of the protesters’ attorneys, told KQED in September that throughout the night, officers squeezed in on the protesters and eventually detained many of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988048\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988048\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz academic workers represented by UAW 4811 and pro-Palestinian protesters carry signs as they demonstrate in front of the campus on May 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Irshad and others who were detained received temporary campus bans under Section 626.4 of the California Penal Code, which allows university officials to revoke consent for a person to be on campus for up to 14 days “whenever there is reasonable cause to believe that such person has willfully disrupted the orderly operation of such campus or facility.” Entering the campus while the ban is in place is a misdemeanor punishable by jail time or a fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad, fellow student Elio Ellutzi and professor Christine Hong joined a lawsuit over their bans in September, accusing UC Santa Cruz of illegally applying Section 626.4. The bans were issued without a hearing, which is unlawful unless the person’s presence on campus constitutes a “substantial and material threat of significant injury to persons or property,” according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although some students had hearings, they did not begin to take place until at least a week after the bans were issued, Lederman said in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters are asking the court for an injunction to prevent UC Santa Cruz from issuing these bans and a declaration that doing so is illegal, as well as a preliminary injunction that would halt the university’s use of the tactic until the case is ultimately decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad, who was a resident advisor last year as well, said she was compensated for her RA work with free campus housing and meal points — both of which she lost access to when she was barred from campus. She also said she could not access her computer, complete assignments or attend class, ultimately leading her to fail courses, according to a declaration filed in Santa Cruz Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The search warrant for her phone was issued on Sept. 25, about two and a half weeks after her lawsuit was filed and five days after filing for the preliminary injunction. Thacher said the “series of events” is troubling to the attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also believes that the warrant itself — which gives officers access to all data on Irshad’s phone since it first stored data — is overly broad because it does not define a time period and searches her entire digital history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Ms. Irschad was not a plaintiff in a civil rights lawsuit against the UC Santa Cruz Police Department and others, this warrant would still be overbroad,” Thacher said. “But she is a plaintiff in a civil rights lawsuit against [UCSC], and the events here … are really troubling. It feels retaliatory. And we’re asking the court to help us understand what is going on here so that we can protect and defend Ms. Irschad’s rights to be a plaintiff in this lawsuit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the motion for a preliminary injunction in Irshad’s civil rights suit is slated for a hearing in November, and a hearing to decide whether to void or tighten the restrictions around her search warrant is set for Dec. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">has been a lightning rod for criticism since he was sworn into office in December 2020. The former San Francisco police chief and DA came into office in LA promising a change from the “tough on crime” policies of his predecessor. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, multiple recall attempts and four years later, \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gascón is seeking reelection. His opponent, former federal prosecutor and defense attorney Nathan Hochman, appears to be mounting an incredibly strong challenge for the office. Marisa and Scott discuss the race and candidates with Elex Michaelson, co-anchor of the evening news on FOX 11 LA and host of the weekly statewide political show The Issue Is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "East Bay Politicians Speak Out Against Recall of Alameda County DA Pamela Price",
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"content": "\u003cp>Less than a month from the November election, a group of high-profile East Bay politicians are speaking out against the recall effort targeting Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a> as she pushes back against criticism over public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee and state Sen. Nancy Skinner, both of whom represent the northern end of Alameda County, announced this week that they oppose the potential recalls of Price Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao. The volley of support for the embattled officials comes a week after Rep. Eric Swalwell, who has long been a critic of Price, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">endorsed the recall campaign against her\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on the social media platform X, Skinner said that, like Lee, she opposes recalls on principle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Except in rare circumstances of serious misconduct, recalls are undemocratic and a waste of public funds,” Skinner wrote. “That’s especially true in the case of the Nov. 5 recalls, when the incumbents have only been in office for 2 years and will be up for reelection just 2 years from now. Wealthy interests should not be able to circumvent the regular democratic process and pay to put a recall on the ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcements follow prior anti-recall endorsements from Alameda County Supervisor Keith Carson and the Alameda County Democratic Central Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/BarbaraLee_CA/status/1843448291251359838\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether we are Democrats or not, it should make us sick to our stomach that a few people, in this case, real estate developers and hedge fund managers, can use their money to undo our democratic vote,” Yoana Tchoukleva, co-chair of Alameda County Democrats’ legislation committee, said at a press conference on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Swalwell, who represents southeastern Alameda County, was joined by all 14 law enforcement unions in Alameda County in announcing support for the recall of Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot use reform rhetoric to allow criminals to continue victimizing our citizens with little to no consequences,” law enforcement union leaders said in a joint statement on Saturday. “Those of us who literally patrol the streets of Alameda County, we see first-hand how District Attorney Pamela Price is failing to keep us safe and hold criminals accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008986\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sam Singer (center), spokesperson for Alameda County’s 14 law enforcement unions, holds up a $5,000 donation check from the Hayward Police Officers Association during a press conference in Emeryville on Saturday, Oct. 5, 2024. He is joined by Carl Chan (left) and Brenda Grisham (right), principal officers for Save Alameda For Everyone (SAFE), the group leading the recall effort against Alameda County DA Pamela Price. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s press conference, Price said the county’s police unions are upset because she has brought criminal charges against law enforcement officers who killed civilians in the line of duty, something Price’s predecessor Nancy O’Malley did once during her nearly 14 years in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The days when police and rogue police officers and police unions controlled this office are over,” Price said. “When you have a solution to the problem, then you become the problem to people who have prospered, participated and profited off of our pain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008407/2-of-3-alameda-officers-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-have-their-case-dismissed\">involuntary manslaughter charges were dismissed\u003c/a> against two of the three Alameda police officers that Price’s office had sought to prosecute over the 2021 death of Mario Gonzalez. A judge ruled that prosecutors failed to file the necessary paperwork in time to bring charges within the statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price stands with Oakland residents and members of the Protect the Win campaign during a Thursday morning press conference at Everett & Jones Barbeque in Jack London Square. The group gathered to rally support against the recall effort. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Price had announced those charges in April, reversing a decision by O’Malley just days after the recall effort qualified for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last two weeks, law enforcement unions in the county donated $47,500 to the campaign to recall Price, according to campaign finance filings with the Alameda County Registrar of Voters. The union representing prosecutors in Price’s office contributed $40,000, and O’Malley gave $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001150 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240821-ANTIRECALL-AF-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the recall campaign released a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HB7uJPs8rdg\">video advertisement\u003c/a> attacking Price, alleging that she refuses to prosecute crimes. According to last year’s annual report from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/ACDAO-2023-ANNUAL-REPORT-4.pdf\">Alameda County district attorney’s office\u003c/a>, prosecutors filed criminal charges that year at a rate similar to that of the final four years of O’Malley’s administration. The report does not provide details on what types of charges were filed; Price has said the format of the office’s electronic case management system does not allow it to extract data with that level of detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has been criticized for charging and settling cases for less than the most severe punishment possible. She was elected on a platform that promised to use alternatives to incarceration and rehabilitation programs for people convicted of crimes to reduce mass incarceration and racial inequities in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ad features a clip from a press conference with Gov. Gavin Newsom from July when he announced his decision to rescind an offer to send state attorneys to assist with drug prosecutions by Price’s office. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996494/newsom-tried-to-send-a-prosecutor-to-help-alameda-county-da-heres-why-it-collapsed\">Price said the offer would not have benefited her office as much as the governor contended.\u003c/a> Newsom’s campaign manager did not respond to a request for comment about whether he supports the Price recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Off the campaign trail, Price this week announced what she called “the largest grant investment in the history of the Alameda County district attorney’s office.” The $6 million state grant will go toward expanding the Alameda County Community Assessment Referral Engagement Services (CARES) Navigation Center, which provides programs where law enforcement officers can send people experiencing drug use or mental health-related challenges without having to make an arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Less than a month from the November election, a group of high-profile East Bay politicians are speaking out against the recall effort targeting Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a> as she pushes back against criticism over public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee and state Sen. Nancy Skinner, both of whom represent the northern end of Alameda County, announced this week that they oppose the potential recalls of Price Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao. The volley of support for the embattled officials comes a week after Rep. Eric Swalwell, who has long been a critic of Price, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">endorsed the recall campaign against her\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on the social media platform X, Skinner said that, like Lee, she opposes recalls on principle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Except in rare circumstances of serious misconduct, recalls are undemocratic and a waste of public funds,” Skinner wrote. “That’s especially true in the case of the Nov. 5 recalls, when the incumbents have only been in office for 2 years and will be up for reelection just 2 years from now. Wealthy interests should not be able to circumvent the regular democratic process and pay to put a recall on the ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcements follow prior anti-recall endorsements from Alameda County Supervisor Keith Carson and the Alameda County Democratic Central Committee.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“Whether we are Democrats or not, it should make us sick to our stomach that a few people, in this case, real estate developers and hedge fund managers, can use their money to undo our democratic vote,” Yoana Tchoukleva, co-chair of Alameda County Democrats’ legislation committee, said at a press conference on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Swalwell, who represents southeastern Alameda County, was joined by all 14 law enforcement unions in Alameda County in announcing support for the recall of Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot use reform rhetoric to allow criminals to continue victimizing our citizens with little to no consequences,” law enforcement union leaders said in a joint statement on Saturday. “Those of us who literally patrol the streets of Alameda County, we see first-hand how District Attorney Pamela Price is failing to keep us safe and hold criminals accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008986\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceRecallEffort1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sam Singer (center), spokesperson for Alameda County’s 14 law enforcement unions, holds up a $5,000 donation check from the Hayward Police Officers Association during a press conference in Emeryville on Saturday, Oct. 5, 2024. He is joined by Carl Chan (left) and Brenda Grisham (right), principal officers for Save Alameda For Everyone (SAFE), the group leading the recall effort against Alameda County DA Pamela Price. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s press conference, Price said the county’s police unions are upset because she has brought criminal charges against law enforcement officers who killed civilians in the line of duty, something Price’s predecessor Nancy O’Malley did once during her nearly 14 years in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The days when police and rogue police officers and police unions controlled this office are over,” Price said. “When you have a solution to the problem, then you become the problem to people who have prospered, participated and profited off of our pain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008407/2-of-3-alameda-officers-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-have-their-case-dismissed\">involuntary manslaughter charges were dismissed\u003c/a> against two of the three Alameda police officers that Price’s office had sought to prosecute over the 2021 death of Mario Gonzalez. A judge ruled that prosecutors failed to file the necessary paperwork in time to bring charges within the statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price stands with Oakland residents and members of the Protect the Win campaign during a Thursday morning press conference at Everett & Jones Barbeque in Jack London Square. The group gathered to rally support against the recall effort. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Price had announced those charges in April, reversing a decision by O’Malley just days after the recall effort qualified for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last two weeks, law enforcement unions in the county donated $47,500 to the campaign to recall Price, according to campaign finance filings with the Alameda County Registrar of Voters. The union representing prosecutors in Price’s office contributed $40,000, and O’Malley gave $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the recall campaign released a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HB7uJPs8rdg\">video advertisement\u003c/a> attacking Price, alleging that she refuses to prosecute crimes. According to last year’s annual report from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/ACDAO-2023-ANNUAL-REPORT-4.pdf\">Alameda County district attorney’s office\u003c/a>, prosecutors filed criminal charges that year at a rate similar to that of the final four years of O’Malley’s administration. The report does not provide details on what types of charges were filed; Price has said the format of the office’s electronic case management system does not allow it to extract data with that level of detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has been criticized for charging and settling cases for less than the most severe punishment possible. She was elected on a platform that promised to use alternatives to incarceration and rehabilitation programs for people convicted of crimes to reduce mass incarceration and racial inequities in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ad features a clip from a press conference with Gov. Gavin Newsom from July when he announced his decision to rescind an offer to send state attorneys to assist with drug prosecutions by Price’s office. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996494/newsom-tried-to-send-a-prosecutor-to-help-alameda-county-da-heres-why-it-collapsed\">Price said the offer would not have benefited her office as much as the governor contended.\u003c/a> Newsom’s campaign manager did not respond to a request for comment about whether he supports the Price recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Off the campaign trail, Price this week announced what she called “the largest grant investment in the history of the Alameda County district attorney’s office.” The $6 million state grant will go toward expanding the Alameda County Community Assessment Referral Engagement Services (CARES) Navigation Center, which provides programs where law enforcement officers can send people experiencing drug use or mental health-related challenges without having to make an arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction",
"title": "Election 2024: How to Correct a Mistake on Your Ballot",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010256/elecciones-2024-cometio-un-error-al-llenar-su-boleta-electoral\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 9:30 a.m. Nov. 5: Reading this on Election Day? Remember you have the option to \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">go to an open voting location before polls close at 8 p.m. and request a replacement ballot \u003c/a>if you’re really worried about a mistake you’ve made on your ballot. You can also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011221/how-to-check-my-ballot-was-counted-results-election-2024-harris-trump\">sign up to track your ballot\u003c/a> after you submit it, to find out quickly whether there are any issues with it. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012472/election-2024-where-do-i-vote-in-person-find-my-polling-place\">Find your polling place, closest secure ballot drop box or voting location.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]E[/dropcap]lection Day — your last day to vote — is on Tuesday, Nov. 5. And if you’re a registered California voter, your ballot should be arriving in your mailbox very soon, if it hasn’t already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what if you make a mistake on your ballot as you’re filling it out? Or are you just not sure how to fill it out in the first place?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to learn how to fill out your ballot, how important your signature is and your options if you need to start again with a fresh ballot. Or jump straight to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-correct-mistake-ballot\">What are my Bay Area county’s rules on fixing ballot mistakes?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#signature-problem-ballot\">What happens if I messed up my signature on my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#date-on-ballot-envelope\">I’m worried I wrote the wrong date on my ballot’s envelope\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you’re looking for information about what’s on your ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">take a look at KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>, which unpacks ballot measures and compares candidates in every race in the Bay Area. (And if you want to make sure you’re actually registered to vote correctly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">read our guide to checking your voter registration \u003c/a>— including why you might need to re-register.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841798\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident drops their mail-in ballot into a mailbox. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-correct-mistake-ballot\">\u003c/a>I messed up. How do I fix a mistake on my ballot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First, don’t panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People make mistakes on ballots, and they also find good ways to correct them. The job of county elections officials — once they’ve verified your signature — is to make sure your ballot can be read correctly. If that means that your corrections on your ballot have resulted in readability issues, officials working in teams of two will actually remake it for you according to the intent you’ve signaled with your corrections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main thing to know is that there’s no one-size-fits-all approach to correcting a mistake on your ballot in California — how a voter corrects a goof is up to the county, and sometimes those “how to fix it” instructions are different from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your own county’s advice for how to fix a mistake on your ballot is almost certainly printed \u003cem>on\u003c/em> your ballot, so check there first. But here’s what each county’s registrar told KQED about fixing a mistake, so scroll down to find your county or use the quick links below. If they sent us a visual guide, we’ve included that, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you have a specific question about your ballot that isn’t answered here, you can always \u003ca href=\"#contact\">contact your local county elections office for advice and instructions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11842571\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11842571\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident hands their mail-in ballot to a US Postal Service employee. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alameda\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County did not respond to repeated requests about their instructions to voters who make a mistake on their ballot, but the county’s ballot instructs voters to request a fresh ballot if they make a mistake, rather than try to correct it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">Jump straight to how you can get a new ballot\u003c/a>. You can also call the Alameda County Registrar of Voters at 510-267-8683 or 800-345-VOTE(8683) with questions about your individual ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you make a mistake, Contra Costa County Registrar Kristin Connelly said, “A simple X through the oval of the incorrect choice and a filled-in oval on their correct choice is enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[A]s long as we can determine what the voter’s intent is, we can make sure we count their vote correctly,” Connelly said. But if you’re still worried about your vote, you can always \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">ask for a replacement ballot,\u003c/a> to either mail back or use to vote in person. “It’s totally up to the voter and what makes them comfortable and secure that their vote will be counted,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Goltiao, associate communications officer with Santa Clara County’s Registrar of Voters, said you can “correct it by crossing out the wrong choice and filling out the correct oval as shown in the picture” below. You should not sign or initial the correction, Goltiao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005425\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005425\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"100\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT.png 500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT-160x32.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How Santa Clara County recommends voters correct their ballot. \u003ccite>(Santa Clara Department of Elections)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can also \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a> by calling 408-299-VOTE [8683] or toll-free 866-430-VOTE [8683]. “Voters may also use the Remote Accessible Vote by Mail System (RAVBM) to download a copy of the ballot that can be printed and returned by mail,” Goltiao said. \u003ca href=\"https://vote.santaclaracounty.gov/vote-mail/how-mark-your-vote-mail-ballot\">Read more information for Santa Clara voters about marking and returning ballots.\u003c/a> [aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[V]oters can \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request replacement ballots\u003c/a> if they make a mistake marking a selection,” San Francisco Department of Elections Director John Arntz told KQED. You can request that new ballot in person at your polling place and, from the San Francisco elections office at City Hall, and by \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/departments/department-elections\">calling or emailing the Department of Election (scroll to the bottom of this link for contact details.) \u003c/a>You can also use their \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.org/tools/portal/\">Voter Portal\u003c/a> online to request a replacement ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if a voter doesn’t want to (or can’t) request a replacement ballot, Arntz said, “We tell them they can also cross out the incorrect selection, fill in the correct oval, and note on the card they made a mistake.” The reason this is OK, Artnz said, is because the vote-counting machines will recognize and flag any ballot that contains more than the allowed number of votes for a particular race. The ballot is then “moved to manual review or adjudication,” and elections staffers will personally look at the ballot to work out what that voter, in fact, meant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When voters indicate they made a mistake, our personnel will remedy the overvote to reflect the voters’ intent, and the card is then tabulated,” Artnz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Mateo\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"431\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-800x180.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-1020x229.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-160x36.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-1536x345.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How San Mateo County recommends voters correct their ballot. \u003ccite>(San Mateo County)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mark Church, Assessor-County Clerk-Recorder and Chief Elections Officer for San Mateo County told KQED that “any additional markings a voter makes including an ‘X’ through a selection choice on the ballot” will mean your ballot gets flagged and placed in a “Challenged” state. Then, your ballot is forwarded to one of the county’s adjudication stations, where a staffer will determine how you meant to vote with your markings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thus, it is preferred that a voter \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a> if they make a mistake in marking their ballot,” Church said — which you can do in person by \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">visiting one of the county’s 49 Vote Centers\u003c/a> or calling the Elections Office at 650-312-5222.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin County voters “can X out the mistake and mark the correct vote,” Lynda Roberts, Registrar of Voters, told KQED. “As long as we can see their intent, we can count the vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin voters “should not initial or write their name next to the change, however, since ballots are to remain anonymous,” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Napa\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tuteur, Napa County Registrar of Voters, said that if someone makes a mistake on their ballot, like marking “yes” when they meant to mark “no,” “they should circle the correct choice and draw an arrow to it.” The county’s vote-counting machines — technically known as “optical scanner ballot tabulators” — will automatically flag and forward any ballot that shows an “overvote” like this (i.e., when a race has more answers than is permitted) to staff who are trained to adjudicate these things, and work out what that voter intended with their correction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This process is all documented, Tuteur said, so elections staff always know which adjudicator reviewed which ballot and what they decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Solano\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[L]ike lots of things, it kind of depends on the case and how close to election day it is,” Solano County Assistant Registrar of Voters John Gardner told KQED. But as a general rule, he encourages Solano voters to \u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/contact_us.asp\">“call our office and talk to staff so we can go through the options” or email them. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your options, which an elections staffer can go over with you, include writing notes on your ballot to make your intention clear (“i.e., add arrows to the correct choice and write ‘I want this one’ next to it or something like that,” Gardner said, so the human reviewing your ballot can understand it), along with ways to \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">receive a new ballot\u003c/a> which include requesting a totally fresh one, using a sample ballot or printing a new ballot themselves from a secure site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[W]e do have a lot of options for voters, but it’s really best for them to get in touch with us to help them understand all the possibilities based on their situation and needs,” Gardner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sonoma\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters should put an X over the incorrect choice and mark the correct one,” said Deva Proto, Clerk-Recorder-Assessor and Registrar of Voters of Sonoma County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters can also \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a>, if they feel more comfortable with that, or go to any in-person location to vote or get a replacement ballot,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need to know about voting in 2024?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And remember, there’s \u003cem>always\u003c/em> this option …\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-get-new-ballot\">\u003c/a>What if I just want a new ballot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’ve made a big mistake on your ballot — too big to fix — your best plan of action may be to focus on getting a new one. You can:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call your county elections office and ask them to cancel that ballot and issue a new one to you\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Go to your county elections office with your spoiled ballot during business hours and vote right there at the counter\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Take advantage of the early voting options available in many counties\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Go to a voting site on Election Day, Nov. 5, turn in your spoiled ballot there and get a new ballot\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also do this if you’ve accidentally damaged your ballot in some way (coffee spills happen).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843241\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident puts on an ‘I Voted!’ sticker after completing their mail-in ballot. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"signature-problem-ballot\">\u003c/a>What if I have problems with my signature?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When you’re done filling out your ballot, you must sign the envelope (\u003cem>not\u003c/em> the ballot itself, as these are meant to stay anonymous.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a few big mistakes people can make with their signatures are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Forgetting to sign their ballot envelope entirely\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Accidentally signing the wrong ballot envelope in their household (i.e., mixing up your ballot with your partner’s or roommate’s ballot) or\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Making a signature that doesn’t match the signature they made when they registered to vote\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Why \u003cem>wouldn’t\u003c/em> your signature match the one on file? If you registered to vote at a young age, maybe your signature has changed over time. Or perhaps you registered to vote at the DMV and provided your signature on a screen with a stylus, which doesn’t quite replicate how you’d make your signature with a pen on paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you registered this way, one simple way to avoid any signature problems is to take a quick glance at the signature that’s on your driver’s license or state ID — because that’s the one you want your ballot signature to match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if you didn’t register at the DMV, that signature on your most recent license or state ID is still very likely the one to emulate. That’s because when you register to vote online, your county elections office electronically requests a copy of the signature the DMV \u003cem>currently\u003c/em> has for you, and this information is regularly updated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To further set your mind at rest, know that California isn’t an “exact match” state and doesn’t demand voters’ signatures 100% replicate the signature that’s on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What if I just don’t know my ‘correct’ signature I’m registered to vote with?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> worried about the signature on your envelope not matching the signature you’re registered to vote with, there are two good solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One: If it’s on or before Oct. 21, you can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">re-register to vote with your current signature\u003c/a> to be sure that the state now has your most recent one on file. If you are re-registering after Oct. 21, you’d need to complete the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg/\">same-day voter registration\u003c/a> process (also known as “conditional voting”) and request your ballot in person at your county elections office or polling location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two: In 2021, Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/\">California Voter Foundation\u003c/a>, told us there’s another solution if you’re worried about your signature: Go vote in person, if you’re able.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the signature only goes on your ballot’s \u003cem>envelope\u003c/em> — and if you’re voting in person, there’s no envelope because that ballot then goes straight into the ballot box without needing that envelope at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if you want that satisfaction of seeing your ballot drop in the box and know that it’s not going to get held up because of some signature issue, you can go and vote in person,” Alexander said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Thanks, KQED: I already mailed my ballot, but now I’m paranoid about my signature. What if I messed it up?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rest assured: There’s a whole system in place to help you correct your mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your county’s election office detects a signature mismatch on your ballot, they’ll reach out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. It’s called “curing” a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This system is also applied when it looks like a member of a voter’s family might have signed their ballot instead of the voter. This happens a \u003cem>surprising\u003c/em> amount when one household has several voters who all receive a ballot in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One way to get peace of mind: \u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">Sign up to track your ballot\u003c/a>, and you’ll find out about any issues with your ballot or your signature quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"date-on-ballot-envelope\">\u003c/a>I think I put the wrong date on my envelope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First off, that date should be the date you signed your envelope — not your date of birth. (We had many questions during the 2020 election about this.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you’re worried you messed up the date, don’t worry. Elections officials said that the date they’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> looking for is the date that the ballot is postmarked to make sure it was submitted on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials will only truly scrutinize the date you’ve written if they receive your ballot \u003cem>after\u003c/em> Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like maybe you mailed it Monday before Election Day,” John Gardner, assistant registrar of voters for Solano County, told us in 2020. “That’s when we have to start looking at postmarks on the ballot, or date that the voter signed the envelope, to determine if we can count the ballot or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you haven’t mailed your envelope yet, it’s an easy fix: Just clearly cross out the incorrect date on the envelope and write in the correct one above it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if I use assistive technology to complete forms?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Getting physical assistance with filling out your ballot from someone you trust is always fine, whether you’re voting at home or at a voting site. You just need to make sure your signature is your own and matches the one you’re registered to vote with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disabled voters can also choose to use the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">Remote Accessible Vote-by-Mail \u003c/a>system to vote privately and independently at home, using their usual assistive device on their home computer to fill out the ballot on their screen and then print and mail it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every voting location in California is also equipped with an accessible voting unit. Here, voters with blindness or low vision or who have a disability that limits their dexterity will be able to use the assistive device of their choice that allows them to vote privately and independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I make sure my mail-in ballot gets there on time?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remember, one big reason that ballots get disqualified in elections is that voters mail them too late: either too late on Election Day itself (after U.S. Postal Service mailboxes have already been collected) or after Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be counted in this election, your ballot must be postmarked on Election Day, Nov. 5, at the latest. Your ballot has seven days — until Nov. 12. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/pres-prim-march-2024?mc_cid=638980d345&mc_eid=b5c444f6a0\">— \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/pres-prim-march-2024?mc_cid=638980d345&mc_eid=b5c444f6a0\">to reach your county elections office.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in this election, it’s as crucial as ever to make sure you have a plan for voting on time — and if you’re not voting in person, that means making sure you get your ballot into a USPS mailbox or into \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">a secure voting drop box, at a polling location\u003c/a> or your county elections office, by the time polls close on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re choosing to mail your ballot via USPS, keep in mind that the Postal Service must postmark your ballot envelope by the end of Election Day for your vote to count — and the last collection at many mailboxes is 5 p.m. So, if it’s getting late in the day on Nov. 5, consider using a county drop box instead of a USPS mailbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Read more about how to return your ballot in the Bay Area.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A few other common ballot mistakes to watch out for …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you use a black or blue pen:\u003c/strong> It reads better, and it doesn’t slow workers down when they have to check to see what voter intent was. (Don’t use a felt-tip or a Sharpie that bleeds through the paper and marks other pages on your ballot.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t mail an empty envelope:\u003c/strong> It does happen. Keeping your envelope and your ballot together in your home might be a helpful way of avoiding this problem. And, of course, when you’re ready to mail your ballot, make sure it’s actually inside the envelope before you seal it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t bother with a stamp:\u003c/strong> Your ballot envelope is postage-paid. You don’t need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And again, make sure you’re filling out the ballot — and signing the envelope — with \u003cem>your\u003c/em> name on it:\u003c/strong> It’s common to see roommates or family members accidentally mix up their ballot materials on the kitchen counter. So make sure you’re filling out the ballot and signing the envelope that bears your name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879395\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bei Kao holds her ‘I Voted’ sticker after voting in Oakland on Oct. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>And remember, you don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> to vote by mail\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/vote-mail\">every registered voter in California now receives a mail-in ballot by default, \u003c/a>without having to request it as in previous years. But voting by mail is still one option open to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can still absolutely vote in person, either at an early voting location before or on Election Day (Nov. 5) itself. If you live in Alameda, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa Clara or Sonoma, Vote Centers in your county open on Oct. 26 (or earlier in some cases), where you can go in person. Assigned voting locations will open a little later in San Francisco, Contra Costa or Solano for those counties’ voters, although some early voting sites will be available in those counties — for example, at your county elections office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">See where early voting will open in your county.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"contact\">\u003c/a>Contact your county directly\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acvote.org/index\">Alameda\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us\">Contra Costa\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">Marin\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 415-473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections webpage to \u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\">send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">Napa\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 707-253-4321 or email the elections office at elections@countyofnapa.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org\">San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 415-554-4375 or email sfvote@sfgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">San Mateo\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call toll-free at 866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">Solano\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or 888-933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">Sonoma\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at 800-750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state also has a full list of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices/\">every county elections office in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bookmark \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/voting-california/election-dates-and-resources\">the state’s full list of deadlines for the California Presidential Primary Election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What do you need to know more about when it comes to voting? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. We can’t respond to everyone who sends a question, but what you submit will make our reporting stronger and help us decide what to cover here on our site and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "You made a mistake on your ballot. What now? From signatures to how to correct an answer you didn't intend, we have answers to your questions about voting this fall.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010256/elecciones-2024-cometio-un-error-al-llenar-su-boleta-electoral\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 9:30 a.m. Nov. 5: Reading this on Election Day? Remember you have the option to \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">go to an open voting location before polls close at 8 p.m. and request a replacement ballot \u003c/a>if you’re really worried about a mistake you’ve made on your ballot. You can also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011221/how-to-check-my-ballot-was-counted-results-election-2024-harris-trump\">sign up to track your ballot\u003c/a> after you submit it, to find out quickly whether there are any issues with it. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012472/election-2024-where-do-i-vote-in-person-find-my-polling-place\">Find your polling place, closest secure ballot drop box or voting location.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">E\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>lection Day — your last day to vote — is on Tuesday, Nov. 5. And if you’re a registered California voter, your ballot should be arriving in your mailbox very soon, if it hasn’t already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what if you make a mistake on your ballot as you’re filling it out? Or are you just not sure how to fill it out in the first place?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to learn how to fill out your ballot, how important your signature is and your options if you need to start again with a fresh ballot. Or jump straight to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-correct-mistake-ballot\">What are my Bay Area county’s rules on fixing ballot mistakes?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#signature-problem-ballot\">What happens if I messed up my signature on my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#date-on-ballot-envelope\">I’m worried I wrote the wrong date on my ballot’s envelope\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you’re looking for information about what’s on your ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">take a look at KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>, which unpacks ballot measures and compares candidates in every race in the Bay Area. (And if you want to make sure you’re actually registered to vote correctly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">read our guide to checking your voter registration \u003c/a>— including why you might need to re-register.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841798\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45270_008_KQED_ElectionStockPhotos_TikaHall_10062020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident drops their mail-in ballot into a mailbox. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-correct-mistake-ballot\">\u003c/a>I messed up. How do I fix a mistake on my ballot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First, don’t panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People make mistakes on ballots, and they also find good ways to correct them. The job of county elections officials — once they’ve verified your signature — is to make sure your ballot can be read correctly. If that means that your corrections on your ballot have resulted in readability issues, officials working in teams of two will actually remake it for you according to the intent you’ve signaled with your corrections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main thing to know is that there’s no one-size-fits-all approach to correcting a mistake on your ballot in California — how a voter corrects a goof is up to the county, and sometimes those “how to fix it” instructions are different from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your own county’s advice for how to fix a mistake on your ballot is almost certainly printed \u003cem>on\u003c/em> your ballot, so check there first. But here’s what each county’s registrar told KQED about fixing a mistake, so scroll down to find your county or use the quick links below. If they sent us a visual guide, we’ve included that, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you have a specific question about your ballot that isn’t answered here, you can always \u003ca href=\"#contact\">contact your local county elections office for advice and instructions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11842571\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11842571\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45341_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident hands their mail-in ballot to a US Postal Service employee. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alameda\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County did not respond to repeated requests about their instructions to voters who make a mistake on their ballot, but the county’s ballot instructs voters to request a fresh ballot if they make a mistake, rather than try to correct it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">Jump straight to how you can get a new ballot\u003c/a>. You can also call the Alameda County Registrar of Voters at 510-267-8683 or 800-345-VOTE(8683) with questions about your individual ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you make a mistake, Contra Costa County Registrar Kristin Connelly said, “A simple X through the oval of the incorrect choice and a filled-in oval on their correct choice is enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[A]s long as we can determine what the voter’s intent is, we can make sure we count their vote correctly,” Connelly said. But if you’re still worried about your vote, you can always \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">ask for a replacement ballot,\u003c/a> to either mail back or use to vote in person. “It’s totally up to the voter and what makes them comfortable and secure that their vote will be counted,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Goltiao, associate communications officer with Santa Clara County’s Registrar of Voters, said you can “correct it by crossing out the wrong choice and filling out the correct oval as shown in the picture” below. You should not sign or initial the correction, Goltiao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005425\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005425\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"100\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT.png 500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Ballot-mistake-EDIT-160x32.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How Santa Clara County recommends voters correct their ballot. \u003ccite>(Santa Clara Department of Elections)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can also \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a> by calling 408-299-VOTE [8683] or toll-free 866-430-VOTE [8683]. “Voters may also use the Remote Accessible Vote by Mail System (RAVBM) to download a copy of the ballot that can be printed and returned by mail,” Goltiao said. \u003ca href=\"https://vote.santaclaracounty.gov/vote-mail/how-mark-your-vote-mail-ballot\">Read more information for Santa Clara voters about marking and returning ballots.\u003c/a> \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[V]oters can \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request replacement ballots\u003c/a> if they make a mistake marking a selection,” San Francisco Department of Elections Director John Arntz told KQED. You can request that new ballot in person at your polling place and, from the San Francisco elections office at City Hall, and by \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/departments/department-elections\">calling or emailing the Department of Election (scroll to the bottom of this link for contact details.) \u003c/a>You can also use their \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.org/tools/portal/\">Voter Portal\u003c/a> online to request a replacement ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if a voter doesn’t want to (or can’t) request a replacement ballot, Arntz said, “We tell them they can also cross out the incorrect selection, fill in the correct oval, and note on the card they made a mistake.” The reason this is OK, Artnz said, is because the vote-counting machines will recognize and flag any ballot that contains more than the allowed number of votes for a particular race. The ballot is then “moved to manual review or adjudication,” and elections staffers will personally look at the ballot to work out what that voter, in fact, meant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When voters indicate they made a mistake, our personnel will remedy the overvote to reflect the voters’ intent, and the card is then tabulated,” Artnz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Mateo\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"431\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-800x180.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-1020x229.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-160x36.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/San-Mateo-voting-1536x345.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How San Mateo County recommends voters correct their ballot. \u003ccite>(San Mateo County)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mark Church, Assessor-County Clerk-Recorder and Chief Elections Officer for San Mateo County told KQED that “any additional markings a voter makes including an ‘X’ through a selection choice on the ballot” will mean your ballot gets flagged and placed in a “Challenged” state. Then, your ballot is forwarded to one of the county’s adjudication stations, where a staffer will determine how you meant to vote with your markings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thus, it is preferred that a voter \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a> if they make a mistake in marking their ballot,” Church said — which you can do in person by \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">visiting one of the county’s 49 Vote Centers\u003c/a> or calling the Elections Office at 650-312-5222.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin County voters “can X out the mistake and mark the correct vote,” Lynda Roberts, Registrar of Voters, told KQED. “As long as we can see their intent, we can count the vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin voters “should not initial or write their name next to the change, however, since ballots are to remain anonymous,” Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Napa\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tuteur, Napa County Registrar of Voters, said that if someone makes a mistake on their ballot, like marking “yes” when they meant to mark “no,” “they should circle the correct choice and draw an arrow to it.” The county’s vote-counting machines — technically known as “optical scanner ballot tabulators” — will automatically flag and forward any ballot that shows an “overvote” like this (i.e., when a race has more answers than is permitted) to staff who are trained to adjudicate these things, and work out what that voter intended with their correction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This process is all documented, Tuteur said, so elections staff always know which adjudicator reviewed which ballot and what they decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Solano\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[L]ike lots of things, it kind of depends on the case and how close to election day it is,” Solano County Assistant Registrar of Voters John Gardner told KQED. But as a general rule, he encourages Solano voters to \u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/contact_us.asp\">“call our office and talk to staff so we can go through the options” or email them. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your options, which an elections staffer can go over with you, include writing notes on your ballot to make your intention clear (“i.e., add arrows to the correct choice and write ‘I want this one’ next to it or something like that,” Gardner said, so the human reviewing your ballot can understand it), along with ways to \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">receive a new ballot\u003c/a> which include requesting a totally fresh one, using a sample ballot or printing a new ballot themselves from a secure site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[W]e do have a lot of options for voters, but it’s really best for them to get in touch with us to help them understand all the possibilities based on their situation and needs,” Gardner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sonoma\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters should put an X over the incorrect choice and mark the correct one,” said Deva Proto, Clerk-Recorder-Assessor and Registrar of Voters of Sonoma County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters can also \u003ca href=\"#how-to-get-new-ballot\">request a replacement ballot\u003c/a>, if they feel more comfortable with that, or go to any in-person location to vote or get a replacement ballot,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need to know about voting in 2024?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And remember, there’s \u003cem>always\u003c/em> this option …\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"how-to-get-new-ballot\">\u003c/a>What if I just want a new ballot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’ve made a big mistake on your ballot — too big to fix — your best plan of action may be to focus on getting a new one. You can:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call your county elections office and ask them to cancel that ballot and issue a new one to you\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Go to your county elections office with your spoiled ballot during business hours and vote right there at the counter\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Take advantage of the early voting options available in many counties\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Go to a voting site on Election Day, Nov. 5, turn in your spoiled ballot there and get a new ballot\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also do this if you’ve accidentally damaged your ballot in some way (coffee spills happen).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11843241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11843241\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/RS45338_019_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident puts on an ‘I Voted!’ sticker after completing their mail-in ballot. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"signature-problem-ballot\">\u003c/a>What if I have problems with my signature?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When you’re done filling out your ballot, you must sign the envelope (\u003cem>not\u003c/em> the ballot itself, as these are meant to stay anonymous.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a few big mistakes people can make with their signatures are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Forgetting to sign their ballot envelope entirely\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Accidentally signing the wrong ballot envelope in their household (i.e., mixing up your ballot with your partner’s or roommate’s ballot) or\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Making a signature that doesn’t match the signature they made when they registered to vote\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Why \u003cem>wouldn’t\u003c/em> your signature match the one on file? If you registered to vote at a young age, maybe your signature has changed over time. Or perhaps you registered to vote at the DMV and provided your signature on a screen with a stylus, which doesn’t quite replicate how you’d make your signature with a pen on paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you registered this way, one simple way to avoid any signature problems is to take a quick glance at the signature that’s on your driver’s license or state ID — because that’s the one you want your ballot signature to match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if you didn’t register at the DMV, that signature on your most recent license or state ID is still very likely the one to emulate. That’s because when you register to vote online, your county elections office electronically requests a copy of the signature the DMV \u003cem>currently\u003c/em> has for you, and this information is regularly updated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To further set your mind at rest, know that California isn’t an “exact match” state and doesn’t demand voters’ signatures 100% replicate the signature that’s on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What if I just don’t know my ‘correct’ signature I’m registered to vote with?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> worried about the signature on your envelope not matching the signature you’re registered to vote with, there are two good solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One: If it’s on or before Oct. 21, you can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">re-register to vote with your current signature\u003c/a> to be sure that the state now has your most recent one on file. If you are re-registering after Oct. 21, you’d need to complete the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg/\">same-day voter registration\u003c/a> process (also known as “conditional voting”) and request your ballot in person at your county elections office or polling location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two: In 2021, Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/\">California Voter Foundation\u003c/a>, told us there’s another solution if you’re worried about your signature: Go vote in person, if you’re able.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the signature only goes on your ballot’s \u003cem>envelope\u003c/em> — and if you’re voting in person, there’s no envelope because that ballot then goes straight into the ballot box without needing that envelope at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if you want that satisfaction of seeing your ballot drop in the box and know that it’s not going to get held up because of some signature issue, you can go and vote in person,” Alexander said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Thanks, KQED: I already mailed my ballot, but now I’m paranoid about my signature. What if I messed it up?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rest assured: There’s a whole system in place to help you correct your mistake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your county’s election office detects a signature mismatch on your ballot, they’ll reach out to you via mail to verify and work with you to correct it so that your ballot can be counted after all. It’s called “curing” a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This system is also applied when it looks like a member of a voter’s family might have signed their ballot instead of the voter. This happens a \u003cem>surprising\u003c/em> amount when one household has several voters who all receive a ballot in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One way to get peace of mind: \u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\">Sign up to track your ballot\u003c/a>, and you’ll find out about any issues with your ballot or your signature quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"date-on-ballot-envelope\">\u003c/a>I think I put the wrong date on my envelope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First off, that date should be the date you signed your envelope — not your date of birth. (We had many questions during the 2020 election about this.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you’re worried you messed up the date, don’t worry. Elections officials said that the date they’re \u003cem>really\u003c/em> looking for is the date that the ballot is postmarked to make sure it was submitted on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials will only truly scrutinize the date you’ve written if they receive your ballot \u003cem>after\u003c/em> Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like maybe you mailed it Monday before Election Day,” John Gardner, assistant registrar of voters for Solano County, told us in 2020. “That’s when we have to start looking at postmarks on the ballot, or date that the voter signed the envelope, to determine if we can count the ballot or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you haven’t mailed your envelope yet, it’s an easy fix: Just clearly cross out the incorrect date on the envelope and write in the correct one above it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if I use assistive technology to complete forms?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Getting physical assistance with filling out your ballot from someone you trust is always fine, whether you’re voting at home or at a voting site. You just need to make sure your signature is your own and matches the one you’re registered to vote with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disabled voters can also choose to use the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">Remote Accessible Vote-by-Mail \u003c/a>system to vote privately and independently at home, using their usual assistive device on their home computer to fill out the ballot on their screen and then print and mail it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every voting location in California is also equipped with an accessible voting unit. Here, voters with blindness or low vision or who have a disability that limits their dexterity will be able to use the assistive device of their choice that allows them to vote privately and independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I make sure my mail-in ballot gets there on time?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remember, one big reason that ballots get disqualified in elections is that voters mail them too late: either too late on Election Day itself (after U.S. Postal Service mailboxes have already been collected) or after Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be counted in this election, your ballot must be postmarked on Election Day, Nov. 5, at the latest. Your ballot has seven days — until Nov. 12. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/pres-prim-march-2024?mc_cid=638980d345&mc_eid=b5c444f6a0\">— \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/pres-prim-march-2024?mc_cid=638980d345&mc_eid=b5c444f6a0\">to reach your county elections office.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in this election, it’s as crucial as ever to make sure you have a plan for voting on time — and if you’re not voting in person, that means making sure you get your ballot into a USPS mailbox or into \u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">a secure voting drop box, at a polling location\u003c/a> or your county elections office, by the time polls close on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re choosing to mail your ballot via USPS, keep in mind that the Postal Service must postmark your ballot envelope by the end of Election Day for your vote to count — and the last collection at many mailboxes is 5 p.m. So, if it’s getting late in the day on Nov. 5, consider using a county drop box instead of a USPS mailbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Read more about how to return your ballot in the Bay Area.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A few other common ballot mistakes to watch out for …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make sure you use a black or blue pen:\u003c/strong> It reads better, and it doesn’t slow workers down when they have to check to see what voter intent was. (Don’t use a felt-tip or a Sharpie that bleeds through the paper and marks other pages on your ballot.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t mail an empty envelope:\u003c/strong> It does happen. Keeping your envelope and your ballot together in your home might be a helpful way of avoiding this problem. And, of course, when you’re ready to mail your ballot, make sure it’s actually inside the envelope before you seal it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don’t bother with a stamp:\u003c/strong> Your ballot envelope is postage-paid. You don’t need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And again, make sure you’re filling out the ballot — and signing the envelope — with \u003cem>your\u003c/em> name on it:\u003c/strong> It’s common to see roommates or family members accidentally mix up their ballot materials on the kitchen counter. So make sure you’re filling out the ballot and signing the envelope that bears your name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11879395\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11879395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/Oakland-by-Beth-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bei Kao holds her ‘I Voted’ sticker after voting in Oakland on Oct. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>And remember, you don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> to vote by mail\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/vote-mail\">every registered voter in California now receives a mail-in ballot by default, \u003c/a>without having to request it as in previous years. But voting by mail is still one option open to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can still absolutely vote in person, either at an early voting location before or on Election Day (Nov. 5) itself. If you live in Alameda, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa Clara or Sonoma, Vote Centers in your county open on Oct. 26 (or earlier in some cases), where you can go in person. Assigned voting locations will open a little later in San Francisco, Contra Costa or Solano for those counties’ voters, although some early voting sites will be available in those counties — for example, at your county elections office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\">See where early voting will open in your county.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"contact\">\u003c/a>Contact your county directly\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.acvote.org/index\">Alameda\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cocovote.us\">Contra Costa\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">Marin\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 415-473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections webpage to \u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\">send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">Napa\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 707-253-4321 or email the elections office at elections@countyofnapa.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org\">San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 415-554-4375 or email sfvote@sfgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">San Mateo\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call toll-free at 866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">Solano\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or 888-933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">Sonoma\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>: Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at 800-750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state also has a full list of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices/\">every county elections office in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bookmark \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/voting-california/election-dates-and-resources\">the state’s full list of deadlines for the California Presidential Primary Election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What do you need to know more about when it comes to voting? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. We can’t respond to everyone who sends a question, but what you submit will make our reporting stronger and help us decide what to cover here on our site and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It was the fall of 2011, and the American housing market was in freefall — California was ground zero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of Californians had already lost their homes to foreclosure, and millions more were underwater on their mortgages, owing more than their homes were worth. Many were facing exploding mortgage payments as adjustable-rate loans skyrocketed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Mission Economic Development Agency (MEDA) in San Francisco, frantic homeowners streamed in daily, asking for help. It was a scene repeating itself at similar nonprofits across California, which was among the hardest-hit states, suffering around one-third of overall foreclosures nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Jacqueline Marcelos was one of two mortgage counselors at MEDA, an asset development organization that she’d first walked into for help herself: She and her husband were the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/ex-real-estate-agent-sentenced-in-sf-mortgage-scheme-targeting-immigrants/\"> victims of mortgage fraud\u003c/a>, one of more than a dozen families that a real estate agent had bilked out of money. As a result, Marcelos had lost her home to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a counselor at MEDA, Marcelos and her colleagues knew that families seeking their help were likely weeks or months away from losing their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have around 26 clients per month. It was a lot,” she said. “The banks never did respond on time. They were always asking you for more documentation. They were continuing doing the foreclosure procedures even though you were under review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then one day, Kamala Harris came in,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trial by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s newly elected attorney general, Harris, took office as policymakers were grappling with the worst economic crisis in decades, and Californians were suffering: In 2009, as the subprime mortgage crisis began to peak, more than 3.5 million California households were delinquent on their mortgages; Florida was the next highest state with 3.1 million families behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harris assumed her role, other state attorneys general were negotiating as a group with the five largest banks over their outsize responsibility for the foreclosure crisis. But California wasn’t initially part of that group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her autobiography, “The Truths We Hold,” Harris recounts instructing her staff on her first day to join those multi-state settlement talks. By the fall, however, she made the risky decision \u003ca href=\"https://documents.latimes.com/harris-letter-housing-investigation/\">to pull out\u003c/a>, convinced that the banks were gunning for a deal that wouldn’t offer homeowners enough money or new protections — and would shield the banks from future probes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision would prove pivotal in shaping Harris’ political career and public image, becoming a frequent reference point in her campaign narratives — including during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">her speech this summer\u003c/a> at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Attorney General of California, I took on the big banks, delivered $20 billion for middle-class families who faced foreclosure, and helped pass a homeowner bill of rights — one of the first of its kind in the nation,” she told the cheering crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The subprime mortgage crisis wasn’t new to Harris: As San Francisco district attorney, her office had taken on several related mortgage fraud cases, including prosecuting the real estate agent who defrauded Marcelos. But now, as top prosecutor of the largest state in the nation, the stakes were significantly higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a presidential election on the horizon, the Obama administration wanted Harris and the other attorneys general to strike a deal, which most of the other states were eager to do. And the banks were breathing down her neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When she walked away and rejected what was put on the table, there was enormous pressure immediately upon her to show the next steps and … there were a lot of people who were leaning on her to change her mind,” said Nathan Barankin, her chief of staff at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/QbycqFzva5Q\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She felt very, very strongly that the reason why she needed to reject what they had put on the table was because there had not been an adequate investigation into exactly what had happened and, more importantly, what the consequences were of the misbehavior by these big banks,” he said. “Her focus at that time, together with the executive team and so many other folks in the attorney general’s office, was to create and execute that investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This led Harris to a conference room at MEDA on Nov. 22, 2011, alongside Marcelos, and surrounded by San Franciscans who had lost their homes or were in the process of losing them. It was one of several meetings she held around the state with distressed homeowners and their advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I wanted to be here today to hear these stories,” she told the group, according to a video of the meeting. “There are a lot of people who are debating and talking about it and thinking about it from a perspective that is intellectual or perhaps political or academic. But the reality is, this issue is about each of you at this table and the experiences that you’ve had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’re talking about folks who have believed in the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos said that at that meeting, the attorney general was “very friendly, very approachable. ” Harris, she said, “understood the pain of all the families that were present and acknowledged [it],” giving them hope for systemic change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A formative settlement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In January 2012, Harris demanded to talk directly to one of the key players in the settlement talks: JP Morgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon. According to her book, the call devolved into a yelling match, with Dimon accusing Harris of “trying to steal from my shareholders,” to which Harris fired back, “Your shareholders? My shareholders are the homeowners of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within two weeks of that call, Harris and the other attorneys general had \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-secures-18-billion-california-commitment\">struck a deal\u003c/a> with the mortgage lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related coverage\" postID=\"news_12000397,news_10966388,news_10346121\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California ultimately secured $20 billion, far exceeding the original offer of $2 to $4 billion, with the bulk aimed at lowering mortgage principals for homeowners. The main goal was to keep people in their homes and reduce the amount they owed so they weren’t paying a mortgage higher than the worth of their home. More than 84,000 families received principal reductions totaling $9.2 billion,\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/sites/all/files/agweb/pdfs/mortgage_settlement/04-report-by-the-numbers.pdf\"> according to a 2013 report\u003c/a> by the state-appointed monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, many Californians still lost their homes after the settlement, noted Ira Rheingold, the executive director of the National Association of Consumer Advocates. According to the same state monitor’s report, another $9.2 billion of the settlement went toward lowering the amount people owed on mortgages, which resulted in short sales. In those cases, the homeowners avoided foreclosure and were able to walk away without debt or bad credit — but they still lost their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this, Rheingold praised Harris’ work, saying the settlement came out of “the failure of the federal government to take appropriate action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she did the best she could under those circumstances for California homeowners,” he said. ”The only place where principal reduction was being offered to consumers was through the AG settlement. It wasn’t nearly enough, but that was the one place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rheingold said Harris’ involvement ensured two other crucial provisions of the settlement. First, it included reforms to lending operations that “set the stage for later rules and regulations around the mortgage servicing industry.” Second, Harris forced the banks to allow California to appoint its own monitor to ensure compliance with the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That monitor was Katie Porter, a consumer protection attorney who is now a Southern California congresswoman. Porter noted that the settlement itself was hundreds of pages long and incredibly complicated. Her role, as Harris laid out when she called to offer Porter the job, was partly to ensure that the people who needed help could actually navigate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t want these to be hollow promises,” Porter said. “She didn’t view her job as the press conference announcing the settlement. She viewed her job as actually getting the banks to stop doing illegal things and start helping the families that got hurt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter said she’s proud of what the settlement meant for tens of thousands of Californians who were able to get out from underwater mortgages. But she agrees it didn’t include something many would have liked to see: criminal accountability for the bank executives and others who took advantage of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that a lot of these mortgage executives made a lot of money and walked away even as families and homeowners struggled,” Porter said. “And for me, what that illustrates is sort of a larger problem about corporate accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, Harris’ mortgage strike team did prosecute dozens of people for fraud and other mortgage-related crimes when she was attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Porter and Marcelos, from MEDA, highlighted Harris’ next move after negotiating the settlement: successfully pushing state lawmakers to approve the Homeowners Bill of Rights, which codified into law many of the settlement’s rules and reforms that would have otherwise expired after a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No settlement is perfect,” said Porter. But, she added, “If you ask yourself, did this settlement force banks to change illegal unlawful practices that they had been committing for a decade? The answer is yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos agreed, noting that while many of those homeowners Harris met with in November 2011 at MEDA had already lost their homes after the Homeowner Bill of Rights passed, she was repeatedly able to invoke the law to banks, preventing her new clients from losing their homes to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Not ‘someone else’s problem’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter said that Harris’ handling of the mortgage crisis illustrates who she is as a politician and leader as she seeks the presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The important thing in this moment for people who are asking themselves, ‘What do we know about Kamala Harris and how is she going to lead and govern?’ is that she wasn’t someone who said, ‘This is someone else’s problem. Let’s let the federal government solve this. Or sooner or later, Congress will get around to this.’ This is somebody who went and tried a different avenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barankin, her former chief of staff, argues there is a throughline in Harris’ public service: Her insistence on doing the research, sitting down with those impacted and basing a resolution on those real-life conversations. He notes her successful cases as attorney general \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-obtains-11-billion-judgment-against-predatory\">prosecuting a for-profit college \u003c/a>that was preying on low income Californians; and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-announces-criminal-charges-against-senior\">going after a website\u003c/a> that was being used to prostitute and traffic young women. One of those young women \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=backpage+DNC+speech&rlz=1C5GCCM_en___US1096&oq=backp&gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUqCAgAEEUYJxg7MggIABBFGCcYOzIOCAEQRRgnGDsYgAQYigUyBggCEEUYQDIGCAMQRRg5Mg0IBBAAGIMBGLEDGIAEMgYIBRBFGDwyBggGEEUYPDIGCAcQRRg80gEIMjU0MGowajeoAgCwAgA&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8#fpstate=ive&vld=cid:3097828a,vid:yV_de6j_JVY,st:0\">spoke on the vice president’s behalf \u003c/a>at the Democratic convention this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not enough for her to just look at a spreadsheet of mortgages,” Barankin said. “She wanted to go to those neighborhoods. She wanted to meet the homeowners who had lost their homes. She wanted to meet their neighbors. She wanted to see the communities that had been impacted by this misconduct by the banks.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "As California’s attorney general, Kamala Harris took a bold stand against major banks, securing a $20 billion settlement for homeowners facing foreclosure, a move that helped solidify her reputation as a formidable political leader.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was the fall of 2011, and the American housing market was in freefall — California was ground zero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of Californians had already lost their homes to foreclosure, and millions more were underwater on their mortgages, owing more than their homes were worth. Many were facing exploding mortgage payments as adjustable-rate loans skyrocketed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Mission Economic Development Agency (MEDA) in San Francisco, frantic homeowners streamed in daily, asking for help. It was a scene repeating itself at similar nonprofits across California, which was among the hardest-hit states, suffering around one-third of overall foreclosures nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Jacqueline Marcelos was one of two mortgage counselors at MEDA, an asset development organization that she’d first walked into for help herself: She and her husband were the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/ex-real-estate-agent-sentenced-in-sf-mortgage-scheme-targeting-immigrants/\"> victims of mortgage fraud\u003c/a>, one of more than a dozen families that a real estate agent had bilked out of money. As a result, Marcelos had lost her home to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a counselor at MEDA, Marcelos and her colleagues knew that families seeking their help were likely weeks or months away from losing their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have around 26 clients per month. It was a lot,” she said. “The banks never did respond on time. They were always asking you for more documentation. They were continuing doing the foreclosure procedures even though you were under review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then one day, Kamala Harris came in,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trial by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s newly elected attorney general, Harris, took office as policymakers were grappling with the worst economic crisis in decades, and Californians were suffering: In 2009, as the subprime mortgage crisis began to peak, more than 3.5 million California households were delinquent on their mortgages; Florida was the next highest state with 3.1 million families behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harris assumed her role, other state attorneys general were negotiating as a group with the five largest banks over their outsize responsibility for the foreclosure crisis. But California wasn’t initially part of that group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her autobiography, “The Truths We Hold,” Harris recounts instructing her staff on her first day to join those multi-state settlement talks. By the fall, however, she made the risky decision \u003ca href=\"https://documents.latimes.com/harris-letter-housing-investigation/\">to pull out\u003c/a>, convinced that the banks were gunning for a deal that wouldn’t offer homeowners enough money or new protections — and would shield the banks from future probes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision would prove pivotal in shaping Harris’ political career and public image, becoming a frequent reference point in her campaign narratives — including during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">her speech this summer\u003c/a> at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Attorney General of California, I took on the big banks, delivered $20 billion for middle-class families who faced foreclosure, and helped pass a homeowner bill of rights — one of the first of its kind in the nation,” she told the cheering crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The subprime mortgage crisis wasn’t new to Harris: As San Francisco district attorney, her office had taken on several related mortgage fraud cases, including prosecuting the real estate agent who defrauded Marcelos. But now, as top prosecutor of the largest state in the nation, the stakes were significantly higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a presidential election on the horizon, the Obama administration wanted Harris and the other attorneys general to strike a deal, which most of the other states were eager to do. And the banks were breathing down her neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When she walked away and rejected what was put on the table, there was enormous pressure immediately upon her to show the next steps and … there were a lot of people who were leaning on her to change her mind,” said Nathan Barankin, her chief of staff at the time.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/QbycqFzva5Q'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/QbycqFzva5Q'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“She felt very, very strongly that the reason why she needed to reject what they had put on the table was because there had not been an adequate investigation into exactly what had happened and, more importantly, what the consequences were of the misbehavior by these big banks,” he said. “Her focus at that time, together with the executive team and so many other folks in the attorney general’s office, was to create and execute that investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This led Harris to a conference room at MEDA on Nov. 22, 2011, alongside Marcelos, and surrounded by San Franciscans who had lost their homes or were in the process of losing them. It was one of several meetings she held around the state with distressed homeowners and their advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I wanted to be here today to hear these stories,” she told the group, according to a video of the meeting. “There are a lot of people who are debating and talking about it and thinking about it from a perspective that is intellectual or perhaps political or academic. But the reality is, this issue is about each of you at this table and the experiences that you’ve had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’re talking about folks who have believed in the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos said that at that meeting, the attorney general was “very friendly, very approachable. ” Harris, she said, “understood the pain of all the families that were present and acknowledged [it],” giving them hope for systemic change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A formative settlement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In January 2012, Harris demanded to talk directly to one of the key players in the settlement talks: JP Morgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon. According to her book, the call devolved into a yelling match, with Dimon accusing Harris of “trying to steal from my shareholders,” to which Harris fired back, “Your shareholders? My shareholders are the homeowners of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within two weeks of that call, Harris and the other attorneys general had \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-secures-18-billion-california-commitment\">struck a deal\u003c/a> with the mortgage lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California ultimately secured $20 billion, far exceeding the original offer of $2 to $4 billion, with the bulk aimed at lowering mortgage principals for homeowners. The main goal was to keep people in their homes and reduce the amount they owed so they weren’t paying a mortgage higher than the worth of their home. More than 84,000 families received principal reductions totaling $9.2 billion,\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/sites/all/files/agweb/pdfs/mortgage_settlement/04-report-by-the-numbers.pdf\"> according to a 2013 report\u003c/a> by the state-appointed monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, many Californians still lost their homes after the settlement, noted Ira Rheingold, the executive director of the National Association of Consumer Advocates. According to the same state monitor’s report, another $9.2 billion of the settlement went toward lowering the amount people owed on mortgages, which resulted in short sales. In those cases, the homeowners avoided foreclosure and were able to walk away without debt or bad credit — but they still lost their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this, Rheingold praised Harris’ work, saying the settlement came out of “the failure of the federal government to take appropriate action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she did the best she could under those circumstances for California homeowners,” he said. ”The only place where principal reduction was being offered to consumers was through the AG settlement. It wasn’t nearly enough, but that was the one place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rheingold said Harris’ involvement ensured two other crucial provisions of the settlement. First, it included reforms to lending operations that “set the stage for later rules and regulations around the mortgage servicing industry.” Second, Harris forced the banks to allow California to appoint its own monitor to ensure compliance with the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That monitor was Katie Porter, a consumer protection attorney who is now a Southern California congresswoman. Porter noted that the settlement itself was hundreds of pages long and incredibly complicated. Her role, as Harris laid out when she called to offer Porter the job, was partly to ensure that the people who needed help could actually navigate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t want these to be hollow promises,” Porter said. “She didn’t view her job as the press conference announcing the settlement. She viewed her job as actually getting the banks to stop doing illegal things and start helping the families that got hurt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter said she’s proud of what the settlement meant for tens of thousands of Californians who were able to get out from underwater mortgages. But she agrees it didn’t include something many would have liked to see: criminal accountability for the bank executives and others who took advantage of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that a lot of these mortgage executives made a lot of money and walked away even as families and homeowners struggled,” Porter said. “And for me, what that illustrates is sort of a larger problem about corporate accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, Harris’ mortgage strike team did prosecute dozens of people for fraud and other mortgage-related crimes when she was attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Porter and Marcelos, from MEDA, highlighted Harris’ next move after negotiating the settlement: successfully pushing state lawmakers to approve the Homeowners Bill of Rights, which codified into law many of the settlement’s rules and reforms that would have otherwise expired after a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No settlement is perfect,” said Porter. But, she added, “If you ask yourself, did this settlement force banks to change illegal unlawful practices that they had been committing for a decade? The answer is yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos agreed, noting that while many of those homeowners Harris met with in November 2011 at MEDA had already lost their homes after the Homeowner Bill of Rights passed, she was repeatedly able to invoke the law to banks, preventing her new clients from losing their homes to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Not ‘someone else’s problem’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter said that Harris’ handling of the mortgage crisis illustrates who she is as a politician and leader as she seeks the presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The important thing in this moment for people who are asking themselves, ‘What do we know about Kamala Harris and how is she going to lead and govern?’ is that she wasn’t someone who said, ‘This is someone else’s problem. Let’s let the federal government solve this. Or sooner or later, Congress will get around to this.’ This is somebody who went and tried a different avenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barankin, her former chief of staff, argues there is a throughline in Harris’ public service: Her insistence on doing the research, sitting down with those impacted and basing a resolution on those real-life conversations. He notes her successful cases as attorney general \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-obtains-11-billion-judgment-against-predatory\">prosecuting a for-profit college \u003c/a>that was preying on low income Californians; and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-announces-criminal-charges-against-senior\">going after a website\u003c/a> that was being used to prostitute and traffic young women. One of those young women \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=backpage+DNC+speech&rlz=1C5GCCM_en___US1096&oq=backp&gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUqCAgAEEUYJxg7MggIABBFGCcYOzIOCAEQRRgnGDsYgAQYigUyBggCEEUYQDIGCAMQRRg5Mg0IBBAAGIMBGLEDGIAEMgYIBRBFGDwyBggGEEUYPDIGCAcQRRg80gEIMjU0MGowajeoAgCwAgA&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8#fpstate=ive&vld=cid:3097828a,vid:yV_de6j_JVY,st:0\">spoke on the vice president’s behalf \u003c/a>at the Democratic convention this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not enough for her to just look at a spreadsheet of mortgages,” Barankin said. “She wanted to go to those neighborhoods. She wanted to meet the homeowners who had lost their homes. She wanted to meet their neighbors. She wanted to see the communities that had been impacted by this misconduct by the banks.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Political Breakdown team continues their series “Balance of Power” covering of the most competitive congressional races in California that could determine control of the House next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Scott and Marisa talk with Guy about Orange County’s purple congressional district 47, currently represented by Democrat Katie Porter. Porter gave up the seat to run for the U.S. Senate and lost in the March primary. Now, Republican Scott Baugh and Democratic state Senator Dave Min are vying to win her seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Political Breakdown team continues their series “Balance of Power” covering of the most competitive congressional races in California that could determine control of the House next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Scott and Marisa talk with Guy about Orange County’s purple congressional district 47, currently represented by Democrat Katie Porter. Porter gave up the seat to run for the U.S. Senate and lost in the March primary. Now, Republican Scott Baugh and Democratic state Senator Dave Min are vying to win her seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For the third time in six years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">California voters will decide\u003c/a> in November whether to grant cities and counties more power to regulate rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-33\">Proposition 33 would repeal a 1995 law that curbs locals’ ability to cap rents\u003c/a>, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\">Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>. The law prohibits cities and counties from imposing rent control on all single-family homes, condos and apartments built after 1995 and ensures landlords can bring rents up to market rate when a new tenant moves in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would do away with those provisions, allowing cities and counties to adopt local rules that control rents on all types of properties and for new tenants. It would also bar the state from passing any new laws limiting local rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844438/californians-reject-rent-control-again-in-defeat-of-proposition-21\">Voters twice rejected similar initiatives\u003c/a> that would have gutted Costa-Hawkins, but rent control has become increasingly popular with advocates and political leaders as they struggle to rein in housing costs. The policy is also gaining traction nationally, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/housing/365063/kamala-harris-housing-rent-control-landlords\">President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris embracing the cause\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling in California tracks this shift in attitudes. A 2018 poll by the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) found \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/many-support-rent-control-but-prop-10-lags/\">52% of likely voters surveyed considered rent control a “good thing.”\u003c/a> However, when it came to actually voting that year on a proposition that would have given cities more power to expand rent control, only \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_10,_Local_Rent_Control_Initiative_(2018)\">about 40% supported it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2024/\">September PPIC poll\u003c/a>, 51% of likely voters said they’d vote yes on Proposition 33, while another September survey, the \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/California-Elections-and-Policy-Poll-Statewide-Poll-Toplines-and-Crosstabs-FINAL.pdf?ref=torched.la\">California Elections & Policy Poll\u003c/a>, found it was nearly tied. In that poll, 37% of respondents said they would vote in favor, 33% against and the rest undecided. Younger voters were more likely to support the initiative, older voters less so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But does rent control work? The short answer is: It’s complicated, and it depends on who you ask. Among economists, rent control is a hugely controversial topic, and the research is mixed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about rent control in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rent control is a form of price control that sets ceilings on rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99646/rent_control._what_does_the_research_tell_us_about_the_effectiveness_of_local_action_1.pdf\">In the U.S., rent control dates back to WWI \u003c/a>in some cities and was expanded during WWII. Early laws put a total freeze on rent hikes. By the ‘50s, most cities abandoned this strict form of rent control, and by the ‘70s, more moderate second-generation rent control policies gained popularity. These laws, sometimes referred to as “rent stabilization,” allow some increases in rents and exempt certain properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the kind of rent control most common in the U.S. today. It’s mostly limited to coastal cities. In much of the country, state laws prohibit cities from passing rent caps.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which California cities already have rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At least 30 out of California’s 482 cities have some form of rent control, including San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, Richmond and others in the Bay Area, according to the tenant advocacy organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tenantstogether.org/resources/list-rent-control-ordinances-city\">Tenants Together\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also has a statewide rent control law, which was passed in 2019. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">Tenant Protection Act\u003c/a> caps annual rent increases at 5% plus inflation, or 10%, whichever is lower. Units built within the last 15 years are exempt, as are most single-family homes and condos, plus duplexes with their owner living in one unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenant Protection Act doesn’t impact local governments’ ability to pass or enforce more restrictive rent caps, but Costa-Hawkins still binds those local laws. Renters’ advocates argue that state law doesn’t go far enough and that cities should be able to decide what type of rent control would best protect tenants locally. That’s one of the big reasons they support repealing Costa-Hawkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The traditional view on rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/4901152_Is_There_a_Consensus_Among_Economists_in_the_1990s\">A 1992 survey\u003c/a> found over 90% of economists agreed the policies are\u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-does-economic-evidence-tell-us-about-the-effects-of-rent-control/\"> inefficient, creating scarcity and driving up rents in non-regulated buildings\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kentclarkcenter.org/surveys/rent-control/\">2012 poll found 81% of economists at prominent American universities opposed it.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119006000635\">Studies have also shown\u003c/a> rent controls can lead to \u003ca href=\"https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/261917\">declines in housing quality\u003c/a> because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119084710096\">studies have shown the policy reduces mobility\u003c/a> — that is, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1051137705000495\">people in rent-controlled apartments tend to stay put longer\u003c/a>. While some argue that’s a good thing because it reduces displacement and contributes to neighborhood stability, others argue it’s a trap that keeps people from moving to take advantage of jobs or educational opportunities. They say that’s bad for individuals and the broader economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, economists have long argued rent control could, in theory, discourage developers from building new rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008458\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008458\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a white rain coat stand in front of several people dressed in green uniforms and holds a sign that says \"Housing Is A Human Right.\"' width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Werkman holds a sign that says, “Housing Is A Human Right” in front of the Santa Clara Superior Court in San Jose on Jan. 27, 2021, during a protest calling for stronger eviction protections in California. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As support for rent stabilization has grown among renters and lawmakers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.9.1.99\">some economists have argued that research and real-world examples are refuting the traditional narrative\u003c/a>, which they say is largely based on economic theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesaction.org/wp-content/uploads/Economist-Sign-on-Letter_-FHFA-RFI-Response-1.pdf\">32 economists penned a letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency\u003c/a> lobbying for the use of rent control across the country as part of a broader campaign advocating for federal renter protections. They argued the naysaying over rent control mirrors economists’ historical opposition to minimum wage laws, which predicted widespread job losses that never actually materialized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As in that debate, they write, “The economics 101 model that predicts rent regulations will have negative effects on the housing sector is being proven wrong by empirical studies that better analyze real-world dynamics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/publications/rent-matters/\">research that finds moderate rent regulations don’t dampen new construction\u003c/a> and highlight the \u003ca href=\"https://matthew-gross.github.io/gross_matthew_JMP.pdf\">societal and\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.anderson.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/document/2024-03/HACAMO_Priced_out__Housing_Affordability_and_Labor_Markets_v2_2%20%281%29.pdf\">economic benefits that come from bolstering neighborhood stability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rent control in the wild\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More recent research into the real-world impacts of rent control describes a nuanced picture as it relates to rental prices, the stock of rental housing, and its impacts on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/aer.20181289\">one study from 2019\u003c/a>, researchers took advantage of a natural experiment by examining the effects of a 1994 ballot measure that expanded rent control to small, multi-family properties in San Francisco that the city’s rent control laws hadn’t previously covered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found tenants in controlled units were 20% more likely to stay in those apartments compared to people who didn’t have access to rent control, and “the vast majority of those incentivized to remain in their rent-controlled apartment would have been displaced from San Francisco had they not been covered.” That was especially true for renters of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding seemed to bolster advocates’ claims that rent control is effective at stemming displacement. But, the research also pointed to evidence that bolstered opponents’ claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found that landlords responded to the policy by converting their properties to condos, selling them or redeveloping. Over time, that led to a 15% drop in rental housing in the city and a shift toward buildings that cater to higher-income residents. As the traditional economists had predicted, it drove up costs for people who weren’t already in rent-controlled apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://prospect.org/infrastructure/housing/2023-05-16-economists-hate-rent-control/\">Rutgers economist Mark Paul, who supports rent control\u003c/a>, argues \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/research/publication/rent-control-and-supply-affordable-housing\">policymakers could prevent this reduction in rental housing stock\u003c/a> by pairing rent caps with other regulations that mitigate such unintended consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, the evidence is quite clear that rent control can be tremendously beneficial,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Extreme vs. moderate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Paul and some other modern economists argue that the trick to rent control is balancing landlords’ needs with those of tenants while taking other steps to address the housing shortage, like building a lot more affordable apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any policy, you can design a helpful version of it, or you can design a potentially harmful version of it,” he said. “We can design smart rent control policies to deliver both affordability and stability for renters while also maintaining a healthy market for people to continue building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"Several people march on the street with two women holding a yellow banner that says "Tenants' Lives Are Under Attack. Repeal the Ellis Act." \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Friends and supporters of Denhi Donis, known as the ‘Flower Lady,’ gather outside of her Bernal Heights home in San Francisco on May 16, 2022, to protest an Ellis Act eviction notice she received. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To stop landlords from shirking maintenance, for instance, Paul said they should be allowed to pass on the costs of improvements to renters. Policymakers can do that by allowing rent increases above the rent control threshold in some cases so property owners can recover their investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos, Paul said lawmakers can put rules in place limiting those conversions. He also argues for policies that hold rents down not just for existing tenants but also for new tenants, a controversial provision referred to as vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Much ado about vacancy control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act allows landlords to reset rents when a new tenant moves in. One of the more controversial aspects of Proposition 33 is a provision in the measure that would do away with that and allow cities to cap rents even for new tenants moving in, aka vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vacancy control makes rent caps far more effective for tenants, but landlords loathe it, said Michael Manville, chair of Urban Planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Places that have long-standing regimes of vacancy control, they do tend to see market declines in the quality of their rental housing,” said Manville, who’s working on a study of rent stabilization in Los Angeles. “It gives the landlords a strong incentive to try and leave the market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s exactly what Gustavo Gonzalez, who owns two small apartment buildings in San Jose, said he would do if Proposition 33 passes and San Jose adopts vacancy controls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to make it real difficult for me to make up the funds to maintain and take care of my building,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manville sees this as the conundrum of rent control: “Strong rent control holds down the rents but creates a real mess. Softer rent control, like California has right now, avoids a lot of those messes but really doesn’t hold the rents down very much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates argue that without vacancy control, tenants are often locked in place since they don’t want to give up their low rent, and that, in turn, encourages property owners to go to great lengths to push them out and raise rents — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945257/california-landlords-can-evict-renters-for-repairs-a-new-bill-could-limit-that\">a problem advocates say is widespread\u003c/a> in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970993/these-new-california-housing-laws-are-going-into-effect-in-2024\">despite laws meant to protect tenants\u003c/a>.[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want people to move in, get discouraged and move out,” said Oakland renter Annmarie Bustamante, who contends that’s what her former landlord did. “We need to switch the incentivization models. We need to create stronger laws and give cities the opportunity to create their own rent control laws so that people will have a stronger voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there are experts, like Manville, who argue that even with vacancy control, regulating rents just isn’t the best way to address the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you have the most elaborate, strong rent control law,” he said, “you really have no control over who’s going to be in that building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who benefits the most from rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As is the case with almost everything to do with rent control, the research is mixed. As one author put it in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1051137724000020?via%3Dihub\"> a recent survey of rent regulation studies from around the world\u003c/a>, “…the overall impact of rent control policy on the welfare of society is not clear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://econpapers.repec.org/article/eeejuecon/v_3a61_3ay_3a2007_3ai_3a1_3ap_3a129-151.htm\">One study found that in Cambridge, Massachusetts, there were more high-income tenants living in rent-controlled apartments\u003c/a> than low-income tenants . \u003ca href=\"https://www.regeringen.se/contentassets/55b8feda4c5f447aad3eb1346ffaae52/edward-l.-glaeser-does-rent-control-reduce-segregation\">Another study looking at rent-controlled properties in New Jersey and California\u003c/a> found tenants tended to be older and single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0094119089900272?via%3Dihub\">A third study of first-generation rent-controlled properties in New York City\u003c/a> found the policy benefited low, middle, and high-income tenants equally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Manville said those who benefit aren’t always the people who most need the help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Paul, a proponent of rent control, said the policy “is not a silver bullet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he argues for \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/opening-door-rent-control\">rent control as one useful tool among the many\u003c/a> we must piece together to tackle a housing crisis as dire as California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that no single solution is going to be enough to fix the huge hole that we find ourselves in here today,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Rent control has long been anathema to economists. Now, some are rethinking it. But the topic remains hugely controversial as Californians prepare to vote on Proposition 33.",
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"title": "Rent Control Is on the Ballot Again. Here’s What to Know | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the third time in six years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">California voters will decide\u003c/a> in November whether to grant cities and counties more power to regulate rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-33\">Proposition 33 would repeal a 1995 law that curbs locals’ ability to cap rents\u003c/a>, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\">Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>. The law prohibits cities and counties from imposing rent control on all single-family homes, condos and apartments built after 1995 and ensures landlords can bring rents up to market rate when a new tenant moves in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would do away with those provisions, allowing cities and counties to adopt local rules that control rents on all types of properties and for new tenants. It would also bar the state from passing any new laws limiting local rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844438/californians-reject-rent-control-again-in-defeat-of-proposition-21\">Voters twice rejected similar initiatives\u003c/a> that would have gutted Costa-Hawkins, but rent control has become increasingly popular with advocates and political leaders as they struggle to rein in housing costs. The policy is also gaining traction nationally, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/housing/365063/kamala-harris-housing-rent-control-landlords\">President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris embracing the cause\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling in California tracks this shift in attitudes. A 2018 poll by the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) found \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/many-support-rent-control-but-prop-10-lags/\">52% of likely voters surveyed considered rent control a “good thing.”\u003c/a> However, when it came to actually voting that year on a proposition that would have given cities more power to expand rent control, only \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_10,_Local_Rent_Control_Initiative_(2018)\">about 40% supported it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2024/\">September PPIC poll\u003c/a>, 51% of likely voters said they’d vote yes on Proposition 33, while another September survey, the \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/California-Elections-and-Policy-Poll-Statewide-Poll-Toplines-and-Crosstabs-FINAL.pdf?ref=torched.la\">California Elections & Policy Poll\u003c/a>, found it was nearly tied. In that poll, 37% of respondents said they would vote in favor, 33% against and the rest undecided. Younger voters were more likely to support the initiative, older voters less so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But does rent control work? The short answer is: It’s complicated, and it depends on who you ask. Among economists, rent control is a hugely controversial topic, and the research is mixed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about rent control in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rent control is a form of price control that sets ceilings on rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99646/rent_control._what_does_the_research_tell_us_about_the_effectiveness_of_local_action_1.pdf\">In the U.S., rent control dates back to WWI \u003c/a>in some cities and was expanded during WWII. Early laws put a total freeze on rent hikes. By the ‘50s, most cities abandoned this strict form of rent control, and by the ‘70s, more moderate second-generation rent control policies gained popularity. These laws, sometimes referred to as “rent stabilization,” allow some increases in rents and exempt certain properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the kind of rent control most common in the U.S. today. It’s mostly limited to coastal cities. In much of the country, state laws prohibit cities from passing rent caps.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which California cities already have rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At least 30 out of California’s 482 cities have some form of rent control, including San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, Richmond and others in the Bay Area, according to the tenant advocacy organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tenantstogether.org/resources/list-rent-control-ordinances-city\">Tenants Together\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also has a statewide rent control law, which was passed in 2019. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">Tenant Protection Act\u003c/a> caps annual rent increases at 5% plus inflation, or 10%, whichever is lower. Units built within the last 15 years are exempt, as are most single-family homes and condos, plus duplexes with their owner living in one unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenant Protection Act doesn’t impact local governments’ ability to pass or enforce more restrictive rent caps, but Costa-Hawkins still binds those local laws. Renters’ advocates argue that state law doesn’t go far enough and that cities should be able to decide what type of rent control would best protect tenants locally. That’s one of the big reasons they support repealing Costa-Hawkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The traditional view on rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/4901152_Is_There_a_Consensus_Among_Economists_in_the_1990s\">A 1992 survey\u003c/a> found over 90% of economists agreed the policies are\u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-does-economic-evidence-tell-us-about-the-effects-of-rent-control/\"> inefficient, creating scarcity and driving up rents in non-regulated buildings\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kentclarkcenter.org/surveys/rent-control/\">2012 poll found 81% of economists at prominent American universities opposed it.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119006000635\">Studies have also shown\u003c/a> rent controls can lead to \u003ca href=\"https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/261917\">declines in housing quality\u003c/a> because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119084710096\">studies have shown the policy reduces mobility\u003c/a> — that is, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1051137705000495\">people in rent-controlled apartments tend to stay put longer\u003c/a>. While some argue that’s a good thing because it reduces displacement and contributes to neighborhood stability, others argue it’s a trap that keeps people from moving to take advantage of jobs or educational opportunities. They say that’s bad for individuals and the broader economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, economists have long argued rent control could, in theory, discourage developers from building new rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008458\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008458\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a white rain coat stand in front of several people dressed in green uniforms and holds a sign that says \"Housing Is A Human Right.\"' width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Werkman holds a sign that says, “Housing Is A Human Right” in front of the Santa Clara Superior Court in San Jose on Jan. 27, 2021, during a protest calling for stronger eviction protections in California. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As support for rent stabilization has grown among renters and lawmakers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.9.1.99\">some economists have argued that research and real-world examples are refuting the traditional narrative\u003c/a>, which they say is largely based on economic theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesaction.org/wp-content/uploads/Economist-Sign-on-Letter_-FHFA-RFI-Response-1.pdf\">32 economists penned a letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency\u003c/a> lobbying for the use of rent control across the country as part of a broader campaign advocating for federal renter protections. They argued the naysaying over rent control mirrors economists’ historical opposition to minimum wage laws, which predicted widespread job losses that never actually materialized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As in that debate, they write, “The economics 101 model that predicts rent regulations will have negative effects on the housing sector is being proven wrong by empirical studies that better analyze real-world dynamics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/publications/rent-matters/\">research that finds moderate rent regulations don’t dampen new construction\u003c/a> and highlight the \u003ca href=\"https://matthew-gross.github.io/gross_matthew_JMP.pdf\">societal and\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.anderson.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/document/2024-03/HACAMO_Priced_out__Housing_Affordability_and_Labor_Markets_v2_2%20%281%29.pdf\">economic benefits that come from bolstering neighborhood stability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rent control in the wild\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More recent research into the real-world impacts of rent control describes a nuanced picture as it relates to rental prices, the stock of rental housing, and its impacts on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/aer.20181289\">one study from 2019\u003c/a>, researchers took advantage of a natural experiment by examining the effects of a 1994 ballot measure that expanded rent control to small, multi-family properties in San Francisco that the city’s rent control laws hadn’t previously covered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found tenants in controlled units were 20% more likely to stay in those apartments compared to people who didn’t have access to rent control, and “the vast majority of those incentivized to remain in their rent-controlled apartment would have been displaced from San Francisco had they not been covered.” That was especially true for renters of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding seemed to bolster advocates’ claims that rent control is effective at stemming displacement. But, the research also pointed to evidence that bolstered opponents’ claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found that landlords responded to the policy by converting their properties to condos, selling them or redeveloping. Over time, that led to a 15% drop in rental housing in the city and a shift toward buildings that cater to higher-income residents. As the traditional economists had predicted, it drove up costs for people who weren’t already in rent-controlled apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://prospect.org/infrastructure/housing/2023-05-16-economists-hate-rent-control/\">Rutgers economist Mark Paul, who supports rent control\u003c/a>, argues \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/research/publication/rent-control-and-supply-affordable-housing\">policymakers could prevent this reduction in rental housing stock\u003c/a> by pairing rent caps with other regulations that mitigate such unintended consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, the evidence is quite clear that rent control can be tremendously beneficial,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Extreme vs. moderate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Paul and some other modern economists argue that the trick to rent control is balancing landlords’ needs with those of tenants while taking other steps to address the housing shortage, like building a lot more affordable apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any policy, you can design a helpful version of it, or you can design a potentially harmful version of it,” he said. “We can design smart rent control policies to deliver both affordability and stability for renters while also maintaining a healthy market for people to continue building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"Several people march on the street with two women holding a yellow banner that says "Tenants' Lives Are Under Attack. Repeal the Ellis Act." \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Friends and supporters of Denhi Donis, known as the ‘Flower Lady,’ gather outside of her Bernal Heights home in San Francisco on May 16, 2022, to protest an Ellis Act eviction notice she received. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To stop landlords from shirking maintenance, for instance, Paul said they should be allowed to pass on the costs of improvements to renters. Policymakers can do that by allowing rent increases above the rent control threshold in some cases so property owners can recover their investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos, Paul said lawmakers can put rules in place limiting those conversions. He also argues for policies that hold rents down not just for existing tenants but also for new tenants, a controversial provision referred to as vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Much ado about vacancy control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act allows landlords to reset rents when a new tenant moves in. One of the more controversial aspects of Proposition 33 is a provision in the measure that would do away with that and allow cities to cap rents even for new tenants moving in, aka vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vacancy control makes rent caps far more effective for tenants, but landlords loathe it, said Michael Manville, chair of Urban Planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Places that have long-standing regimes of vacancy control, they do tend to see market declines in the quality of their rental housing,” said Manville, who’s working on a study of rent stabilization in Los Angeles. “It gives the landlords a strong incentive to try and leave the market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s exactly what Gustavo Gonzalez, who owns two small apartment buildings in San Jose, said he would do if Proposition 33 passes and San Jose adopts vacancy controls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to make it real difficult for me to make up the funds to maintain and take care of my building,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manville sees this as the conundrum of rent control: “Strong rent control holds down the rents but creates a real mess. Softer rent control, like California has right now, avoids a lot of those messes but really doesn’t hold the rents down very much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates argue that without vacancy control, tenants are often locked in place since they don’t want to give up their low rent, and that, in turn, encourages property owners to go to great lengths to push them out and raise rents — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945257/california-landlords-can-evict-renters-for-repairs-a-new-bill-could-limit-that\">a problem advocates say is widespread\u003c/a> in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970993/these-new-california-housing-laws-are-going-into-effect-in-2024\">despite laws meant to protect tenants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want people to move in, get discouraged and move out,” said Oakland renter Annmarie Bustamante, who contends that’s what her former landlord did. “We need to switch the incentivization models. We need to create stronger laws and give cities the opportunity to create their own rent control laws so that people will have a stronger voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there are experts, like Manville, who argue that even with vacancy control, regulating rents just isn’t the best way to address the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you have the most elaborate, strong rent control law,” he said, “you really have no control over who’s going to be in that building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who benefits the most from rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As is the case with almost everything to do with rent control, the research is mixed. As one author put it in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1051137724000020?via%3Dihub\"> a recent survey of rent regulation studies from around the world\u003c/a>, “…the overall impact of rent control policy on the welfare of society is not clear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://econpapers.repec.org/article/eeejuecon/v_3a61_3ay_3a2007_3ai_3a1_3ap_3a129-151.htm\">One study found that in Cambridge, Massachusetts, there were more high-income tenants living in rent-controlled apartments\u003c/a> than low-income tenants . \u003ca href=\"https://www.regeringen.se/contentassets/55b8feda4c5f447aad3eb1346ffaae52/edward-l.-glaeser-does-rent-control-reduce-segregation\">Another study looking at rent-controlled properties in New Jersey and California\u003c/a> found tenants tended to be older and single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0094119089900272?via%3Dihub\">A third study of first-generation rent-controlled properties in New York City\u003c/a> found the policy benefited low, middle, and high-income tenants equally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Manville said those who benefit aren’t always the people who most need the help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Paul, a proponent of rent control, said the policy “is not a silver bullet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he argues for \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/opening-door-rent-control\">rent control as one useful tool among the many\u003c/a> we must piece together to tackle a housing crisis as dire as California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that no single solution is going to be enough to fix the huge hole that we find ourselves in here today,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"perspectives": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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